﻿
<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2026-06-29</date>
    <parliament.no>3</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>0</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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        <p class="HPS-SODJobDate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;" />
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Monday, 29 June 2026</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Sue Lines</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">)</span> took the chair at 10:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If there is no objection, the meetings are authorised.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasurer, Minister Representing the Treasurer</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Censure</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion relating to the censure of the Treasurer and the Minister representing the Treasurer, as circulated.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice of motion standing in my name, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent me moving a motion to provide for the consideration of a matter, namely a motion to give precedence to a motion relating to the censure of the Treasurer and the Minister representing the Treasurer.</para></quote>
<para>This motion is about a serious failure of ministerial accountability. When ministers ask the parliament to pass major legislation, they themselves have an obligation to know it, to explain it and to provide the Senate with the information that the Senate needs to properly scrutinise it. If anyone saw the interview with the Treasurer, Jim Chalmers, on the weekend, he failed on all of those counts. On this legislation, those standards were abandoned. That is why this motion censures the Treasurer and the Minister representing the Treasurer in the Senate.</para>
<para>Just look at the Senate Economics Legislation Committee. They were asked to examine, in but two days, some of what even the Prime Minister has admitted are the most serious and significant tax changes that Australians have seen in years. Australians, you would have thought, were entitled to answers. Instead, what did they get? They got confusion, contradiction and, worse than that, evasion. Treasury officials failed to answer basic questions about how the legislation would operate, how it had been developed and what its consequences would be. Australians are now waking up to what those consequences are.</para>
<para>If ministers ask the parliament to legislate major tax legislation, the least the parliament is entitled to expect is that the minister, and their own department, can actually explain it when questions are asked. Instead, what did Australians get? They got the extraordinary situation where neither the Treasury officials nor the Treasurer himself, Dr Chalmers, could properly explain significant aspects of the legislation. If the Treasurer himself cannot actually explain the significant aspects of his legislation, why should Australians themselves have any confidence in it?</para>
<para>Sadly, that was only the beginning. After the committee had completed its work and witnesses had given evidence, lo and behold, the government actually announced that it has found serious flaws in the legislation and needs to amend it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand this to be a debate about the suspension and whether the Senate should suspend, not the substantive of the motion for which leave has been denied.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am usually absolutely strict about suspension. Senator Cash, I'll just draw you back to why we need to suspend.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, that is exactly why we need to suspend—because the government does not want any scrutiny in relation to the tax bills that were passed. This is a significant motion. It is all about ministerial accountability, something that this government promised to the Australian people prior to both the 2020 to election and the 2025 election—that it would have no issues with. Lo and behold, that is why this censure is needed. It is a serious motion. But then again it's also serious when a treasurer asks the parliament to pass legislation that is seriously flawed, and that is why we seek to censure both the Treasurer and the Minister representing the Treasurer in this place. Why? Because this censure motion concerns, as I said, a serious failure of ministerial accountability. What is ministerial accountability? It's actually fronting the parliament and being able to explain the changes that you are making to the legislation, and that is something that the Treasurer, in that interview on the weekend, was unable to do.</para>
<para>What this government doesn't seem to understand is that this motion is all about the fact that it has failed the Australian people. If ministers ask parliament to legislate what they themselves say are some of the most serious and wide-ranging tax changes that have ever gone through the parliament, I would have thought we'd be entitled to ensure the Treasurer actually knows what he is speaking about. Sadly, the parliament has now been shown that is not true. And that is why this censure motion is so important. Ministerial accountability, as we know, means more than just introducing legislation. It means knowing your legislation. It means explaining your legislation. It means being honest with the parliament about its defects, not just after the parliament has passed the legislation. And on any of those measures the Treasurer has failed. That is why this suspension motion is so important—so that the Senate can properly debate the failures of the Treasurer.</para>
<para>If the Treasurer cannot be honest about the defects in the legislation, then how can the Australian people have any trust in what the Treasurer has to say? This was all about legislating first and fixing the defects later. And the Treasurer himself has admitted that those on the other side have actually legislated a widow's tax. That is exactly right. So, again, this censure motion is important. The Senate should suspend standing orders so we can properly debate the failures of the Treasurer.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The desperate and divided coalition, led by a man who knows not what he believes in, is a group of people who can't agree what they believe in and who are scribbling around desperately for a motion to distract from the fact that they do not know in what they believe. That is what we have, and that is why this suspension motion does not deserve to be supported.</para>
<para>But I would make this observation: actually we do know what those opposite believe in because Senator Hume has told us those opposite do not and cannot abide by the tax cuts for working people that this parliament has passed and that are being implemented, whether it's the fifth tax cut, which means that working Australians will be up to $2,800 a year better off; whether it is the new and permanent income tax cuts through the working Australians tax offset; or the $1,000 instant tax deduction with no receipts needed. We know what they really believe because in yet another one of her memorable breakfast TV appearances—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Duniam</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm reluctant to do this, but I have a point of order on relevance. The motion before the chair is one about whether the Treasurer and his representative should be censured or not, and I'm waiting to hear that.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will remind the minister it is about the suspension. I'll also remind those on my left that Senator Cash was heard in silence, and I expect the same for Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm speaking to the deceitfulness of this motion. It really is deceitful. What they really believe is that Labor's tax cuts—and I quote Senator Hume—are 'egregious'. Tax cuts for working people are 'egregious'. This is what the senator for higher taxes, also known as Senator Hume, is articulating as the deputy leader. That really lays bare how—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Withdraw that!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Wong, please resume your seat. Senator Hume, withdraw your comment.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, I've asked you to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hume</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I remind those on my left that this debate needs to be heard in silence. Senator Cash was just heard in complete silence, and that courtesy and that respect will also go to Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They can't bear the fact that their deputy leader has been very clear about what their motivation is: tax cuts for working people are egregious. Did you ever need more of an indication of what the Liberal Party really think than that—that they believe that tax cuts are egregious. Thirty million Australian workers getting a tax cut is egregious. That tells you everything you need to know about the intent behind this motion and the deceitfulness of those opposite in putting it forward. On that, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Minister Wong regarding closure be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells being rung—</inline></para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, I'm not sure what is going on at the back end of the chamber, but I can hear you clearly and I'm asking you to be quiet.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Excuse me, under what standing order is that?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Those are the standing orders, Senator Hanson-Young. Respect and order.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:15]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>25</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the suspension motion, as moved by Senator Cash, be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:19]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a statement of no more than five minutes.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice of motion standing in the name of the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of standing orders be suspended such that I may make a five-minute statement.</para></quote>
<para>Ministers are accountable to this parliament, and the motion from Senator Cash goes to one of the most fundamental principles of our democracy, yet this government wants to shut down this debate. They are accountable for the laws that they produce. No matter how bad those laws are, they are accountable for them. They are accountable for the information they provide. No matter how mean and tricky they want to be about providing that information, they are accountable for providing it. And they're accountable when they deliberately deny the Senate the opportunity to scrutinise that legislation, and that is exactly what has happened in this chamber in this last fortnight.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, you've moved that so much of business of today be moved such that this motion be put. That is what you need to address. You need to address why you want to suspend the standing orders.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's right.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I haven't heard you mention the word 'suspension' yet. It needs to be around why the suspension is important.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The suspension is extremely important because what it is that Senator Cash was trying to do before she got shut down was one of the most fundamental principles of our democracy, but the government wants to shut down this debate. Ministers are accountable to the parliament. They are accountable to the laws that they introduce, and they are accountable for the information that they provide. They are accountable when they deliberately deny the Senate an opportunity to scrutinise legislation. That is what the suspension is about.</para>
<para>Labor said that this was the biggest tax reform in 25 years, yet they have denied appropriate scrutiny by this chamber. They have treated this chamber as something of inconvenience. There were two hearing days into this inquiry, only two hearing days. It was a sham inquiry. The written report at the end of it was tabled within a week. There were two days for the biggest tax reform—'reform', I might say—the biggest tax increase in 25 years, and yet somehow this chamber was used as an inconvenience to Labor. Labor was running a sham inquiry while Australians held an alternate inquiry just outside the door, their own grassroots inquiry, and what they told us was very clear indeed. What they said was that they were angry. They were angry at this government's attack on aspiration. They were angry at the government making it harder to save, harder to invest, harder to build a business and harder to buy a home. It is a mean and tricky piece of legislation. And Australians said it very carefully and very clearly—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, you have drifted away from the reason you think there needs to be a suspension.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The reason we need to make sure that we can suspend to discuss this is that Labor is holding the Senate in contempt. Why are they doing that? What is it that Labor has to hide here? Treasury couldn't even tell us whether they had read all the submissions to that inquiry.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, it's about the censure.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's why we need to suspend. We need to suspend so that we can discuss this legislation that has been rammed through, holding the government, holding the Senate, in contempt. You have denied the parliament any opportunity to appropriately test the changes that you have made—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, please resume your seat.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>and that is why we need to suspend. It's because—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, please resume your seat. Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The suspension that is being sought is why a statement has to be made. So I'd ask you to ask the senator to be relevant to the question that is before the chair. It's not about legislation. It is not about anything. It's about her saying she has to be heard.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Wong, you will be aware that I have brought the matter of what the senator needs to be debating to her attention a number of times. And, Senator Hume, I'll remind you once again—and I incorrectly said 'censure' before, but it's obviously a suspension. Please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We need to suspend to ensure that Senator Cash has the appropriate opportunity to censure this government for its contempt of the Senate. That shows the complete contempt that this leader of the Senate has, that this government has for its Senate. And let's face it: the Treasurer made it pretty clear yesterday, when he put out there, in his interview, that he has made it 'perfectly clear'—I think I lost count of how many times he said the words 'perfectly clear'. Can I tell you: If you have to keep saying how 'perfectly clear' you have made it, you haven't made it perfectly clear at all. That's why we need to suspend: to allow Senator Cash to make this statement.</para>
<para>An honourable senator: You're making the statement!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I am making the statement, right now, that speaks to the contempt that you, Senator Wong, and your colleagues have held this Senate in. This is the political equivalent of saying, 'Trust me.' Why would anybody trust you? Let's face it: you haven't been trustworthy in the past. You have tried to ram through legislation—have successfully rammed through legislation—without scrutiny, that has increased taxes—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, I will draw you back to the suspension.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>and that's why we need to suspend. We need to suspend to allow appropriate scrutiny and discussion of the lack of scrutiny that this government has forced through the Senate. They lied to you. They lied to you—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, just a moment. I'm going to ask you to withdraw. Thank you. Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would just make the point to the Senate that, actually, what the senator is seeking is the capacity to make her own statement, not any of the things she referenced in that contribution. On that basis, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the motion be now put.</para></quote>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion as moved by Senator Wong be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:32]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>21</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is the motion as moved by Senator Hume be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [10:35]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>22</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>7</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>7</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Department of the Treasury, Home Guarantee Scheme</title>
          <page.no>7</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>7</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This motion concerns two separate and distinct orders for the production of documents. The first OPD, No. 27, sought advice relating to the five per cent deposit scheme. As Minister O'Neil made clear at the time of response in November 2025, the government made public interest immunity claims only over documents which would reveal cabinet deliberations or otherwise prejudice relations between the Commonwealth and the states. These are well-established and not novel grounds. Governments—not just recently but since the advent of Westminster governments with cabinet processes—have made it clear that production of these kinds of documents would impinge upon the freedom of deliberation of the cabinet and would not be in the public interest.</para>
<para>The second OPD, No. 119, was responded to similarly in 2025. All documents in the scope of the order were produced, laying out in black and white precisely what the order sought. It is completely disingenuous and an abuse of one of the Senate's most serious powers, just like the performance that we observed a few minutes ago, to continue to seek compliance on the production of documents in relation to orders which have already been provided, particularly by grouping together two unrelated orders. That demonstrates a couple of things from this opposition.</para>
<para>Firstly, I think there is some confusion in those who have sought this process. Senators clearly are completely confused, while the orders for production of documents are two distinct orders. Maybe that goes to the heart of their reluctance to support the government's approach on housing. They are utterly confused because, if your approach is so relentlessly negative, you sort of forget what you've been saying no to, and these policy propositions and the orders in your mind—not in your mind, Acting Deputy President; in their minds—are only united by their own negativity, and they can't quite see through this to the other side.</para>
<para>This performance, which I understand we're going to see now on a weekly basis, is a lot like the censure motion that we just saw. Censure motions, these kinds of ministerial appearances—I can just tell you that when we were in opposition we were actually effective on these questions. You escalated to this point. You had a serious set of political arguments, you mobilised that over weeks and months, and this was the crescendo of an approach. Instead, what we have here is a kind of haphazard, disorganised, incoherent approach to opposition which is shining through. If all you've got is to say no, if you don't understand what you actually stand for, if you can't bring yourselves to a disciplined approach, then you will continue to pursue these kinds of procedural stunts to zero effect.</para>
<para>The government has complied with both of these orders for the production of documents. It's a symbol, I suppose, of an opposition that doesn't know what it stands for.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the explanation.</para></quote>
<para>In taking note of the minister's explanation, if you could call it that, I make the point that six times this Senate has sought the production of these documents. Sure, I can make an argument that a document has been provided, but if it's redacted in the main, as these documents have been, where almost everything on the sheet of paper is covered up, then it's hardly complying with the order.</para>
<para>That really goes to the point that the Centre for Public Integrity have made—that this is the most secretive government since the Keating government, as measured on its compliance rate on freedom of information but also in relation to orders for production. Yes, there have been a lot of orders for production. That's because this government is so secretive. We have sought to get access to basic information about public programs because that is the job that we have here in the Senate.</para>
<para>Now, I make the point that the government only sought to model its five per cent deposit scheme changes after the election. During the election campaign, their proposal was that they would uncap the five per cent deposit scheme and remove all the means testing. Then, subsequent to those announcements, they asked the Treasury to model the price impacts of this particular policy. They get at least some marks for acknowledging that this could cause a price impact, but, of course, what really matters is what the Treasury said in the detail. The government say that the Treasury showed that there would be a 0.6 per cent increase over six years. What happened was a six per cent increase in just six months for the entry-level house or apartment.</para>
<para>The reason that we have sought that these documents be provided without redaction is that we want to know what exactly the government was told in relation to these documents. In the main, they are redacted. We have no idea what the Treasury said in terms of their supply response. We have no idea about the risks and sensitivities the government was warned about. I'm sure the government was warned that uncapping the places and removing the means testing was going to create price problems, as we have now seen.</para>
<para>The five per cent deposit scheme was initially designed for low-income earners, but this government has removed the means testing and removed the price caps, and that has caused prices to bubble. The callousness of the responses from the Minister for Housing—when she's asked, 'Are house prices too high?' she says, 'No, the government don't think that house prices are too high.' I think that is just a callous response. When you're living in Melbourne or Sydney and you're looking at a house price that's going to be 10 or 15 times your salary, it is clear that prices are too high, and the government have a policy to pump-prime prices at the bottom end.</para>
<para>At the end of the day, all this government has had in the housing space are gimmicks. They brag about the billions of dollars that they're wasting on housing. They brag about their five per cent deposits, which have made things worse, not better. They brag about their silly housing scheme that doesn't build houses. And now they're going to brag about their tax changes, which are going to reduce supply. Who could believe that the government of Australia would have a policy to reduce supply by 35,000 houses by virtue of its tax policy and then add another policy, in their SMSF policy, which further constrains supply? They have no idea how many SMSFs are involved in presales. The Leader of the Government in the Senate said on Thursday she thought it might have been 4,000 a year; the industry report that just eight lenders do more than 4,000 a year.</para>
<para>The reason that we are seeking the production of these documents without redaction is that our job is to get to the bottom of things. That is our job, whether the minister likes it or not. And the fact is that this government was warned by the Treasury that this five per cent deposit scheme change was going to be a stinker. It was going to inflate prices. It was going to make life harder, not easier, for younger people. That is the reason that we want to see the Treasury advice unredacted. It is not a credible response to say to this parliament, 'We have provided to you a document which is completely redacted and nonsensical.' The documents that have been provided in relation to the five per cent deposits are unreadable. That is why, on six occasions, we have asked for these documents to be provided, that is why the Senate has compelled this minister to provide the answer, and we will not stop until those pieces of information are provided, because that is our job. Otherwise, what's the point of wasting all the taxpayer funds to come here? I have no idea. Goodbye.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to take note of Minister Ayres's answer on behalf of the Minister for Housing. Until the Senate agrees that OPD Nos 27 and 119 have been complied with, Minister Ayres is going to have to keep showing up at the start of every sitting week and attempting to explain why.</para>
<para>The minister says we are confused. Well, we are not confused. You have not complied, Minister, with what was sought, and we are clear eyed. In a housing crisis, the Senate deserves information.</para>
<para>We've been here many times before asking for this information. We still don't have it. Senator Bragg's OPD No. 27 asked for two things. It asked for any advice provided by the Treasury to the Minister for Housing since 1 January 2025 in relation to the HAFF for the construction of 100,000 new homes for first home buyers. Second, it asked for any advice provided by the Treasury to the Treasurer and the Minister for Housing since 1 January 2025 in relation to the government's plan to enable first homebuyers to purchase a home with a five per cent deposit. This information was first requested in July last year, and what did the Senate receive? Two emails. That's it. One of these emails was just a list of options for names for the government's commitment to build 100,000 homes. That is not advice.</para>
<para>The Senate has further agreed to nine further motions concerning the minister's failure to comply with the orders, rejecting a public interest immunity claim and requiring the minister to attend the Senate to explain the failure to comply with the order on five separate occasions. This is just not good enough. We are in a very serious housing crisis. I am holding hearings around the country with other senators, looking at the inequity that this housing crisis presents intergenerationally. It is not enough for Labor to make the crisis worse and fail to provide us with the documents we need. It is failing.</para>
<para>Labor is failing to build enough houses. The HAFF has built just 1,432 homes since it was enacted. It's too slow. It's too complicated, and it is not big enough for what we need. No matter how many photo opportunities the minister has with every person who moves into a HAFF home—which we support, and we're happy those people get into a HAFF home—it is nowhere near what we need. Even if the HAFF manages to build 55,000 new houses as a result of the implementation of the HAFF, it'll be too slow, too small, and it won't touch the sides of the housing crisis. We've got 640,000 Australians looking for social and affordable homes out there. The HAFF will meet eight per cent of that need. It is nowhere near what we need in this crisis.</para>
<para>That is not to mention the 31 per cent of Australians who are out there trying to rent—trying to find a rental in a regional town or in any city in our country at present. Rents are up two and a half times faster than wages. People are struggling. We have heard from so many people in our inquiry who are struggling to find a rental, then struggling to pay for groceries when they have to meet the average rent in a city like this of $600 or $700 a week. People cannot meet the rapid increases in rents that are coming about as a result of the failure to act on our housing crisis.</para>
<para>People are being pitched in their thousands into homelessness. There's been a 10 per cent increase in homelessness on Labor's watch. That is a housing crisis that deserves the full attention of this Senate. It deserves the full attention of the minister—bringing us the information we request—and we will insist that the minister comes here until he brings forward the information we seek.</para>
<para>It doesn't have to be like this. We know how to address a housing crisis. We did it in the postwar years, and we've done it historically. Many countries around the world are not facing the same kind of housing crisis we are facing. They are building public houses. They are insisting on rent regulation. They are making sure that homelessness services are wrapped around people so that they don't find an increase in the number of people who are sleeping in our streets, in their cars and couch surfing. There are many, many women pitched out of their homes because of domestic and family violence, and they are finding themselves homeless.</para>
<para>Labor knows how to fix the crisis. It lacks the commitment to do it, and it won't even do the Senate the respect it deserves by bringing forward information to fully inform our consideration of this crisis. Shame on you, Minister. You need to come forward with this information, and, further, your government needs to take a much larger effort to deal with the housing crisis that is affecting millions of Australians and millions of young people. There are many people looking for their first home to purchase in this massive housing crisis. It's time to act. It's time to bring us the information we are seeking.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've been listening to these contributions, and it strikes me that there has been a profound change in the way that information is being sought in this place. I'm all for transparency. I'm part of a government that set up the National Anti-Corruption Commission. We've strengthened the ministerial code of conduct. We've strengthened protections for whistleblowers, but there's more work to do there. We've increased funding for the Australian National Audit Office. We've restored transparency to the ART appointments. We've reinstated standalone privacy and FOI commissioners, and we've implemented the Bell inquiry recommendations. We haven't been standing still on transparency; we've been getting materials out. But, in the end, Australians want us to do a job here to make stuff happen for them, to make stuff happen for the Australian people who are represented by the people who are here in the gallery right now, witnessing the parliament in action.</para>
<para>What we are debating here while there are histrionics going on over there—they are not happy that these questions they've asked, which go to cabinet-in-confidence material so that cabinet can actually discuss what's going on in the country, haven't come back with what they want. Senator Bragg is not happy because he hasn't got what he wants back. But this whole thing of calling for documents is getting completely out of control. Every time an unreasonable request for documents is put to the chamber and put to the Public Service, that's time public servants are spending getting paperwork together to satisfy some sort of egomaniacal requirement for every single document that has ever been written.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Neill, resume your seat. Senator Scarr?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Scarr</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's a personal reflection. Senator O'Neill should withdraw that term in relation to my good friend Senator Bragg.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw. Between 2013 and 2022, which is a pretty reasonable sample, this technical order for production of documents was running at one order per sitting week, right? So one request for documents per week to find out what's going on. Between 2022 and 2025, that increased from one per week to one per day. And in this 48th Parliament it has just become a joke. It has gone up to 4.8 requests for documents per day. And remember that when those questions are asked somebody, who could be doing great work building up the capacity to get houses built, is sitting somewhere in an office complying with what I now consider an extraordinary overuse of this tool of the parliament. They are trying to get documents that in no way, shape or form are going to build the houses that this country needs.</para>
<para>The reality is the practical task that lies before us is being really advanced by this Labor government. We put $47 billion into housing investment. That is 10 times what the coalition put in—10 times the investment they made when they were in office for nine years. We've got a bit problem—yes, we have. The problem is that building houses and getting on with the job is not being assisted by this inane continuation every week of trying to bring in this minister, who you saw standing there earlier, to answer questions about why the documents those opposite have got back have redactions in them. They've got redactions in them because when cabinet looks at stuff, they don't tell the whole world about what is going on. That has always been the case. But those opposite just can't seem to get over it. They need to get over it and they need to get on board with Labor's investment in building housing.</para>
<para>We know that too many Australians, too many ordinary Australians, feel like housing is stacked against them, especially our youngest Australians. That is why we have built the most ambitious housing agenda in generations—and we're building on the plan in this budget with some recent changes—to make sure that Australians have a fair crack at getting a house. Having a roof over your head is a big deal. I have been in this parliament for 16 years. In the days when I was handing out in the seat of Robertson for the current member for Robertson, Dr Gordon Reid, people came up to me and said they'd voted Liberal all their lives but they were voting Labor this time because their kids, and their grandchildren particularly, can't get into housing. That should be our focus, not this inane search for documents that won't reveal anything. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KOVACIC</name>
    <name.id>306168</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why are we here? This motion exists for one simple reason: this government won't show us its homework. Two orders of this Senate for Treasury's advice on first home buyers and for the documents behind the Home Guarantee Scheme have remained unanswered for nearly a year. That's the exact same MO that this government had with the NDIS. If they don't want to tell you something, they will run, hide and obfuscate until time runs out.</para>
<para>This is the hallmark of this government. It's not transparency, it's not integrity, and it's not competence. It's hiding. The hallmark of this government is to keep information away from the Australian Senate and force people into silence. The hallmark of this government are NDAs, where people can't speak about the discussions they have with this government. That is the hallmark of the Albanese Labor government. They don't care about the information that Australians want. All they care about is ensuring that their vested interests are protected—vested interests like the corrupt and criminal conduct of the CFMEU. They are silent about that too, blocking inquiry after inquiry after inquiry.</para>
<para>Senator O'Neill made a comment about histrionics from this side of the chamber, and that's probably the contempt with which the Albanese government sees Australians and other senators in this chamber. Any request for legitimate information is 'histrionics'. Demanding transparency is not histrionics. She made the comment that the request for information on this side of the chamber is out of control. What is actually out of control is the refusal of the Albanese Labor government to actually comply with orders of the Senate. They continue to hide. Why? Why are they doing that? It's because they know that something there will harm them. That is why they won't give us the information.</para>
<para>It's similar to what occurred last week in terms of the Treasury bills. The government cut a deal with the Greens in relation to that, and we have a scenario now where the Treasurer himself has no idea about the detail within elements of that bill. We have a scenario where the Albanese Labor government and their friends, the Greens, worked together last week to pass legislation that taxes widows and widowers. It taxes anyone whose partner has died where they have a shared property together that had tax treatments under negative gearing or CGT. They're going to put something forward to fix that. But just stop for a moment and consider the fact that they passed it anyway. They didn't care that it was wrong. They didn't care that it was going to harm people. They didn't care that it was unfair. They wanted their day in the sun. They wanted to say, 'Look what we did,' so that they could tell their vested interests that they delivered. We should all be appalled by that act from this government and from the Greens.</para>
<para>One of the biggest issues that we have with housing supply in this country is the cost of construction. The cost of construction in this country has gone north as a result of the infiltration of the CFMEU into infrastructure projects. And you may say: 'Well, what difference does that make to a house? They don't build a residential house.' Well, I'll tell you what difference it makes. It means that they lift the cost. It's an artificial increase in the cost of that labour, and then that labour will move to those infrastructure projects, away from residential housing. In order to match that and bring workers over to residential housing, residential housing also has to increase its costs. I was told in estimates that that increase in cost is between 15 and 30 per cent. Last night, on 60 Minutes, we saw information that suggested it was around 25 per cent. That is what the Albanese Labor government is protecting.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What a start to the week we've had. In addition to some of the comments made by Senator Ayres about the antics that we've seen this morning already, we are now seeing an abuse of one of the Senate's most serious powers to continue to seek compliance on the production of documents—documents which have already been provided—particularly by grouping together two unrelated orders.</para>
<para>Senator Kovacic just then talked about what this government cares about and what it doesn't care about. I'll tell you what we do care about: we care about getting young people into affordable housing. That is what we care about on this side of the chamber, and we know that Australians don't want us to be playing politics over getting people into housing. We on this side of the Senate know that housing is one of the defining issues facing Australians today.</para>
<para>The housing pressures facing Australians, however, didn't emerge overnight. There is no single solution, and there is no single quick fix unfortunately. On this side we know this and we, rather than playing politics, have simply been trying to get on with the job of getting people into housing, of building housing, of taking a comprehensive approach to tackling the housing challenge. That is what we have been doing on this side of the chamber—not playing politics but getting on with the job.</para>
<para>Since coming to office, the Albanese Labor government has transformed the role of the Commonwealth in housing from that of a passive observer by introducing the most ambitious national housing agenda that we have seen since the postwar era. We've commenced the largest housing build in Australia's history, with the goal of building 1.2 million homes, including 55,000 new social and affordable homes for Australians who need them most.</para>
<para>But increasing supply is, as we know, only one part of the solution. We are also making homeownership more accessible. Since coming to office, more than 260,000 Australians have purchased their first home through the government's five per cent deposit scheme, allowing eligible buyers to purchase their home with a five per cent deposit without paying lenders mortgage insurance. That's taking action. That's delivering real action on housing for Australians. For many Australians, the five per cent deposit scheme means years off the time required to save for a deposit while saving tens of thousands of dollars in lenders mortgage insurance. We're getting on with the job, not talking about it, not blocking it, not delaying it.</para>
<para>We've also launched Help to Buy, our shared equity scheme, enabling eligible Australians to purchase a home with as little as a two per cent deposit and a smaller mortgage. And, just last week, as we know, the parliament passed our housing tax reform package, and these reforms have three clear objectives—first, to create a balance between the taxation of income earned through work and income gained through capital gains; second, to help more Australians achieve homeownership; and, third, to improve productivity by directing investment towards more productive uses across the economy. We are focused on action, not playing politics. Negative gearing for residential property will, from 2027-28, be limited to newly built homes, encouraging investment where Australia is needing it most: more housing supply. The current 50 per cent capital gains tax discount will also be replaced by an inflation discount, from 1 July 2027, ensuring that tax concessions apply to genuine capital gains rather than inflationary increases. These reforms are expected to help around 75,000 additional first home buyers enter the market over the next decade. That will also help fund further tax relief for working Australians.</para>
<para>Alongside these reforms, we are investing a further $2 billion in enabling infrastructure, accelerating planning approvals, reducing red tape, expanding the skilled construction workforce and extending the ban on foreign investors purchasing existing homes until mid-2029. All of these things are about action. They're not about playing politics. They are about delivering for Australians who need housing. It's a comprehensive housing agenda addressing supply, addressing affordability, addressing homeownership and rental pressures simultaneously.</para>
<para>The contrast we've just seen this morning could not be clearer. Their policy solution to supply is 'let's block and delay'. They opposed the Housing Australia Future Fund and promised to abolish it altogether. They delayed the Help to Buy program, delaying assistance for up to 40,000 Australians looking to get into homeownership. They opposed our build-to-rent reforms and have now proposed scrapping the tax incentives that would support around 80,000 additional rental homes.</para>
<para>That is what action looks like on this side compared to what we see on that side—delay, delay and block.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Acting Deputy President Grogan, and I will, first, congratulate you on your contribution to this debate, before you took the chair. I'd just like to explain about the documents we're seeking. Just to explain to everyone who's watching this debate, the government doesn't have a majority in the Senate—so the coalition, with the crossbench, including the Greens, called for the government to produce information modelling to the Senate. A majority of the Senate, representing a majority of the Australian people, asked the government to produce certain information. That information relates to the modelling the government produced based on which it introduced the first-home-buyer scheme and based on which it asserted that the introduction of that scheme would only increase housing prices by 0.6 per cent over six years. That didn't make sense to the coalition, to the crossbench or to a range of experts in relation to economics and property prices. It didn't make sense that the introduction of this scheme would only have a 0.6 per cent increase impact on home prices, so we asked for the modelling: 'How did you come up with that figure?' In response, the government has produced a few pages where the vast majority of each page is blanked out—'redacted'; that's the term of art.</para>
<para>Why did we want that information? We wanted that information because the government said housing prices would only increase in that segment of the market by 0.6 per cent. But the actual statistics tell us that, in that segment of the market for first home buyers, prices increased by 6.7 per cent in six months, compared to the 0.6 per cent over six years that the government asserted. And now the government's refusing to provide us the modelling. Why? Because no doubt the modelling will demonstrate, if they were to produce it, the weak foundation upon which the government asserted the 0.6 per cent figure over six years.</para>
<para>We have a situation here where a majority of the Australian Senate, representing a majority of the Australian people, is asking for certain information to be produced to assist it to hold the government to account and to discharge its role as a house of review—and the government refuses. That's the situation we have here today. And it isn't the first time. As Senator Bragg said, the Centre for Public Integrity—a nonpartisan organisation that doesn't involve politics, and I'll quote their mandate:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Centre for Public Integrity is an independent research institute dedicated to restoring integrity to the foundations of Australia's democracy.</para></quote>
<para>They issued a report card on the Albanese Labor government. This is what they said about transparency—exactly what we're talking about today. They said the Labor government was 'leaning into a culture of secrecy'. We see that culture of secrecy when we see this information produced to the Senate, which is all redacted and blanked out. We can't see the data which has been blanked out. Why? If you've got nothing to hide, why don't you provide the documents not to us but, through us, to the Australian people? If you've got nothing to hide, why not produce the documents?</para>
<para>The government asserts cabinet-in-confidence. We're not asking for the minutes of the discussions that occurred between the ministers around the cabinet table; we respect that confidence. We're not looking for that discussion. Cabinet ministers need to have the ability to discuss openly and, hopefully, vigorously in relation to proposals that come before cabinet. We're asking for the foundational modelling based upon which the government said, in the public sphere, that house prices would only go up by 0.6 per cent—yet the data tells us they have gone up 6.7 per cent in six months. This is a question of integrity. It's a question of transparency. It's a question of respect for a majority of the Senate, representing all parties across the chamber. The government has shown disrespect for the Senate, and, through that, disrespect to the Australian people.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>12</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>12</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7466" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>12</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026. This is a short bill, and it does one thing: it extends the operation of section 122.4 of the Criminal Code by six months from 29 June 2026 to 29 December 2026.</para>
<para>Section 122.4 gives criminal effect to a range of Commonwealth nondisclosure duties. It makes it an offence for Commonwealth officers and others engaged by Commonwealth entities to disclose information in breach of duties imposed elsewhere under Commonwealth law. Those duties protect sensitive information that Australians rightly expect the government to safeguard, including tax records, health information and other confidential data held in trust. Without this bill, section 122.4 sunsets on 29 June—today. If that occurs before parliament settles the broader reforms, a gap would open up in the criminal law protecting that information.</para>
<para>The coalition will support this bill. We support it because allowing such a gap to emerge, even temporarily, would not be responsible. But this bill is not the reform itself; the substantive reform sits in the companion legislation, the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Repealing Offences) Bill 2026. The coalition does not support that bill in its current form, which is why this extension is necessary. Once this extension passes, the existing law continues to operate for another six months, no offence lapses, no protection disappears and no regulatory gap arises. The current framework remains in force while parliament properly considers the reforms intended to replace it. This bill gets the sequence right. It preserves the existing protections while parliament completes its work on the legislation intended to replace them.</para>
<para>For that reason, the coalition supports the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026. We support the continuity it provides and the opportunity it creates for parliament to properly scrutinise the substantive reforms, and we'll use that time to argue that those reforms must be settled before they are enacted, be tested with stakeholders and return to parliament in a form that is genuinely ready to become the law of the Commonwealth. On this basis, I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHOEBRIDGE</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We're here debating the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026 literally at midnight before the provisions expire, because Labor has again failed to meet the moment on secrecy reviews and on transparency. Labor have again failed to live up to the promise they made in 2022 that they would be at least marginally better than the Morrison government on secrecy and transparency. It's turned out that, actually, the Labor Albanese government is even worse than the Morrison government on both secrecy and transparency.</para>
<para>We're here extending these secrecy provisions by another six months. The Greens won't oppose this, because this allows some cross-party and good-faith discussions about the far more important fundamental secrecy reforms. There are the recommendations from the INSLM, the recommendations from civil society and the recommendations from whistleblower groups; those reforms are essential.</para>
<para>But what did Labor do? Labor decided to bring forward one of the most ill-conceived packages to parliament, with a piece of legislation that went to a Labor-dominated committee. If you read the report from that Labor-dominated committee—the majority report, not the dissenting report from the Greens or from the coalition—it says that bill was fine and it should be passed, even though there's not a single stakeholder who says that.</para>
<para>What did Labor propose to do? Labor has a secrecy fetish. They have an even worse secrecy fetish than Scott Morrison had. Labor had a proposal to get rid of 300 secrecy provisions across multiple different parts of the statute book, and they picked 300 provisions that had never been used. They said, 'Okay, we'll get rid of those and we'll turn them into a general duty to maintain confidentiality.' In return for getting rid of 300 basically dead-letter provisions, Labor said what they now want to introduce is a new, catch-all secrecy provision that would put criminal penalties for breaching government secrecy not just on members of the Public Service but on pretty much anyone who consulted with or engaged with the Public Service.</para>
<para>Not only did they propose a big, new, catch-all secrecy provision—and they said that they were doing it to implement the INSLM's recommendations—but they seem to forget a series of key elements of what the INSLM was proposing. The INSLM said that, yes, hundreds of secrecy offences should be wiped off the statute books and replaced with, instead of criminal penalties, general duties of confidentiality. Then the INSLM said there should be then put in place a broader secrecy offence but that secrecy offence needs to have checks and balances in it. It needs to properly protect journalists, it needs to properly protect whistleblowers, it needs to have a public interest element in it and it needs to have a harm threshold before people go to jail for breaching Labor's big, new, catch-all secrecy offence.</para>
<para>What did Labor do? Labor put in place, or proposed, a big, new, catch-all secrecy offence but completely failed to implement any of those checks and balances that the INSLM recommended. They thought that they could just bluster on through with this piece of legislation. They took it to the committee, and, even when every single stakeholder who engaged with that committee said, 'Yes, we kind of support the idea of getting rid of 300 secrecy offences, but you can't implement this big, new, catch-all like you're doing,' Labor then writes a report that says it's all fine—nothing to see here—that the parliament should just push it through and that there's broad support. Did the Attorney-General not read any of the submissions? Probably, the Attorney didn't. But did nobody in the Attorney-General's department actually read the submissions which said civil society hated this reform?</para>
<para>It's one of these moments where, thankfully, every other political party, that I can tell, in this chamber has said to Labor: 'No, we're not going to support your big, new secrecy offence. We're not just going to waft it on through so that you can put more David McBrides in jail and more Richard Boyles in jail—more whistleblowers in jail—and then extend your ability to put people in jail not just from the Public Service but from, maybe, environmental groups or civil society groups who engage with you too, if you've given them secret information and they share it.' We're not going to do that, so the Attorney-General's cunning plan to create Labor's big, new, catch-all secrecy offence has died. It has run into the inevitable brick wall that comes when you bring a piece of legislation in that has no friends. That legislation and reform has died. So then what happens? Then, unless they urgently now extend the sunset on these other Commonwealth secrecy provisions, there'll be no statutory controls in place.</para>
<para>So here we are in a muddle and a mess completely of Labor's creation because Labor has a fetish for secrecy—to hide what they're doing from the public and to attack anybody who dares blow the whistle on their government, tell the truth about what's going on in the Labor government or disclose what's happening in the defence department or the tax office or Australia Post. Because they are so keen to stifle any kind of dissent or whistleblowing, they've got themselves into yet another muddle, just like they did with their FOI reforms that came into this chamber without a single friend outside of the Labor Party—just like they did with the FOI reforms, thinking that some cunning plan in the Attorney-General's office to hack into transparency or to hack into FOI would somehow magically pass this Senate.</para>
<para>It's about time Labor learnt that the public actually cares about access to government information. It's about time the Labor Party learnt that their promises in 2022 about being transparent are now ringing incredibly hollow with the Australian public. It's about time Labor learnt that, if you want to have actual reform in this space, then maybe the Attorney-General should pick up the phone and talk with at least one person outside of the Labor Party before you bring the next cunning plan into the Senate.</para>
<para>With those brief comments, we indicate we won't be opposing this, because this gives six months for that kind of good faith negotiation to happen, so we can come forward with a plan that doesn't double down on Labor's horrible record of jailing whistleblowers, crunching the public service and threatening them if they dare go and tell the public. It gives six months to learn those lessons, and I hope Labor does.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise in support of the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026. The bill makes a single technical amendment to the Criminal Code Act 1995. It extends the sunsetting date of section 122.4 by six months from 29 June 2026 to 29 December 2026. It does not expand, alter or restrict the existing operation of the provision in any way. It simply maintains the current legal position while parliament considers the government's broader secrecy law reforms.</para>
<para>While I support this bill, as does the coalition, it stands as a telling illustration of a government that is reactive rather than proactive. This is legislation on the run. Labor have not put together their actual secrecy bill. Instead, they drip feed these bills to limp legislation along until they've sorted it out. And this is not the product of a considered and forward-looking approach to the present and future architecture of our secrecy offences regime. Instead, this is Labor's piecemeal approach to national security.</para>
<para>This is now the third occasion on which parliament has been asked to extend the operation of section 122.4 because a broader program of reform remains incomplete. We are again confronted with a temporary measure necessitated by the government's failure to finalise its own legislative agenda in a timely and coherent manner. The government has introduced a separate bill which proposes to repeal and reshape elements of the secrecy framework. That legislation raises serious questions. It is before the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee and is undergoing appropriate scrutiny. The stakeholders have raised concerns that warrant careful and methodical consideration, and the coalition will not approach those reforms with haste or complacency.</para>
<para>But, while that scrutiny proceeds, the parliament cannot ignore the immediate consequences of allowing section 122.4 to lapse on 29 June 2026. The ramifications of that outcome are serious. There would be a clear gap in criminal liability in relation to breaches of a broad range of Commonwealth secrecy obligations. Information entrusted to government could be disclosed without the application of a general offence. Agencies would face uncertainty as to the enforceability of their secrecy frameworks, and the integrity of Commonwealth information-handling would be diminished. This is not an abstract concern. The information at stake includes health records and taxation information. It includes personal data provided by Australians who rightly expect it to be safeguarded. It includes national security and commercial information. These are not trivial matters, and they go to the heart of public trust in the Commonwealth.</para>
<para>This bill performs a necessary function. It preserves the existing provision while parliament undertakes the more complex task of determining the future shape of the secrecy regime. It ensures continuity and stability in the law while that larger debate proceeds. The broader reforms deserve careful scrutiny, and, as we saw last week with this taxing Labor government, when they legislate in haste and without a mandate, Australians are likely to suffer. An example of this is Labor's new widow tax, where a widow would be given a tax bill along with a death certificate under the Albanese Labor government. The coalition, of course, will clean up that mess on our return to government, and we are vigilant in holding this government to account on other legislation, such as this very important piece.</para>
<para>The coalition supports a continuation of this secrecy offence and will vote for its passage because it aligns with a longstanding and principled position. We have always supported strong protections for sensitive Commonwealth information, but we have also insisted that those protections be proportionate, workable and subject to proper parliamentary oversight. This extension reflects that balance. It preserves necessary safeguards while allowing parliament to undertake the methodical scrutiny that significant legal reform demands. There is also an undeniable nexus between secrecy provisions and the broader national security settings of this country.</para>
<para>These laws are not peripheral; they are integral to the framework that enables government to operate securely, intelligence agencies to function effectively and sensitive operations to be conducted without compromise. The coalition has consistently recognised that reality. We are the party of national security. We have demonstrated, over many years, a resolute commitment to maintaining the integrity of Australia's defence capabilities and intelligence architecture. Only the coalition can be trusted to steward these responsibilities with the requisite seriousness. Under the next coalition government, Australia's national security settings, from defence capability through to security intelligence and foreign intelligence, will be coherent, robust and properly integrated. Australians will be safer, because the systems that protect them will be designed with clarity and maintained with vigilance by a government that understands the threats and acts accordingly.</para>
<para>This bill and broader coalition national security policy are at the heart of protecting Australians' way of life. At the next election, only the coalition is the clear choice to deliver that, as we have for decades. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GREEN</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contributions and their indication of support for this bill, the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Sunsetting Provision) Bill 2026. It is vital that parliament has time to consider properly the importance of secrecy reforms proposed in the Secrecy Provisions Amendment (Repealing Offences) Bill 2026, and this bill, that we will hopefully pass in due course, will allow that to occur. So, again, I thank all senators and I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>15</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As no amendments to the bill have been circulated, I shall call the minister to move the third reading unless any senator requires that the bill be considered in Committee of the Whole.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GREEN</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7457" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>15</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to largely to indicate the coalition's support for the measures in this bill. Much of it is relatively perfunctory and a clean-up job.</para>
<para>I did want to begin, though, by saying there's a little bit of a confusion. I'm a bit perplexed at some of the practices as to titling bills in this place. As I said, a lot of what's in this bill is a clean-up job—and later I'll come to some other measures. The title of the bill is: Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026. It's often the case in politics—it's a general rule—that, if a government calls something 'black', it almost certainly is white. It's a pretty strong rule. When politicians and governments go to great lengths to say that they're trusted, they're free and they're democratic, you can pretty much be sure they're actually completely the opposite. I mean, the democratic republic of Korea to this day—that actually describes North Korea; the official name of North Korea is the 'democratic republic of Korea'. It's anything but democratic there in that country.</para>
<para>Likewise, here, we have a government that just passed the biggest tax grab in Australia's history, based on a lie to the Australian people, coming into this place with the affront of saying they're delivering a trusted tax system. Well, trust in our tax system has been demolished by this government, which didn't have the guts to take its tax policies to the Australian people last year. In fact, not only did they not take these policies to the Australian people; they explicitly told the Australian people they would not increase taxes on capital gains, on trusts, on negative gearing and then, within a year, turned around and broke that trust, broke that promise and therefore broke the Australian people's confidence in our tax system.</para>
<para>How can there be trust in our tax system? If you had made an investment early last year based on thinking, 'This'll be the capital gains tax regime; this will be the negative gearing regime; this is the trust structure that my accountants and lawyers have advised that I set up,' and done so on the basis that the government and all the politicians were of the same view that none of these taxes should change, the longstanding arrangements in all of these areas—so you make those investments. For a small business, you might mortgage your own home and put your livelihood at risk to follow a dream. And then, a year later, the government turns around and does exactly what it promised not to do, which completely throws into chaos your life plans, your business plans.</para>
<para>We've seen the reaction of so many small businesses to what's happened here. I've spoken to many of them in the last couple of months. I held four small-business roundtables in the fortnight we had away from this place a couple of weeks ago and just had small business after small business tearing their hair out and wondering why they have hocked themselves to death and put at risk their own livelihood when the government in Canberra just doesn't back them. It doesn't just not back them; it's not even upfront with them. It just constantly tells fibs. Now, on top of that, rather than recognising that and being sorry for that, the government rubs salt into those wounds with titles like this saying that they're delivering an efficient and trusted tax system—an absolute joke. This bill does not do any of that. It's nowhere near as significant as the title might make out.</para>
<para>As I say, there are a number of provisions in this bill that we will and can support. The government is making changes to clean up parts of the tax act. The government added some extra changes here to this bill after it was put in place which do some routine business, such as increasing and indexing the thresholds for the Medicare levy. There are some very small changes, like removing the $2 minimum you must have for a tax deduction. Obviously, with the way electronic transactions work these days and bank fees and all these things, sometimes that minimum is too high, and that's being removed. We support that. That's a sensible change, albeit hardly earth shattering.</para>
<para>This bill does make the reporting mechanism for trusts a little bit more efficient, although—going to my introductory comments—this particular change does nothing to make up for the fact that the government has broken the trust of the Australian people in terms of how we tax trusts. As I said earlier, the government said last year it wouldn't change the taxation arrangements for trusts. Instead, in the budget released a few weeks ago and passed last week through this parliament—rammed through—the government will put a minimum tax on trusts, completely undermining the promise they made last year. But we do support this change, this part of this bill, which reduces some duplication and allows for tax returns to be prefilled with trust beneficiary information, like tax file numbers and the like. And then there are some very, very small technical amendments that just fix up some minor drafting corrections and clarifications in schedule 3. We support all of those things.</para>
<para>Schedule 4 make some changes to the R&D tax credit system. Again, these are things we won't oppose. They're a little bit more significant, but we're happy to support some workable changes here, including restricting R&D tax incentives for tobacco and gambling activities. I think we've got to be careful that this does not become a general rule. The R&D tax system has strengthened that system, I believe. It is broad based, and we don't seek to pick winners here. We offer R&D incentives to all types of businesses in the country, and it is that flexibility that has been the strength of the system. I don't think we here in this place know best how to make a business more efficient or grow or develop. It's best to leave that to the people who actually run businesses and who put their livelihoods and their mortgages on the line. We give them broad authority to innovate, which we want them to do, and claim a tax deduction for that.</para>
<para>In this case, there is going to be a restriction here on tobacco and gambling, I understand. They're certainly activities that we don't seek to promote in the same way we want to promote the development of manufacturing, agriculture or mining et cetera. I would just note that the risk here is that, once we do something like this, different political parties will seek to use this vehicle. I don't want this to be a precedent where we believe that we should seek to restrict the R&D tax incentive just because we don't like a particular industry, because we think this industry is bad and shouldn't be developed. If it's a legal activity, it generally should be able to do this. If it's adding value to our GDP, whether you like it or not, like mining or like agriculture, and if we're happy to tax it into oblivion and make money from those industries, we should allow them to grow and develop in the way they see fit, using a very effective scheme. The R&D tax incentive scheme has been a core part of our tax system now for multiple generations.</para>
<para>Schedule 5, as I mentioned briefly earlier, increases the Medicare levy tax thresholds. This is routine business that's often done here to make sure that those on low incomes are not subject to the Medicare levy. Certainly with inflation in recent years under this government, the inflation rate here has been the highest in the developed world. Let me say that again. We have the highest inflation rate in the developed world here in Australia. That was the case before the Iran war; it wasn't Donald Trump or the Iran war that caused that. The inflation was homegrown in this country thanks to this government's lack of discipline on its budget. Given that inflation, there's obviously a great need to lift these thresholds, otherwise people on very low incomes will be hit with a levy.</para>
<para>So we support that, but we support it while making the broader point that if it's good enough for the thresholds for the Medicare levy to be indexed, why isn't it good enough for the thresholds across the tax system to be indexed? The government is effectively supporting the coalition's policy here, albeit for a very small part of our tax system, which relates to the Medicare levy, a two per cent surcharge. Well, how about the tax rates of 20 per cent or 30 per cent or 45 per cent that relate across the income threshold—much higher rates of tax that now kick in at very low incomes.</para>
<para>The tax-free threshold, for a start, has not changed from $18,200 since the early 2010s. For over 10 years now that's been stuck at $18,200. Again, thanks especially to the inflation unleashed by this government, $18,200 doesn't buy what it used to buy, so that number is a bit low. The government's tax is coming to families and households at what is now in effect a much lower rate, albeit at the same number, $18,200, as it was back in 2011, when this was changed. That's 15 years ago now. It's same number, but it's not really the same number in inflation adjusted terms. So that surely should go up too. Why isn't that going up? Why is the government taking in more tax from low-income people when it's happy to change these thresholds?</para>
<para>That's why we in the Liberal and National parties proposed that actually what we should be doing is have those thresholds increase each year, and have them go up with inflation, so the government doesn't get away with stealing your money silently through inflation. That's what happens. They unleash inflation, they spend more of your money, they waste more of your money—which is clearly happening in this place right now; there's massive waste happening here right now—and that forces up inflation, and that means you're then forced up the tax scale. You don't necessarily have to jump tax brackets. Even just earning more within a tax bracket means you pay more tax thanks to inflation, because of that extra income you're getting. Your wage will go up with inflation, as it largely has.</para>
<para>We just had a minimum wage decision which effectively just kept up with inflation—4.75 per cent increase across most awards. Inflation is actually projected to be five per cent this year, so they're actually going backwards a touch, but it's roughly the same. They're not really getting a 4.75 per cent increase in income because, of course, the price of everything has gone up, plus those people are forced into the higher range within their tax bracket, and they pay more tax. In fact, inflation at a normal level would take $250 a year off you every year. You just get it taken off you thanks to the inflation tax that funds Labor's waste.</para>
<para>Well, we think that's wrong. We think it's unfair. It's inequitable. It's a silent tax that most people don't realise that should be stopped. If the government wants to tax you more, they should have to bring in a law to get that passed. They should have to take it to an election, like they didn't last year, and ask for your consent, not silently take money off you. We support these thresholds going up, but a question has to be asked. If the government supports the Medicare levy income thresholds going up, why aren't they supporting the increase in the income tax free threshold and the 45 per cent tax-free threshold? Why aren't all of these going up with inflation so that we create lower taxes and more incentive and return more money to people at a time of a cost-of-living crisis? So what we will be doing is supporting this policy. We will seek to help people in this situation.</para>
<para>Finally, the last schedule of this bill makes some changes to the pension supplement while people are overseas. We support these too. They're a little bit more significant changes, but they're somewhat sensible. The supplement is meant to be there for pensioners to help them with the cost of living here in Australia. Again, it is something that is desperately needed. We fully support this. However, at the moment it can continue to be paid to pensioners who are living away from Australia. The idea is that this is a supplement for people who are facing the costs in Australia. The current situation is that after six weeks people still get it but get a lower rate. The government here will end that, but they'll now give it to people at the full rate for 12 weeks. So, if they're overseas visiting family or have to go overseas for a funeral or something reasonable, fine—three months. But after three months you won't get the supplement at all, which I think is fair and reasonable. If you're a resident, this is a supplement. It's only a supplement. It's not the pension as a whole. The supplement should be reserved for those people.</para>
<para>I want to finish, though, where I started off. We have to restore trust in government. It'll be the key way we restore confidence in the economy and keep things moving. I'm very worried about where the economy is headed under this government right now, but we've got to restore trust. One way we can restore trust is do as we say. This government last week rammed through some tax laws which are clearly incomplete and ham-fisted. The government put through tax laws which would effectively give a capital gains tax bill to someone who's lost their spouse. If you have a death in your family or your wife or husband dies and you have some investment properties, under this government that triggers a change in assets, and you can potentially face a capital gains tax bill or rather a negative gearing change to your arrangements. That should end. This so-called widow tax should end. I just want to flag that during debate here the coalition, the Liberal and National parties, will move an amendment to that bill to fix that. We will give the government a chance to do what it says it wants to do—get rid of the widow tax. So we'll move an amendment to remove the widow tax to ensure that people facing heartbreak with the loss of a loved one don't also face a tax bill. We will stand up for fairness. We'll stand up for trust in our system on this side. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At first glance, the Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026 contains a number of technical amendments across Australia's taxation laws, but collectively these reforms tell a much bigger story. They're about ensuring Australia's tax system keeps pace with the modern economy. They're about making our laws simpler, more efficient and more responsive to changing technology. They're about reducing unnecessary compliance while strengthening public confidence that taxpayer support is directed where it delivers the greatest benefit. And they are about this government's broader agenda to build a stronger, more productive economy after a decade in which productivity growth stalled and too many reforms were simply put in the too-hard basket. It is about reforming the small frictions that accumulate over time and about making government systems work better. They are not isolated changes. They are part of a systematic effort to lift productivity across the economy. One of the clear lessons from the past decade is that complexity has a real cost. It slows decision-making, it increases compliance burdens and it diverts time and resources away from productive activity.</para>
<para>This bill contains four separate measures that improve the operation of Australia's taxation and regulatory framework. While each schedule addresses a different issue, together they modernise aspects of the tax system that have not kept pace with changes in technology, simplify administrative processes, reduce unnecessary compliance and ensure that public support is directed towards activities that deliver the greatest economic and social benefit.</para>
<para>These are practical reforms, but they are also part of a broader agenda to improve Australia's productivity and strengthen confidence in our taxation system. One of the consistent findings of the Productivity Commission, and of other economic reviews over time, is that productivity is affected not only by major structural reforms but also by the cumulative impact of unnecessary regulation, outdated administrative processes and legislation that no longer reflects the way Australians live and do business. Small inefficiencies can impose significant costs when they're repeated across millions of taxpayers, businesses, charities and advisers across the economy. Requirements that duplicate information, rely on outdated reporting systems or fail to take advantage of technological advances increase compliance costs without improving regulatory outcomes.</para>
<para>Improving productivity, therefore, requires governments to continually review existing legislation, modernise administrative systems and remove barriers that no longer serve a useful purpose. It complements the government's broader regulatory reform agenda, including more than 60 regulatory reform measures, reductions in unnecessary tariffs, improvements to financial sector reporting and continued investment in modernising government services.</para>
<para>I turn now to schedule 1. In 2022-23, around 4.4 million Australians claimed tax deductions totalling $2,260 million for gifts or donations to deductible gift recipients. That level of generosity is significant, but the government has set an ambitious goal: to double philanthropic giving by 2030. To achieve that, we need to make it easier for Australians to give in ways that reflect how people live and transact today. The first schedule contributes to that goal by removing the longstanding requirement that a tax deductible gift must have a value of at least $2 before a taxpayer can claim a deduction.</para>
<para>Under Australia's income tax laws, donations to deductible gift recipients are generally tax deductible, provided that they meet certain criteria—including, until now, that the gift be worth at least $2. That threshold has been in place for almost a century. It was introduced in 1927, when charitable donations were processed manually, receipts were handwritten and record keeping imposed a far greater administrative burden than it does today. When Australia adopted decimal currency in 1966, the existing threshold of one pound was simply converted to $2, where it has remained ever since.</para>
<para>The way Australians support charities has changed considerably over that time, along with many other things. Increasingly, donations are made through digital platforms, mobile applications and electronic payment systems. Many Australians now choose to round up purchases at the supermarket checkout, or contribute small amounts through online transactions. These forms of microgiving have become commonplace, but the law has not kept pace with that. Removing the $2 threshold updates the tax system to reflect how Australians give today and removes an outdated restriction on charitable giving.</para>
<para>Importantly, this measure implements recommendation 4.1 of the Productivity Commission's <inline font-style="italic">Future foundations for giving</inline> report, which concluded that the threshold no longer serves its original purpose and should be abolished. The commission recognised that advances in technology have significantly reduced compliance costs associated with issuing receipts and administering small donations and that removing the threshold would better support modern forms of philanthropy, including recurring digital donations and 'round up' fundraising initiatives.</para>
<para>This reform also builds on the government's broader work to strengthen Australia's charitable sector, including streamlining the DGR system; establishing a new 'community charity' category; expanding the ACNC Advisory Board; and lifting distributions from giving funds, to give more support to charities sooner. The government greatly appreciates the important work and contributions made by charities and not-for-profit organisations across the country and will continue to support the sector by making it easier for Australians to give. This reform builds on that foundation by supporting the government's goal of doubling philanthropic giving by 2030, including making it easier to recognise small, everyday acts of generosity. Just as this change updates the system to reflect how Australians give today, the next schedule focuses on ensuring our tax administration systems keep pace with how Australians earn and report income.</para>
<para>Schedule 2 focuses on improving the administration of Australia's tax system by simplifying reporting obligations by closely held trusts. Under the current arrangements, trustees are required to separately report the tax file numbers of beneficiaries to the Commissioner of Taxation. This duplicates information that is closely connected to the trust's annual tax return and creates an additional administrative process for trustees and their advisers. This bill removes that duplication by requiring beneficiary tax file numbers to be reported through the trust tax return itself. This change also forms part of the government's broader Modernisation of Tax Administration Systems program. Historically, trust income reporting has lagged behind individual and company tax systems with limited prefiling and more manual processing. By integrating this information into the tax return itself, we are moving towards a more automated system—one that reduces duplication, shortens processing times and improves the accuracy of assessments. It is a practical step but one that will deliver real benefits at scale across the system.</para>
<para>Although this is a relatively modest administrative change, it forms part of the government's broader program to modernise tax administration systems. Improved reporting will expand the Australian Taxation Office's prefiling capabilities, improve data quality, reduce manual processing and lower compliance costs for trustees, beneficiaries and tax practitioners. It will also assist the commissioner in ensuring that the correct amount of tax is assessed while making compliance simpler for taxpayers who are already meeting their obligations. Modern tax administration should reduce unnecessary paperwork, make greater use of digital technology and allow taxpayers to meet their obligations as efficiently as possible. These reforms contribute to that objective.</para>
<para>Schedule 3 makes a series of minor and technical amendments across Treasury portfolio legislation. These amendments do not introduce new policy. Rather, they ensure existing legislation continues to operate as parliament intended by correcting drafting issues, addressing unintended outcomes and improving the operation of existing laws. Good legislation requires ongoing maintenance. As financial markets evolve and legislation interacts with other acts over time, technical amendments become necessary to ensure the law remains clear, consistent and fit for purpose.</para>
<para>Among other changes, the bill enables a public trustee acting on behalf of a client with a self-managed superannuation fund to approve the appointment of a trustee or director where appropriate. The schedule also makes several technical amendments across Treasury legislation that improve its operation without altering underlying policy settings. These are sensible housekeeping measures that contribute to a more effective legislative framework.</para>
<para>Finally, schedule 4 amends the research and development tax incentive to exclude activities related to tobacco and gambling from eligibility. This exclusion will apply broadly across all forms of gambling, whether digital or in person, and across all tobacco related products. This is a clear and deliberate policy choice. The research and development tax incentive represents a significant investment of public funds designed to support innovation that lifts productivity, strengthens competitiveness and delivers long-term economic benefit. It is therefore appropriate that this support be directed towards activities that generate positive public value. Tobacco and gambling are associated with well-established health and social harms. This bill ensures that taxpayer support is not used to subsidise research that expands or enhances those activities. Tobacco use remains one of the leading causes of preventable illness and death, placing significant pressure on individuals, families and the health system at large. Gambling harm, if too widespread, is deeply damaging, contributing to financial stress, relationship breakdown and serious mental health impacts. These are not emerging or uncertain risks; they are well-established harms felt in communities across the country. This bill ensures that taxpayer support is not used to subsidise research that expands or enhances those activities.</para>
<para>More broadly, this reform reflects a principle that runs throughout this bill—that public investment should be targeted, sustainable and align with long-term outcomes for the Australian community. Importantly, the bill preserves support for research-undertaking solely for harm minimisation purposes, including efforts to reduce smoking and gambling harm. That strikes the right balance—supporting innovation where it improves outcomes while ensuring public funding is not directed towards activities that undermine them. In doing so, this measure ensures that the research and development tax incentive continues to support innovation that contributes to a stronger, healthier and more productive economy.</para>
<para>Taken together, the measures in this bill improve the efficiency of Australia's taxation system, reduce unnecessary compliance, modernise legislation to reflect technological change and ensure public resources are directed towards activities that strengthen the economy and benefit the community. That is how you build confidence in the tax system, improve productivity and make governments work better for the people that serve them.</para>
<para>These reforms, as I mentioned, also sit alongside the government's broader tax agenda—an agenda that has delivered tax cuts for every Australian taxpayer in our first term, this year and next. That includes introducing a $1,000 instant tax deduction to simplify the system and provide cost-of-living relief to around 5.7 million Australians. It includes strengthening multinational tax integrity through measures like public country-by-country reporting and the introduction of a global and domestic minimum tax; reforming the petroleum resource rent tax to ensure Australians receive a fair return from our natural resources; and better targeting tax concessions, including in superannuation, to ensure they remain sustainable over the long-term.</para>
<para>Good tax policy is not just about raising revenue; it is about building a system that is fair, efficient and trusted—a system that reflects today's economy and supports the one we are building for the future as well. This bill is a practical step in that direction, and I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to contribute to the debate on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026. While there are many schedules in this bill, and I won't speak to all of them—I have colleagues like Senator Allman-Payne who have moved some amendments in relation to other schedules—I'm particularly interested in the impact this bill will have on the gambling industry, specifically under schedule 4.</para>
<para>I will move amendments to this bill, because, as it is currently written, tax incentives will still be allowed for activities relating to harm minimisation for gambling and tobacco. Let me be plain about what that means; it means that taxpayers' money, public funds, will be able to be accessed by the gambling industry under the R&D system, if they can dress it up as part of harm minimisation—really? I'll tell you what would be the best thing to reduce harm in the gambling industry—to stop them being able to advertise and push this dangerous product down the throats of young people and those with gambling addiction. That's what you do to minimise harm; you get rid of the advertising. You do what the experts have said. You don't turn around and say, 'Oh, here, gambling industry, here's some taxpayer funded money so you can look like you're reducing harm.' People will be shocked that this is in here. That's why I will move these amendments, to ensure that the gambling industry and the tobacco industry cannot access these R&D provisions under the bill.</para>
<para>Let's be clear, both the gambling industry and the tobacco industry profit from harm. That's the whole point of them. Their products are harmful and they make money off that. Why on earth would we be allowing them to continue to dress up their activities under harm minimisation and get incentives from the taxpayer? Harm minimisation research should be funded by the bloody industries, not by the taxpayer. That's why I argue, strongly, that the government here should accept this amendment. Otherwise, it exposes your total response to the gambling industry and the tobacco industry if you continue to allow it to be in there. Are you serious about tackling the harms of gambling or not?</para>
<para>While I was preparing for the debate on this bill today, I thought I'd have a look at some of the other amendments to this piece of legislation that have been circulated in the chamber today. What did I find? I found an amendment that has been circulated by the One Nation party that goes in the opposite direction. They want this parliament and this chamber to open the floodgates to the gambling and tobacco industries. They want them to access public money and support incentives for R&D projects for gambling and tobacco. That's One Nation. One Nation are in here today—quietly, sneakily—doing the bidding, the dirty work, of the gambling and the tobacco industries. I tell you what, Paul Hogan was right. Pauline Hanson is a pelican! Except that might be a bit offensive to Mr Percival.</para>
<para>One Nation come in here and purport to care about everyday people in this country, to care about what's going on in Australian households and in families. Well, we have heard over and over and over again of the harm and suffering that happens within Australian families and households because of the gambling industry. We know our health system continues to be placed under pressure due to the harm that the tobacco industry has on regular Australians, young and old.</para>
<para>One Nation don't care about the wellbeing, the safety, of Australians. They are in here today doing the bidding of the gambling industry and the tobacco industry, and they think taxpayers should fund it. On the one hand, One Nation carry on about how they want government out of people's lives but, on the other hand, they want you, as the taxpayer, to fund research and development for the gambling and tobacco industries. Who really calls the shots? It's not Australian families; it's the dodgy gambling and tobacco companies, it's Gina Rinehart, it's the billionaires. Is there anyone who can't buy their way into One Nation? If they've got enough money, if they've got enough dodginess to go about it, it seems Pauline Hanson and One Nation are prepared to do the dirty bidding of anyone if they're willing to pay.</para>
<para>Anyway, that amendment should go down in a screaming heap. This chamber should vote it down unequivocally and send One Nation packing. One Nation should also be forced to explain to the Australian people why they come in here and use their time in the chamber doing the bidding of the gambling industry and big tobacco. Why do they genuinely believe that the Australian taxpayer should be funding the research and development of these industries that harm Australian families, that cause chaos in our health system, that strip money out of the pockets of households struggling under the cost-of-living pressures? It says everything that One Nation is more interested in spending taxpayer money on helping the gambling industry and big tobacco than it is in helping families.</para>
<para>Let's remember Senator Pauline Hanson stood at the Press Club two weeks ago and said that Australians shouldn't be getting publicly funded child care. Child care is not good, according to Pauline Hanson—and Australians don't deserve paid parental leave either, but the tobacco industry and the gambling industry should be able to have a free for all on our taxpayer funds. Talk about absolute hypocrisy! We know who calls the shots for Pauline Hanson's One Nation party—or Pauline Hanson's 'Hate Nation' party as it tends to be. It's the tobacco industry. It's the gambling industry. It's the billionaires.</para>
<para>Oh, and she also wants to hand over parts of the Australian countryside to Elon Musk. She wants to flog Australia off to Elon Musk. The list goes on and on. But, on this particular amendment, we should throw it out, throw it in the bin, and force this party to be honest about who's really running its agenda. They're not doing it for Australian families. They certainly are not.</para>
<para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Australians lost $31.5 billion to gambling in 2022-23, the highest per capita losses globally,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) smoking kills more than 24,000 Australians every year, or more than 66 Australians every day, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the gambling and tobacco industries have never worked in the interest of Australians' wellbeing and have no genuine interest in harm minimisation given their business models are profiting off putting vulnerable Australians in harm's way; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) completely exclude the gambling and tobacco industries entirely from the research and development tax incentive, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) listen to community calls and protect vulnerable Australians from gambling harms by implementing all recommendations from the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs report 'You win some, you lose more'(known as the Murphy report), which was tabled three years ago".</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, I will just point out that, whilst I do not believe you are in breach of 193(3), I think comparing other senators to animals is likely to get us all into trouble.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>To clarify that point, it was Paul Hogan who compared Pauline Hanson to a pelican.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It doesn't matter who did it, Senator Hanson-Young. The fact is you said it in the chamber. I'm not asking you to withdraw it. However, in the future I think senators should avoid comparing other senators to animals. I do not think that is parliamentary.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Canavan is right: the Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026 and the process that led to it coming into this place are nothing like the title of this bill. It was not efficient, nor should it be trusted. The name of the bill is deceptive, to say the least.</para>
<para>The coalition, however, will not stand in the way of this bill's passage. It is part of the Albanese Labor government's so-called tax reform package but is truly yet another toxic tax on hardworking Australians. No fewer than 50 times did the Prime Minister say that he would not do this, yet he did exactly what he said he would not do. The Prime Minister didn't just change his mind. All of us have been hoodwinked. What we have here is more rushed legislation that follows a sham legislative review process—only two days of review—for major changes to our tax system. We heard from ACOSS, the Australian Council of Social Services, and the unions on tax reform.</para>
<para>On full display is contempt for the process of this parliament and, worse, contempt for people who will be affected—that is, most Australian taxpayers, hardworking Australian taxpayers. Australian taxpayers will be impacted most because they work hard for every dollar. These are the Australians that choose to forgo spending their money at the cinema, on a car or on something else. Instead, they invest it, with the hope of financial return for the decisions that they've made.</para>
<para>There are many words that could describe what this government has done in promising the Australian people it would not do what it has just done. Australians know a broken promise when they see and hear it, but it will take time for the true consequences of this so-called tax reform to become clear. In my home state of South Australia, we've watched the cost-of-living pressures bite harder than almost anywhere else in the country. The reality is that our state has a different demographic and it will mean the impact will be felt strongly in our state.</para>
<para>Make no mistake: this bill is bad, but the coalition is not saying no to everything in it. The coalition does not oppose excluding tobacco and gambling activities from the R&D tax incentive. That incentive has traditionally been broad based and industry neutral. If you are undertaking eligible R&D activity, you qualify—regardless of whether your business happens to be favoured by the government or not. That neutrality matters for business confidence. And it is bad news when a government starts picking winners and losers. We support this schedule, but we want to be clear: we do not want our tax system to become full of political decisions about who should be winners and losers.</para>
<para>What the government won't admit with this change is that it has lost complete control over the illicit tobacco industry nationwide. And there are no tobacco companies in Australia currently receiving the R&D tax incentive. So this exclusion does nothing to address the actual problem; it is simply there to paper over this government's own abject failure. This is one of the biggest public policy failures in Australian history. In the 2022 budget, the projected tobacco excise for 2025-26 was $13.3 billion. By the 2025-26 MYEFO estimate, collections had fallen to $7.3 billion—a reduction of $6 billion in that single year alone. It has gone down even further since the budget, not so long ago. More Australians are smoking, not fewer, because illicit tobacco has made cigarettes far cheaper than they have been in recent history. That is now showing up clearly in wastewater data right around the country, including in my home state of South Australia. The result is: a government that has lost billions in tax revenue—revenue that could have funded genuine cost-of-living support without needing to legislate yet more taxes on hardworking Australians—instead, having run out of money through its own mismanagement, has come after yours. While we lose billions in revenue under Labor, those in organised crime are just having a ball; they're having a great time in the black market—making heaps of money!</para>
<para>An essential change within this bill is the increase, also, in the Medicare levy low-income threshold, so the levy keeps pace with inflation. The coalition, of course, supports this. Without it, people would effectively be hit by bracket creep on the Medicare levy surcharge. We know how much Labor likes the sneaky tax grab called bracket creep. But here is what's revealing about this government's priorities. This change is itself an admission of the damage that bracket creep does to ordinary Australians. If the government understands that bracket creep on the Medicare levy needs fixing, why does it reject the coalition's Tax Back Guarantee, which would address bracket creep permanently across all income tax thresholds? Just ask yourself that question: why would it push back on that? You cannot claim to understand the unfairness of bracket creep in one schedule of a bill while refusing to fix the same unfairness everywhere else—unless your government has simply become reliant on that quiet, sneaky, creeping tax to fund its own mismanagement.</para>
<para>The coalition's Tax Back Guarantee will ensure Australians are not taxed more simply because of inflation. From 2028-29, the coalition will index the bottom two income tax thresholds to inflation, fully protecting 85 per cent of income earners, with relief of around $250 in year 1, growing to more than $1,000 a year by year 4 for a typical worker on $70,000. From 2031 to 2032, we will index the top two thresholds as well. This is generational, bold reform. It is fair, simple and honest. This is not the fake reform dished up by Labor under this dirty bill. It respects taxpayers' money rather than secretly stealing it by stealth through an inflation tax every year, and it will back Australians, including the small-business owners across Australian suburbs and regions who work hard, take risks and invest in their own future.</para>
<para>As Deputy Chair of the Economics Legislation Committee, I did not have to imagine the damage these broader budget tax changes are causing. I heard it directly in hearing after hearing—submission after submission—from the very businesses, investors and industry bodies this government claims to be governing for. The Property Council of Australia said, 'The combined effect of these measures is to increase uncertainty for the businesses and investors that develop, own and invest in Australia's built and city-shaping assets.' They warned:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At a time when governments should be focused on improving productivity, lowering delivery costs and removing barriers to investment, the Budget instead places new tax burdens on capital formation, enterprise and aspiration.</para></quote>
<para>And they couldn't tell us how productivity—the one thing we need to improve in this country—relates to these reforms. That's because these are sham reforms. They will have no impact on productivity, and we heard that over and over again from experts in the sector.</para>
<para>Master Builders Australia, together with the Property Council of Australia and the Real Estate Institute of Australia, commissioned an independent piece of modelling on the overall impact of this budget. They found that the overall effect of the federal budget will see new home construction go backwards and rents rise higher than anticipated. You'd think they'd know about it. They're the people that build the houses, rent the properties and sell them. I think they have more of an idea of what impact this is going to have than the people sitting on the other side of this chamber.</para>
<para>Over the next four years, this budget will cause new housing supply to fall by more than 8,700 dwellings, rents to increase by up to $9 a week, GDP to reduce by $864 million and construction jobs to fall by more than 3,800. We heard it over and over again. They'd done their homework, unlike those on the other side. If you'd have heard the Treasurer's interview on the weekend—he couldn't even answer basic questions about his own budget and the bill. We see the Greens over there, who talk really big about grandfathering—the thing that protects the Prime Minister's own assets and his own investment plan—and now we don't hear it at all. Instead, they came up with self-managed super funds—'Let's go after them instead; let's restrict them' just to get the dirty little deal they got with the Labor Party. That dirty deal will have an impact on a significant number of Australians, changing the investment plans and the planning of Australians. On this side, we know that uncertainty is a killer of investment. Uncertainty is a killer of aspiration. That's the blueprint of the Australian Labor Party. This is friendless when it comes to issues of productivity, when it comes to issues of aspiration and when it comes to opportunity, including for young people.</para>
<para>The Housing Industry Association warns the committee that progressing such significant change so rapidly risks unintended consequences. Who'd have thought! Here we have the Treasurer, who's thinking about further changes because of this shoddy bill that he brought into this place, and a committee process that wasn't given the opportunity to explore these issues as it should, where the submissions that were made by people to that hearing weren't even uploaded by the time this bill was brought into this place. That's the disrespect the Labor Party has not just for this place but for the Australian people—hardworking Australians. As for the Greens, down the end, they couldn't care less. They're just happy to get a dodgy, dirty deal.</para>
<para>The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry told us they were alarmed by the government's approach because there was improper consultation with affected stakeholders and there wasn't a clear understanding of the consequences. Well, spoiler alert—even the Treasurer himself doesn't know about the unintended consequences. He's still working it out, still considering it. The Business Council of Australia put it most bluntly of all: the consequence of this bill, including the impacts on investment, have not been properly assessed by the sector, it's been needlessly rushed, and that's reckless.</para>
<para>The Business Council reminded us that the only sure way to reduce the price of housing is to increase the supply of new dwellings and reduce the cost of constructing them. Just about everything in this budget does the opposite. I sat in those hearings listening to industry body after industry body deliver the same message, with slightly different words: this process has been rushed, there was poor consultation, and the consequences of those actions belong to the Labor Party and will be passed on to ordinary, hardworking Australians who want to invest in their futures and who want to invest the dollars they worked hard to earn to make more, if they've been lucky enough to do so. South Australians looking to build a first home, to find an affordable rental or to see new housing supply finally catch up with demand in our state will feel the effects of this recklessness for years to come.</para>
<para>This measure is expected to save the budget $218 million over the forward estimates and $63 million a year ongoing. We need to make savings where we reasonably can, and the coalition is ready to support this government when it does—when the ideas put forward are sensible, when they've been properly explored. That's sensible. The removal of the outdated $2 minimum threshold for tax deductible donations? Well, of course that makes sense.</para>
<para>What doesn't make sense is the rushing through of this legislation—legislation that Australians did not vote for. They didn't vote for higher compliance costs, they did not vote for a tax system riddled with political winners and losers, and they did not vote for a government whose own budget—on the evidence of the Property Council, Master Builders Australia, the Housing Industry Association and the Australian Chamber of Commerce—will shrink housing, push up rent, cost jobs and, all the while, mean industries and Australians will suffer. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Philanthropy plays such a vital role in Australia's society. Every day, charities, community organisations and non-profits provide support where it's needed most. Whether it's helping families who are experiencing hardship, funding research, protecting our environment, supporting the arts and culture or responding to natural disasters, the work of these organisations strengthens communities and improves lives right across our country, and they themselves are supported by the generosity of Australians, often through many small donations.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government is focused on delivering practical and sensible reforms to our taxation system. The Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026 amends the Treasury legislation to support philanthropic giving and strengthen the integrity of tax administration systems. It removes the requirement that a donation to a deductible gift recipient be valued at $2 or more before the donor may claim the tax deduction, and this is really important because it recognises that every single contribution matters.</para>
<para>These reforms are not isolated technical fixes; they are part of a systemic effort to lift productivity right across the country. After a wasted decade of stagnation under the Liberals and Nationals, we are targeting the practical barriers that hold businesses, communities and individuals back. By making it easier for Australians to give, we are strengthening the social economy, which is such an important contributor to national productivity and wellbeing. Turning around a decade of weak productivity requires action at every level. From major economic reforms to practical changes, that's exactly what this government is delivering.</para>
<para>This bill also amends the eligibility criteria for the research and development tax incentive to exclude activities related to gambling and tobacco—really sensible changes. This kind of research and development for gambling and tobacco can exacerbate serious health risks, addiction and associated harms. The exclusions will apply broadly, capturing research and development related to all types of gambling, whether these occur digitally or in person, as well as any tobacco products. Excluding these activities ensures that taxpayers are not subsidising this kind of research. That is really important, and I think Australians will be very, very pleased to learn about that. Where activities are for the sole purpose of harm minimisation, such as helping people to stop smoking or gambling, these activities remain eligible to receive support through the research and development tax incentive.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government is also increasing support for low-income households by increasing the Medicare levy low-income thresholds for singles, families, seniors and pensioners by 2.9 per cent. This is in line with recent movements in CPI. In practical terms, it ensures that low-income households continue to be exempt from paying the Medicare levy or will pay a reduced Medicare levy rate if their incomes have increased in line with or less than recent movements on CPI. More than one million low-income earners are expected to benefit from these increases in 2025-26.</para>
<para>It's clear the Albanese Labor government is focused on delivering practical and sensible reforms to our taxation system. The measures presented here today only build on our reforms to deliver a fairer, simpler and more sustainable tax system. They include delivering three tax cuts for every single Australian taxpayer, one in our first term, one this year and one next year; implementing a $1,000 instant tax deduction starting next financial year; making the tax system simpler and delivering more cost-of-living relief for 5.7 million taxpayers; boosting the low-income superannuation tax offset to help deliver a more dignified retirement to 1.3 million Australians, while also better targeting tax concessions on large superannuation balances over $3 million; and a targeted multinational tax integrity package to ensure that large corporations meet their tax obligations in Australia. These changes will support everyday Australians by putting more money back into household budgets so they can focus on things that matter most.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stewart, please resume your seat. Pursuant to order, the time for the second reading contributions on this bill has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>24</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a href="r7436" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
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        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>24</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026 is a little bit of a confusing bill, particularly at a time right now when people are struggling and doing it difficult—doing it tough. Our financial system certainly doesn't seem to be working for average people. There are lots of issues in that sector. We've got the highest interest rates in the developed world, for a start. We've had lots of misbehaviour from our banks. We've got banks closing in regional areas, where I am, and they're now closing even in the cities too. It's very, very tough. There are lots of issues to deal with in our financial sector.</para>
<para>But I suppose it shows something of the priorities of this government that they bring forward this bill which, in one line, seeks to consolidate accounting reporting or accounting standards into one body. It's quite an arcane topic for people. It's hardly a kitchen table topic when there are plenty of financial issues around the kitchen table. So why is the government putting so much effort in here to abolish three bodies through this bill? They're abolishing the Financial Reporting Council, the Australian Accounting Standards Board and the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board—all very technical and dry institutions made up of accountants but very important ones. They're abolishing them all and replacing them with this new body called External Reporting Australia. The first question that the Liberal and Nationals side of this chamber has about this bill is: why? Why are the government doing this? Why are the government doing this at a time of a cost-of-living crisis for Australian families? Why are the government doing this when there hasn't been any identifiable real issue identified with the three bodies I just mentioned and their development of accounting standards?</para>
<para>It seems to me that time after time the bureaucrats and public servants in this town have to, I suppose, do something, so abolish these bodies and create a new one. It keeps everyone busy. New roles for people are being created. But what is that actually going to achieve? Why are we wasting the Senate's time on this? Accounting standards is not a topic that's brought up with me regularly, if ever. As I described, I think we're generally seen to have some of the best accounting standards in the world. We've had particular issues with accounting firms, which I'll get to. The standards themselves seem to be world leading and not really at any kind of crisis point.</para>
<para>So why is the government doing this? It's our central question. Generally speaking, on this side of the chamber, if we can't answer that 'why', if we don't have a strong reason to do something—create more laws, more business or more work that don't need to be there—we don't support it. If there's not a good 'why'—if there's not a good reason—let's not do it. For one, let's leave a system that's currently working alone. If it's not broken, you don't need to go around trying to fix, particularly in this place. When people from this town turn up and say, 'I'm from Canberra; I'm here to help,' often the outcome is not a forward-moving one. Why don't we just let sleeping dogs lie? It seems fine as it is. We do not see and have not been convinced of a good reason.</para>
<para>The second question we've got here is: will this actually make things worse? We're a little bit worried about that because, as I said, the government doesn't seem to have a clear agenda about why it's doing this—why it needs to create a whole new body and replace three institutions. There's nothing really on the public record that we can see that indicates what exactly this is about. That does give us some pause and makes us worry that maybe if there's not a public agenda there is in fact a hidden agenda of making what are quite radical changes to bodies that themselves are not very radical but pretty conservative state institutions. Why do all this? Maybe there's something else here.</para>
<para>The concern I have is that fundamentally this change takes what are expert-level, pretty dry—should I say boring—institutions and insert politics into the heart of them. I'm concerned about that for a reason I'll come to, but that's what this is doing. Previously, under this tripartite framework, the Financial Reporting Council I mentioned did have its members appointed by a minister through a political process. But that body was simply an oversight body. It didn't itself set the standards. It set general guidelines and oversaw the other bodies. But the Australian Accounting Standards Board and the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board were separate bodies outside the political process and staffed by experts—people in the accounting field who were rather dry, stayed out of politics and did their job as you want an accountant to do. You don't go to an accountant for his or her political bent; you go to an accountant because you want a job done. You want the facts and the details to have been gotten right. These bodies are so that they get things right. They're generally seen as world leading.</para>
<para>But now, because the government is abolishing these three bodies and replacing them with one—to be called External Reporting Australia—that body will cover all these areas. They'll provide that oversight. They'll set the accounting standards, which used to be set by the Australian Accounting Standards Board, that all accountants have to follow. The External Reporting Australia body will also be responsible for implementing those standards, overseeing and administrating them and making sure people adhere to them. Because that body will be appointed by a minister, the government will have a lot more control over accounting standards directly through appointments into one body. We don't see the need for politics to interfere with these dry accounting frameworks that have worked well, and that's why we can't support this. We don't think there's a need for change, the case hasn't been made and this will unnecessarily risk politicising what has been an independent, arms-length, well-working process.</para>
<para>It does raise the question: why would the government want to politicise this—why would something so dry and arcane need to have politics inserted into it? There has been, in recent years, an unfortunate creep of politics through to accounting standards, which I would argue is a diversion from what is necessary in accounting towards what is seen to be the priorities of particular sides of politics. In particular, there's been a rise of this concept some may have heard of called environmental, social and governance, so-called ESG, standards. ESG reporting has been the latest fad, if you like, that's overtaken what was accounting reporting but is now, really, in that field, a political reporting exercise to justify certain political stances on the environment, whether they're related to climate or other environmental standards. This is related to what is seen as governance, which is seen to be a good thing, but it generally involves the pushing of activist political exercises—things like the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice that we're told we're terrible people if we don't support. That all gets rolled into this orwellian umbrella of ESG standards.</para>
<para>Many parts of the Western world that have adopted these standards have ended up shutting down lots of their industry that is not seen as worthwhile or good for the environment and the like, and they've become dependent on other countries. And that's led to the sharp rebuttal of ESG with the question: what does ESG actually stand for? The proponents of it say it's 'environmental, social and governance' standards. I think, actually, the lived experience with ESG would indicate the letters stand for something else. ESG has, really, in effect and in practice, come to mean 'extreme shortages guaranteed'. That's what ESG actually stands for, because everywhere these standards have taken over—particular corporations, governments—they have run out of things, run out of the production of things and become vulnerable and dependent on other countries.</para>
<para>The most stark example is right before our eyes right now. We adopted these ESG standards in areas like energy and, particularly, fertiliser production. We no longer make urea in this country because it's come to be seen to be evil or terrible for banks, insurance companies and the government itself to support the development of fertilisers from natural gas production. It just so happens, though—it would be an inconvenient truth for those pushing this line—that, in fact, almost all fertilisers that are used by farmers come from natural gas, particularly something called urea, which, roughly speaking, accounts for about half the world's food production. Urea is made from natural gas.</para>
<para>When our banks, our insurance companies and our government agencies employ these ESG standards, they often come with the idea, 'Well, we won't support gas, because it's terrible and evil, of course, and we don't do terrible, evil things any more, because we're good people and we support ESG.' Then gas production shuts down, people can't get finance, we lose the ability to supply gas to our last urea plant, on Gibson Island, at an affordable price and then it shuts down. In early 2022, our last urea manufacturing plant in Australia shut down, and we don't produce it anymore. By the time that the Iran crisis began, a few months ago, we were getting 67 per cent of our urea needs met by the Middle East—a bit of a problem! When that war kicked off and the Strait of Hormuz, which we've all come to know, was shut, we effectively couldn't feed ourselves as a country.</para>
<para>The government's had to rush around madly and sign blank cheques all around the world to have urea fertiliser turn up to our country, and they've succeeded. Usually, when you go out with a blank cheque, you do alright. We're all paying for it, though. We supported laws in this place to allow them to do that. But why have we put ourselves—our country—in this position where we have all these natural resources, we have a great farming industry and we can't be independent? We can't be because these ESG standards have taken over.</para>
<para>I worry that this bill is a backdoor to further these ESG standards with the government politicising the bodies that write these standards. It will be used as another tool by which to discourage and disincentivise—even ban in some circumstances—the finance of industrial production that relates to the use of fossil fuels, such as the production of fertilisers that feed us all. A lot of the people who impose these standards are completely ignorant of all this. They are well-meaning, they are good-natured—the path to ruin is often paved with good intentions, and there are lots of good intentions—but lots of people doing this, a lot of the accountants and people at the top of these corporations, have no idea, when they go to the fancy steak restaurant at the end of the day, the food on their plate actually wouldn't be there without fossil fuels. It would not be there. They have no idea about it. They are completely ignorant. Yet again, we are rushing to do these sorts of things. We're leaping before we look properly at what we need to do to run a functioning, prosperous, modern economy.</para>
<para>My concerns are even more heightened with this bill because the government is rushing this and ramming this through in another deal with the Greens. They did a deal last week to jack up taxes. The Greens have never met a tax they haven't wanted to make higher. That went through. Now we have another deal with the Greens to get this bill through, which I think is a trojan horse for a Green agenda to shut us all down. The deal in this case, notionally, doesn't look terrible. Apparently, the deal between the government and the Greens is to ban anyone who has received compensation from a big four accounting firm in the last six months from being on this new body, External Reporting Australia.</para>
<para>Okay, the big four accounting firms are in hot water at the moment. I'll put on the record that I am a former employee of KPMG—it was many moons ago—but there are lots of fine people who work for these institutions. It does seem passing strange to me that, of all the parties, the Greens in particular would apply the principles of collective guilt on everybody. There are thousands of people who work for these organisations, thousands of people, and many of them are just good, hardworking people who happen to be, let's face it, the very people who have the expertise to set accounting standards. A lot of CPAs and CAs in this country work for some of these firms.</para>
<para>The amendment the government has agreed to here effectively locks out—presumably, probably—the best accounting minds in our country from setting our accounting standards. It's crazy. I get that this wasn't the government's idea, I recognise that, but they rolled over and agreed to this. It's a form of collective punishment. Sure, let's clamp down on anyone who has done the wrong thing in these organisations as they deserve the full force of the law—I'm happy to ban those people—but there are a lot of innocent people who are going to be captured by this. And by going ahead with this overreaction, this knee-jerk response, we are putting at risk the setting of accounting standards that have otherwise been without scandal, without problem.</para>
<para>There are plenty of other speakers, so I ask: where are the problems with the current accounting standards process that requires such radical action, kicking people off who otherwise have done nothing wrong? We do risk making what is a good situation into a bad one, and that's the first thing we should avoid doing in this place. Don't make a problem where there isn't one to begin with. We've got enough problems to face at the moment. Let's get back to focusing on them.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to participate in the debate on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026 and add a view as well. A strong economy is one that people feel confident to invest in and this confidence is reflected in various ways. It's institutions are transparent, its markets have integrity, it is ready to adapt to domestic and international developments as they arise, and it is both fair and honest.</para>
<para>This bill delivers measures that will enable those qualities of a strong economy. It streamlines Australia's financial reporting bodies and it strengthens the integrity, adaptability and accountability of our economic institutions. These measures are necessary. Let's consider for a moment the economic environment that our government inherited when it came to office: huge deficits, higher inflation, falling real wages and falling living standards. It's an environment that is felt acutely by everyday working Australians doing their household budgets at the kitchen table. The Albanese government has worked diligently and consistently to turn this around—and we will keep going. We're continuing to deliver help with the cost of living, like the working Australians tax offset and two more tax cuts for every Australian, with one this year and one next year—practical, direct, ongoing help. And we're strengthening the standards that build our economy; when our economy lacks integrity and when investors lack confidence to invest, that is felt by workers.</para>
<para>Perhaps these standards aren't as flashy as the headline decisions, but the institutional settings that underpin our markets are just as important for economic management that is responsible—institutional settings that are stable, are reliable and underpin economic confidence for our country, for our national approach. These settings make sure Australia has systems that investors, businesses, workers, public sector agencies and the broader community can rely on. They can rely on those systems because this bill ensures that information disclosed to markets is consistent, credible and useful. That is why integrity in our markets matters. When people trust the system to be fair and honest, they are more willing to invest, innovate and plan for the future. That confidence underpins a stronger economy for everyone. It supports better decision-making. It supports accountability. It helps ensure that capital is directed efficiently and that our institutions operate with transparency.</para>
<para>That is the big picture, but let's get into some of the detail. This bill delivers on this goal of integrity by creating External Reporting Australia—or ERA. It's a new, more adaptable and accountable standard-setting body that will bring together the existing standard-setting functions of the Australian Accounting Standards Board, the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board and the Financial Reporting Council. ERA will be responsible for accounting, auditing and assurance, and sustainability standards—and on this side of the chamber, we think that sustainability is important and that ESG is important. In doing so, it will establish a clearer, more coordinated framework for external reporting in Australia.</para>
<para>ERA will be a one-stop shop for standard setting while preserving the technical expertise and specialist focus that is essential to high-quality standards, because reporting standards are important. It will be led by a governing council, which will be the accountable authority of ERA, with an oversight role covering ERA's full remit. The governing council will be allowed to act collectively. This setting is about promoting confidence in the council itself and confidence that no standard can be overly influenced by one member's perspective or the interests of any particular group or individual outside—and that is important. The expertise of the council will be bolstered by the contributions of non-voting associate members. These members would be appointed by the minister and would bring valuable experience and expertise to the decision-making process.</para>
<para>The bill empowers the minister to make these appointments, and it also provides them with a new obligation—that is, to have regard to ensuring the governing council has an appropriate level of representation of persons who are, or are seen to be, independent from Australian auditors. This obligation is important for accountability, which we are seeking to improve with this bill as a whole. It recognises that, as auditors must comply with auditing standards set by the ERA, there is a risk of actual or perceived conflicts arising for appointees who work in the industry applying auditing standards. The governing council will create, appoint and oversee internal standard-setting boards authorised to make specialised standards. This begins with boards for each of the three categories of standards currently set by the Australian Accounting Standards Board and the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board—those being accounting, auditing and assurance, and sustainability standards.</para>
<para>This bill is also about ensuring that our economy is dynamic to future challenges and opportunities. As such, it empowers the minister to confer additional functions on ERA, like the responsibility for formulating a new kind of standard. This will ensure that any future standard setting is efficiently and effectively addressed by leveraging ERA's standard-setting expertise and governance structure—a standard-setting expertise which is already a strength and that we want to build on.</para>
<para>Our standard setters play a crucial role in supporting the integrity of markets, enhancing investor confidence and ensuring accountability in the public sector institutions. The standards that they develop shape the information businesses and institutions provide to investors, regulators and the public. They influence how financial performance is reported, how audits are undertaken and how emerging areas such as sustainability reporting are incorporated into Australia's regulatory architecture. Good standards support good decisions. They help investors to understand risk, they help companies communicate to clearly and they help regulators and the public to scrutinise conduct and performance. And they help maintain Australia's reputation as a stable, transparent and well-regulated economy.</para>
<para>The establishment of ERA has been guided by three principles: flexibility, preserving what works and strengthening accountability. First, on flexibility, external reporting does not stand still. The expectations of investors, businesses, regulators and the community continue to evolve. International developments are moving quickly, particularly in areas such as sustainability reporting, climate related disclosure and assurance. Australia needs institutional arrangements that can respond to these developments in a global investment world and a global investment market without unnecessary barriers or duplication. In the future, when the need arises for further standard setting—and we all know that it will—these new arrangements will be able to accommodate that.</para>
<para>The second principle is around preserving what works. These new arrangements seek to maintain the benefits of the existing structure and, indeed, to build upon them. Technical expertise enables high-quality standard setting. The previous system employed that technical expertise well. The new arrangements seek to continue that practice. These standards are complex. They require careful consultation, rigorous analysis and a strong understanding of both domestic and international practice. The legislation provides for the establishment of technical standard setting boards within ERA. This includes a dedicated board for developing and maintaining standards for sustainability reporting. By embedding this capability within ERA, the bill ensures sustainability standards can be developed in a coherent framework alongside accounting, auditing and assurance standards. That supports consistency, reduces fragmentation and gives Australia a stronger platform to engage with international developments while meeting domestic needs.</para>
<para>The third principle, of course, is about strengthening accountability. Good governance requires clear responsibility. Good governance also requires workable arrangements, appropriate oversight and the ability to respond to issues when they arise. The bill is designed to align responsibility for ERA's performance with the capacity to address problems while also managing conflicts of interest.</para>
<para>Establishing a new body is a significant task. ERA will need to begin operations with clarity, continuity and the right technical ability. This is enabled in part by this bill's transitional provisions, which provide certainty and continuity between the existing arrangements and the new arrangements. These provisions are designed to ensure External Reporting Australia can begin operations from the day the amendments establishing the new arrangements take effect. They also maintain the validity of any existing standards issued by current bodies. That is important for businesses. It's important for auditors, investors, regulators and public sector institutions. No-one benefits from uncertainty about whether existing standards continue to apply. The transitional arrangements ensure continuity, minimise disruption and support confidence in the reform process.</para>
<para>That careful approach reflects the government's broader economic method—responsible, practical and focused on outcomes. We are not interested in reckless disruption. We are interested in reform that works, and that is an important contrast with those opposite. The Liberal and National parties have shown time and again that they are reckless with the economy. They are divided and dangerous, and it is Australians who pay for their dysfunction. They are more focused on themselves than they are on the cost of living. They have consistently voted against policies that would take pressure off ordinary Australians because they are more interested in their politics than in people and families. They vote against tax cuts for working Australians. They do not care to see the pay and conditions of workers in this country improve. They stand for higher taxes, lower wages, bigger deficits and more debt. And they are focused on themselves.</para>
<para>This government has no time for that. We are focused on building a stronger economy in every way that we can, including through these tax bills, providing practical cost-of-living relief and ensuring Australia's institutions are fit for the future. This bill forms part of that important work. It is technical reform, but technical reforms have real-world consequences. A modern economy needs reporting standards that are clear, credible and responsive. It needs institutions who can deal with new forms of risk and disclosure. It needs arrangements that avoid unnecessary duplication and make the best use of specialist expertise. ERA is designed to provide exactly that. By combining standard-setting functions in one body, the bill strengthens coordination. By maintaining technical boards, it preserves expertise. By giving ERA the capacity to take on additional functions in the future, it strengthens flexibility. And, by clarifying governance and accountability, it supports important public trust. The bill balances continuity and change. It recognises what's worked in the existing system, but it also recognises that the system must evolve. It provides a structure that can support Australia now and into the future.</para>
<para>Finally, as Chair of the Economics Legislation Committee, which conducted the inquiry into this bill, I thank all of those submitters who took the time to make written submissions and provide their perspectives on this bill for their important participation in the inquiry process. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026 . The Greens support reform that strengthens Australia's financial reporting systems and improves public confidence in our markets. This bill merges the Financial Reporting Council, the Australian Accounting Standards Board and the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board into a single entity called External Reporting Australia. External Reporting Australia will have responsibility for accounting, auditing, assurance and sustainability standards. The Greens have consistently argued that strong institutions are one of the foundations of a healthy democracy. Whether we're talking about anticorruption bodies, environmental regulators or financial reporting standards, independence matters in all of those cases, and, while the Greens generally support the merging of these financial bodies, the new External Reporting Australia should be stronger, not weaker, than its predecessors.</para>
<para>That is why I'm proud to say that the Greens secured valuable amendments in negotiation with the government to strengthen the new ERA. The Greens are moving amendments to strengthen the independence of External Reporting Australia—the new body—and its sub-bodies, and this bill establishes those bodies to set auditing and accounting standards. As drafted by the government, the bill does not adequately prevent representatives of the large auditing and consulting firms from sitting on External Reporting Australia's governing council or its standard-setting boards. It does not keep the fox out of the henhouse. This is a significant conflict of interest. These are the very firms whose conduct is shaped by the standards being set. Our amendments introduce the concept of an External Reporting Australia eligible representative. An eligible representative is not a big-four fox with a financial interest in a firm covered by these standards. The amendments define who may be appointed to these governance bodies by explicitly excluding current partners and directors of major auditing firms and former partners or directors who continue to receive material benefits from or are holding shares in those firms.</para>
<para>This is the same principle that the Greens successfully applied to the Tax Practitioners Board, where we secured amendments to minimise conflicts of interest by restricting the appointment to the TPB of individuals with direct financial ties to consulting firms like the big four. Regulators and standard setters must be genuinely financially independent of the industries they oversee. This is very important in a regulator like the Tax Practitioners Board, which currently has an investigation into the unethical behaviour of KPMG. The current Chair of the TPB, Mr Peter de Cure, was, for 25 years, a partner in KPMG and, of course, should not have any role in an investigation of his old firm.</para>
<para>Accountability in financial reporting starts with the integrity of the institutions responsible for setting the rules. I'll note that the government insisted that our amendment, if it was to pass, must include a carve-out to this new eligibility criteria for the New Zealand cross appointment to External Reporting Australia. The current Chair of the External Reporting Board, XRB, in New Zealand is Mr John Kensington, who is also a financial services audit partner at KPMG in Auckland. Because of Labor's lack of courage, he will be the New Zealand appointment to External Reporting Australia—a New Zealand fox from KPMG will enter this henhouse by that means. This is a real concern given KPMG Australia and KPMG International's numerous ethical failures in misusing confidential client information to win lucrative audit contracts and to fail to attend to—indeed, to isolate and punish—the brave whistleblower who brought their misdemeanours to our attention. I'm deeply disappointed that we couldn't keep New Zealand partners, and former partners, with ongoing financial interests in the big four out of these new standard-setting institutions, but we can at least rest easy at night knowing the Australian appointments will not have these conflicted ties to the big four from within our country.</para>
<para>If you wouldn't let a poker player cut the deck, you shouldn't let the big four write the rules they're audited against. It's a simple rule. It passes every pub test. The Labor chaired Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services consulting inquiry report stated that there is 'potential for the big four audit firms' to 'exert undue influence' over the three bodies that are being merged by this bill. It must be prevented. Evidence from Associate Professor Corinne Cortese to that inquiry showed that at the time of the inquiry, incredibly, 40 per cent of Financial Reporting Council members and 50 per cent of Australian Accounting Standards Board members had ties to the big four firms and that six of the 11 Australian Audit and Assurance Standards Board members were partners in the big four firms. Despite this clear conflict of interest being raised years ago, measures to prevent this undue influence when merging these three bodies into the new External Reporting Australia are not included in this bill.</para>
<para>The Labor chaired committee also recommended that this new entity 'not include individuals with a current financial interest in entities under the direct governance of the body'. It's very simple. Don't give membership of the regulator itself, or the standard setter itself, to people with a financial interest in what is being regulated. Despite this recommendation being agreed by Labor, the Liberals, the Greens, everyone in this chamber and members of the committee, Labor did not make this a requirement in this act. Why ever not? The government should have learned the lessons from the consulting inquiries when designing the appointment criteria for the ERA.</para>
<para>The Greens have also secured an amendment to the bill that adds ethics to the list of fields that the minister is satisfied that appointees to the Governing Council and standards-setting boards have. They have to have shown evidence that they know how to behave ethically. This is something that was raised by stakeholders throughout the inquiry process. In the wake of the evidence of unethical behaviour exposed by the two parliamentary committee inquiries following the PwC scandal and, now, the KPMG audit scandal, there is no doubt about the need to put in place structures, standards and processes that will lift the ethical standards of tax advisers, auditors, accountants and consultants.</para>
<para>We've also secured an amendment to ensure a public interest consideration when adopting international standards. As drafted, External Reporting Australia is required to act in the best interests of the public and private sectors of the Australian economy, but not in the public interest as well, which goes beyond considerations that just benefit the economy. Stakeholders observed that External Reporting Australia should also be required to act in the public interest. When I asked Treasury, in estimates, whether they considered requiring the new body to act in the public interest, their response showed that the government was focused on consolidating existing frameworks but not improving them. These three amendments have helped strengthen this bill, but there remains much more to do.</para>
<para>I listened to Senator Canavan's defence of his old firm, KPMG, and I remain unconvinced. As we stand here debating this bill, the KPMG audit scandal rolls on. It is the senior leadership of KPMG which have let down the thousands of people who work in KPMG. Many of them are good people. It is their senior leadership which has contaminated the reputation of people in KPMG, including people like you, Senator Canavan, who've worked in KPMG. KPMG's name is now viewed differently by the Australian public because of repetitive examples of ethical failure, of cheating on exams, of using confidential audit information to generate other audit business. These are indefensible errors by the leadership of KPMG, which is in receipt of over $640 million of public sector money. It is a firm that last year brought in $2.3 billion of revenue. It deserves to be accountable. Its senior leadership need to be accountable. Senior partners used confidential information to win very, very lucrative audit work. They breached audit independence, a central pillar of our financial system. There are multiple instances of massive cheating by KPMG workers, who are in a culture which encourages and permits that cheating.</para>
<para>We know that they've lied to the Senate. They've lied to us about power mapping of opportunities in the public sector. They stood in our Senate committee and told us they didn't do it, and then we had numerous examples of very specific mapping of relationships, which they farm to win further contracts. So there's lying to the Senate about power mapping, and then, on 19 June, lying to a Senate committee, a parliamentary committee, about the fact that they had conducted so-called investigations in relation to the current whistleblower. There were no such investigations underway; there was simply legal advice sought by KPMG, which they wanted to masquerade as investigations, and meanwhile they isolated and punished the whistleblower.</para>
<para>We've seen overcharging in Defence, with many, many, many millions and indeed billions of dollars being raked in by KPMG and their mistreatment and harassment of multiple whistleblowers. These are patterns of behaviour in KPMG; they are not bad apples. We've seen them attempting to use legal professional privilege to obscure the work of this parliament and not notifying the Department of Finance of recent developments and incidents as required by their contractual obligations. These are not one-off events. These are multiple events over years. They infect KPMG, and they no doubt cause great dismay to the good people within that firm. There are too many people affected by a very poor culture at the most senior level.</para>
<para>This is the same morally bankrupt KPMG who are continuing to run ethics and leadership training for senior public servants. KPMG could run a great leadership class in unethical leadership—how to monetise confidential information, how to cover things up, how to isolate and harass a whistleblower. Our most senior public sector leaders should not be undertaking any form of training, let alone on ethics and leadership, from a firm that has, by its own admission, breached the most basic ethical values and whose leadership has failed, whose leadership has departed, whose leadership will no doubt suffer further losses. Labor must give us what we need here, which is the real change that meets the outrage of ordinary Australians.</para>
<para>I want to conclude by going to some significant reform areas that we must see. We need to see the implementation of all of the recommendations of the previous parliamentary inquiries which reform the auditing, assurance and consulting sectors. That is why I am moving a second reading amendment to this bill, reminding this parliament of the work that still needs to be done. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) this Parliament has united in condemning the countless ethical failures shown through the PricewaterhouseCoopers tax leaks and KPMG audit scandals,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) it has almost been two years since two parliamentary committees published tripartisan recommendations to reform the auditing, assurance and consulting sectors, and most of those recommendations have not yet been implemented, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) Australians demand action to prevent scandals like these from happening again; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) properly regulate partnerships and the auditing, assurance and consulting sectors, and provide increased protection to whistleblowers, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) act on all 52 tripartisan recommendations in the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services report on 'Ethics and Professional Accountability: Structural Challenges in the Audit, Assurance and Consultancy Industry' and the Finance and Public Administration References Committee report on 'Management and assurance of integrity by consulting services'".</para></quote>
<para>These reports gave the government a comprehensive blueprint for action, with clear recommendations on lowering partnership caps, requiring large entities like the big four to meet the same tax, transparency and insurance obligations as big corporations; requiring separation of audit from non-audit consulting services; improving whistleblower protections; and not allowing PwC or KPMG to tender for government work until all ongoing investigations have concluded.</para>
<para>This Labor government needs to stop dragging its feet with endless reviews and consultation and decisively act on broader sector reform. This is what we need. This is what the Australian people expect. We have the evidence, we have the recommendations, and we have the agreement across this outraged parliament that we need to meet the moment. Labor must meet this moment.</para>
<para>The Greens have five key priority areas for reforming these broken sectors: closing the regulatory gap, breaking up these very big firms, banning unethical contractors from government work and increasing penalties—the penalties suffered by these firms and the individuals within them, who have behaved appallingly, are trivial relative to their income, so we need to increase the penalties for egregious bad behaviour and ethical failures—and an ethical and legal regime around contracting. We need to support and protect whistleblowers. There is no argument that we need to make sure all entities are required to meet the whistleblowing protections of the Corporations Act 2001.</para>
<para>We must establish, most importantly, a whistleblower authority that backs in the brave individuals who put themselves, their families, their incomes and their whole reputations on the line to bring forward their issues, as in this most recent case, to the Senate. They should not have to do that. They should have leadership in place in their firms that listens to whistleblowers, understands the obligations of a very large firm and, indeed, meets the requirements of the Corporations Act. That is what we need. We need a basket of reforms that go to the structural questions before us.</para>
<para>We thank the government for their constructive engagement on this bill. It's been a really interesting, long discussion, but the fight doesn't stop there. We are going to keep pushing for real reforms, transparency and accountability in audit, consulting and accounting sectors. There are many things this parliament needs to do. The mountain of evidence is there. We must properly regulate these marauding cowboys, ban unethical contractors, structurally separate audit from non-audit, increase penalties and protect whistleblowers. That is our task now. Bills like this should reflect it, and further bills must come forward to do the work that remains before us.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I suspect I'm one of the few certified practising accountants or chartered accountants in the parliament currently. As a CPA, there is a small part of me that reflects on the concept of accountants being described as 'cowboys', 'marauding' or anything vaguely interesting as probably good for our reputation! I want to reflect on the work that has been done by so many people in the Senate and the House across this. I think the work has been important, particularly the whistleblower work. I think that is important. I want to congratulate Senator Pocock, Senator O'Neill and others for making this their life's work.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Neill</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And Senator Scarr.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And Senator Scarr; thank you very much, Senator O'Neill.</para>
<para>I do want to flag, though, that because accountancy is an incredibly complex and highly professionalised area, I'm very concerned that there is a misunderstanding that you can take out the complexity. Though, I do acknowledge the increased complexity that's been introduced by the Labor government under this budget. It becomes increasingly impossible for Australians to be able to manage their own tax affairs and financial management affairs thanks to the introduction of more complexity as legislated by the government. But it takes an incredibly complex profession, with complex standards and requirements, and seeks to somehow mush it all together. Senator Pocock herself just spoke about the structural separation of audit standards from others.</para>
<para>And yet, this legislation seeks to do the opposite. We have the Financial Reporting Council, the Australian Accounting Standards Board and the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board, all of whom do incredibly separate work. There is deliberate structural separation. And yet this legislation will seek to merge those bodies. The oversight body does not seek to write technical standards. That is a separation that enforces and provides independence. I think that this is a lack of understanding of the way legislation is constructed and the way that the technical nature of the separation of duties within accountancy firms works. This legislation, I think, seeks to solve a problem of individuals by legislating for a much broader outcome. There is a common expression out in the real world: 'To a man with a hammer, the whole world looks like a nail.' I'm afraid that this is a piece of legislation that is looking for a solution rather than an outcome that would be more practical.</para>
<para>I'm not sure if the Senate is aware of the crisis that is happening in the accounting profession in Australia currently, with the introduction of the government's massive overreach into scope 2 and 3 reporting. The expansion of ESG reporting has meant that there is such a shortage of practical accountants in the business that we have now offshored a huge amount of our accounting work to other countries. Every accountancy business around Australia will tell you, if pressed, that they are outsourcing a significant amount of work to other jurisdictions. I think this is a terrible shame. Young Australians who should be involved in what is, in my experience, incredibly interesting and constructive work in being an accountant, particularly in a business, are now losing that opportunity because they are being soaked up into these meaningless reporting areas. I should say that these are well-paid jobs that suck them out of small business and medium-sized business. Instead, we are outsourcing those roles.</para>
<para>I reflect on how in the 1990s, following the Enron scandal, the collapse of Arthur Andersen saw young Australians miss out on professional years on jobs—28,000 people lost their jobs as a result of that closure. I think this Senate and this parliament would do well to reflect on interfering in sectors of the economy that they are not well experienced to make decisions on and to write legislation on. I think this legislation is incredibly heavy handed. It will not force the outcomes that are sought by the government. Of course, once again, we have a deal with the Greens that means that we see structural changes to things like the self-managed super funds and their ability to borrow to invest in the property market—things that have not been well examined by either the House of Representatives or the Senate, because they are rushed through as part of these deals. I think that that will, in itself, reduce the number of houses that are available to Australians. We know that that would impact the construction of approximately 4,000 new homes, which will be removed under the Greens-Labor deal.</para>
<para>We all share concerns about the big four accounting firms, especially the recent conduct of KPMG, but that does not mean that we should launch a political purge of a sector that is already in real distress. I cannot emphasise that enough. We will look forward to seeing what further deals are done with the Greens that allow the government to progress more complexity of accounting regulation and probably more tax changes. I expect that we'll see a tax on the family home. We're going to see more inheritance taxes and death duties. Certainly, fuel tax credits are something that we are constantly watching to ensure that the government doesn't do a deal with the Greens, something that would devastate Australian fishers, farmers and miners.</para>
<para>In summary, I think that the government has got the wrong priorities for this financial services reform. Australians are facing real pressure—real living pressure—in financial services. We know that home insurance premiums are up around 50 per cent over the last five years. We're seeing regional bank closures. We're seeing a rise in financial scams and failures that ASIC, the regulator, is failing to stop, including First Guardian, Shield, Lion Property Group and Australian Fiduciaries. There have been at least eight parliamentary inquiry reports into this sector, on financial services, that have been tabled since 2024, yet the government has not responded to any of them. We're told there's not enough capacity to respond to these, yet there is capacity to legislate—and, as I've already flagged, with unintended consequences and with poor outcomes for Australians and also for an important financial sector in this economy.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition strongly opposes the Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026 because it tells Australians what they already know about this government's priorities. We know what its record is like because we've seen it in the last few weeks. Here's another Treasury bill, another sham. Australians are battling cost-of-living pressures, choosing between food and health care, while government spending sits at a 40-year high outside of a recession, and Labor has focused its resources on creating more bureaucracy. Labor is not focused on productivity. It's not focused on the real generators of jobs, and it's not the public sector. It should never be the public sector. It should be a private sector working to employ, to exchange money with people who work hard in return for it and who get to choose what they do when they earn that money. More bureaucracy, more red tape—that's the story of this Labor government and its time in government.</para>
<para>Australians rightfully want a government focused on the real pressures hitting households and small businesses. Day in, day out, they're working hard, but we're not seeing that in this place. We see legislation coming into this place rushed through without the proper oversight, without any regard for getting the most appropriate experts into the room and giving them the time to unpack, to consider, to apply and to reflect on the implications. Instead, what we have in here is legislation that comes through and changes—changes upon changes made after it's been brought into this place. If that's how you're running legislation, Australians should know how you're running the country. It was surely on show in the last few weeks.</para>
<para>Households are under pressure, and the government is busy creating bureaucracy while older Australians are weighing up whether they can afford their next insurance premium after the government strips away their private health insurance rebates. Again, these are older people who've planned for their future, who've thought hard about this, and Labor just comes in and says, 'Nah, we just think we might do this instead,' or, worse, they say, 'We're not going to do this,' and they do it anyway. That's not helping Australia, that's not helping Australians, and it's not helping those hardworking Australians who relied on themselves to plan for their future, to plan for their safety and to plan for the unexpected. The only thing unexpected is what government does to them, and you haven't even given them the time to plan sufficiently for that. It's hard to imagine how a government can become so disconnected from the very people it purports to represent.</para>
<para>Let's talk about financial services. Australians expect this parliament to focus on the real pressures hitting households and small businesses every day: insurance affordability, regional and suburban bank closures, protection from scams and access to affordable financial advice. Instead, what we see is the finance minister in this place coming in here and complaining about me not being in this chamber to speak. Well, I'm speaking now about your sham inquiry and your sham legislation. What you should be talking about is not individuals, but you, yourselves, and what you're doing to this country, to this economy and to people who've planned for their futures. None of that is reasonable and none of that's okay.</para>
<para>We heard expert after expert talking about and providing advice—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Now, Senator Liddle, it being 1.30, we'll proceed to two-minute statements, and you'll be in continuation when debate resumes.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</title>
        <page.no>33</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Child Abuse</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today I hosted the Parliamentary Friends against Sexual Abuse and Exploitation event, alongside fellow co-chair Senator Ghosh, with NAPCAN. The National Association for Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect is dedicated entirely to preventing child abuse and neglect before it starts. NAPCAN's work is exactly the protective, proactive, prevention-first thinking that the child protection system so urgently needs.</para>
<para>Today's event brought together experts to examine the Child Death Review Board's 2025 report <inline font-style="italic">In </inline><inline font-style="italic">plain sight</inline>, which examined how predatory behaviour can go undetected for years—even when the warning signs exist and are obvious. It is a devastating account of how current systems fail to connect the dots until catastrophic harm has occurred. And the devastating impacts are lifelong for the victims-survivors, who should have been safe. Those experts talked of the numerous working-with-children checks—they have slightly different names, depending on the states and territories; in effect, they're backward-looking eligibility checks, too often mistaken for a guarantee of ongoing safety—and a system that prioritises criminal-justice responses over genuine safety threat detection, leaving families with nowhere to go once police determine that there isn't enough evidence to charge.</para>
<para>We must also not overlook the interpretation of the Aboriginal child placement principle. It should always—always—put the safety of children first, regardless of their identity.</para>
<para>Families have trusted a system that has failed to protect them as it should have. Every worker, every child and every parent deserves a protective ecosystem, when the warning signs are hidden in plain sight. It's on us to create it and sustain it.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>KPMG Australia</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution in this two-minute section around a matter that has actually just been debated, here in the parliament, in part. It's a matter of great interest to you, Acting Deputy President Scarr, and to Senator Pocock, and that is the matter of KPMG: its governance, its culture and its treatment of a whistleblower who brought very important matters to light.</para>
<para>On 19 June, the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services—which, as you know, I chair—held a public hearing into KPMG. That hearing raised significant questions about the misuse of confidential client information, the firm's internal investigations and its reliance on a process called 'legal professional privilege' to resist producing key documents on which it made assertions and claims.</para>
<para>Since then, the matter has only led to more fallout. KPMG's chair, Martin Sheppard, and two senior audit partners have resigned amidst the fallout. These resignations, however, do not close the matter. They underline, now, more than ever, why transparency is absolutely essential.</para>
<para>This is not simply an internal corporate issue. KPMG performs work that goes to the integrity of Australia's financial system and to public confidence in major institutions—indeed, including Australians' superannuation. When serious allegations are raised, the public is entitled to much more than partial answers or carefully managed statements and the derisory conduct of those who have inflicted such incredible suffering on whistleblowers then being covered up with claims of privilege which are actually at odds with the laws of this country.</para>
<para>If KPMG wishes to truly be transparent, and if it wishes to take responsibility, then it should publish the documents provided to the committee, the legal advices, in their entirety—no more farce; no more skirting around the issue; no more hiding behind legal professional privilege. The Australian public deserves the truth.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>One Nation</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to speak today about some very concerning reports about One Nation's online activities. It seems as though One Nation is using foreign based meme factories to boost their political campaign here in Australia. What we know from the reports of hardworking Australian journalists is that One Nation's online presence is being boosted by factories of people in Indonesia, Vietnam and India who are purporting to be representative of Australians when in fact they're not. They are participating in political campaigns here in Australia from these foreign based digital factories. This is foreign interference. It beggars belief that One Nation, who purport to be for Australia, are running their political campaign from offshore. Now, the questions are: Who is funding this? Who is authorising it? From the money that is generated from these online political campaigns, who is being paid? Who's collecting all of that money? It is dodgy, it is dishonest and it needs a proper and full investigation.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Western Australia: Health Care</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor is punishing families in Perth's northern suburbs—punishing them by underfunding critical health services. Today I'm calling on the government to do more—to build a public hospital in Yanchep, in Perth's northern suburbs. The electors of Yanchep, Two Rocks, Alkimos, Eglinton Butler and Jindalee deserve better healthcare services. They're asking themselves what they have done to cause Labor to punish them by not giving them important, urgent and desperately needed better healthcare services. There is a healthcare black hole in Perth's northern suburbs, and I'm calling on federal Labor to begin filling it. We already have land, and the Yanchep-Two Rocks District Structure Plan already supports a hospital. Yet we have no commitment from federal Labor that they will fund a hospital and deliver better healthcare services to Perth's northern suburbs.</para>
<para>Perth's northern suburbs are growing at a tremendous rate; 200,000 additional residents are expected in the city of Wanneroo over future years. A hospital is a legitimate need of residents in Yanchep, Two Rocks, Alkimos, Eglinton, Butler and Jindalee. I have a simple question: why does federal Labor refuse to give families and pensioners the healthcare services that they deserve in Perth's northern suburbs? The clock is ticking—another day, another week, another month, another year. Labor will be punished by these residents if it doesn't lift its game and fund desperately needed healthcare services.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cybercrime</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak about the Albanese Labor government's response to cybercrime. Cybercrime is not a niche technical issue; it's an everyday risk for families, small businesses and our public services. It includes scams, phishing, identity theft, ransomware and online abuse. The evidence before the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement's inquiry into law enforcement's cybercrime capability makes this clear. I want to acknowledge the committee's work—in particular, my good friend Senator Helen Polley's leadership as the chair of that committee. Cybercrime is broad, borderless and continually evolving. It exploits new technologies and causes financial loss, stress and harm to people's safety. That is why the Albanese Labor government has treated cybersecurity and cybercrime as a national priority.</para>
<para>Through the 2023-2030 Australian Cyber Security Strategy, the Albanese Labor government has set a clear goal. That's to make Australia a world leader in cybersecurity by 2030. It has introduced Australia's first standalone Cyber Security Act, and, with device standards, ransomware reporting, incident review and stronger critical infrastructure protections, we are taking direct action on scams through our Scams Prevention Framework, requiring banks, telcos and digital platforms to step up, because consumers should not have to fight sophisticated criminal networks alone.</para>
<para>For small businesses in Western Australia, our government is delivering practical support through the Small Business Cyber Resilience Service, cyberwardens training, cyberhealth checks and digital solutions. We are backing law enforcement and regional partnerships because cybercrime is borderless, and Australia cannot respond alone. Australia will not be a soft target, and that is why the Albanese Labor government is meeting cybercrime with the urgency and practical action it demands.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Crime</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITTEN</name>
    <name.id>317026</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is something rotten with the state of our judiciary. Over the weekend I was shocked by the media reports of the sentencing of a child rapist, Salah Sulauman Almuhama, a 29-year-old refugee from Iraq, who was on bail from other charges. He lured in a 14-year-old schoolgirl by offering to sell her a vape and then indecently assaulted her. In a plea deal, rape charges were dropped, and he pled guilty to two charges of indecent treatment of a child under 16. What did he get sentenced with? A fully suspended 12-month sentence—no jail time. The judge cited exceptional circumstances in reducing the sentence, including his risk of deportation. Let that sink in.</para>
<para>This is completely backwards. This is what you get with the cult of multiculturalism—two different sets of rules, concessions and lower standards based on your cultural background. Rather than enforcing our laws to protect our way of life, this judge has decided that the very fact that the man is at risk of being deported is a reason to spare him an appropriate sentence. Enough. This is more reason to deport. Send him back. Australia welcomed him and his family, and all we asked in return was that he lived by our laws. Even knowing the risk that he faced, he could not stop himself luring a teenage girl to assault her. It's despicable.</para>
<para>What of the responsibility of these woke judges? If this man reoffends, these judges should be held personally responsible. Our judiciary has been captured, and we are reaping the rewards of their soft-on-crime approach. I would see all noncitizens that commit violent crime in this country deported. If you can't abide by our laws and the expectations of our culture, there is no place in Australia for you.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Banking and Financial Services</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CADELL</name>
    <name.id>300134</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to talk about the licensed post offices throughout Australia and media reports last week about the LPO reimagined document that came out of the Australia Post, where they're talking about what they will see about buybacks and about fewer licenced post offices across Australia. There's a requirement under the Act that they must have 4,000, but I feel that, in the way the documents are going and the way the debate's going, an LPO reimagined will not actually be a licensed post office at all. I come from a coastal town of about 1,500 people called Redhead. It's a nice little place south of Newcastle and Lake Macquarie, and we have a licensed Post Office. You go there, you can pay your bills, you've got Bank@Post, you can have a flutter on your lotteries, you can get your mail, and you can pick up parcels. It's important for the community. It's next to the bakery. There are four shops in a row there. That's our little patch of heaven.</para>
<para>I need my LPO, and communities need the LPO. In the Farrer by-election, I was down in Coleambally, and, for reasons beyond the post office's control, the local LPO was forced to close. They moved package pick-up into an adjacent shop, but it's not the same as an LPO because people are restricted in what they can and can't do. Australia, regional Australia especially, needs a fully functioning licensed post offices. As I said, they need to be able to pay their bills. They need to be able to use Bank@Post. They need all of those services they can possibly get. We're hearing more and more about these buybacks coming, with parcel lockers replacing these things. That is not good enough. That is not what we expect. What I don't want to hear is that a parcel locker or a parcel pick-up is qualifying as an LPO under the guidelines that say how many they have.</para>
<para>I'm also concerned are the timings. In estimates, the CEO showed up on 28 May and said there are no closures going forward, but, just two weeks earlier, the board had approved another plan to go forward and this document. It is not good enough. Australians require this service, regional Australia especially. Bring back more LPOs.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Paid Parental Leave</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>From 1 July, which is just two days away, parents across Australia will be able to access up to six months of paid parental leave. That's 26 weeks of time that those families will never be able to get back—a special window which is ridiculously full-on sleep-deprived but is also precious and full of firsts, like baths, smiles and giggles. It deserves to be properly supported, and that's what 26 weeks of paid parental leave recognises. It shouldn't just be for those workers whose employers have agreements more generous than the minimum standard. The minimum standard increases to 26 weeks, and for many families that will stretch even further, with around 68 per cent of employers already topping up paid parental leave, giving parents even more time together. I am so proud to be part of a government that has doubled paid parental leave since coming to office, building a system step by step that better reflects the diversity of Australian families and modern work.</para>
<para>Twenty days of this leave is reserved for secondary caregivers, which is so important to address the entrenched gender norms that happen when it is generally the mum that stays home the whole time looking after the little one. I know that sharing care in my own family made a difference; my partner and I shared the paid parental leave we got, and it has made a difference in our boys' lives.</para>
<para>Alongside this, there's an equally important reform that shapes long-term security, especially for women. Since July last year, superannuation has also been paid on paid parental leave. For too long the promise of universal superannuation hasn't been delivered for women. Taking time out to have a child should not come with a lifetime penalty in retirement, and it should be something that all family members get to participate in.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Masculinity</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The response to my speech last week around foreign interference and links to One Nation was both fascinating and instructive. Indeed, it was a case in point for exactly what I was talking about.</para>
<para>Immediately following my speech, a number of pro-One Nation sock-puppet accounts swung straight into action—and it was interesting what they targeted. They targeted my masculinity—not my politics necessarily or any of the factual data or matters around what I was saying. Firstly, they said I needed hormone replacement therapy. Secondly, they said I was weak, I was old, I was impotent, I was too emotional and I cry too much. It might sound funny, but it's deadly serious because this is exactly from the MAGA playbook. It's exactly from the far-right playbook. They get men, especially young men, in on this hypermasculinity, this toxic masculinity—and if they get them on that, because they're at a vulnerable time in their life, then they get them on climate change, immigration and all these other issues.</para>
<para>I want to say to the men out there that might be watching this speech or that are interested in this subject that it's okay to show emotion. It's okay to cry sometimes. It's okay to be in touch with your sensitive side. It's okay to want to go home and cook for your wife and offer her a foot massage. Real men treat women with respect. Real men treat women as equal. I think it's about time we had this conversation as to why we see so much domestic violence and why we see so many atrocities around the world. To men out there: we've got to do a lot better. We need more role models in parliament and other places to get this message through to men—and we'll deal with the other elements of that speech shortly.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Media</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BABET</name>
    <name.id>300706</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Albanese government's social media ban is failing, exactly as critics predicted it would. University of Newcastle researchers found that 85 per cent of under-16s are still using social media, despite this ban being in place. It makes you wonder when the Albanese government will realise that passing legislation is not the same as solving a problem.</para>
<para>What is Labor's response to this faceplant? Do they admit that this law is a dud? Of course not. Do they scrap the law? No, they don't. Instead, they reach for the oldest trick in the book—more power. They want to give the eSafety Commissioner greater information-gathering powers while doubling the maximum fines to an eye-watering $99 million—typical! This government never knew a failure it couldn't turn into an even greater failure while collecting more of other people's money and accumulating more power—more personal info collected, less privacy, more databases filled with sensitive information, and more opportunities for hackers, leaks and identity theft. But the kids will still be on social media, and the rest of us are going to be under greater surveillance.</para>
<para>Was this law really ever about protecting kids, or was it just an opportunity to collect more data from the Australian people? Real online safety—and I think most of us should probably know this—has never come from Canberra; it comes from parents. That's why I introduced my Social Media Minimum Age Repeal Bill 2025. Instead of doubling down on a failed experiment, this government could just admit that they were wrong. They could repeal this unworkable law, restore Australians' privacy and trust parents to do what the governments can't, which is raise their own kids free from interference.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Early Childhood Education and Care</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GREEN</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Every single day, early childhood educators do one of the most important jobs in our country. They help children grow, learn and get ready for those most important school years. They also give parents peace of mind and keep driving our economy. They are dedicated, essential and qualified. I literally would not be able to do my job without them.</para>
<para>It's a vital job, and it's why the Albanese Labor government funded a 15 per cent pay rise for early childhood educators. It's an investment that is tied to a commitment from childcare centres to limit fee increases, because we want to make sure that educators are being paid fairly, and we don't want to see families being burdened with extra costs. These changes mean that a full-time educator will earn up to $255 more per week and an early childhood teacher $410.</para>
<para>For the first time, employees from the family day care and in-home care sectors will also be eligible for the payment starting from July. This is how our government has been bolstering the early educator workforce and keeping costs down for families. For too long, early childhood educators were overlooked and undervalued by those opposite, and it meant that educators were leaving the sector in droves. But the war on childhood educators hasn't ended for those over there, and we've recently seen attacks from those opposite, particularly from One Nation, on these qualified educators.</para>
<para>They've flip-flopped on whether they support childhood educators and whether they support paid parental leave. But we've got a saying which goes, 'When someone shows you who they are, believe them.' I believe that those opposite don't support early childhood educators. I know how important and essential this sector is. Only Labor is backing early childhood educators and early childhood educator families. Thanks to Miss Tammy, Miss Cassie, Miss Tamara and Mr Leo for everything you do for Stevie.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Norfolk Island</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It was an honour a few weeks ago to be invited by Norfolk Islanders to Bounty Day. It commemorates the 1856 arrival of Pitcairn Islanders, the descendants of the <inline font-style="italic">Bounty</inline> mutineers and their Tahitian companions to the island, and the start of the current chapter of their culture on the island. It is an extraordinary day of celebration, of commemoration and of community on an island for those that have a real sense of valuing their place in the world, their island and their community. I was struck by the sense of community that people had and the pride many Norfolk Islanders who now live here in Australia have in going back to Norfolk Island for Bounty Day to partake in the celebration.</para>
<para>It also struck me that this is a community that, after four years of promises, still have no local representation, no democratically elected council or anything really that allows them to have a say in the day-to-day goings-on that affect their community. That is not good enough. It is not good enough that we have a community here in Australia that has no local representation. Despite promises made to them by the Labor government, despite the NCET committee visiting there and making some really strong recommendations, they are falling between the cracks when it comes to grant applications. There's nowhere for them to apply to when it comes to things like prac payments for young teachers on the island. It seems you're covered anywhere in Australia except Norfolk Island. These are things that this parliament needs to fix.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Every day in this place, politicians talk about the cost-of-living crisis, but it is outside these walls that the crisis takes on human form. It is the delivery driver working endless hours just to scrape together rent. It is the aged-care worker who travels hours on public transport to reach a job that pays barely enough to cover the bills. It is the university graduate who is watching the money that could have been a house deposit go into spiralling student debt repayments. It is the young family, with working parents, still struggling to cover medical bills. There is no doubt that this is a crisis, but it is not by accident; it is the product of a system working exactly as it was designed, with wealth continuing to flow upwards while working people struggle.</para>
<para>Things don't have to be like this. Big, bold change is possible—indeed, it is necessary—and it looks like taxing the obscene profits of gas giants to fund and expand public services. It looks like ending price gouging and breaking up duopolies so people can have cheaper groceries, cheaper power and the services that they need. It looks like taxing wealth to invest back into the workers who created it. It looks like bringing about genuine redistribution; building public housing; making child care, universities, TAFE and public transport free; and properly funding our schools, hospitals and aged care.</para>
<para>Neither Labor nor the Liberals nor One Nation are ever going to do these things. Let's be very clear about that. They are bought and sold by the same billionaires, the same corporations and the same media that benefit from the status quo. But we are not. The Greens are fighting for you. We believe politics should be for the 99 per cent, not the 1 per cent.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, this Labor government rammed through some of the worst tax changes that we have ever seen in this chamber. These are taxes that punish investment and discourage Australians from acquiring capital. These ridiculous tax changes are taxes on aspiration. In my home state of Western Australia, the changes to capital gains tax are a serious threat to the mining industry. This is unbelievable. While the government offered concessions for innovative startups, it denied the same treatment to mineral investments despite junior mineral explorers facing the same high-risk high-reward profile.</para>
<para>The importance of the mining sector to Western Australia and our national economy cannot be overstated. Even Labor's comrades in Western Australia travelled to Canberra last week to argue the state's case. Premier Roger Cook warned that the Labor government should not 'mess with success' in our resources industry. Even the treasurer, Minister Saffioti, stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Resource exploration companies are the original start-ups that go on to contribute billions of dollars to our state and national economy.</para></quote>
<para>Labor's own party mates agreed that it makes no sense at all to discourage the investment that keeps our economy growing. If these taxes were bad enough to be rewritten at the eleventh hour, then they would be bad enough to scrap altogether; instead, this Labor government cut a dirty deal with the Greens and has bitten the hands that feed our economy. Only a coalition government will repeal these toxic taxes to restore aspiration, reward hard work and put Australians first.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Menopause and Perimenopause</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Albanese Labor government is taking long-overdue action to improve care, support and recognition for Australian women experiencing menopause and perimenopause. A key measure is the creation of a new Medicare support for menopause and perimenopause health assessments, allowing women to have longer, more focused conversations with their GPs about symptoms, treatment options and broader health risks. The government is also funding training for health professionals and the development of Australia's first national clinical guidelines for perimenopause and menopause so women can receive more consistent, informed and evidence based care no matter where they live. That's what a Labor government does.</para>
<para>Thankyou to Mel Knuckey for sharing her story on Sunday and leading change in this often overlooked area of women's health. Importantly, the Albanese government is expanding the national network of endometriosis and pelvic pain clinics so that they can also provide specialist support for menopause and perimenopause. Finally, the government has actually listened to Australians and is providing the health care that they deserve. I want to thank Minister Mark Butler and Assistant Minister Rebecca White for their groundbreaking work and also the senators here in this chamber.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for statements has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTRY</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>MINISTRY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Temporary Arrangements</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I advise changes to ministerial arrangements. Senator McCarthy will be absent from question time this week due to personal reasons. In her absence, ministers will represent portfolios at question time in accordance with the letter circulated to the President, party leaders and Independent senators.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Treasurer, Senator Gallagher. Minister, the Prime Minister has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What we are simply doing is returning the CGT system to what was there before 1999.</para></quote>
<para>Minister, was there a 30 per cent minimum tax before 1999, and is there one now under your legislated higher taxes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Chandler for the question. We did spend quite a bit of time on this question at estimates, and I made it clear at the time—and I think the PM made it clear at the time in his comments—that the changes we have made on CGT were to go back to concession arrangements that were indexed for inflation and for tax on real gains, as opposed to the 50 per cent blunt concession that was in place since that time.</para>
<para>We are, on this side of the chamber, proud of the tax reforms that passed this parliament last week to make sure that we are able to better balance the tax paid on wages with some of the tax paid on assets and also to make sure that first home buyers in particular get a chance to buy a house in a housing market where the intersection of housing and tax has encouraged investment into established properties at the expense of younger generations who have not been able to get into the housing market.</para>
<para>So, yes, we have made a number of changes in relation to tax reform that passed this chamber on Thursday to better set up our arrangements for the future but also to make those tax arrangements fairer for all Australians and working in the interests of all Australians, and that's what this government will continue to do—to focus on real change that makes sure that all Australians have a stake in the economy now and into the future. Those reforms passed this chamber because they were the right thing to do, and those opposite are there to protect the status quo and want to pretend that you never need to change anything. That's why you're on the opposition benches, and that's why you will stay on the opposition benches.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Chandler, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, was there income averaging before 1999, and is there no income averaging now under your legislated higher taxes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, we did answer all of these questions at estimates, so I'm not quite sure why they're being asked again. We have been clear about what the tax changes will be—so clear that they were in the legislation that those opposite voted against last week. I note that Senator Chandler doesn't comment on the tax cuts that were included in that legislation—the egregious tax cuts, as they've been described by those opposite. The tax reductions that were in that bill that you also voted against, the $1,000 instant deduction—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Chandler?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Chandler</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order on relevance: I'm not sure that the minister is being relevant to the question, and it was quite tightly worded.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister is being relevant to your question. I'll continue to listen carefully, and I'll draw the minister to the question if necessary.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I did answer that question, and I've answered it in estimates. We were very clear what the reforms were. They were in legislation that you voted against last week. That outlines the core elements of our tax reform package, and we have been clear that, where there are further amendments to bring forward, we will do so in future legislation.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Wong?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, disorderly conduct.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is a point of order. The opposition appear to realise they have very little of substance to say so have just simply decided that they're going to interject. All of them are interjecting, and the Leader of the Opposition is doing it on my feet.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I don't need you to tell me how to behave, Senator Paterson, thank you.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister has finished her response. Senator Chandler, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, how many taxpayers on lower incomes under $45,000 will be hit by your higher taxes with the imposition of the 30 per cent minimum tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():  On the issue of averaging—which was the question that Senator Chandler asked me in the last question— the previous averaging system was removed for integrity reasons on the recommendation of the Howard government's own business tax review in 1999. Treasury's own analysis, which we know from the advice that was provided at estimates, shows that capital gains are predominantly made by the highest lifetime income earners: 'One-third of all capital gains realised by the top one per cent of lifetime income earners, and more than half of all gains are realised by the highest 10 per cent.' For those on low incomes, I think those who are earning less than $45,000 know that this government over here has sought to reduce the tax being paid—and, indeed, on 1 July, there will be further tax cuts for all Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GHOSH</name>
    <name.id>257613</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Treasurer, Senator Gallagher. On Wednesday, the Albanese Labor government will deliver on its promised tax cuts, so Australians keep more of what they earn. This is the latest in five rounds of tax cuts that the government is delivering, which, when fully rolled out, will see the average worker keep up to $2,800 of their wages in their own pockets every year. Can the minister outline what these tax cuts mean for working Australians and how they help manage the cost of living?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Ghosh for the question, and I acknowledge him as an important member of the team that constantly advocates on behalf of and fights for tax cuts for working Australians. That's exactly what we will see on 1 July this week, when the Albanese government will deliver another tax cut to every Australian taxpayer this year, and then another one next year, adding to the first round that Labor delivered in July 2024.</para>
<para>On 1 July this year, on Wednesday this week, we will have another tax cut. And from 1 July 2026, we will further reduce—well, this week—the 16 per cent tax rate to 15 per cent, including for those earning under $45,000. Senator Chandler should be interested in that, even though they voted against them. And from 1 July 2027, the tax rate will be reduced further to 14 per cent. That is in addition, of course, to the very important reforms that passed this chamber last week. All of these are designed to make sure that we are doing what we can to support Australians with those cost-of-living pressures.</para>
<para>Our tax reform package was pro-aspiration, pro-worker, pro-investment. The working Australian tax offset will provide a permanent annual tax offset of up to $250 for every single working Australian taxpayer, automatically reducing tax liability on their income earned from working for the 2027-28 income year. The $1,000 instant deduction, with no receipts required, from 2026-27, will allow workers to deduct up to $1,000 off their taxable income without receipts. And, of course, our changes to negative gearing, capital gains tax and trusts, which don't impact the majority of people, will help fund that tax relief for more than 13 million workers.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ghosh, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GHOSH</name>
    <name.id>257613</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>These tax cuts are part of a package of reforms that will take effect on 1 July, including a pay rise for Australia's lowest paid workers, an extension of the fuel excise cut and a full six months of paid parental leave for the first time. How do the Albanese government's tax cuts work alongside this broader cost-of-living relief to support households now?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Ghosh for the supplementary. The government have been focused on looking at what we can do when it comes to cost-of-living relief, and we've been providing that in a range of ways. Importantly, on Wednesday this week, every Australian taxpayer will get another tax cut—tax cuts that those opposite voted against. They were probably 'egregious' too, I imagine. The national minimum wage will increase by six per cent, and modern award wages will increase by 4.75 per cent, following our submission to the Annual Wage Review. Parents will get 26 weeks of paid parental leave, increasing from 24 weeks. Around 2.6 million Australians will benefit from indexation of a range of social security payments, rates and thresholds. Workers will also benefit from having their super paid at the same time as their salary and wages. And Australian families will get a better deal at the check-out under our new ban on excessive pricing of groceries for consumers in the food and grocery code.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ghosh, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GHOSH</name>
    <name.id>257613</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, it is disappointing that there are some in this Senate who don't support the Albanese Labor government's tax cuts. Why does the government continue to deliver tax cuts, and when will the remaining legislative tax cuts be implemented?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On this side of the chamber, we're all about delivering real change for Australians: more tax cuts, six months of paid parental leave, making it easier for first home buyers to get into a home, stronger Medicare and keeping our kids safe online. These are the things that we've been focused on. While those opposite don't know what they stand for and what they need to be focused on, we are delivering those real, practical solutions for Australians to help them with their cost-of-living pressures and also to make sure that our services are providing care, like Medicare and aged care, in the way that Australians expect.</para>
<para>We'll have more tax cuts flowing through, as I said, with the working Australians tax offset and the instant tax deduction. We've made these important reforms because we know that the status quo wasn't working for every Australian. We know that we needed to make these changes so that we can set the country up to work in the interests of all Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Victoria's Big Build</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. Media reports confirm that labour hire firms linked to Victoria's Big Build, which the Commonwealth is funding, have continued to pay criminal underworld figure Mr Mick Gatto for access to worksites. This has occurred under the CFMEU administration that Labor said would fix the rot. What steps has the government taken to determine whether any of these companies were working on Commonwealth funded projects?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hume for the question and for the opportunity to again state that the government does not tolerate corruption, criminality or violence in any part of the construction industry and make the point that the government has taken concrete action to clean up the industry, where the coalition and its ABCC completely failed. I would note that we have taken strong action not only in this sector but more generally in relation to the CFMEU. We have made clear that we will not tolerate, under any circumstances, as I said, corruption, criminality and violence in any part of the construction industry. I think you asked some specific questions about contracts, and, if I can obtain further information on that, I will provide it to the Senate.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister guarantee that no company receiving Commonwealth funded contracts has been required, either directly or indirectly, to make payments to organised crime figures or their associates in order to access worksites or continue operating on federally funded projects?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First, I think the conduct suggested would be illegal, and I've made our response more broadly to that. I understand that the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government has written to the states in relation to these issues, and I will see if I can obtain that information, but I think that's in the public arena.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One owner of a big build subcontractor said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If you don't pay Gatto, you don't get access to the Big Build. Through Gatto, and through the union, they control who goes onto the project and who doesn't get access to the project.</para></quote>
<para>Minister, why is convicted criminal and underworld figure Mr Mick Gatto still making money from taxpayer funded construction projects in spite of your decision to appoint an administrator to the CFMEU?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I might have missed the first part of that question, but, if you are quoting a criminal, that's a matter for you. That's the first point.</para>
<para>The second point is that my recollection is that it is as a result of the action that the administrator has taken, after the decisions that the government has made, that—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Shall I start again? My recollection is that Mr Gatto is facing charges as a consequence of action taken by the administrator that this government appointed. I also am advised that Minister King has made our expectations extremely clear with state and territory governments: crime and corruption within the construction industry cannot and will not be tolerated. We have introduced provisions into federal funding agreements to make sure we have strong governance and accountability mechanisms in place on projects that are being funded.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gambling Advertising</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Communications, Senator Farrell. Under current rules, streaming services like Kayo and Stan can't show gambling ads between 5 am and 8 pm during live sport. Your government's proposed changes to gambling advertising would remove this ban, leaving online streaming services less regulated than they are right now and less regulated than broadcast television. This will simply move gambling advertising dollars to streaming services, where children and their families watching live sport will be bombarded with ads. Senator Farrell, how can your government claim they are taking strong action to tackle gambling ads when this loophole allows for a free-for-all?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson Young for her question, and I might start my reply by saying that the Albanese Labor government is delivering the most significant gambling advertising reform by any Australian government ever, and we have delivered over $110 million in gambling harm reduction measures in the budget. So I fundamentally reject your proposition that we are not doing enough in this space.</para>
<para>But let me tell you about all of the things that the government are—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, do you want to hear answer or not?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, we do.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You want to hear the answer. We're delivering $112 million over five years from 2025-26 to address online gambling harms through improved consumer protections, expanded support services and targeted public awareness and education campaigns. These include $39 million over four years from 2026-27 to expand financial counselling support to maximise availability and the reach of services for individuals and families impacted by gambling harms; $28.7 million over four years to improve BetStop by raising community awareness, strengthening data-matching systems and enhancing usability to optimise client safety outcomes; $22.6 million over five years to implement wagering advertising reform, boost compliance and enforce actions against illegal gambling— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I listened carefully to that answer, and it went nowhere near the point that it is going to be easier for gambling ads to be shown on streaming services than it is now. Why is your government letting the online gambling industry and their advertising off the hook?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson-Young for her first supplementary question. Again I reject that proposition, Senator Hanson-Young</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can reject it, but it's fact.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, maybe you should have listened a little bit better to my first answer, Senator Hanson-Young.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please direct your comments to the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Of course. Thank you, Chair. I outlined in some specific detail all of the things which this government has been doing to establish the proposition that we have delivered the most significant gambling advertising reform by any Australian government ever, with over $110 million in gambling harm reduction measures in this budget. No other government in the history of Australia has done as much in this space as the Albanese government has done in the last budget. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On Friday, millions of Australians gathered in schools, homes, workplaces and pubs around the country to watch the Socceroos play in the World Cup. In the lead-up to the game, they were bombarded with gambling ads while watching the public broadcaster. Will you ban all advertising on our public broadcaster so that people can watch our great sport without being bombarded by gambling ads?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson-Young for her second supplementary question. I did happen to watch that match, and I was very pleased to see that such a large number of South Australian soccer players were performing so well in that game. The gambling reforms that I was talking about before are reforms that—I can only repeat this, and I'll repeat it every time you ask this question—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My question was pretty direct. Will the government ban advertising of gambling on the SBS?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Hanson-Young. I have been listening carefully, and the minister is being relevant to your question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I can only repeat my answer, Senator Hanson-Young, and that is that we have delivered the most significant gambling advertising reform that any Australian government has ever introduced.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Early Childhood Education and Care</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Early Childhood Education, Senator Walsh. Minister, early learning gives children a great start in life and helps families thrive, but quality early learning depends on the dedicated educators who support children every day. The Albanese Labor government has delivered and now locked in a 15 per cent pay rise for this workforce, including tens of thousands of educators in my home state of Victoria. Minister, what difference is this pay rise already making for educators and for families?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALSH</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Senator Darmanin, for the question and for your years of dedication to working Australians. Like everyone on this side of the chamber, Senator Darmanin backs workers, and that includes our nation's dedicated early childhood educators. Our 15 per cent pay rise has been a game changer. With minimum wages also going up this week on 1 July, in total a typical full-time educator will be $255 a week better off. Just like we've backed higher minimum wages for all workers, we've backed a pay boost for our nation's early childhood educators.</para>
<para>Under the previous coalition government, educators were leaving the sector in droves. Educators told the coalition again and again that low pay was driving a workforce crisis, and they did nothing about it. So we did the hard work of delivering real change through our $3.6 billion pay rise. Educators themselves are telling us just what a difference this has made. When the Prime Minister announced the pay rise a couple of weeks ago, he met Elizabeth. She's worked in early childhood education for 21 years, and she says our 15 per cent pay rise is helping more educators just like her stay in the jobs they love. That's good for them, and it's also great for kids, because this pay rise means a stable workforce and more certainty for children and families. There are more than 200,000 workers just like Elizabeth covered by this pay rise—200,000 educators, overwhelmingly women. This is real change for those workers, who were undervalued for way too long by those opposite. Labor believes the people who educate and care for Australia's youngest children deserve to be paid properly. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Darmanin, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Early learning is built on relationships between children, families and educators. The early years matter. Why is a strong and stable educator workforce so important to quality early learning, and how does our approach support families too?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALSH</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Families want a quality early learning system that they can rely on, but you can't have a quality early learning system without a quality workforce. The pay rise means educators can afford to stay in the jobs they love. Since it was announced, job vacancies are down by almost a third in this sector. Staffing waivers are down by 40 per cent. And here's what that really means for a million Australian families: it means a greater chance that your child will have the same educator at the end of the year as they did at the start. It means your child can have a favourite educator that they know and love—the same face there every day, the same educator who knows what your child needs. It means children feel safe, and, when they feel safe, they feel ready to learn. That's what happens when you respect early educators, when you pay them fairly and when you back workers, because when you back workers you also back families, and that's exactly what we're doing. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Darmanin, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DARMANIN</name>
    <name.id>301128</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Albanese government has backed workers with higher wages, stronger rights at work and a historic pay rise for early childhood educators, but some still question the value of trained educators and want to wind back progress. What's at stake if Australia does not back a trained, qualified and respected early learning workforce?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALSH</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Without this dedicated workforce, quality would suffer in early education. It's unavoidable, and it hurts children, and it hurts the parents who rely on this system while they're at work. So you would think that everyone would back these workers in, but the coalition of chaos over there seems confused. You have One Nation asking, 'Didn't they just get a pay rise?' and scratching their heads over why educators even need to be qualified at all. Meanwhile, it seems that when Mr Taylor looks in the mirror he sees Senator Hanson staring back at him. If he's adopting One Nation's politics, will he also adopt One Nation's policy of questioning whether families even need early childhood education at all? On this side of the chamber we back these workers, we back families and we back the early education and care system that one million Australian families need.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>KPMG Australia</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Gallagher. Minister, KPMG's sins are on the public record. They've lied to the parliament multiple times, they've used confidential client information to win new audit work multiple times, they've cheated on exams multiple times and they've hounded and mistreated a whistleblower. Given all of these ethical and leadership failures, do you believe KPMG should be contracted at $1.3 million—as they are right now—to provide ethics training to the public sector's leaders?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Pocock for the question, and I acknowledge her work along with Senator Deb O'Neill, Senator Paul Scarr and Senator Colbeck in relation to PwC and looking at the consultancy sector—and, in this case, the accounting and auditing sector—and the behaviour and ethics of some of the companies involved in that.</para>
<para>In relation to the contracts that currently engage the Public Service or the public sector—various entities—with KPMG, we have not been made aware of any—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please resume your seat. Senator Pocock?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Barbara Pocock</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order on relevance: my question was very specifically about a $1.3 million contract to train the senior Public Service in ethics and leadership. Is it the minister's opinion that that's a problem?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pocock, the minister went directly to that question. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I was just getting to that. And Senator Pocock knows that the contracts, which existed prior to Senator O'Neill's contribution in this place to raise concerns that the whistleblower had made, were entered into prior to this time. We also have no evidence that any of the unethical behaviour that we have seen raised through the committee that Senator O'Neill chairs has been involved in any of the contracts that exist across government.</para>
<para>Senator Pocock sought through a question I got in the media for me to cancel contracts. Now, that is against the law. So Senator Pocock is asking me to break the law, because ministers have no role in procurement—none—nor should they. But also, if indeed I did break the law and say that this contract should be cancelled, it would have no legal effect. For all the grandstanding in the world, Senator Pocock, I cannot do what you're asking me to do. We have a pause with KPMG at the moment that we'll continue until the review is finished.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pocock, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It doesn't pass any sort of pub test to have this mob training our senior leaders in ethics. On 15 June I referred KPMG to the National Anti-Corruption Commission. They are also under investigation by ASIC and the Tax Practitioners Board. The current TPB chair, Peter de Cure, is a former senior partner of KPMG, and he worked there for 25 years. This raises a very obvious conflict of interest. Minister, do you believe that Mr Peter de Cure, former KPMG partner, should recuse himself from the current TPB investigation of KPMG?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would expect the TPB, with which you have had extensive dealings, Senator Pocock, would manage any perceived or potential conflict of interest, as is appropriate and as we would expect any public authority—in fact any executive team—to manage. I would expect that the Tax Practitioners Board does exactly that.</para>
<para>In relation to KPMG and the action that we have taken, we have a review underway that has been headed up by Dr Ian Watt, who is going to undertake that review to look across government at the contracts that exist with KPMG. We are extremely concerned and disturbed by what we have read around the whistleblower's allegations and indeed the admissions by KPMG. And I thought Senator O'Neill's committee, which sat late Friday a week ago, was very enlightening as to some of the behaviour that's been undertaken, and we will be looking closely at that and the review, when it comes in.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pocock, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Two of the big four firms have now shown us extraordinary unethical behaviour, and we're on a third parliamentary inquiry, as you've just referred to, into the big four firms. We know what is needed. There is a cross-parliamentary agreement. We've got the evidence and agreement on what needs to be done. It's now time for Labor to act and properly regulate these huge firms. Will you commit to the structural reforms we know we need for these huge partnerships, holding them accountable to the same tax, transparency and whistleblower standards as corporations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Well, there are a number of areas there—indeed, the inquiry that's underway and the review that's happening under my portfolio by Dr Ian Watt. The Assistant Treasurer, Dr Mulino, is also undertaking and has released a discussion paper or is in the process of it—I think it's imminent, if it hasn't been released—to look at these issues, and we keep them under active consideration.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NAMPIJINPA PRICE</name>
    <name.id>263528</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. On Saturday, the Treasurer admitted that, under Labor's tax changes, some small businesses will be better off and some will be worse off. 'It depends,' in his words. Which Australian small businesses does Labor think deserve to pay more tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First, I did see belatedly the Treasurer's interview, and I think it was an extremely good interview outlining the principles behind the tax changes where also changes will need to be made, and—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You don't like it? We don't mind saying nice things about colleagues, you see.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Watt</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You should try it sometime.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know—that's unusual on that side! Senator, I would make the point that, in terms of small business, in fact a number of aspects of the package that the government both has passed and is putting in place will benefit small business. The most important of those are making the $20,000 instant asset write-off permanent and introducing a permanent two-year loss carryback—also, introducing loss refundability to help startups in their first years and increasing the turnover threshold for the existing 50 per cent active asset reduction capital gains tax concession from $2 million to $10 million. You might recall that I last week talked about the fact that that meant that all existing 2.7 million active small businesses and 98 per cent of active businesses would be eligible for concessional treatment. Those are the parameters that the government has put in place—tax relief for many in small business. The question you asked was asking for tax advice for specifics; obviously, people make their own decisions about how they organise their tax affairs.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Nampijinpa Price, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NAMPIJINPA PRICE</name>
    <name.id>263528</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How many small businesses will be worse off under Labor's capital gains tax changes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I think I just spoke about the capital gains tax changes that have been made for small business, and the Treasurer did speak about the fact that there are a number of tax concessions for small business. The active asset reduction is the most accessed concession for small businesses and is broadly applicable. That is the policy improvement that I was referencing when I referenced the number of small businesses who would benefit from that change.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Nampijinpa Price, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NAMPIJINPA PRICE</name>
    <name.id>263528</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That didn't tell me who'll be worse off. After legislating a widow tax and now admitting some small businesses will pay more tax under Labor's legislation, what other hidden tax increases are buried in Labor's package?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First, I would make the point that, when we announced the budget, we said we would consult with small business and startups and the government have done that. Since then, we've announced support for more small businesses, more incentives for innovation and further implementation details.</para>
<para>But I'm asked about taxes and I would again make the point that you're on the side that voted for higher taxes, and your deputy leader has described the tax cuts for 13 million Australians as egregious. So I think, whenever the coalition come in here and talk to us and to the Australian people about tax, people should always remember that they did not want 13 million Australians to get a tax cut—not only that but, after the fact, they complained about it and said it was egregious. So, Senator, I would say to you that it would have been better, if you really were pro tax reduction, if you didn't vote with your colleagues when they voted against it. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Treasurer, Senator Gallagher. Under Labor, productivity in Australia is in freefall. Labor's big-taxing agenda punishes every investment productivity depends on. Labor is making every part of the economy that drives productivity growth less attractive, with more regulation and higher taxes. Is it not the truth that Labor's budget is really the start of its new policy, a future made overseas, because this government is really only interested in fuelling its spending by taxing innovation and aspiration at the expense of making Australia a less attractive place to build, employ, work and grow?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, the short answer to that is no. This government has done more to address productivity than any that I can recall in the time that I have served in this chamber. I note that One Nation voted against our tax cuts last week. I note that One Nation voted against making housing work better for all Australians, particularly younger Australians, who increasingly feel locked out of the housing market, because they are. We've taken a decision to change that. We think it's the right thing to do to make sure that our tax system works in the interests of all Australians in a fairer and more balanced way. That is the decision we took.</para>
<para>As the Treasurer said yesterday, when you're faced with these challenges, you can make two decisions: do nothing—ignore and allow that to continue—or seek to make changes that make it better for people. That's what we do on this side of the chamber. On that side of the chamber, increasingly, more often than not—in fact, I think it's very, very rare, Senator Bell, for you not to vote with the Liberal and National parties. You take that view, that you want to oppose change and you want to maintain the status quo. I don't know how you explain that to your constituents, Senator Bell, when they're worried about getting into housing and you say: 'Oh, no, the housing system is working fine. No change required here.' We take a different view.</para>
<para>We've had a lot of discussion in relation to productivity in this place. The slowest productivity growth in the last 60 years was in the decade between 2010 and 2020. We have a number of measures in the budget specifically looking at driving productivity growth. Treasury has endorsed our tax reform as meeting our productivity— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bell, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Treasurer Chalmers has claimed that Labor's tax changes will redirect capital away from established housing and into more productive parts of the economy. But Labor is also making investment in businesses, shares and other assets that drive productivity growth less attractive. Where does the Treasurer expect that capital to go, when his government is making taxes higher for every alternative?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is indeed what the Treasurer has said, and it's the advice that Treasury has provided. What it says is that, instead of making investment decisions based on the concessional nature of the tax break that's associated with that investment, you make that investment based on what is the most productive use of your dollars, on neutral tax settings—that is, the tax settings remain neutral, so therefore you're making decisions on what is the most productive use of that investment. At the moment, what we're seeing—and it's clear in budget statement 4 of BP 1—and have seen since 1999 is investment dollars going into established property for the nature of the return that can be generated there. The consequence is that first home buyers have been squeezed out of the housing market. You want that to continue, and we don't think that's right.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bell, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister actually name a single productive industry that is now not going to be taxed higher under this bad Labor budget? You say the money will be redirected. Name one industry that's going to benefit. I'd just be careful because industry is listening. The Australians who work in these industries are listening. Can you just name one industry that you say is going to have that money directed to it?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The tax reform includes a range of other measures. There is $3.8 billion of investment into businesses: the R&D tax incentive, the venture capital arrangements, the instant asset write-off—a whole range of areas in this tax reform package that are about investing in innovation, dynamism and supporting investment; all of those. I would also say that what we've done here is make sure that working Australians, those that earn their income through wages, are getting a better deal through tax cuts. And it's right, Senator Bell—if you earn your income through wages, why should you be paying more than someone who earns their income from assets? Why? What we're doing is making sure that it's a much fairer system.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bell</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order on relevance. I'm still waiting to hear the actual industry. Can you name the industry?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Bell. The minister is being relevant, and I'll continue to listen carefully.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>All of those areas that I talk about, such as innovation and dynamism, occur across the economy. It's all areas, Senator Bell. I know you don't agree with it, but that's the case, they're the facts and that's the budget we handed— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Gallagher. Last week, I moved an amendment that would have introduced indexation of tax brackets to protect against bracket creep, which is where inflation-driven pay rises push workers into the higher tax bracket and they wind up paying more tax on their pay packet. While this government adjusted tax brackets several years ago, the high inflation under your government has since negated the benefit. Australians are now no better off than they were in 2022, paying 17.7 per cent of the average wage in tax. The pay rises coming through next week will be the start of bracket creep, making people worse off than in 2022. Minister, why won't this government support indexation of tax brackets? Are you happy to see workers paying more tax than when you came to power?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the minister, I remind the chamber that Senator Roberts has the right to ask his questions in silence.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Roberts for the question. Senator Roberts, you and your party last week voted against tax cuts for working people. I would be more generous if your voting record didn't show you consistently voted against working people. You voted against penalty rates reform. You voted against energy bill relief. You voted against housing investment, against programs like Help to Buy that are actually helping low-income Australians into housing. The reality of the way the right-wing parties vote and then the concerns they raise—the disconnect between the concerns they raise in question time and the way they vote is astounding. You voted against tax cuts just last week. From memory, you voted against the stage 3 tax cuts as well, where we ensured—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please resume your seat.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bragg, I've called order about four times. That does include you. Now either listen in silence or I'll invite you to leave the chamber. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Every time we have sought to provide tax relief in this chamber, One Nation and the conservative right-wing parties in Australia voted against it.</para>
<para>We are absolutely enthusiastic about cutting bracket creep. I have heard the Treasurer say this a number of times about returning bracket creep: we'll do it when we can, in a responsible way and we can afford to do so. We're cutting taxes five times in three different ways. We've got the tax cuts starting on Wednesday. We've got another tax cut starting 1 July the year after. We've got our instant tax deduction. We have the tax cuts that came on in 2024. We have the working Australians tax offset. These are all ways that we are making the tax system work better for working Australians. In addition to that, we've got all our investments in Medicare and cheaper medicines that we continue to roll out to help people with cost-of-living pressures.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Since 2022, real wages have gone backwards 2.2 per cent. With underlying inflation running at 3.6 per cent, and rising, next week's national wage increase will not make up for what workers have lost since Labor came to power. Workers are forever playing catch-up, never getting ahead. Minister, will you accept the only way to properly restore workers incomes is to cut taxes and put more money back in people's pockets?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's exactly what the government are doing. We are cutting taxes to put more money in people's pockets. We are supporting wage increases, and have done so consistently since coming to government. Real wage outcomes are growing and they have had a three in front of them, for the first time in a decade, since we came to government, because we on this side of the chamber understand how important wage increases every year are to make sure you can balance the household budget.</para>
<para>Now, inflation is higher than we would like—we can see that in the budget papers—and wages haven't grown as fast as we would like. That's why we have been so supportive of the annual wage claims and why we've consistently done everything we can, including in aged care and early education and care, to give those workers the pay rises that they deserve—something that had been ignored for the decade before we came to government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This government is raking in more tax than when you came to power, from 29.7 per cent of GDP to 30.2 per cent, with tax on increased corporate profits in the lead. As tax bracket creep cuts in, from 1 July workers will be getting taxed more. Today you're increasing the fuel excise, which will hurt everyday Australians, particularly families. Minister, why did Labor turn your backs on workers to become the party of big business, and was this a cunning plan to make the Liberals look irrelevant?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>They don't need any help in looking irrelevant right now, Senator Roberts. Even if we were wanting to help them, they're doing a pretty good job on their own. In relation to fuel excise, we did have a temporary relaxing of or halving of the fuel excise to help when the conflict in the Middle East had such a significant impact on petrol prices. That has come down quite a bit, but we think it is sensible to continue it at a lower level for a shorter period of time to help households adjust. At the same time, we continue to roll out all our cost-of-living help, whether it be tax cuts, whether it be our tripling of the bulk-billing rate or our lowering of the price of medicines. All of these areas are targeted to make sure that people can deal with some of those household pressures that we know they have to manage. What they know is that this government works 24 hours a day, seven days a week to work through all of the ways that we can help households with those cost-of-living pressures, and we will continue to do so.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. The government says around 4,000 self-managed super fund property loans are written each year. Industry says just eight firms alone arranged more than 4,000. Did the government undertake a regulatory impact analysis before making this change?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take advice in relation to the RIS, but I would say to you that I think I answered a question—possibly not from you, Senator, but from another senator—in relation to that amendment, which was made to the government's tax package. I noted from memory that this was something raised in the context of both the Murray inquiry many years ago and the Council of Financial Regulators.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question was in regard to a regulatory impact analysis statement on this change. This question is: did the government verify its figures with lenders?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The advice I have is the Treasury advice that I referenced last week. This is a very small number of new borrowings each year, and the advice I have been given by the Treasury is that less than 10 per cent of self-managed super funds have one of these arrangements for residential property. Obviously there are transitional arrangements in place, which will mean those will be unaffected. The advice that I think I provided to the chamber last week was that less than one per cent of total residential property borrowing and less than half a per cent of new residential borrowing each year fell into the category of limited recourse borrowing arrangements.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Isn't this confusion exactly what happens when Labor governments write tax policy to satisfy the Australian Greens political party instead of listening to industry experts?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator, I'd make a couple of points. The first is that I again remind you that the Murray inquiry said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Direct borrowing by superannuation funds … is … inconsistent with the objectives of superannuation to be a savings vehicle for retirement income.</para></quote>
<para>The Murray inquiry also went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a … prohibition … would preserve the strengths and benefits the superannuation system has delivered to individuals, the financial system and the economy, and limit the risks to taxpayers.</para></quote>
<para>I would also refer to the report from the Council of Financial Regulators in 2022, which says that limited recourse borrowing represents 'a significant risk to some individuals' retirement savings, particularly where they have low-balance SMSFs'.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vanuatu-Australia Nakamal Agreement</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator Wong. Minister, today the Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese, and Prime Minister Napat of Vanuatu signed a new treaty, the Vanuatu-Australia Nakamal Agreement, here in Canberra. As the minister has previously said, this agreement will 'transform the relationship between our two countries'. Could the minister explain what this treaty means for Australia and how it helps further secure Australia's place in our region?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you to Senator Cox for her question. She asked what this treaty means and how it helps further secure Australia's place in our region. I would say that this treaty is transformative for Australia and Vanuatu and for our region. Today we welcomed Prime Minister Napat, Foreign Minister Ati and the Vanuatu delegation to Australia. Our countries share a deep and enduring partnership based on mutual respect, shared values and a common vision for our region.</para>
<para>Today we have elevated that partnership through the Nakamal agreement, an agreement which supports Vanuatu's development aspirations and economic transformation and, crucially, strengthens the security of our region. The Nakamal agreement has come about thanks to the leadership of Prime Minister Napat and Prime Minister Albanese, and that is why we now have this important treaty which the prime ministers signed today. It sets out an enduring framework to strengthen our links and cultural connections and recognises Australia's role as Vanuatu's closest economic partner, security partner and development partner.</para>
<para>In Vanuatu the Nakamal is the place where chiefs and leaders come together to talk, to resolve issues and to work out the way forward, where decisions are made with mutual respect, trust and understanding. This agreement reflects that Pacific security belongs to and is the responsibility of the Pacific family. The agreement confirms our role as Vanuatu's primary policing partner and that Vanuatu will not allow any foreign military bases or infrastructure in its territory and will keep its critical infrastructure free from militarisation and any form of foreign interference. With the signing of this agreement, the Albanese government has taken the next major step in our partnership with Vanuatu and our collective aspiration for a peaceful, stable and prosperous Pacific.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cocks, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Albanese Labor government has strengthened every single one of our relationships in the Pacific, with the signing of the Nakamal treaty being the latest step in this. How does the government's approach to strengthening our standing in the region make Australians safer and more secure in an increasingly contested world?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you to the senator. I have said that Australia must navigate a world which is more divided and more contested. I think we can all see that. Strong regional relationships make Australia and Australians more secure. Unfortunately, we lost a decade in the Pacific when the right-wing parties were last in power. They neglected our region, they lectured the Pacific, they mocked their priorities and they failed to show up when it mattered. Now Australia does face a permanent contest in the region.</para>
<para>From day one we have been listening, consulting and responding to Pacific priorities. I travelled to every Pacific Islands Forum member in my first year as Foreign minister. There has been regular engagement from the Prime Minister, from Minister Conroy, from the Deputy Prime Minister and from many other ministers as well, including Senator Green. We've invested in rebuilding our relationships and we are restoring Australia's standing as a partner of choice for the region, and today's agreement is a demonstration of that.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cox, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Minister, for that wonderful answer and also for your amazing work alongside others in the cabinet—in particular, you mentioned Senator Green and her work. As you outlined, the Albanese Labor government has worked closely with those in our region, helping to deliver on their priorities and advancing our collective interests. What has helped Australia to engage constructively in the region, and what threats are there to this positive and collaborative approach?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We are making transformational breakthroughs in partnership with the Pacific in the region. That fundamentally begins with mutual respect and the recognition that we are all members of the Pacific family. That respect stands in contrast to the disrespect that we saw of the Pacific by the coalition over a decade. People still remember when Mr Dutton and Mr Morrison joked about water lapping at the door. Of course, we also have the coalition—the current Liberals—wanting to team up with One Nation, who disrespect Pacific leaders with slurs.</para>
<para>Put simply, a stronger, safer, sovereign Pacific is good for Australia, and it is good for our region. That is why we have agreements like the Pukpuk alliance with Papua New Guinea, the Falepili union with Tuvalu, the Nauru-Australia Treaty and now the Nakamal Agreement with Vanuatu.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania: Foreign Investment</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Treasurer. On 19 March, I forwarded a letter from Tas Farmers and wrote to the Treasurer expressing concern about the market distortion being created by the subsidisation of the purchase of the 22,000-hectare irrigated dairy and beef farm Rushy Lagoon by the Clean Energy Finance Corporation to a foreign investment company to convert that property to growing trees to store carbon to provide offsets for foreign companies. Minister, as of today, Tas Farmers have received no response from any member of the government—not the Treasurer and not the ag minister, who also has an interest. Why haven't Tas Farmers received a response and when will they?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Colbeck for the question. I would have to take that on notice. I am not aware of the issue or where the response to that letter may be, but I undertake to find out from the Treasurer's office and come back to you directly.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Colbeck, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, on 11 May I also wrote to the Treasurer and to you expressing my concerns in the same sentiment about this market-distorting dud deal. My letters have also been ignored by the government. When will the government respond to the broad concerns expressed about this dud, market-distorting deal?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, no-one's ignored your correspondence, Senator Colbeck. It may be that it—I actually don't recall where that response is up to. I will undertake to come back to Senator Colbeck directly with any further information.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Colbeck, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that answer, Minister. Why won't the government just say no to this dud market-distorting deal that benefits foreign companies rather than Australian food production and is clearly not in the Australian interest?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will come back to Senator Colbeck with any further information I can provide.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on notice.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>50</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Victoria's Big Build</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to clarify an answer I gave in response to Senator Hume's question regarding Mr Gatto in question time today. For the benefit of the chamber, I indicate I have now been advised that Mr Gatto is not currently facing charges.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>50</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Answers to Questions</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by ministers to questions without notice asked by Opposition senators today.</para></quote>
<para>First of all, I'm going to defend the honour of the coalition. I take absolute umbrage at the Foreign minister playing politics in the Pacific. We did not abandon the Pacific. We set up the Pacific Step-up. We set up the AIFFP. We set it up. We couldn't go in there because of COVID. You know that. How dare you—through you, Deputy President—play politics on that?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Collins, I will remind you it's answers to coalition questions.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm just about to move to that. Thank you, Deputy President. We asked the government today about the Prime Minister saying this about the tax changes and his budget:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What we are simply doing is returning the CGT system to what was there before 1999.</para></quote>
<para>We asked:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… was there a 30 per cent minimum tax before 1999, and is there one now under your legislated higher taxes?</para></quote>
<para>It would have been very easy, had the minister responsible said, 'Yes and yes,' but of course they didn't. We asked:</para>
<quote><para class="block">…was there income averaging before 1999, and is there no income averaging now under your legislated higher taxes?</para></quote>
<para>Of course they couldn't answer any of that, because it's simply not the case. They are not simply doing what was there in the CGT system before 1999.</para>
<para>The Leader of the Government in the Senate this morning used a good word, I thought. There's a certain word that we can't use here in the chamber—a certain word starting with L—but we can use the word 'deceitful'. I heard it used many times this morning by the Leader of the Government in the Senate. This is exactly what our prime minister has been to the Australian people: deceitful. They are not doing what was there before 1999. This 30 per cent minimum tax to be imposed on the Australian people is a completely new feature introduced by Labor, and it will hit those on lower incomes because, unlike pre 1999, there will be no income averaging.</para>
<para>We also asked, 'How many taxpayers on lower incomes under $45,000 will be hit by these higher taxes?' All we hear back from the government is that they're not introducing higher taxes; these are tax cuts. I don't know if anybody has spent any time on social media recently, but the Australian people know the truth. They know this government is being deceitful—$77 billion of new taxes, to be frank. Even their budget documents showed that low-income earners will pay more tax. 'Jack's tax' is what they talked about. Jack earns below $45,000, but he will pay thousands of dollars of tax due to the 30 per cent minimum tax rate. So, when the Prime Minister says to you that they are returning to a pre-1999 CGT system and when the government tells you that they're introducing tax cuts, don't believe their deceit. They are not telling you the truth. They are taxing your risk-taking, they are taxing young people, they are taxing entrepreneurs and they're taxing your dreams. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, we see the uniparties—the Liberals, the Nationals and One Nation—all voting against tax decreases. That's what they do for people that are struggling. When tax decreases get put to this Senate, they vote against it on every occasion.</para>
<para>We saw with the questions again today that they started talking about what's happening with small business. Critically importantly, why don't they start supporting some of the measures that we've made here? They should be supporting the fact that we've made new tax measures to support businesses and tax reform packages totalling over $3.8 billion in relief. We've made the $20,000 instant asset write-off permanent for small business. That makes a real difference. I represented small business in my previous life, and I'm representing small business now being in this place. Those sorts of changes make a real difference when you're running a small business. So why don't they get in behind us when we say, 'That measure is on the right track'?</para>
<para>The two-year loss carry-back for companies with turnover of up to $1 billion is supporting cash flows through disruption and incentivising sensible risk-taking. That's part of the $3.8 billion in relief. Loss refundability to help startups grow in their first two years, expanding tax incentives for venture capital to help unlock more investment in young and expanding businesses—these are all changes that make a real difference. These changes that we've announced through the CGT are all changes that make a real difference.</para>
<para>Those on the opposite side are all about the status quo. They're all about keeping things the way they are. We all know—the rest of the Australian community knows—that things have to change. These changes not only benefit, across the board, all earners of income but also spread the tax liability across the economy appropriately, whilst reinvesting in small business. The measures we've put in place make sure that small business can develop and expand. These changes make a real difference.</para>
<para>And of course we've seen, throughout the CGT argument and the tax questions, that those opposite look at issues like housing. Again, they want the status quo. They want things to remain the same, because they haven't got an idea in their head to turn it around and make a change that is better for Australians, to make sure our housing stock is available—they vote against every piece of legislation to increase our housing stock—and to make it more practical for people to buy a house into the future. They should be looking at everybody under the age of 40 and at every person who's struggling to buy a house and say to them, 'You deserve the status quo, because what we're doing is nothing.' That's what you're saying to them. That's what you're proposing to them. That's what you're putting to them. And that's what you're voting on when you come to this place.</para>
<para>The uni party—the Libs, the Nats and One Nation—all get together and vote as a bloc yet again. They've done it year after year. They did it for a decade when they were in opposition, and they've done it since we've been in government, because at every opportunity—whether to give cost-of-living relief, to change the tax burden to make sure it's evenly spread out, to make sure people have an opportunity to develop the opportunities into the future or in relation to some of the great announcements we've made about small business or to make sure there is housing stock for people purchasing in the future—they vote against it, because they just like the status quo.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANTIC</name>
    <name.id>269375</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, we've heard a lot of angles on the economy today. What I heard, though, were almost impassioned pleas from the Labor Party to believe them when it comes to the issue of the economy. That's not something you get a lot of, out in the mainstream, from the Australian people, in particular when we've heard all about this high-taxing agenda, the impact of the CGT changes. You can astroturf that all you like, but it all comes back down to the thing people are talking about in this country at the moment, and that's how expensive everything is for them. This is not going to help that.</para>
<para>The average Australian family is now well and truly aware that those opposite speak about the worker, they speak about the Aussie battler, but in fact are more obsessed with being taken in by the global elite. They love to traipse off to Europe and get loved up by the European Left, and the Australian people aren't being fooled by this anymore. They've seen this played out, and they know now that side of the chamber really have no interest in those who are the backbone of our workforce—the fathers, the providers, the blokes who get up before dawn to get out and build the country with their hands. These are the people who, for too long, have been sold out by globalists and bureaucrats here in Canberra, by those who purport to speak on their behalf while all their actions, as we've seen over the last month or so, do quite the opposite.</para>
<para>Look around you at the moment. What do we say to the Australian family when factories have been closing for years on end because of free trade deals and profits for multinational companies? Mining towns are under pressure from the climate scam and being hollowed out with cheap imports. The wealth of this country is being sent overseas by this globalist mindset and, one by one, the opportunities that built the Australian dream are being squeezed and shuttered, with not even a thought for the millions of working men left behind. These people don't speak for them. They speak for the global elite. And this higher-taxing agenda is proof positive of that.</para>
<para>These are, ultimately, the forgotten men and women of Australia, people who are middle aged, often in the outer suburbs or in regional towns, being overlooked by a system that prioritises net zero fantasies and woke ideologies, that lectures them and ignores the very real struggles that they face—the ever-increasing family breakdowns and economic despair. How do you fix that? Well, I'll give a little message to those opposite. It's not by increasing their tax burden or by taking away their opportunity for aspiration and investment—investment which is not, despite what those opposite say, about the big end of town. It's about people in control of their own destiny being able to choose their way without having to pump the tires of government coffers.</para>
<para>The elites will tell you this is called progress, but I call it betrayal. Globalism hasn't lifted everyone up. It's crushed the Aussie battler, the working man, who just wants a fair go, a stable job and a future for his kids. He's now met with indifference, with a high-taxing agenda, with virtue-signalling policies and a cultural elite that are increasingly mocking his values. I say enough is enough. Let's just call it what it is: this is a high-taxing government who is using your money and my money to build an army of themselves in the Public Service with big government in order to keep their jobs—jobs which they would never, ever be able to achieve in the private sector. I think we know that well and truly. It's time to look at what the problem is here: half the problem is the domestic government and half the problem is this building's fascination with globalism. That has ripped the guts out of this country. It has taken jobs from Australians. The only job of a government here is to protect its citizens from such nonsense. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITEAKER</name>
    <name.id>316555</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, having listened to that contribution, it's no wonder that voters are running away from the coalition in droves. Today's question time was yet another example of the Liberal Party and the National Party either forgetting that they are the parties who took a plan to the last election for higher taxes or hoping that the Australian people will forget that they're the parties who took a position to the last election for higher taxes. But I don't think the Australian people will forget. I don't think the Australian people have forgotten what the opposition put to them at the last election. It was the Liberal Party and the National Party who said to working Australians 'we will tax you more if we win government', and voters gave them the answer to what they thought about that proposition; they rejected it wholly. And they continue to reject it.</para>
<para>Our tax changes are actually pretty simple. They're about delivering a fair go—a fair go for Australian workers, a fair go for young Australians, a fair go for people who dream of owning their first home, They aren't thinking about whether they can invest in their fifth or their sixth or their seventh. They just want to get their foot in the door of a home that they can call their own and to have the safety and the security that that brings. That's what our government is delivering in these tax changes. We want young Australians to share in that dream, to live that dream, of buying their own home. That is a commitment that our government has made since coming to government in 2022, and these tax changes—our reforms to negative gearing and capital gains tax—are the next logical step in doing that. They're the next logical step from five per cent home deposits and from investing in the homes that we need through the Housing Australia Future Fund. This is the next step in helping Australians achieve that dream.</para>
<para>Labor decided that we were not going to stand by and allow this generational crisis that we are seeing in the housing market continue. We were not going to stand by and let homeownership continue to get further and further out of reach for young Australians. We have drawn a line in the sand and have said that is unacceptable. Those opposite want to scaremonger. They want to run a One-Nation-like fear campaign. But I think Australians will see through it. Certainly the young people that I talk to absolutely see through it.</para>
<para>They see through it because they understand that it is the richest in our country who benefit from capital gains tax and negative gearing arrangements. Eighty-three per cent of capital gains tax discounts go to the wealthiest Australians. Eighty-three per cent goes to the wealthiest 10 per cent in our country. More than half of capital gains tax benefits go to the top one per cent of wealth in this country, and, on negative gearing, it's 37 per cent that goes to the top one per cent.</para>
<para>Those are the people that the coalition and their friends in One Nation are standing up for in this debate. It is not working Australians. It is not young Australians. They are on the side of the wealthiest Australians, but Labor is committed to getting young people into their own home.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Sometimes question time can be a bit enlightening—surprise, surprise! We heard today Senator Gallagher say, 'We on this side'—that is that side of the chamber—'are proud of the tax reforms that passed the parliament last week.' I was left wondering, 'What bit are they proud of?' Let me tell you some of the evidence that was given in that sham inquiry process by people who are actually experts in the finance area, the banking area and the taxation area. This is not like what we saw on the weekend where the Treasurer, in an interview, couldn't answer basic questions about his own legislation. And this week we've seen backflips—backflips on top of a promise. Australians have every reason to be disappointed, and Labor has nothing to be proud of.</para>
<para>The Property Council of Australia said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The combined effect of these measures is to increase uncertainty …</para></quote>
<para>Master Builders Australia said, 'At least they did the modelling.' But Master Builders' own modelling says that new housing supply is set to fall, that rents will go up, that there'll be a reduction in the GDP and that construction jobs will fall. Spoiler alert—they even said that most of the costs are actually in construction and that they don't even have enough apprentices or builders to do the work. Yet Labor sits on that side and tells us it's going to build all of these new houses, while, at the same time, quashing investment in them. The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry said it was 'alarmed'. In fact, 'without proper consultation with affected stakeholders or a clear understanding of consequences' is how they saw this legislation going through this place. The Business Council of Australia said that the only sure way to reduce housing is to increase the supply of new dwellings and reduce the cost of constructing them. They didn't see that in this legislation.</para>
<para>These are people who are industry experts, and you keep calling this 'the greatest tax reform'. It's a sham. What is real reform is a tax-back guarantee—an automatic tax cut that gets bigger every year by stopping inflation from pushing workers into paying more tax when they are no better off. That's called bracket creep. We know you like bracket creep because it's the silent tax.</para>
<para>A migration and housing pledge is what the coalition will do. We've said that we will cap migration based on how many homes Australia builds. That makes a bit of sense. This is instead of people struggling and fighting for a roof over their heads. You only have to go for a walk in any parkland in South Australia or drive past any carpark, anywhere, and you can see people living in their cars, living in tents and looking for anywhere they possibly can for a bed.</para>
<para>We talked about a future generation fund over on this side of the chamber. We're going to bank resource windfalls to pay down debt and build national infrastructure. Do you know what else we'll do? We'll back the private sector because they are the people who create the jobs, not the Public Service. It's taxpayers who pay for Public Service jobs. It's the economy, a strong economy, that pays for private sector jobs. It's the economy, stupid! It's really clear. It's all about the economy. That's how you improve people's lives. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>KPMG Australia</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of answers given by the Minister for Finance (Senator Gallagher) to questions without notice asked by me today relating to KPMG Australia.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to take note of Minister Gallagher's answers to my questions about the big four partnerships, particularly about KPMG. It's not my natural state to shout in this place. I don't like shouting. I haven't shouted much as a grandparent, as a parent or as an educator through most of my life. But I am really, really angry about the fact that this Senate and this parliament have spent years calling out the extraordinary corrupt behaviour in big four partnerships, and here we are again doing it in relation to KPMG. And the action from this government, which has a huge majority, is yet to be witnessed.</para>
<para>I asked Senator Gallagher why it is that the government has a $1.3 million contract with KPMG to teach ethics to the 300 most senior public servants. That contract is three years old. It's available to be renewed for another three years. And it is in the shadow of KPMG's repetitive lying to the parliament, repetitive cheating on exams, misuse on multiple occasions of confidential information and farming of audits across our corporate sector. Our most important foundational question of clear, reliable, trusted information and relationships with auditors is put at risk by KPMG, who hold the audit for many very significant and the largest of Australian corporations. I kid you not: this organisation, which gave a 10-hour masterclass to a parliamentary committee on 19 June in this parliament on how not to behave—how not to be ethical—has a contract for $1.3 million to teach Australian public servants leadership and how to behave in an ethical way. And the minister accuses me of seeking media opportunities—of running a stunt. This is not a stunt. It's simply unbelievable. It does not pass any sort of pub test out there.</para>
<para>And there are people in this place wondering why, in my state, 25 per cent of South Australian voters voted for One Nation—why so many people are turning their backs on the major parties. They don't have to look very far to see where voters' cynicism comes from. They see a headline like that. They see someone who lies to the parliament, misleads the parliament, cheats on exams and uses confidential information—three years after PwC did exactly the same thing, tutored by PwC for three years—and yet goes down that same corrupt pathway. And people out there look at this institution and think: 'How can I trust it? How can I trust that it's on my side, when it doesn't take the real remedies we need against such appalling behaviour?'</para>
<para>The median wage in Australia is $75,000. There are retail workers, nurses, teachers and childcare workers looking at this parliament on their $70,000 on average and wondering: why do we have partnerships with KPMG where the average pay for 680 partners is 10 times the median wage? They are each on over $700,000 a year. We heard in our parliamentary hearing that the CEO of KPMG, who left having been in charge of a very significant loss of credibility in KPMG in recent times—a complete betrayal of the trust of this parliament—walked away with multimillions of dollars in payment.</para>
<para>Ordinary people look to this institution and say, 'Why are you not taking action against this misbehaviour?' We know from our parliamentary reports representing years of work across this chamber. I look at the work of Senator Deb O'Neill, who has been an exemplary leader in pushing against corruption in the big four. I listened to Paul Scarr, outraged in that hearing last Friday week. People are outraged about what we hear, and ordinary citizens are saying, 'And what are you Labor going to do about it?' Well, so far, it hasn't been much—a code of conduct.</para>
<para>People want more—break up the big four, hold them to account, insist on transparency, make sure they meet the same whistleblower and tax obligations as ordinary large corporations. The big four pay no corporate tax, they pay no payroll tax, and they arrange their affairs in ways which minimise their tax as partners. Well, it's time to hold them to account. It's time to stop them bullying whistleblowers who bring the facts to this parliament and try to hold corporations and partnerships to account. It's time this parliament acted, and it's time the Labor government used its majority and the work of its senators to go forward and make the change.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Finance (Senator Gallagher) to a question without notice I asked today relating to taxation.</para></quote>
<para>It's pretty clear from the minister's answer that every time Australians save, invest, build or take a risk, Labor sees another opportunity to tax them. Labor has driven down productivity by discouraging the investment that creates jobs, lifts wages and grows the economy. Labor taxes investment, then blames business for not investing. Labor makes housing investment less attractive, then claims it wants more homes. But the modelling we have seen shows that their budget means tens of thousands of fewer homes will be built. Labor fundamentally doesn't understand that a capital gain is not the same as income. Capital gains are built gradually, often over many years, but then Labor taxes it all at once when an asset is sold. It has a devastating effect on investment and productivity.</para>
<para>Labor also taxes inflation as though it were real wealth. When an asset merely keeps pace with inflation, its owner is no richer in real terms, yet Labor treats the increases as a windfall. Labor is ignoring the factor of risk. Australians who invest in a business farm, a rental property or shares can lose their savings and capital. When investment succeeds, Labor is demanding a share—a big chunk. When it fails, though, it's the investor alone who carries the loss; the Labor government is not carrying that loss with them. It is these investments that fund machinery, farms, factories, technology, businesses and new homes. It's these investments that are the true driver of productivity in the country. It's investment that gives workers better tools and helps them produce more. This is how productivity works.</para>
<para>By punishing investment, Labor leaves Australians with fewer opportunities and weaker wage growth, and the country as a whole poorer. Australia does not have a problem with tax revenue; it does not have a shortage of tax revenue. Labor has a spending problem. One Nation understands that prosperity must be created before you can tax it. It is time that Labor stops punishing Australians who save, invest, build businesses, create jobs and take risk; at the end of the day, that is what they've done. You could hear it in the minister's response to my question; when I asked her to name just one industry, she refused to name one—because she knows she cannot. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>55</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I give notice that, on the next day of sitting, I shall move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in accordance with section 5 of the <inline font-style="italic">Parliament Act 1974</inline>, the Senate approves the proposal by the National Capital Authority for capital works within the Parliamentary Zone, relating to the commemoration of Nangar (Jimmy Clements) and Ooloogan (George John Noble).</para></quote>
<para>I also present a proposal relating to the works.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That private senators' bills be considered this week as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Higher Education Support Amendment (Reverse Job-Ready Graduates Fee Hikes and End 50k Arts Degrees) Bill 2025, on Wednesday, 1 July 2026, and;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Aged Care Amendment (Restoring Human Override for Aged Care Needs Assessments) Bill 2026, on Thursday, 2 July 2026.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>297964</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Henderson for 29 June, for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>58</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If there is no objection, the business is postponed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) That the Sex Discrimination Amendment (Acknowledging Biological Reality) Bill 2024 be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> and consideration of the bill resume at the first reading stage.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a very short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Voting against the restoration of a bill to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> is extremely rare. Restoration of a private senator's bill is a routine and procedural step that should be respected. The coalition supports these established procedures, as we have on many occasions involving other private senator's bills that we have ultimately opposed. As in all cases, a vote to restore a bill to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> is simply a vote to uphold the procedural rights of every duly elected senator.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that notice of motion No. 532, standing in the name of Senator Hanson, be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:41]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Brockman)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>25</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Collins, J. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>32</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Scarr has submitted a proposal, under standing order 75, today. It is shown on at item 13 on today's Order of Business:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government's decision to ram through a massive tax overhaul that imposes a so called "widow tax", higher taxes on some Australian small businesses, and damaging new taxes affecting investment, housing, charities and the broader Australian economy.</para></quote>
<para>Is consideration of the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With the concurrence of the Senate, the clerks will set the clock in line with the informal arrangements made by the whips.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just for those who are listening or watching, I want to read out this matter of public importance, which the Senate will now be debating, and it reads as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government's decision to ram through a massive tax overhaul that imposes a so called "widow tax", higher taxes on some Australian small businesses, and damaging new taxes affecting investment, housing, charities and the broader Australian economy.</para></quote>
<para>Last week, in this place, the Greens and the Labor Party did a deal under which the Labor government rammed through material tax changes which will have a huge impact on the Australian economy and are already having a huge impact on the Australian economy. We saw it just last weekend when, across the country, auction clearance rates in relation to people attempting to sell their houses had fallen through the floor. They've fallen to levels which have not been seen since during COVID. That's how bad it is. That is the lack of confidence in the Australian property market at the moment we're seeing as a direct result of the Labor Party's introduction of these massive tax changes. Auction clearance rates—that's the rate at which houses are being sold at auction—across the country are less now than at any other time except during the height of COVID, when, especially in Victoria, people were locked up. That is the undermining of the confidence in the Australian property market caused by this Labor budget, and it's an absolute disgrace.</para>
<para>I also want to talk about the so-called widow tax and to explain to people what this means. There were provisions in the budget that provided for grandfathering with respect to investment properties that are owned as at the date of the budget. They would continue to receive the benefit of the existing regime, and that makes sense on the basis that someone has purchased a property on the basis of the existing taxation arrangements; that property should be continued to be treated the same way whilst it's held by whoever the owners are. We found out from the Senate that there's a problem with the way the government has drafted this proposal, and there's a problem with the legislation that was passed just last week by the Greens and the Labor Party. If an investment property is held by a wife and a husband, two spouses, and one of the spouses dies, that triggers a change in ownership, and that triggers tax consequences in relation to the surviving spouse. That's absolutely unacceptable. All those mum and dad investors out there who buy investment properties in their joint names are potentially going to be impacted by this glitch.</para>
<para>The second issue is where two spouses buy a property in both their names and then they get divorced. Again, it's going to trigger potentially disastrous taxation consequences for that couple. What is so surprising is that the Labor government didn't think about this before they put forward these tax changes. These are obvious issues which should have been considered by the Labor government before they broke their promise, which they took to the last election, with respect to making no changes to negative gearing or capital gains tax.</para>
<para>We saw the Treasurer on <inline font-style="italic">Insiders</inline> on Sunday, when he was specifically asked by the host, 'How are you going to fix it? What are you going to do?' because the Treasurer said, 'We're going to fix it. We're going to do something to fix it,' even though they pushed the legislation through last week. When he was specifically asked, 'Treasurer, how are you going to fix it?' he couldn't say. He didn't know how they're going to fix it. We have no idea. There's no detail nor clarity whatsoever. So there will be Australians today who own property in their joint names who are at risk that this issue is not going to be correctly rectified.</para>
<para>It is just one example of the unintended consequences which are flowing from the Labor Party's budget, which we saw in reality on the ground over the weekend with that massive fall in auction clearance rates because of an undermining of confidence in the Australian property sector. It's the same across the board, in the mining sector and biotech sector. Young shareholders and older shareholders have lost confidence to invest in this country because of Labor's budget.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANANDA-RAJAH</name>
    <name.id>290544</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a beat-up. This is a desperate attempt by the Liberals to distract from their plummeting fortunes in the polls. The Leader of the Opposition was on radio, and he was pleading for more time. He said: 'I need more time. We can't turn around the tanker.' Mate, it's not a tanker—it is the <inline font-style="italic">Titanic</inline> and it is sinking fast for those on the other side.</para>
<para>The Liberals, true to form, want to focus on what these tax changes are not about rather than what they are actually about. These tax changes are the biggest shake-up in our tax system in a generation. They are about two things. The first is getting young people into housing—by far that is at the heart of the budget. The second thing is that it is designed to put more money into people's pockets so that they can earn more and keep more of what they earn. Now, at five minutes to midnight, just as those tax cuts are about to hit the pockets of Australians, those opposite come into this chamber to lecture us, Labor, about tax reform. It is astounding to me that they want to defend the status quo. They want to defend a status quo that is utterly broken for an entire generation of Australians, who have been locked out of housing, thanks to this disastrous interaction that was born 30 years ago between capital gains tax and negative gearing, which saw house prices explode beyond reach of most Australians.</para>
<para>Back in 1999, the average first home buyer was in their late 20s. Fast forward to now and the average age of a first home buyer is 34 to 36. Westpac reports that one in five of first home buyer loans are going to people over the age of 40. In other words, first home buyers are actually ageing in to housing, and that has a multitude of knock-on effects. They're settling down later. They're having children later or perhaps even not at all, and then we wonder why our fertility rate is in freefall. Well, the changes that we passed last week are designed to reverse all of that. We are seeing those changes now being backed in by the Australian people in polls, which are showing support for these changes, as difficult as they are.</para>
<para>But generational reform does have unintended consequences and it does create grey areas that require remediation. Those legal grey areas are not unusual. In fact, in 1999, when the Howard government passed the GST, which was the last time this country ever had significant taxation reform, it required over 100 amendments to 16 bills, and then it required nearly 1,000 amendments over the following six months to again clean up legal grey areas. This grey area, around joint ownership of an asset and what would happen to capital gains treatment of that asset in the event of a divorce or in the event of a partner dying, was identified by the Senate Economics Legislation Committee. We knew about it, and the Treasurer has been explicit. He has said that a fix is coming and it will be enshrined in legislation—just to put to bed the scare campaign. It is a shame that the Liberals always revert to form on this. They look for loopholes and grey areas, they weaponise them and then they try and generate a scare campaign. This is true to form. They fall back. It's a default position for the Liberals, and it's a shame that it gets backed in by the Nationals as well as One Nation—but One Nation deal themselves out because they have no solutions for this country, only slogans, division and fear. That's what they trade on.</para>
<para>We as a Labor government are not here to defend the status quo. We challenge the status quo. While people are under sustained cost-of-living pressure, we are responding. We are responding with tax cuts. Australians will be receiving a tax cut on 1 July. This is one of five tax cuts that will deliver, in the next year or so, an additional $2,800 into their pockets. We also backed in an increase to the minimum wage. For the first time ever, the minimum wage is rising to over $1,000 a week. That's the fifth time this Labor government has backed in wages. Only Labor governments back in wages and entitlements for workers. Those opposites seek to undermine them. One Nation seek to destroy those entitlements altogether. We have also backed in payday super, which will see people on lower incomes have much higher retirement savings. For example, a 25-year-old will retire with $10,000 additional at retirement. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BELL</name>
    <name.id>319142</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What we've just heard from Labor is that they believe it's normal to accidentally pass a tax on widows and divorced couples. Well, I can tell you it's not normal. It is an act of bad government. Is it any wonder, when you hear Labor claiming this is normal and this wasn't a terrible mistake, that Australians don't believe them? Is it any wonder that Australians no longer trust this Labor government?</para>
<para>Labor say that they want Australians to focus on what they call a 'big tax reform', but it's not a big tax reform. It's really just a giant tax grab—$77 billion more in taxes that they are taking from you. And this budget bill—we know they've passed this widow tax and we know they've passed this extra tax on divorced couples, so what other cosmic sized black holes, what other dodgy accounting, are lurking within this bad bill? But Labor says: 'Don't worry; trust us. We're just going to fix it later.' Why should anyone trust you when they know you continue to mislead them? Why would anyone trust the Prime Minister?</para>
<para>The Prime Minister says his word is his bond, but recall that he promised that he would deliver the stage 3 tax cuts—but then he scrapped them. And then he claimed there'd be no major changes to super, but then they raided the superannuation balances of Australians. And then the biggest 'I've changed my position' of all was the 50 times that this prime minister said he would not change negative gearing or capital gains. That's what he said to the Australian voters, yet here we are.</para>
<para>Labor governments punish initiative and aspiration. They are reaching deep into the pockets of nurses, teachers, labourers, police officers, small-business owners who are just trying to get ahead. And now Labor has proved to Australians that they should not trust a word it says. The question you should be asking is: what else will Labor 'just change its position' on? Are they going to remove the family home from the pension asset test? Is that what's coming up next election? 'Well, we've just changed our position on that.' How soon before Labor bring back the Voice to Parliament, which they said they wouldn't be doing? How long before Labor have 'just changed their position' on the Voice to Parliament? Labor says that they've carved out the death taxes from this bill, but how long before 'they've just changed their position' on that topic? That is what you need to be concerned about under this bad Labor government.</para>
<para>Labor likes to repeat the word 'fairness'. They'll say this budget is about fairness. Well, it's time we call it what it really is, which is just rank socialism. This is a Labor government addicted to spending your money. And, when Labor starts running out of your money, they come back for more of your money and more. We see taxes go up. We see investment driven away. We see productivity drop and Australians suffering more and more.</para>
<para>I'd just like to point out that One Nation's Fire the Liar campaign has proved that no-one believes them anymore. Australians are furious at the continued broken promises, the continued misleading statements. They're tired of leaders who just say, 'I've changed'—the Prime Minister saying he's changed his position. Australians will not stand for it any longer.</para>
<para>But there is hope on the horizon, because a One Nation government will be committed to cutting everyday taxes. We believe that income splitting is a great way to put more money back into your pocket, reducing the tax burden on couples and incentivising people to keep more of their money.</para>
<para>One Nation will rein in government spending by scrapping net zero. That is a promise. We will scrap net zero. When you look at the drain on this economy of the net zero ideology that this government is obsessed with, the damage that it's causing this country—that's why we say we will scrap net zero. All of the money that you have hidden away in the Capacity Investment Scheme, all of the money that you're funnelling there, taxpayer money going into propping up wind factories and windmills and the intermittent power that is making it impossible for manufacturing to continue—that'll be gone. There'll be no changing position on that. That is a promise that we make to you. One Nation will abolish net zero and restore reliable base-load power to this country.</para>
<para>One Nation will restore the hope and aspirations of working Australians. We will put more money in their pocket, and we will do so by defeating this bad Labor government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I should acknowledge the good Senator Scarr's motion. He's one of the one of my favourite senators, I should probably say, at this point. Of course, all senators are equally favoured, but I think he makes a very good contribution on the committee and in this parliament, working in a collegiate way where it's possible to do so.</para>
<para>I make the point that this budget has been a shambles because the government have had to have four goes at this. They had a budget in May, where they announced their 30 per cent tax on everything, ostensibly to fix housing—hilarious. Then they came back in June and said they were going to make some changes to startups. Then they came back later in June and announced their crooked SMSF deal with the Greens. Then last week they said that they'd play around with this widow's tax. The problem that we have in this country is that, in raising $77 billion of taxes from the people—remembering that the government has no money of its own other than what it raises from the people—the government have not bothered to do any regulatory analysis to work out where the problems are in raising $77 billion in new taxes. So what we've found is that there are problems, because this will be a widow's tax. If you die or you get divorced, you will lose access to grandfathering.</para>
<para>It also raises the problem that they haven't even bothered to define 'new build'. For a policy which apparently has been held out to be about housing, they haven't even bothered to define what a new build is. Then we have this ridiculous thing around the self-managed super funds. The government have decided that they would kowtow to the Greens, their alliance partner, and that they would ban SMSFs from borrowing to invest in housing. Setting aside the idea that it is insane to try and stop any investment into housing, because we need more houses—one thing we need more of in this country is more housing. So we shouldn't be bothered about where the investment is coming from, but the government have a deliberate design feature to reduce housing supply by 35,000 with their negative gearing and capital gains changes. Now they have a new policy to reduce housing further by many thousands.</para>
<para>The fly in the ointment here is that the government have no idea how many houses they will deprive the Australian people of because they haven't even bothered to model it. They have no idea what the impact of their self-managed super fund ban is going to be. They have no idea. We asked the minister representing the Prime Minister on Thursday, 'How many houses?' She said '4,000 fewer'. Today we read in the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline> that those claims are ridiculous. Just eight providers wrote more than 4,000 loans last year. This begs the question: does it matter whether it's 4,000 or 400 or four million? Yes, it does, because a government that knows what it's doing would know how many houses they're taking away.</para>
<para>The more important point is: Why would a government want to reduce housing supply by four million, 400 or four? Why would you want to have fewer homes? If a person who has an SMSF is borrowing to invest in an off-the-plan scenario to build a new house, why is that bad? What's wrong with that? It doesn't make any sense to me. I can't understand it. Maybe my brain is full of rust. It's possible. I'd say on this occasion it's unlikely, because I can't think of any reason. I can't even understand the Communist or socialist manifesto including a rationale or a reason or a justification to cut housing supply just because you don't like the investor.</para>
<para>I'll tell you what is crooked and criminal. It's that the government has cut out all its mates in the big super funds from these reforms. So, if you are a punter, you pay 30 per cent tax; if you are Cbus or 'Wayne Swan and the 40 thieves' or whatever running AustralianSuper, you only pay 10 per cent. They have deliberately created, through the tax code, arbitrage to support the bloodsuckers, the Draculas out there and all these people that run their campaigns and fund their political party because the problem the Australian people have is that they have a government for vested interests here. They have a government that doesn't give a rat's about their people. All they're worried about is how they enrich their mates and pay off their bad political debts. What we've seen today is chaos, confusion and a budget with more holes in it than a piece of Swiss cheese.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DOLEGA</name>
    <name.id>316935</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I start on Senator Scarr's motion, I might address Senator Bell's claims when he was smugly talking about their funded campaign. I heard another good slogan just on the weekend and I reckon people should get behind it. I heard about 'sack the orange hack'. I reckon that's what most average Australians are wanting to do right now.</para>
<para>But back to Senator Scarr's matter of importance—it really is just an act of desperation from the coalition, a desperate stunt to distract from their many issues. To be frank, they are really just trying to hide from their leadership issues, with Mr Taylor failing to be able to explain whether the coalition supports multiculturalism. And there's their failing shadow treasurer, who isn't up to the job and who many say isn't even close to being able to take on Jim Chalmers. They're lost in their desperate plight to fend off the orange mob over there as they continue to stop their rise.</para>
<para>Our current taxation system is a significant driver of intergenerational inequality. Instead of rewarding productive work, it rewards holding assets, something that many hardworking Australians simply cannot afford to do. They've never had an opportunity to even get into a house to call their own. You know something isn't right when our essential workers, our hardworking Australians, are struggling to pay rent, let alone buy a home. That's why we're reforming the tax system—for workers, for businesses and for future generations.</para>
<para>Our reforms will build a better and fairer tax system by reducing the tax burden for over 13 million workers, supporting 75,000 more homeowners into the housing market, delivering over $3.8 billion in new measures that lower taxes for businesses and startups, and reducing compliance costs by $540 million a year. We've been clear that these are complex interactions and that details are still being worked through, as the Treasurer and the Minister for Finance have both indicated. This includes addressing some of the arrangements for jointly owned assets in circumstances like death and divorce. So what's the point of this MPI when it has clearly been put on the record in the past week that there'll be further tweaks to the taxation measures?</para>
<para>Today in question time in the other place, in another fantastic, great move—in another 'Well done, Angus' moment—the PM absolutely owned him. He hosed down the misinformation and assured the opposition that the answer is that they won't. We've made it very clear, said the Prime Minister in response to Mr Taylor's question.</para>
<para>Since the introduction of the 50 per cent CGT discount, housing prices have risen twice as fast as inflation and average full-time earnings. That's not sustainable, and that's what our government is working to fix. From 1 July next year, we'll be abolishing the discount on gains, returning it to the cost base indexation and the 30 per cent minimum tax rate. That means only real gains will be subject to tax in the future. Additionally, anyone who bought a property after budget night will only be able to negatively gear new builds. On this side of the chamber, we're focused on outcomes. We're focused on delivering for working people, for those who need support.</para>
<para>Meanwhile, the Liberals, the Nationals and One Nation, the three right-wing parties on the other side, are out there spreading misinformation and trying to scare people about the budget. Misinformation that all small businesses will be taxed at 47 per cent is simply that: misinformation. I cannot emphasise the point enough that most small businesses in Australia won't be negatively affected by these changes. Many may even be better off. Let me be very clear: the overwhelming majority of businesses are already eligible for generous CGT concessions. What we've done, through our consultation process, is to make these concessions even more so. Labor is the party of small business.</para>
<para>From this week, a small business will be able to carry back tax losses and offset them against tax paid up to two years earlier. So, from 1 July 2028, startup companies and businesses with a turnover under $10 million and that generate a tax loss in the first two years will be able to convert that loss into a refundable tax offset. That's why I'm proud to be part of this great Albanese Labor government—because we're focused on doing the right thing. We don't have to do the easy thing; we are focused on doing the right thing, to deliver for those people who expect it of their Labor government and who need us to do that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is a lot of misinformation being spoken in this place, and I think the biggest lot at the moment is the phrase 'tax reform', because this budget was not reform. It was a tax grab, straight and simple, and that is all it was. It's not just the $77 billion in increased taxes; if you include bracket creep over the future, you're looking at around $300 billion in tax that this Labor government will take out of the pockets of Australian small business and Australian wage earners. There is no reform. There is simply a big tax grab.</para>
<para>Why is this widow's tax so revealing of this Labor government? It's because they had no clue that this was an unintended consequence—I hope it was an unintended consequence—of their tax changes. I will never call them tax reform. But the tax change affects couples in our community who literally did everything right. They did what they were supposed to do. They bought a modest investment property years ago, declared every dollar of it and played every cent that they were owed. And then, sadly, under the tax law that Labor passed, if one of them passed, on the day of that death, that grief was going to come with a tax bill. That is the law they actually passed through this parliament.</para>
<para>They say, 'Oh, we're going to go back and fix it,' but the point is they didn't know what they were doing when they put that measure in a budget. They didn't know what they were doing when they put that legislation through this parliament. They couldn't even take the time to stop, craft an amendment and pass it in this place. Last week, when the bill went through, they couldn't even take that time. They had to rush these tax changes through parliament for one reason and one reason alone, and that is because they are addicted. They are addicted to spending, and they are addicted to taking more and more money from Australians.</para>
<para>Let me give you another example of this and one close to my heart. That is the rebasing of all assets in this country. I'll give you an example of—as I say, it's close to my heart—a family farm that's been in a family for a long period of time. All the assets within that family's farming operation will effectively have to be revalued as at 30 June 2027. There are two different valuation methods you can choose, but the fact is, in order to know which valuation method will be advantageous to your business, you have to explore both, which means you have to get a valuation. This is going to be in and of itself an extraordinary, deadweight loss to the Australian economy. The valuation industry will do very well out of it, but it will be an extraordinary cost to every farming family, every small-business person and pretty much everyone in Australia who has some sort of asset base.</para>
<para>What this does, and the reason I raise a farming family, is make intergenerational succession extraordinarily difficult. That's because the rebasing and the triggering of capital gains tax events really leaves farming families in an extraordinarily difficult position, where they may have to find tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars in taxation due to asset revaluations of a farming property that has been in a family potentially for generations. They now will have to find cash to pay a tax bill on because of the rebasing and because of changes of ownership with death and succession. Even with the fix the government has announced, this still is a death tax budget.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for that debate has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Senate will now consider the proposal, under standing order 75, from Senator Roberts, which is also shown at item 13 of today's Order of Business:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government's decision to increase the price of fuel by 16c a litre from the 1st of July will make life harder for everyday Australians and small businesses while also contributing to inflation.</para></quote>
<para>Is consideration of the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With the concurrence of the Senate, the clerks will set the clock in line with the informal arrangements made by the whips.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This week the government is introducing legislation to make a 16c a litre increase to the excise levied on petrol and diesel. When including the GST, which is levied on top of the fuel tax—it's a tax on a tax—and then adding retailer margins, this will cause petrol to go up around 20c a litre before the weekend. Every litre, 20c—kerching into the Treasury for Labor to waste. This is occurring just when small business and everyday Australians are recovering from the high petrol prices caused as a direct result of the war in the Strait of Hormuz.</para>
<para>Make no mistake, this is a tax on those who cannot afford it. Large corporations can simply pass this rise on to their customers—meaning you'll be paying more. Small and medium businesses can't do that. They have no market power. They are price takers. This tax rise will come straight out of what is left of their profit. Everyday Australians will find their drive to work will be more expensive, as will running around after the children. Even a simple day out, just getting in the car and going out for a drive, will be more expensive.</para>
<para>I know when One Nation promised a 50 per cent reduction in the fuel excise at the last election, the commentariat called that 'inflationary'. Then the government copied our policy and suddenly it's no longer inflationary! Which is correct? It's not inflationary. Reducing the fuel excise reduces the petrol price, which is directly trapped in the CPI—the consumer price index—calculation. Lower fuel prices means lower inflation.</para>
<para>There is a second-round effect as well. Fuel is an input cost right through the economy, from the farmer running a cool room or ploughing a field, to the local tradesman, to the truckie who delivers everything we buy. When fuel goes up, everything goes up. When fuel goes down, inflationary pressure is taken out of the economy. Reducing the fuel excise will reduce inflation. It's that simple. It's proven. This is why One Nation promised, at the last election, to reduce the fuel excise by 50 per cent and suspend indexation for 12 months, with a review after that.</para>
<para>Well, the government borrowing our policy for a few months has provided the review we needed to know that the policy is a winner. Everyday Australians have enjoyed the lower cost of living. Inflationary pressures were taken out of the economy for a short time. This is why One Nation are calling on the government to not increase the fuel excise until June 2028, including cancelling all indexation increases, and then review it after the next election, which any incoming government would do anyway. Give hardworking Australians and small businesses two more years of respite from the Albanese government's high—stubbornly high—inflation.</para>
<para>Why do the government need to put this tax up? Because they're wasting our money again, that's why! This budget included measures that One Nation would have put the red line through. I've already spoken about our policy promising to remove all net zero spending, including the department itself, loans, grants and associated boondoggles. We've already announced all spending on the Aboriginal industry will be terminated. Instead, One Nation will give grants directly to local government to build the homes and roads and provide maintenance and support to Aboriginal communities.</para>
<para>We've already announced that Snowy Hydro 2.0 will be terminated and taxpayers saved from a financial disaster which may reach $1 trillion for capital costs, interest, maintenance and subsidies for the tiny amount of electricity the project will generate in the period the construction loans are being paid back. The budget set aside $3.8 billion for Victoria's Suburban Rail Loop. The Victorian Parliamentary Budget Office has put the cost of this project at $216 billion over a 50-year finance cycle. This is an insane project. Even Victorians don't want it. It's there to put money into the pockets of corrupt union bosses and assorted underworld figures, as <inline font-style="italic">60 Minutes </inline>clearly showed last night. One Nation would terminate that project.</para>
<para>We will have more policy announcements in the months ahead. For today's debate, let me say this: the Albanese government needs to stop overtaxing everyday Australians so it can funnel money to its mates in the unions, to the renewable solar and wind industry, academia and other costly lefty nonsense causes—spending that does not benefit everyday Australians and certainly benefits the Labor Party's election campaign funds. Labor is making life harder during a severe cost-of-living crisis. One Nation will put more money back in people's pockets, starting with a freeze on fuel excises until 2028.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Fuel Tax Credits Scheme is an important one. It allows for Australians and Australian businesses, particularly in fisheries, agricultural businesses and mining businesses where roads are not provided, to get the rebate on the fuel that they use, particularly diesel. We know that the reduction in the fuel excise, which was so welcomed when fuel prices leapt up, and the removal of the fuel tax rebate did provide cash-flow issues for some small businesses, so it's important that it be a clear position from the coalition that we support the use of fuel tax rebates, particularly for businesses that don't get a road provided for them, for fishermen, for agricultural businesses and for mining businesses that really rely on that rebate to remain competitive, to remain able to afford the huge distances that we often transport and that we have to travel across.</para>
<para>The average increased costs for cane harvesters across a 150-day crushing season is $13,800 without a diesel rebate. It's currently sitting at 20.6c a litre, but it's normally 52c a litre. The average increased cost per day for a prawn trawler on a long trip offshore is $412 per day. For a large mining truck, there are increased costs of $1,700 a day without the 20.6c rebate. Every dollar spent on fuel is a dollar less spent on creating jobs and improving yields.</para>
<para>In Innisfail, a cane harvester can burn around 450 litres of diesel in a day's harvesting. At today's fuel tax credit rate, that's almost $100 every single day. Over a crushing season, it quickly runs into thousands of dollars. In Townsville, commercial fishing vessels heading out to the Coral Sea burn hundreds and often thousands of litres of diesel on a trip. Even at today's reduced fuel tax credit rate, that's hundreds of dollars in additional costs every time they leave the marina. In Charters Towers, diesel doesn't just go into tractors; it powers pumps, loaders, graders and harvest equipment. If you put a cap on fuel tax credits, you punish the very businesses producing Australia's food and fibre. In Mount Isa, one large mining truck can burn thousands of litres of diesel in a single day. A cap doesn't change how much fuel the trucks need to move ore. It simply makes producing Australia's minerals more expensive.</para>
<para>Fuel tax credits don't give regional industries a special advantage. They simply ensure that farmers, miners, fishermen and regional businesses aren't paying a road tax for fuel that's never used on public roads, and removing them would simply increase the cost of producing food, resources and essential goods right across the country. North Queensland's economy is built on industries that rely heavily on diesel powered equipment operating away from public roads—things like sugar, bananas, avocados, coffee, citrus, beef, fishing, marine tourism operators, mining, ports, construction for homes, hospitals and schools, remote communities, disaster recovery and essential services. Oh, and I've left off local government!</para>
<para>Fuel tax credits are a longstanding feature of the tax system that prevents fuel excise operating as a tax on business inputs used offroad. It is a critical part of the construct of our system, a place where agricultural businesses in particular don't receive subsidies, don't receive the sort of encouragement and incentives that those in other countries, particularly in the EU and the US, receive for the production of food and fibre. The system reflects the government's design and a simple fairness principle: that road user charges should fall on users of fuel on public roads. So it is an important construct. We support the use of fuel tax credits and fuel tax rebates.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALKER</name>
    <name.id>316818</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Every few weeks in this place, we seem to get another apocalypse from those opposite. Last week, it was one thing; this week, they've turned their attention to fuel, apparently.</para>
<para>From tomorrow, Australians will continue to receive relief at the bowser, with a further temporary 16c-per-litre reduction in the fuel excise through to 2 August. We know families, businesses and truckies are still under pressure, and, while fuel prices have come down substantially since the height of the Middle East conflict, we're not pretending everything is suddenly easy. That's why this government is extending support, while allowing a sensible, gradual return to normal settings.</para>
<para>Let's be really clear: the original reduction in the fuel excise was always temporary. It was introduced in extraordinary circumstances, when conflict in the Middle East sent global energy markets into turmoil. Nobody seriously believed that Australia was going to permanently halve the fuel excise—not us; not the coalition; not One Nation; not the experts; not even the people giving speeches about it today. What Australians deserve is honesty. Fuel prices move because of a whole range of factors: global oil markets, refining capacity exchange rates, conflict overseas and competition between retailers. Pretending that every cent Australians pay at the bowser comes down to whoever happens to be sitting on the Treasury benches is bonkers.</para>
<para>Now, does that mean that people aren't doing it tough? Of course not. I spend plenty of time talking to young families, apprentices, tradies, nurses, teachers, shift workers and people in regional communities. I know fuel costs matter. If you live outside a major city, driving isn't optional. If you're a tradie, your ute isn't a luxury. If you're a nurse finishing a night shift, you're probably not catching the tram home. That's exactly why we've extended this support. For someone filling up a typical 65-litre tank, this extension is worth around $11 every time they fill up. This is money that stays in the family budget instead of disappearing into the fuel tank.</para>
<para>And we're not just supporting motorists. We're also reducing the heavy vehicle road user charge by the same amount over the same period, helping truckies keep Australia moving, because, when freight costs go up, every Australian feels it at the checkout.</para>
<para>This isn't a standalone measure, either. From tomorrow, Australians will also receive another round of tax cuts. Alongside energy bill relief, cheaper medicines, cheaper child care, fee-free TAFE and stronger wage growth, this forms part of a broader plan to help Australians with the cost of living, because cost-of-living pressure isn't caused by one bill; it's the accumulation of everything. And that's where I think this debate really falls apart.</para>
<para>One Nation are happy to complain about government revenue on Monday, demand more spending on Tuesday and tax cuts on Wednesday, and, somehow, expect the books to be balanced by Thursday. That's indicative of a party that has never actually had to manage the economy. They see the world through headlines and slogans, without ever worrying about the consequences.</para>
<para>What we've done, instead, is to provide targeted relief while acting responsibly. Rather than switching off support overnight, we've chosen a sensible taper. This gives families a bit more breathing room, helps businesses plan and manages the flow at service stations at the end of the month. At the same time, the ACCC is continuing to monitor fuel prices to make sure that these savings are actually passed on at the bowser, backed by stronger penalties and additional enforcement powers. We've also taken broader action to strengthen Australia's fuel security. We've invested in additional fuel storage, strengthened minimum stockholding obligations, expanded Australia's strategic fuel reserves, supported domestic production of low-carbon liquid fuels, invested in EV charging infrastructure and given the ACCC stronger powers to respond during future supply disruptions. Australians don't expect governments to control world oil prices.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HODGINS-MAY</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>'Wrong way; go back,' is our message to the Albanese government, which seems hell-bent on slogging everyday Australians rather than going after corporate grifters like Woodside, BHP and Shell. The question that Australians are rightly asking is, 'Why?' Why aren't you representing us? Why won't the government stand up to a handful of greedy gas exporters and make them pay what they owe for our resources? Why? We're talking about $17 billion per year that could go towards our public schools, free childhood education, public transport and renewable energy, that would permanently cut power bills and reduce our dependence on expensive fossil fuels.</para>
<para>Instead of standing up to the gas industry, Labor is letting it infiltrate our early learning centres and our schools to brainwash our children with propaganda to buy their social licence. A new report from Comms Declare identified more than 260 fossil fuel backed programs reaching schools, childcare centres, museums and cultural institutions in this country with virtually no oversight. If Labor had the courage to tax gas exports properly, our schools would never have to rely on fossil fuel funded teaching materials. Teachers deserve properly funded classrooms, and parents deserve confidence that when they send their child to school, they are going to get an evidence informed education, not brainwashing by big corporations like Woodside.</para>
<para>On the third anniversary of the Murphy report, why won't the government show courage there and stare down the gambling lobby? Lobby groups galore are calling the shots in this place. Political courage means standing up to powerful vested interests, not standing beside them. That is the choice before this government. Australians deserve the courage that they were promised.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do look forward to making my contribution to this matter of public importance brought forward by Senator Roberts on behalf of One Nation. Those listening outside would think: 'Oh, isn't this fantastic? One Nation want to make fuel as cheap as possible.' But I just want to go back and take a little trip down memory lane.</para>
<para>It started probably about four or five years ago. Everyone in this building knows my work in the trucking industry—three generations of truckies. Yes, I'm a one-trick pony on a lot of things. It's transport, but it's road, rail, sea and air as well. Down here, for years, we had the road transport industry—not just the union but the employers. Think about that—the employers and the union in the same room together, as well as owner-drivers. There was the Tasmanian Transport Association, Victorian Transport Association, Road Freight NSW, Queensland Trucking Association, South Australian Road Transport Association, Australian Trucking Association, NatRoad, the Australian Road Transport Industrial Organisation, Western Roads Federation and, of course, the Northern Territory Road Train Association. They were all pleading with that side of the chamber to support the move by the government to introduce some legislation that would give the trucking industry the ability to be safe, sustainable and viable.</para>
<para>Those conversations were going for years. I facilitated those alongside my very dear friend Senator Tony Sheldon, as well as before he was the senator for New South Wales, when he headed up the national body of the Transport Workers' Union. The industry came together and said: 'Please help us because we do some fantastic stuff. We make sure that when you get up in the morning your milk is there, your bread is there and your eggs are there. Not only are we delivering to you but we also deliver to the farms. We, the trucking industry, also take out fertiliser. We take out fuel. We take out machinery. Everything that needs to get this nation functioning is carried on the back of a truck. Those cornflakes that might pop up in your bowl tomorrow morning have probably been on nine trucks.'</para>
<para>You would think that One Nation, the great saviour of the Aussie struggler or battler, would be there for Aussie strugglers and battlers. I facilitated meetings with Senator Hanson, asking her if she would please meet with the trucking industry. I saw a tweet come out—this is going back about five years—where Senator Hanson said, 'Truckies and trucking companies should be paid properly and expect to get paid on time.' I got excited. I thought, 'Great, she's going to do the right thing by the trucking industry while they're screaming about the cost of fuel.' Guess what, everyone? Have one guess—who let the trucking industry down? Who was one of the first crossbenchers to tuck in with that rabble over there to deny any opportunity for the transport industry to be represented and to be safe, sustainable and viable with their own body, through Fair Work, so they could get paid properly?</para>
<para>Then we come to the crocodile tears. Senator Roberts, you are one of the most respected senators in this building as far as I'm concerned; I love your work because you actually come with dirt under your fingernails. Unlike most of the rabble in this joint, you've been out there and worked. But, seriously, where were you when we came to you? Where were you when the road transport industry pleaded for One Nation's support? I know, in my heart of hearts, that you'd have been the first one out there doing that. But to move a MPI about how sinister the Labor government is—we reduced the fuel excise by 32c a litre when fuel was going crazy, when the United States did what they did in the Gulf. Come on, let's be real fair about this. Someone's got to pay for all this. We've still got to get freight moving. You know in your heart of hearts, Senator Roberts, that, fortunately, fuel prices have started moving down—nowhere near where they need to be.</para>
<para>I can't look One Nation in the eye and say they really have at heart the best interests of Australia's battlers, truckies and workers that are going to work every day, relying on fuel, when that pleading coming from both sides of the industrial fence to One Nation to be represented together and to be safe, sustainable and viable—I was going to say you crapped on them, but that would be unparliamentary; I apologise, and I withdraw that. How can I look at One Nation and seriously take them at their word that they have at heart the best interests of businesses, strugglers and aspirants who want to make a go in Australia? I find it just too hard.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Next time you're standing at the bowser in a servo, watching money flow out of your pockets and into your fuel tank, think about how some of the biggest, most profitable, dirtiest corporations in the country are getting cheaper fuel than you are thanks to government subsidies, thanks to the Labor Party, the Liberal Party, the National Party and One Nation. Think about the $8 billion a year in public funds that is flowing directly into the pockets of massive corporations to encourage them to burn diesel. These are not struggling businesses who need a helping hand; they are hugely profitable corporations that are cooking the planet. Last year, BHP alone received more than $600 million from fuel tax credits. Rio Tinto received more than $400 million on fuel tax credits. In total, $8 billion a year is going to big, hugely profitable corporations with subsidies that are supported by the Labor Party, the Liberal Party, the National Party and One Nation. Fuel tax credits should be abolished for big mining and big fossil fuel corporations.</para>
<para>The other thing fuel tax credits are doing is making it very difficult to tackle climate change. Providing heavily subsidised diesel to big fossil fuel and big mining corporations is disincentivising a genuine decarbonisation of the Australian economy. If we're serious about tackling climate change, government policy should not be subsidising the burning of fossil fuels and we should be encouraging corporations to decarbonise—but, because Labor and the opposition are in the pockets of big corporates, particularly big fossil fuel corporations, in this country, that is not happening. Every dollar spent subsidising fossil fuel use is a dollar spent slowing the decarbonisation of our economy that we know needs to happen, and everyday Australians pay the price all over again. They pay the price every time. Australians never stop paying for corporate subsidies. Australians never stop paying for Labor and the opposition to publicly subsidise burning fossil fuels. It's no wonder we can't transition our economy. The government and the opposition are in the pockets of the big polluters.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITTEN</name>
    <name.id>317026</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Once again, the Albanese Labor government is making life harder for everyday Australians. The Labor government is increasing the price of fuel by 16c a litre from 1 July. At a time when families are already struggling to make ends meet, the government has decided that hardworking Aussies should pay more. Australians are sick and tired of being treated like an endless source of revenue. Every time they fill up the tank, they are reminded that governments are more interested in balancing their books than balancing the household budget of Aussie families. Fuel is not a luxury. It is an essential. When fuel prices go up, everything goes up. Transport companies pay more. Farmers pay more. Manufacturers pay more. Those higher costs are passed on through the supply chain until every Australian pays more at the check-out. But don't worry. They give you $5 a week for a cup of coffee.</para>
<para>This decision will add further pressure to inflation at precisely the wrong time. The government claims this is simply the expiry of temporary relief, but Australians do not care what bureaucratic label is attached to it. They know they will still be paying more for fuel from Wednesday. That means less money for groceries, less money for rising electricity bills, less money for the mortgage and less money left at the end of the week. One Nation's policy was to cut the fuel excise by half at the last election. The Albanese government will still be profiting from the spike in fuel prices while Australians are struggling.</para>
<para>As the pain at the pump continues, so does the government's GST take on every litre. Our families are hurting. Our farmers are hurting. Our small businesses are hitting the wall. Small businesses will be among the hardest hit by an increase in the fuel excise. Whether it's a plumber driving between jobs, a builder towing equipment, a courier delivering parcels or a transport company servicing regional Australia, fuel is a daily business expense. An extra 16c a litre across a fleet of vehicles over thousands of kilometres every month adds up to thousands of dollars in additional operating costs. These higher fuel costs do not stop at the service station. Every additional dollar spent filling the tank is a dollar that cannot be invested in employing another apprentice, buying new equipment, expanding their business or giving staff a pay rise. Many small businesses are left with only two choices: absorb the cost and watch already tight profits disappear or pass those costs on to customers through higher prices. Neither option is good for the economy, particularly when so many Australians are struggling with the rising cost of living. It's economic vandalism.</para>
<para>Regional and rural businesses are especially disadvantaged because they have no practical alternative to road transport. Increasing the cost of fuel places an unfair burden on the very businesses that keep regional communities alive. At a time when governments should be backing small business to create jobs and drive economic growth, increasing their operating costs sends Aussies the wrong message. Fuel prices flow through every part of the economy. At a time when the government says it's committed to bringing inflation under control, increasing the cost of fuel risks adding further price pressures across the economy. Instead of reducing the cost of living, this decision places another burden on Australian families and businesses that are already struggling to keep up with rising expenses.</para>
<para>This Labor government has got to have a better plan for Australia. One Nation's plan is clear. Keep the fuel excise where it is. Review it in 12 months. Suspend the road user charge. Prioritise policies that will allow Australia to find, process and distribute fuel. Refine our own fuel. Build new refineries. Increase our fuel storage capacity. Strategic fuel storage must be controlled by Australia on Australian shores. Establish a national reserve with crude oil companies to prioritise supply to Australia. The needs of Australia must be catered to first. Remove the impediments to using domestically produced fuel.</para>
<para>The fuel crisis has been created by decades of net zero destroying our ability to use our own resources. One Nation will abolish net zero. This will put $30 billion a year back into the pockets of Australians by abolishing the Department of Climate Change, Energy, the Environment and Water. One Nation has been saying that we need to be self-reliant for decades. We must take back control of our country.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for the discussion has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>69</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>69</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7436" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>69</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In continuance, let me be clear about what the Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026 actually does. It abolishes the Financial Reporting Council, the Australian Accounting Standards Board and the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board and replaces all three with a single new entity: External Reporting Australia. Under the current system, the Australian Accounting Standards Board sets the accounting standards, the Auditing and Assurance Standards Board sets the auditing standards and the Financial Reporting Council provides oversight. That is a deliberate structural separation. This bill removes that structural separation entirely and consolidates authority into one entity governed by a single board.</para>
<para>The coalition does not support reform for reform's sake. It's a mirage—this is a mirage. There has been no collapse in standards. There has been no international credibility crisis, nor has there been any demonstrated governance failure. Australia's accounting standards institutions are respected, and they are internationally aligned.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Neill</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What about KPMG?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Chair, can I please be heard in silence?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, please let Senator Liddle—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Good governance starts with a simple question: what problem are we actually solving? Much like its toxic tax reform, this government has failed to answer that.</para>
<para>As Deputy Chair of the Economics Legislation Committee, I engaged constructively with this process throughout the Senate inquiry into this bill. I listened to submissions from accounting professionals, industry stakeholders and businesses across the financial services sector, and not one of them pointed to a failure in the current system that justified tearing it down.</para>
<para>True to form, the government never engaged seriously with our suggestions. Labor instead partnered again with the radical green left. We have seen this pattern before, with the government's most recent tax changes. We saw it give in to the Greens and agree to bar self-managed super funds from borrowing to invest in the property market. We already know, from page 158 of your own budget papers, that your tax changes will reduce the number of new homes built by 35,000 and will increase rents. Are Labor and the Greens genuinely comfortable seeing 25 per cent fewer affordable rental units and townhouses available in my home state of South Australia and to Australians right around the country who are already struggling to find a place to live? This makes it seem so.</para>
<para>We all share concerns about the conduct of some of the big four accounting firms and the recent conduct of KPMG in particular, but you don't tear down the whole village. That's what you're doing with this legislation.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LIDDLE</name>
    <name.id>300644</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator, I saw you there in the sham inquiry that you ran for the tax reform. This is the same. You're tearing down the village when there's a single house on fire. It's ridiculous.</para>
<para>But sharing those concerns does not mean we should support a political purge of broader professions that employ these people. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>310860</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to order, the time for consideration of this bill has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7494" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>70</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026. This bill is really a tale of two stories, and the first deserves our support, but the second story deserves serious condemnation. The first part contains very sensible reforms to help the Fair Work Commission manage an unprecedented workload, but the second part fundamentally changes Commonwealth procurement to allow for governments to preference businesses that have union backed enterprise agreements. So one is about fixing a problem, but the other is about pursuing Labor ideology and placing corruption at the centre of Commonwealth procurement. The coalition supports the first, but of course we oppose the second. The tragedy is that, once again, Labor has bundled something that's entirely uncontroversial with something that is deeply controversial. It's using the very sensible Fair Work Commission reforms as a cover for something completely unrelated, and that is a union procurement agenda.</para>
<para>That seems surprising because the government is led by a prime minister who, at his very first press conference after his elevation, promised to lead a government that doesn't seek to divide and doesn't seek to have wedges. Even more surprising, as opposition leader Anthony Albanese, now prime minister, criticised what he called 'wedge-islation'. Those are his words; they are not mine. He said, 'People are sick of a government that has "wedge-islation", as I call it, looking to wedge the opposition rather than legislation.' Well, Prime Minister, take your own advice. If the Fair Work Commission reforms are good policy—and they are—let them stand on their own. If the procurement bargaining provisions are good policy, bring them forward in a separate bill and make a case for them rather than ramming them through the Senate with limited scrutiny and limited debate. Instead, what Labor has done is that they've bundled them together in the hope that the parliament will swallow the controversial provisions to secure the uncontroversial ones. That's exactly the kind of 'wedge-islation' that the Prime Minister himself once condemned.</para>
<para>Let's turn to the Fair Work Commission reforms themselves. Last year, President Justice Adam Hatcher publicly spoke about the extraordinary increase in claims that the commission was facing. Earlier this year, the commission's general manager warned that increasing workloads, growing numbers of self-represented applicants, budget constraints and the rise of generative AI were all placing strain on every part of the commission's operations. Those warnings were ignored.</para>
<para>Now, after months of inaction, Labor has finally produced legislation to help the commission, and, as I say, that is welcome. But hidden away in part 9 of this bill is a completely unrelated procurement agenda that has nothing to do with the Fair Work Commission's backlog. That's why the coalition this week introduced its own bill. Our bill contains every Fair Work Commission reform that the commission asked for—every single one. What it doesn't contain though is Labor's dirty union procurement deal. The coalition's bill could pass today, no problem. It could have passed last week. If the government was serious, the Fair Work Commission could have had its reforms ready to go on a platter. The only reason it doesn't is because Labor has insisted on attaching part 9. The Fair Work Commission asked for workload reforms. It did not ask for procurement bargaining provisions.</para>
<para>Actually, the only people that did ask for those procurement bargaining provisions were Labor's donors and their favourite protection racket, the CFMEU. I'll deal with the CFMEU later on. Let me deal briefly with the Fair Work Commission's reforms first. The coalition supports restoring the commission's ability to move quickly into conciliation without first becoming bogged down in technical jurisdictional disputes. This is something that is perfectly fair and reasonable.</para>
<para>We also support allowing appropriate procedural powers to be delegated to senior commission staff rather than commissioner themselves. That also is perfectly fair and reasonable. We support giving the commission stronger powers to deal with frivolous and vexatious litigants. We think this is really important and should have been done a long time ago. We support allowing matters to be determined on the papers, where it's appropriate and where parties consent. Again, perfectly sensible requests. These are practical reforms that reduce delay. They reduce cost, and they help workers and employees and employers resolve disputes more quickly. Why is this important? Because justice delayed is justice denied. There are also a number of sensible technical amendments that are uncontroversial, and the coalition supports those as well. There is one measure concerning a separate high-income threshold for road transport contractors that we believe deserves additional scrutiny through a Senate inquiry.</para>
<para>But none of these matters explain part 9. Part 9 has nothing to do with the Fair Work Commission's efficiency—absolutely nothing. Part 9 changes the Fair Work Act so that the Commonwealth can preference businesses with union backed enterprise agreements when awarding taxpayer funded contracts, grants and procurement arrangements. Those preferences don't just apply to the businesses that are directly in contract with the government; they also can extend through supply chains as well.</para>
<para>This is a major policy change—and not an unfamiliar one, I might add. It's one we've seen before in Queensland, where the Palaszczuk government saw it lead to extraordinary corruption and the misuse of enterprise bargaining in the directing of taxpayer dollars. Yet federal Labor has tried to hide it inside a bill that's supposedly about helping the Fair Work Commission. That should concern every business in Australia—particularly every small business—every tenderer and every Australian. As stakeholders have said, it places risk of corruption written into law.</para>
<para>The minister says: 'Don't worry about this. It's a bill that does not impose any obligation on the Commonwealth. There is no obligation, so you don't need to worry about it.' For goodness sake, if Labor has no intention of using these powers, why is it legislating for them? Governments don't create powers that they don't intend to use. The government says, 'Don't worry about that—all the detail is going to be contained in the Secure Australian Jobs Code.' Terrific, but where is that code? Where is it, Minister? Let's be honest: the consultation for that code closed months ago, and parliament hasn't seen it. Business hasn't seen it. The Australian people haven't seen it. Yet Labor wants parliament to pass legislation that has the legal framework before anyone's actually seen the policy. That's backwards. Parliament is being asked to, essentially, sign the cheque before it's seen the invoice. Government procurement should be based on one thing, and one thing alone, and that is value for money—value for money, capability and compliance with the law—not on whether a business has signed an industrial agreement that is preferred by the government. This bill changes that.</para>
<para>The government says that this is about enterprise bargaining, but that misses the point entirely. There's nothing wrong with enterprise bargaining. In fact, it's been an established part of Australia's workplace relations system for years. Employers and employees are free to enter enterprise agreements if they choose. But the question here is something entirely different: should governments use taxpayer funded contracts to favour businesses with certain industrial relations arrangements? The coalition says no. We say no, and we are not alone. The consequences of this change extend well beyond head contractors. The bill expressly allows these arrangements to operate through contractual chains. A Commonwealth contract can affect subcontractors too. Subcontractors can affect suppliers. Entire supply chains may ultimately feel the pressure of this one, seemingly innocuous, change.</para>
<para>That's a profound change to the Commonwealth Procurement Rules, and it deserves proper scrutiny. Instead, Labor wants to rush it through the parliament. We all know where this road ends. We've seen it before: Queensland's Best Practice Industry Conditions policy, the BPIC, became synonymous with increased costs, reduced competition and lower productivity. The Queensland government abolished it, but here we are again. This time, federal Labor wants to recreate the same policy at the Commonwealth level. It's doing so while Australia is still coming to terms with the fallout in Queensland and still coming to terms with the shocking revelations surrounding the CFMEU.</para>
<para>The Watson report should be compulsory reading for every member of this parliament. It described an enterprise agreement system in Victorian construction that had become, in Geoffrey Watson's words, 'thoroughly corrupted'. He described old-fashioned pay-to-play corruption. He found that there was, effectively, no genuine bargaining. A CFMEU official was quoted as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"There is no bargaining … nothing will be changed in this agreement."</para></quote>
<para>Mr Watson warned only this week about creating new systems that concentrate power over access to taxpayer funded work. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the power to give an EBA was concentrated in the hands of a few people, and that meant that it was very, very easily corrupted … It meant that the people who held that power could control the market.</para></quote>
<para>He also warned that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… people will pay bribes to get EBAs. People will solicit bribes to give EBAs.</para></quote>
<para>After everything that Australians have learned over the last year, why would any government deliberately create another system that concentrates power over access to taxpayer funded work? That's the question that Labor can't answer.</para>
<para>Business groups have been united in their criticisms. The Business Council of Australia has described these provisions as 'a corruption risk written into law'. Bran Black, the head of the BCA, warned that 'every Australian will pay for it', and the Business Council has said that these provisions reach 'every corner of the economy', including infrastructure, energy, health and defence.</para>
<para>Ai Group says that the proposal risks undermining one of the cornerstones of Australia's workplace relations system, which is freedom of association, something we should all hold dear. It warns that these provisions open the door to governments forcing employers and employees to strike deals with unions in order to commercially deal with the government. That's the prerequisite. Its conclusion is simple: the simplest course would be to abandon this proposal entirely.</para>
<para>The Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry has described it as a 'sneaky move to aid union mates'. Master Builders Australia warns that lawful businesses operating under rewards, including those paying above award wages may be disadvantaged, despite doing absolutely nothing wrong.</para>
<para>These are not fringe organisations. These are Australia's peak employment bodies. They all see the same risk, and the coalition sees it too. This debate is not about whether enterprise agreements are good or whether they're bad; it's about whether governments should use taxpayer funded procurement to favour businesses with those particular industrial arrangements. That's a very different question.</para>
<para>Labor says: 'Oh, construction will be carved out. Don't worry about that.' Well, show us where. It's not in this bill. There's no carve out in this bill. Parliament legislates the words before us, not ministerial assurances, not media releases and not promises about a future jobs code that nobody has seen. The path forward is actually very simple: pass the Fair Work Commission reforms, give the commission the tools it's been looking for, reduce those delays and help workers and employers resolve disputes more quickly. The coalition supports all of those reforms. Not only that; we introduced our own legislation to demonstrate that. But we reject Labor's dirty union procurement deal. Don't use the Fair Work Commission's workload as a cover for a completely unrelated agenda, don't ask the parliament to pass a legal framework before releasing the policy and don't make government contracts depend on whether a business has signed Labor's preferred industrial agreement.</para>
<para>The Fair Work Commission has asked for practical reforms. It did not ask for part 9. Business didn't ask for part 9. Taxpayers didn't ask for part 9. The only people asking for part 9 are those who stand to benefit from it, and who would that be? Surprise, it's the union movement. Labor is the political arm of the union movement. Of course, you are doing this. But the consequences are so profound. Your responsibilities are greater here.</para>
<para>In 2018, the corrupt CFMEU produced a wish list of policies for a future Labor government, and guess what? That list includes holding a referendum on the Voice—tick, it did that. It includes preferencing union agreements—tick. And it includes implementing government procurement rules to support trade unionism—tick. What's next? We're all wondering. Just read the list.</para>
<para>The coalition supports practical reforms that improve the operation of the Fair Work Commission, but we cannot support this bill while it contains these procurement bargaining provisions and introduces corruption risk to every taxpayer dollar we spend on procurement. That's why we've moved amendments to remove part 9. If those amendments are agreed to, we'll support the bill. If they are not, we cannot support this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in support of the Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026. This is an important bill, a practical bill and, above all, a bill that continues the work of building a fairer, safer and more productive economy for working Australians. It is a bill I'm proud of, as a Labor senator here in this place. It is a bill which reflects the values that have always motivated the labour movement in this country. We on this side of the chamber know that, when you work hard, you deserve decent pay, a decent and secure job, a safe workplace, dignity on the job, a fair go and a fair say over the conditions under which you work.</para>
<para>At the outset, I want to acknowledge the work of Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations Amanda Rishworth. Minister Rishworth understands that workplace relations are about whether a worker can pay the bills, whether a parent can balance work and care, whether a woman is paid fairly, whether a truck driver is protected from unfair treatment, whether a young worker gets a genuine start and whether people can get to work and come home safe. These are fundamental things that we, on this side, the Labor Party and the labour movement believe in—unlike those in the new coalition of One Nation, the Liberals and the Nationals.</para>
<para>One Nation believes—and we haven't heard anything to the contrary from those opposite—that a boss should be able to sack their workers whenever they want and that women on maternity leave should not be paid. That's the view of that new partnership on that side of the chamber.</para>
<para>We, this government, in our first term, have made a number of reforms when it comes to industrial relations—significant changes to the Fair Work Act which commenced almost two decades ago. After too many years in which wages were deliberately suppressed, job insecurity was normalised and loopholes were allowed to flourish under those opposite, this government set about repairing the system. Those reforms were guided to promote job security, to advance gender equality, get wages moving again, improve safety and close loopholes that had undermined fairness in the workplace. They were reforms grounded in the lived experience of Australian workers and informed by a simple proposition: when work is fairer, our economy is stronger and our people are happier. We should say that clearly in this place.</para>
<para>And none of this has happened by accident. Improvements in pay and conditions have always come because working people organised, unions advocated, Labor governments legislated and communities demanded something better. From the eight hour day to paid leave, superannuation, unfair dismissal protection and equal pay advances, the labour movement has been the great reforming force for fairness at work in Australia—always has been; always will be. This bill stands in that tradition. It is not a departure from that history; it is the next chapter in it.</para>
<para>While the Liberal Party implodes and One Nation gains a foothold in our political system, I think it's important to reflect, on this side of the chamber, on what we, as a government, believe in: that is, delivering for every Australian. With this bill, the government builds on its first term reforms with a package of practical measures to improve the operations of the workplace relations system and support more cooperative and productive workplaces. That's what we need: the workplaces that are working with their bosses to actually improve our production and strengthen our economy. That matters, because a good workplace relations system must do two things at once. It must protect workers from unfairness and exploitation, and it must provide practical, efficient pathways for employers and employees to resolve disputes, bargain in good faith and get on with the job of building productive enterprises.</para>
<para>First, the bill contains a set of important measures to help the Fair Work Commission more effectively perform its vital functions. The commission is our national workplace relations tribunal. Workers and employers turn to it for dispute resolution, protection of rights, oversight of bargaining and practical decisions that affect people's daily lives. If we want a fairer workplace system—which we do—then the commission must be equipped to do the work efficiently and effectively. This bill supports that by reducing procedural rigidity, streamlining administration and giving the commission sensible tools to manage its workload, while preserving substantive protection for workers. These measures are consistent with the government's objective of ensuring that justice is accessible, timely and real rather than delayed, costly or needlessly rigid, without the ability to have your dispute resolved in a such a manner that no-one is going to be disadvantaged.</para>
<para>The bill will remove the requirement to hold a formal hearing simply to determine whether an application in a general protections matter has or has not been dismissed before the commission can seek to resolve the dispute. Instead, the commission will be able to conduct a conference to try to resolve the matter. That is a commonsense change. It saves time, reduces expense and also avoids forcing parties into unnecessary litigation. The bill will also allow the president of the commission to delegate certain functions to commission staff, including issuing certificates where parties have made reasonable attempts to resolve a general protections dispute without success.</para>
<para>The bill gives the commission discretion, with the consent of the parties, to determine appropriate matters on the papers. It strengthens the commission's power to deal with vexatious and frivolous applications. It allows unfair terminations and unfair deactivation applications to be dismissed where they are frivolous, vexatious or have no reasonable prospect of success. It streamlines supported bargaining authorisations where there is already an existing supported bargaining agreement covering the same or substantially the same group of workers and employers. These are measured reforms, but they will make a very real difference. These are practical, measured reforms that will make the whole process for the commission and also workers and employees much more sensible.</para>
<para>Secondly, the bill supports good-faith bargaining. That is vital. The government inherited a bargaining system that had become badly weakened. Enterprise bargaining had declined dramatically, and with that decline came weaker wage growth, poorer workplace engagement and fewer opportunities for workers and employers to negotiate arrangements that reflected the needs of their industries and workplaces. We know that was the whole purpose of what those opposite did when they were in government.</para>
<para>The government's first-term reforms helped reinvigorate bargaining by reducing barriers and restoring confidence in the system. This matters because bargaining, done properly, is one of the most effective ways to deliver fair and good wage increases, better conditions, workplace flexibility and productivity gains. It is not and should never be a barrier to economic success; it is one of the foundations of it. When our economy is strong, all Australians benefit from that.</para>
<para>The measure in this bill that allows the Commonwealth's spending, where appropriate, to preference employers with enterprise agreements negotiated in good faith and genuinely agreed is a sensible and constructive step. It recognises that public money should help support decent labour standards, secure jobs and fair conditions. It does not create a blanket obligation, and it will continue to operate alongside value-for-money requirements and established procurement rules. But it sends an important signal that government purchasing power should help encourage cooperative workplaces, lawful conduct and fair outcomes for workers. That approach is also being considered through the Secure Australian Jobs Code, which aims to ensure government expenditure supports safe, secure and well-paid jobs.</para>
<para>Thirdly, the bill contains an important reform for the road transport sector. In 2024, the government introduced protections in the Fair Work Commission for truck drivers and small road transport businesses against unfair contract terminations and unfair contract terms. That was an important recognition that road transport workers and owner-drivers often operate in high-pressure commercial arrangements, with significant issues around time management and pressures to deliver in unrealistic timeframes. The existing high-income thresholds have not been fit for purpose for many road transport contractors, because their gross income can be inflated by very substantial operating costs such as fuel, maintenance and vehicle expenses. This bill addresses that problem by enabling a separate road transport contractors' high-income threshold to be established, which will allow hardworking truckies and small road transport businesses to access protections that were intended for them. This is a practical change, and, for many people in the industry, it will mean the difference between having a remedy and having nothing.</para>
<para>I'd like to put on the record thanks to the mighty Transport Workers' Union and, in particular, Michael Kaine, the national secretary, for his steadfast advocacy and passion for trucking and road transport workers; my very good friend Senator Glenn Sterle, a former truckie and official of the TWU; our industrious, mighty Tony Sheldon, who sits in this chamber with us and knows only too well the difference that these changes are going to make to that industry; Senator Jana Stewart; and my good friend Senator O'Neill. We understand what having fair wages, a safe working environment and a strong economy does for Australians, and that's why we on this side will always look out for Australian workers.</para>
<para>Fourthly, the bill makes a targeted amendment relating to the administration of the construction and general division of the CFMEU. We know that those opposite are absolutely obsessed with the CFMEU. The government took the strongest possible action in legislating for the appointment of an administrator. That was a serious step in response to serious concerns, and it reflected the principle that no organisation is above scrutiny and no worker should have their interests undermined by misconduct, criminality or corruption. The amendment in this bill simply provides an appropriate timeframe for the administrator to prepare and submit to the minister a biannual financial report while leaving the content and scope of the reporting obligations intact. It is a practical measure to support effective administration and proper accountability.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill supports the operations of the important tripartite advisory bodies in the workplace relations system. This matters because cooperation is not just a slogan; it is a method. When government, employers and workers come together through a structured tripartite mechanism, policy can be better informed, more practical and more durable. That's what this bill is about. But we know those opposite, with their new arrangement with One Nation, will want to rip out all the changes that we've brought in since we came into government, such as improving workers' pay and conditions. They will rip that up because they will join forces with One Nation, and one of the few policies One Nation has actually voiced is that they want bosses to be able to sack workers more easily. I say shame on you. Australians will reject that each and every day.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026. The bill makes a series of technical but nonetheless worthwhile and important changes to Australia's industrial relations framework, clarifying jurisdictional processes, streamlining how the Fair Work Commission handles disputes and establishing more appropriate income thresholds for road transport contractors.</para>
<para>The Greens approach industrial relations from a simple but firm foundation. Work should be dignified, fairly rewarded and conducted in conditions where workers have genuine power to advocate for themselves. Workers should not go backwards and workers must be safe at work. Collective bargaining, strong union rights and accessible dispute resolution aren't bureaucratic conveniences; they are the mechanisms through which working people exercise democratic voice in their economic lives. This bill advances that framework in modest but meaningful ways, and the Greens support it.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge that there are workers here with their representatives in this room. I recognise those from the United Firefighters Union. Thank you for being here in your parliament, and you've come to witness our work this afternoon. You're welcome, and you have a right to expect this parliament to keep you safe and ensure that you don't go backwards. At a time when too many workers feel they are working harder for less, when wages have failed to keep up with the cost of living and when insecure work continues to spread through large parts of the economy, strengthening workers' rights is essential. For decades, the rules of our economy have tilted towards those with the most power and the deepest pockets. This parliament has a responsibility to start restoring some balance and to fix loopholes in our system.</para>
<para>The Greens support the general protections exemption provisions in this bill which allow the Commonwealth to consider an employer's workplace practices when making procurement decisions. These provisions recognise a simple truth—government spending should be used to support good union jobs that pay a good wage. Every year, the Commonwealth spends tens of billions of dollars procuring goods and services from private companies. That is public money. It is taxpayers' money, and taxpayers have every right to expect that their money is not being used to subsidise insecure work, low wages or poor employment practices. Why should a company that undermines collective bargaining, strips away conditions or relies on insecure work be rewarded with lucrative government contracts? Public procurement is a legitimate lever for governments to shape the economy and to shape the labour market. We should be using that leverage to lift standards, not drive them down. These provisions recognise that, when the Commonwealth enters into contracts, it's not merely buying a service; it's making a choice about the kind of labour market, the kind of workplaces and the kind of workers' rights and workers' safety that it wants to support.</para>
<para>The Greens make no apology for saying that public money should support secure jobs, fair wages and decent conditions. For too long, governments of both persuasions have handed out public contracts with little regard to how workers are treated, and the results have been a race to the bottom, where some businesses gain a competitive advantage by cutting wages and conditions. That's not market failure; it's policy failure. If companies want access to public money, they should meet community expectations. Government procurement should reward employers who do the right thing by their workers, not those who treat their workers as disposable or cut or minimise their conditions to win contract work. No business has a right to a Commonwealth contract. Access to public money is a privilege, not an entitlement, and with that privilege should come obligations, including treating workers fairly and respecting their rights to organise and bargain collectively, to bargain within their enterprise as a group.</para>
<para>The Greens will be moving amendments to this bill to improve cooperation in Australian workplaces. Cooperative workplaces rely on workers and employers reaching agreement through genuine bargaining. Cooperation cannot exist where one side holds all the power. These amendments go to a simple principle: workers should never come out worse off because bargaining has broken down. These amendments seek to improve arrangements around intractable bargaining workplace determinations.</para>
<para>The amendments ensure that mandatory terms included in an intractable bargaining workplace determination cannot be less favourable than the equivalent provisions in the existing enterprise agreement. That is, you can't be ratcheted downward just because your employer is holding out in bargaining. Why is that important? Because enterprise agreements are not gifts from employers. They are won by workers. Every consultation clause, every flexibility provision, every delegates' rights clause and every dispute settlement clause has usually been secured after months—sometimes years—of negotiations, bargaining, organising and compromise. Workers have sacrificed pay rises, undertaken industrial action and invested enormous time and energy in so many cases to secure these conditions.</para>
<para>It would be fundamentally unfair if, after bargaining becomes intractable, workers could lose conditions that they've already won simply because the process moved into the hands of the Fair Work Commission. Without these amendments, there is a real risk that employers could view intractable bargaining as an opportunity to strip back conditions. Workers need certainty that the law cannot be used in that way.</para>
<para>This isn't some obscure theoretical point. It's having real-world impacts now. In Victoria, for example, as the firefighters here, present in our chamber, know from bitter experience, an employer is using the law to try to take away firefighters' rights to be consulted on and have a real say about what uniforms they wear into a fire. This is no trivial matter. This is a matter of life and death. It's a matter of safety for workers. It's a life-and-death matter that deserves our clear protection. It's a serious health and wellbeing issue for firefighters.</para>
<para>I'll give you another example. In December 2025, the Fair Work Commission intractable-bargaining decision in the Endeavour Energy case showed exactly why this amendment is essential. The CEPU/ETU had long maintained a detailed consultation clause requiring the employer to meaningfully engage with workers before major operational changes. In arbitration, however, the commission replaced this with a narrower provision closer to a statutory minimum. It stripped things back, and as a result workers lost elements of their superior consultation rights under the previous enterprise agreement. The commission reasoned that the 'no less favourable' requirement under section 270A of the Fair Work Act would not apply to mandatory terms like the consultation clause. As a result, CEPU members lost their hard-won consultation standard.</para>
<para>This issue also has big implications for many state public sector workers, who may get pushed into federal arbitration, and others, like staff in universities, for whom hard-won clauses around consultation are critically important. These clauses shape the experience of working life. They bring a voice of workers to the bargaining table when changes are introduced, and they need protection.</para>
<para>The Greens believe that collective bargaining only works when workers bargain from a position of strength. They need decent legislation free of loopholes to underpin their standing when they come to the bargaining table. We know that Australian workers have experienced decades of declining bargaining power, stagnant wages in too many places and growing insecurity. Too often, working people have been told to accept less while corporate profits have continued to rise. Too often, unions and workplace delegates have been treated as obstacles rather than as the democratic representatives and voice of working people. Too often, governments speak about productivity while ignoring the fact that decent wages, secure conditions and the right to have a say in your workplace are themselves the foundation of productive workplaces.</para>
<para>These amendments send a different message. They say that workers' rights are not disposable. There must be no slipping backwards. The Greens' amendment clarifies that, where there is an agreement in place and parties are negotiating for a new one and one party has applied for an intractable-bargaining workplace determination, that determination can't take workers backwards. Each term of the determination must be no less favourable than the corresponding term of the agreement. It restores the position that your current agreement stays in place until you negotiate a new one. It's not about giving workers and their unions new terms and conditions. It's about saying they can't go backwards. It's urgently needed, and it's in line with the intentions of this bill. That is a fair and balanced approach. It protects the integrity of enterprise bargaining; it provides certainty to workers, employers and unions alike; and it reinforces a principle that should command support across this chamber: that arbitration should not be used as a vehicle to diminish existing workplace rights.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge the assistance of a number of unions in helping us to get to where we are today—the United Firefighters Union, the public sector unions, the National Tertiary Education Union. They have brought attention to this issue, they have illuminated the way in which it's affecting workers and bargaining, and they have worked hard to assist to find a way forward.</para>
<para>I also acknowledge the support and assistance of Minister Rishworth and her staff, and the department, in working through a way of managing this amendment to close this important loophole. I especially acknowledge the persistence and hard work of Eliza Littleton and Sophie Eller, on the Greens side, in amongst our staff. They have worked so hard with others in the union movement and in ministers' offices to make sure we get to a place that moves us forward in a positive way and properly protects and keeps safe our workers in a wide range of occupations and a wide range of unions.</para>
<para>The Greens know there are employers who will always look for every loophole in a law to cut wages or take away conditions, and the law needs to make sure those workers don't go backwards, whether it's pay or conditions, hours of work or safety. That's why the Greens were pleased to work with the government to close this loophole and strengthen collective bargaining for Australian workers. These amendments ensure that cooperation at work is built on fairness, not on the erosion of conditions or holding out in bargaining to try and ratchet conditions downwards. For those reasons, I commend these amendments to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KOVACIC</name>
    <name.id>306168</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition supports practical reforms that help the Fair Work Commission deal with its workload, but we do not support the enterprise bargaining procurement changes. The government should not be using sensible Fair Work Commission reforms as a cover for passing unrelated procurement changes—again, as is the hallmark of this government, another attempt under the cover of darkness. This bill, the Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026, should be split so we can pass the Fair Work Commission reforms and separately scrutinise the procurement bargaining provisions. We call on the government to separate the bill into two, and we will support the Fair Work Commission changes alone. It is up to the government whether they choose to do that. If the government does not agree to this, we will not support the bill unamended.</para>
<para>Commonwealth procurement should be based on value for money, capability and compliance with the law, not whether a business has a preferred industrial instrument. We have seen what happens when procurement policy is used to advantage certain union-controlled arrangements. We have seen that in Victoria with the Big Build; we have seen the devastating impacts of that. We have seen the loss of some $15 billion of taxpayer funds. We have seen bullying, intimidation and corrupt and criminal conduct. It risks higher costs for taxpayers, reduced competition and a pay-to-play culture that entrenches corruption and shuts out lawful businesses. That is unacceptable.</para>
<para>I note Senator Barbara Pocock's comments that a cooperative workplace is one where one side doesn't hold all the power, but currently we have a scenario where in many workplaces the CFMEU does hold all the power. This bill risks embedding that even further. The procurement provisions risk pushing union-covered enterprise agreements through Commonwealth contracting and down supply chains. That is what will happen.</para>
<para>Senator Polley said that some of us on this side are obsessed with the CFMEU. Tell that to Victorians. Tell the Victorian taxpayers, who have funded the $15 billion worth of rorts, that raising that in this place is an obsession. It's the calling out of a reality. We have seen those same practices, those unlawful practices, extend to Queensland and to my home state of New South Wales. That is entirely unacceptable. Call it an obsession, but I will not stand by and allow my state of New South Wales to come to the same fate Victoria has with its Big Build and the entrenched illegal conduct of the CFMEU.</para>
<para>This government knows exactly what it is doing, and it knows that it is wrong. When a government truly believes in reform, it stands up and argues for it. It is transparent. It gives it its own bill. It sends it to a committee. It calls witnesses. It publishes submissions and lets the country look at it in the light of day. That is how a confident and transparent government legislates. That is what this government doesn't seem to want to do. It hides in the shadows. It won't provide documents transparently under OPDs. It makes stakeholders sign NDAs. That is the hallmark of the Albanese Labor government. A fundamental change to the way the Commonwealth spends every public dollar, a change that rewrites the rules of procurement for every contract and every single grant has been buried inside an unrelated bill about Fair Work Commission resourcing. Why? Why has this government buried it there? Because it didn't want anyone to see it. It didn't want the scrutiny. And, so far, it is refusing to separate it out.</para>
<para>Let's look at what that bundling together does. It takes a set of sensible, supportable reforms to help the commission with its workload and its straps the procurement grab to them like a hostage. 'Here, take both. You must take them both.' Vote for the workers waiting on the commission and you must also vote for the union's tollbooth. That's not a legislative program; that's some kind of absurd trap. Governments don't bury things that they are proud of. They bury things that they cannot defend. The secrecy here tells us everything. The secrecy here is the confession from the Albanese Labor government. If this provision could survive honest scrutiny, they would have given it time. But they did not because they know that it cannot.</para>
<para>And let us be clear about what this government knows. It is not acting in ignorance. It has the Watson report into CFMEU corruption. It knows about the agreements bought for cash. It knows about the labour hire deals sold for up to $1 million. It knows about the decent contractors driven out of business when the union refused them an agreement. It knows about Women in Construction that has at the helm of it an individual that has assaulted women. It knows that too. It knows that the system was, in the words of the Watson report, 'thoroughly corrupted' with 'old-fashioned pay to play'. Yet here we are. It knows all of it and, knowing all of it, it has written a bill that hands union agreements a privileged place in the spending of public money. Not a cooperative workplace, but in fact something where one side holds all the power. This is a government doing its paymasters bidding under the cover of darkness because it does not have the courage to do it in the daylight.</para>
<para>Currently, the Fair Work Act prohibits discrimination against an employer because of whether its employees are or are not covered by certain industrial instruments, including the National Employment Standards, workplace instruments or enterprise agreements. This means no-one, including the Commonwealth, can prefer one company over another just because it has union affiliated enterprise agreements.</para>
<para>This bill creates an exemption that would allow the Commonwealth to preference employers whose employees are covered by a union covered enterprise agreement. Put simply, this bill creates this exemption by allowing discrimination where an employer's employees are not covered by an enterprise agreement or a kind of enterprise agreement or are covered by an enterprise agreement that does not cover a union. Have a think about that for a minute. Have a think about the impacts of that. Again, is that a cooperative workplace where one side doesn't hold all the power? I don't know about that.</para>
<para>I want to reference the Watson report, <inline font-style="italic">R</inline><inline font-style="italic">otting from the top</inline>, and what it found. Geoffrey Watson SC wrote this report into corruption and misconduct in the CFMEU's Victorian construction branch. You'd have to be living under a rock not to see what's been happening in Victoria and the fact that Premier Jacinta Allan and the Prime Minister are pretending that there's nothing to see there—'If there's a problem, just go to the police and report it'—when in fact they are providing the cover for what the CFMEU has done in Victoria and is attempting to do in Queensland and New South Wales. The report only became public because it was tendered to the Queensland commission of inquiry into the CFMEU. Watson found the enterprise agreement system in Victorian construction had been—and these are his words—'thoroughly corrupted', describing it as 'old-fashioned "pay to play" corruption'.</para>
<para>Watson found that there was no genuine bargaining. A CFMEU official told a contractor executive:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is no bargaining—no, nothing will be changed in this agreement.</para></quote>
<para>Again, that doesn't sound like a cooperative workplace where one side doesn't hold all the power.</para>
<para>Watson found a number of concerning issues. He found that the CFMEU punished enemies by refusing EBAs, with no reasons given and no avenue for review. So you can't get the job if you don't have an EBA, but, if you don't do what the CFMEU tells you, then they're not going to give you an EBA, which means they're going to cut you out. Have a think about that. That denial of an agreement can drive a decent contractor out of business.</para>
<para>Self-described fixer Harry Korras, recorded in an undercover sting, described how the system worked:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… they control the market. The Big Build is theirs. You can't get in if you don't know someone.</para></quote>
<para>The price of entry was described as follows:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There's a fee to get an EBA … the upfront fee is cash.</para></quote>
<para>But let's protect that. Let's make sure that that gets to continue, and let's make sure that Commonwealth government procurement defends that. What a disgrace.</para>
<para>The lesson is not that enterprise agreements are inherently improper. They're not. The lesson is that, where market access depends on obtaining the right union covered agreement, there is a real risk of coercion, exclusion, inflated costs and corruption—enter, stage left, Mick Gatto. That is why Commonwealth procurement should not be used to create incentives for union covered enterprise agreements unless there is a clear, transparent and evidence based connection to value for money, delivery capability, lawful compliance and productivity. Do we really want to see in Commonwealth infrastructure projects what we have seen in the big build in Victoria? Is that what we are designing here? It appears to be.</para>
<para>I'll finish by putting forward some quotes from stakeholders and what they think of this bill. The Business Council of Australia said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Public money should go to businesses that can deliver, not businesses that have signed the right union agreement …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The reach goes far beyond a single contract. A single Commonwealth project could impose these conditions on every business in its supply chain. The consequences would ripple through entire industries.</para></quote>
<para>Master Builders Australia said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The potential exclusion of those legally operating under an industrial award including those providing above award conditions is fundamentally unfair particularly for small businesses operating in the building and construction industry, who make up 98 per cent of the industry and generally do not rely on an enterprise agreement.</para></quote>
<para>This is yet another assault by the Albanese Labor government on Australian small businesses, particularly those lawfully conducting business in the construction sector. It is shameful.</para>
<para>Finally, the Queensland Deputy Premier wrote to the minister, accusing the Albanese government of trying to revive Queensland's most controversial construction policy on a national scale, jeopardising the state's 2032 games delivery. In the letter, he declared Queensland would not back proposed workplace law changes he claims would nationalise the former Best Practice Industry Conditions policy, which was dubbed the 'CFMEU tax'. Here we have it: yet another tax on Australians and on Australian small businesses from the Albanese Labor government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026. Some laws are about making the system work better—making sure that, when a worker or a small business needs help, they can get it without being caught up in delay, confusion or cost. This is what this bill does. It is a commonsense bill. It supports fairer workplaces. It supports better bargaining. It supports truck drivers and small road transport businesses. It helps the Fair Work Commission to do its job more quickly and more fairly. And it backs the simple idea that, when the Commonwealth spends public money, it should be able to support secure jobs and fair conditions. That matters in Tasmania. It matters in Greater Hobart, right across the state and across the country.</para>
<para>For most people, workplace laws are not something they think about every day, but they matter when your pay is wrong, they matter when your job is on the line, they matter when you're worried about speaking up at work and they matter when something has gone wrong and you need a fair way to sort it out. For a worker in a care home in Lenah Valley, a cleaner in Hobart, a truckie driving up the Midlands Highway or a construction worker building homes in the northern suburbs, these rules matter. They matter because people should be able to go to work, do their job and know the rules are fair.</para>
<para>The Fair Work Commission is central to that. It is where workers and employers go when they need a fair umpire. But the commission is under pressure. The workload has grown. New technology, including artificial intelligence, has made it easier for people to lodge claims, including claims that may have no real chance of success. That can slow down the system for everyone else, but, when the system slows down, it is ordinary people who feel it. A worker who has lost their job should not have to wait longer than they need to. A small-business owner should not have to spend months and thousands of dollars dealing with a matter that could have been sorted earlier. Unions, workers and employers all need a system that is fair, clear and timely.</para>
<para>This bill helps deliver that. It allows the Fair Work Commission to get to the heart of some general protections dismissal matters more quickly without first needing to run a formal hearing on whether a dismissal happened. That means the commission can spend less time on procedural arguments and more time trying to resolve the actual dispute. The bill allows some matters to be dealt with on the papers where that is appropriate and where the parties agree. Again, that saves money. It saves time.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to order agreed on 23 June 2026, the time allotted for consideration of eight bills has expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>79</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice standing in the name of the Leader of the Opposition, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent further consideration of the bills without a limitation of time.</para></quote>
<para>I move this motion because tonight we are spending $213 billion of taxpayers' money, can I tell you, without a word of debate, without one minute of scrutiny and without one iota of interest from the Australian government senators in this place, with their bedfellows down the end there, the Australian Greens. This is the next chapter of their dirty, dodgy and dastardly deal, of which we've seen many iterations over time. But who cares about $213 billion of taxpayers' money? Let's burn it. Let's chuck it out the door. This is what is happening here. Scrutiny is a thing of the past under this Labor-Green alliance—the brave new world of moderate politics over here, which has absolutely trashed the convention of scrutiny in this place. The Senate is the house of review—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Allegedly.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>supposedly, as Senator Cash says. Occasionally, we get together, and we look at legislation. We interrogate it, we wonder what it means, and we try and understand how we're spending $213 billion of taxpayers' money. This mob over here, the Australian government, is not big on transparency. Of course, as we know, the Centre for Public Integrity said this is the most secretive government in Australia's history.</para>
<para>This is another chapter to be written into its next report about how this government refuses to allow itself to be open to scrutiny. We don't even know what the details are. In fact, it was last week—I believe it was in answer to a question from Senator Cash, perhaps—that we heard that the details of the agreement between Labor and the Greens, which we've not seen, will not be tabled. Was it about an extension to their party room? Are they putting a patio on—perhaps a pergola or a hot tub? I don't know what the next chapter of this deal is, but, whatever it is, it means scrutiny is something that need not be applied to a bill or a set of bills that spend $213 billion of taxpayers' money. We've got to rush it through. It's got to be done this week.</para>
<para>Indeed, we would not seek to block these bills at all because, can I tell you, it is important that we have the administration of government occur and that bills are paid. Let's look at the legislation. Let's debate it. Let's do what this Senate is convened to do. But there's none of that. With every other budget we've had under this government, we've been entitled to that right: to be able to stand up and make representations and contributions on behalf of the truckies driving up the Midland Highway or the cleaners in Hobart—the people who will be paying this bill for generations to come.</para>
<para>We'll rush this through this week, but there's not one word of mention when it comes to savings measures like the NDIS legislation—$35 billion of savings. We will not offset any of the expenditure we are rushing through this parliament today by at all contemplating the $35 billion of savings which could be passed this week, as I say to the Minister for Finance. The opposition would work happily with the government to pass this legislation this week. We would happily work day and night and have long nights. It's on the record. The opposition would happily work with the government to pass this legislation by Thursday, close of business. You could bank $35 billion worth of savings. Let's have some scrutiny on that. That's a good idea. But no, this government is allergic to finding savings. They only want to spend. What is it they are hiding? I guess we'll never know.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ayres</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are going miss you so much!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He's misleading the Senate, President! Let me tell you this. The details of this dirty, dodgy, dastardly deal between Labor and the Greens will remain a secret forever until the Archives Act, of course, enables the details of cabinet meetings to be released for Australians to see exactly what has gone down here. Long before then, they will be paying the bill. This is the problem.</para>
<para>A government senator: We're going to miss you, Jonno.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've attracted an audience, President! All I want to say is that the Senate should be able to do its job. We should be able to interrogate this legislation. The appropriations bills—budget bills—that are constructed by government are amended in secret, in some smoke filled party room down the end of the corridor with sumptuous leather chairs, in partnership with the Greens. We will never, ever know what was hatched up here. It's a bit like those tax bills that we had rammed through this parliament not so long ago; as further scrutiny went on, more and more problems were unearthed. Heaven knows, in a set of bills where $213 billion is being shovelled out the door, what problems are going to be in them. I say shame on this government, and I hope they support the capacity for us to have further debate on these very important pieces of legislation.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the closure motion as moved by Minister Gallagher be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [17:58]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>32</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>25</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Collins, J.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion as moved by Senator Duniam be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:02]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>25</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                <name>Bell, S.</name>
                <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Whitten, T.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>32</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Walker, C.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
                <name>Collins, J.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>81</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7457" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to the order agreed on 23 June 2026, the time allotted for consideration of eight bills has expired. I'll now put the questions on the remaining stages of the bills. I will first deal with the Treasury Laws Amendment (Delivering an Efficient and Trusted Tax System) Bill 2026. I'll begin with the second reading amendment moved by Senator Hanson-Young. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3765 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:06]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>11</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>34</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.<br />Original question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the Committee of the Whole amendments, starting with amendments circulated by the opposition. The question is that the amendments on sheet 3909 be agreed to.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Opposition's circulated amendments</inline>—</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (at the end of the table), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Page 29 (after line 27), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 7 — Retaining concessions for certain transfers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 1 — Retaining CGT concessions for certain transfers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Income Tax Assessment Act 1997</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 After Division 128</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 129 — Retaining CGT concessions in relation to CGT assets that are inherited or acquired because of relationship breakdown etc.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Guide to Division 129</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">129-1 What this Division is about</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Division ensures that certain CGT concessions remain available where a CGT asset is inherited or acquired because of a relationship breakdown etc.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Table of sections</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Operative provisions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">129-5 Retaining CGT concessions in relation to CGT assets that are inherited or acquired because of relationship breakdown etc.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Operative provisions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">129-5 Retaining CGT concessions in relation to CGT assets that are inherited or acquired because of relationship breakdown etc.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This section applies in relation to a *CGT asset if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) you acquire an ownership interest in the CGT asset:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) by inheriting the CGT asset; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) because of something mentioned in subsection 126-5(1) (court orders under the <inline font-style="italic">Family Law Act 1975</inline> etc.); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) you would have been entitled to a concession in respect of a *capital gain (including a concession to reduce or disregard a capital gain) under this Part or Part 3-1 if the amendments made by the <inline font-style="italic">Treasury Laws Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Act 2026</inline> had not been made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) If you make a *capital gain from a *CGT event happening in relation to the *CGT asset, you can choose to apply a concession in respect of the gain that you would have been entitled to had the amendments made by the <inline font-style="italic">Treasury Laws Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Act 2026</inline> not been made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 2 — Retaining negative gearing for certain transfers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Income Tax Assessment Act 1997</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 After subsection 26-155(3A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Exception for residential dwellings inherited or acquired because of relationship breakdown etc.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3B) For the purposes of subsection (1), disregard amounts you could otherwise deduct, and amounts of assessable income, to the extent those amounts relate to the using or holding of an *ownership interest in a *residential dwelling that you:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) inherited; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acquired because of something mentioned in subsection 126-5(1) (court orders under the <inline font-style="italic">Family Law Act 1975</inline> etc.).</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:10]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>25</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the amendments circulated by the Australian Greens. The question is that schedule 6 stand as printed.</para>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">Australian Greens circulated amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Title, page 1 (line 10), omit "social security and veterans' affairs,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 2, page 2 (table item 5), omit the table item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 6, page 20 (line 1) to page 29 (line 26), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:14]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>36</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>10</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the last question was resolved in the affirmative, the consequential amendments on sheet 3848 will not be put. The question now is that the Australian Greens amendments on sheet 3764 be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Australian Greens circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 4, item 3, page 14 (lines 15 to 17), omit ", unless the activity is covered by subsection (3) (harm minimisation purpose)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 4, item 3, page 14 (lines 22 to 24), omit ", unless the activity is covered by subsection (4) (harm minimisation purpose)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 4, item 3, page 15 (lines 14 to 29), omit subsections 355-25(3) and (4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 4, item 4, page 16 (lines 6 to 20), omit subsections 355-30(3) and (4), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Gambling and tobacco related activities etc.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Despite subsections (1) and (2), neither of the following are <inline font-style="italic">supporting R&D activities</inline>:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) an activity referred to in paragraph 355-25(2)(i) (which deals with gambling etc.);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) an activity referred to in paragraph 355-25(2)(j) (which deals with tobacco and vaping goods etc.).</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:18]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>11</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>34</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that schedule 4 stand as printed.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">One Nation</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'s</inline>  <inline font-style="italic">circulated amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 4, page 14 (line 1) to page 17 (line 20), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:21]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>36</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>5</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the last question was resolved in the affirmative, the consequential amendment on sheet 3885 will not be put. I will now deal with the amendment circulated by Senator Thorpe. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3862 be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Senator Thorpe's circulated amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 3, page 12 (after line 15), after Part 2, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 2A — SMSF trustee director duties</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Act 1993</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5A After section 104A</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">104B Trustees etc. of self managed superannuation fund — duties in relation to members under a legal disability or enduring power of attorney</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This section applies to a person if the person is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a trustee of a self managed superannuation fund; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a director of a body corporate that is the trustee of a self managed superannuation fund;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">in place of a member of the fund during any period when:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the member is under a legal disability; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the trustee or director has an enduring power of attorney in respect of the member of the fund.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) To avoid doubt, subsection (1) includes the following circumstances (without limitation):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the member of the fund is under a legal disability and the Public Trustee of a State or Territory is appointed under a law of a State or Territory to manage, to any extent, the member's estate, property or financial affairs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Public Trustee of a State or Territory holds an enduring power of attorney in respect of the member of the fund;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person is approved, in writing, by the Public Trustee to be the trustee or director (as the case may be) in place of the member of the fund.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Despite anything in this Act, in any other law of the Commonwealth, or in a law of a State or Territory, the person must perform their duties and services in relation to the member of the fund:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) with respect to the rights, will and preferences of the member; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) without conflict of interest and undue influence; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) in a manner proportionate and suitable to the member's circumstances; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) for the shortest duration possible; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) subject to the complaints handling process of the relevant State or Territory; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) subject to regular review by a competent, independent and impartial authority.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: This section is intended, in part, to give effect to article 12(4) of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities done at New York on 30 March 2007 ([2008] ATS 12): the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities is in Australian Treaty Series 2008 No. 12 ([2008] ATS 12) and could in 2026 be viewed in the Australian Treaties Library on the AustLII website (http://www.austlii.edu.au).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: Section 166 imposes an administrative penalty for a contravention of subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty: 50 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Chapter 2 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> sets out the general principles of criminal responsibility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5B Section 166 (after table item 10)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the remaining stages of the bill be agreed to, and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that the Australian Greens' support for the amendment moved by Senator Thorpe be noted, please.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7436" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Reporting System Reform) Bill 2026. I will first deal with the second reading amendment moved by Senator Barbara Pocock. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3784 be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the bill be now read a second time.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the Committee of the Whole amendments, starting with the amendments circulated by the Australian Greens. The question is that the amendments on sheet 3781, 3782 and 3899 be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The Australian Greens' circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3781</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 13, page 11 (before line 23), before paragraph 227A(4)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) ethics;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 13, page 29 (before line 23), before paragraph 231(4)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) ethics;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3782</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 13, page 8 (lines 1 to 6), omit paragraph 225A(5)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in a manner that promotes the continued adoption of international best practice accounting standards, auditing standards and sustainability standards in the Australian standard-setting processes, if doing so would be:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) in the best interests of both the private and public sectors in the Australian economy; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in the public interest more broadly; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SHEET 3899</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 3, page 3 (after line 24), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Council member</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">External Reporting Australia eligible representative</inline> means an individual who is not any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a partner in a partnership that is a prescribed auditing firm;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a director, secretary or senior manager of a company that is a prescribed auditing firm;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a former partner in a partnership that is currently a prescribed auditing firm, if the individual is receiving regular and ongoing benefits, or has within the last 6 months received a material benefit, from the partnership;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a former director, secretary or senior manager of a company that is currently a prescribed auditing firm, if either of the following apply:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the individual is receiving regular and ongoing benefits, or has within the last 6 months received a material benefit, from the company;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the individual holds shares in the company.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The term <inline font-style="italic">prescribed auditing firm</inline> is defined by reference to the number of registered company auditors in a partnership or company. For the purposes of the definition <inline font-style="italic">External Reporting Australia eligible representative</inline>, it is irrelevant whether or not the individual is a registered company auditor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 4 (after line 9), after item 7, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">7A Subsection 5(1)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">New Zealand board representative </inline>has the meaning given by subsection 231(7).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">New Zealand Council representative</inline> has the meaning given by subsection 227A(6).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 9, page 4 (after line 17), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">paid work</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">prescribed auditing firm</inline> means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a company that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is an authorised audit company; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) has more than 50 individuals who are registered company auditors and are either a director of the company or hold and beneficially own shares in the company; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a partnership that is an audit firm where the partnership has more than 50 partners who are registered company auditors.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To avoid doubt, the company or partnership may include individuals or partners that are not registered company auditors (for example a partnership may have some partners who are registered company auditors that provide audit services and other partners that are not registered company auditors that provide other services).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 13, page 11 (line 21), after "the person", insert "is either an External Reporting Australia eligible representative or a New Zealand Council representative, and".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 13, page 12 (lines 4 to 12), omit subsection 227A(5), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Before appointing a person as a Council member, the Minister must have regard to the principle that, so far as is practicable, the Governing Council should have an appropriate balance of expertise or experience in fields relevant to External Reporting Australia's functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) A<inline font-style="italic">New Zealand Council representative</inline> means an individual:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) appointed as the chair (or an equivalent position) of a New Zealand body (however described, including a board or committee) that has similar functions to the Governing Council; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whose proposed appointment to that position in the New Zealand body has been publicly announced; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) who is a member of the New Zealand body and nominated by the body for the purposes of the Minister considering the member for appointment as a Council member or a Council associate member (as applicable).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 13, page 14 (line 8), omit "principles", substitute "principle".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 13, page 17 (line 28), at the end of subsection 227M(1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; or (d) in the case of a member who was appointed on the basis that the member was an External Reporting Australia eligible representative—if the member is no longer an External Reporting Australia eligible representative; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) in the case of a member who was appointed on the basis that the member was a New Zealand Council representative in relation to a New Zealand body—if the member is not a member of the New Zealand body.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Schedule 1, item 13, page 22 (line 15), at the end of subsection 228H(1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; or (d) in the case of a member who was appointed on the basis that the member was an External Reporting Australia eligible representative—if the member is no longer an External Reporting Australia eligible representative; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) in the case of a member who was appointed on the basis that the member was a New Zealand Council representative in relation to a New Zealand body—if the member is not a member of the New Zealand body.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 1, item 13, page 29 (line 21), after "the person", insert "is either an External Reporting Australia eligible representative or a New Zealand board representative, and".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Schedule 1, item 13, page 30 (after line 13), at the end of section 231, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) A<inline font-style="italic"> New Zealand board representative</inline> means an individual:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) appointed as the chair (or an equivalent position) of a New Zealand body (however described, including a board or committee) that has similar functions to the standard-setting board; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whose proposed appointment to that position in the New Zealand body has been publicly announced; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) who is a member of the New Zealand body and nominated by the body for the purposes of the Governing Council considering the member for appointment as a board member.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 1, item 13, page 36 (line 3), at the end of subsection 231K(1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; or (d) in the case of a member who was appointed on the basis that the member was an External Reporting Australia eligible representative—if the member is no longer an External Reporting Australia eligible representative; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) in the case of a member who was appointed on the basis that the member was a New Zealand board representative in relation to a New Zealand body—if the member is not a member of the New Zealand body.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:25]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:28]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the amendments circulated by One Nation. The question is that the amendments on sheet 3908 be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">One Nation's circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 13, page 11 (line 30), omit paragraph 227A(4)(h).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 13, page 29 (line 29), omit paragraph 231(4)(g).</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendments on sheet 3908 be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:32]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>5</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>37</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the remaining stages of the bill be agreed to and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:35]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a third time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7494" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>92</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll now deal with the Workplace Relations Legislation Amendment (Building Cooperative Workplaces No. 1) Bill 2026. The question is that this bill be now read a second time.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:39]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>25</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the Committee of the Whole amendment circulated by the opposition. The question is that, in schedule 1, part 9 and division 7 in item 62 stand as printed.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Opposition's circulated amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, Part 9, page 18 (line 1) to page 21 (line 25), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 62, page 26 (lines 8 to 15), Division 7 to be opposed.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:42]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with amendments circulated by the Australian Greens. The question is that amendments on sheet 3824 be agreed to.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Australian Greens</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline>  <inline font-style="italic">circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, page 21 (after line 25), after Part 9, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 9A — Certain mandatory terms of workplace determinations must not be less favourable</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">58A Section 270A (heading)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the heading, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">270A Certain terms must not be less favourable</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">58B After subsection 270A(2)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) A term that is included in the determination to comply with subsection 273(2), (4), (5) or (6) must be not less favourable to each of those employees, and any employee organisation that was a bargaining representative of any of those employees, than a term of the enterprise agreement that deals with the same matter as the term included in the determination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: In addition, the delegates' rights term included in compliance with subsection 273(6) must not be less favourable than the delegates' rights term in any modern award that covers a workplace delegate to whom the determination applies (see subsection 273(7)).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">58C At the end of section 270A</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) For the avoidance of doubt, subsection (2A) does not apply to any agreed term for the determination that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is of a kind referred to in subsection 273(3), (4) or (5); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is a delegates' rights term for the workplace delegates to whom the determination applies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">58D Subsections 273(4) and (5)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsections, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Flexibility term</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Unless the FWC is satisfied that an agreed term for the determination would, if the determination were an enterprise agreement, satisfy paragraph 202(1)(a) and section 203 (which deal with flexibility terms in enterprise agreements), the determination must include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) unless paragraph (b) applies—the model flexibility term; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the model flexibility term does not comply with subsection 270A(2A)—a term that complies with that subsection and that would, if the determination were an enterprise agreement, satisfy paragraph 202(1)(a) and section 203.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Consultation term</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Unless the FWC is satisfied that an agreed term for the determination would, if the determination were an enterprise agreement, satisfy subsection 205(1) (which deals with terms about consultation in enterprise agreements), the determination must include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) unless paragraph (b) applies—the model consultation term; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the model consultation term does not comply with subsection 270A(2A)—a term that complies with that subsection and that would, if the determination were an enterprise agreement, satisfy subsection 205(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 62, page 26 (after line 15), after Division 7, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 7A — Amendments made by Part 9A of Schedule 1 to the amending Act</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">138A Application of amendments — intractable bargaining workplace determinations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Sections 270A and 273, as amended by Part 9A of Schedule 1 to the amending Act, apply in relation to intractable bargaining workplace determinations made on or after the commencement of that Part (including determinations in relation to which the intractable bargaining declaration concerned, or the application for that declaration, was made before that commencement).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Sections 270A and 273, as amended by Part 9A of Schedule 1 to the amending Act, also apply in relation to intractable bargaining workplace determinations made before that commencement, in the circumstances specified in clause 138B.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">138B Application of amendments to intractable bargaining workplace determinations made before commencement</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This clause applies in relation to an intractable bargaining workplace determination made before the commencement of Part 9A of Schedule 1 to the amending Act (the <inline font-style="italic">original determination</inline>).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) On application by an employer, employee or employee organisation covered by the original determination, the FWC must make a determination (a <inline font-style="italic">variation</inline>) varying the original determination where required so as to give effect to sections 270A and 273 as amended by that Part.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) An application under subclause (2) must be made before the end of the period of 12 months commencing on the day that Part commences.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The FWC may make a variation despite paragraph 603(3)(c).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Any variation must be made by a Full Bench.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) A variation operates from the day specified by the FWC in the variation, which must not be a day before the variation is made.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:45]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>9</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the amendments circulated by Senator David Pocock. The question is that amendments on sheet 3905 be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Senator David Pocock's circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (table item 4), omit the table item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 2, page 2 (after line 9), at the end of the clause, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For the purposes of item 4A of the table in subsection (1), a relevant inquiry report means an inquiry report prepared under section 164 of the <inline font-style="italic">National Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2022</inline> following a public inquiry conducted under section 161 of that Act into:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) corruption risks and vulnerabilities in Commonwealth agencies arising from the design, implementation, administration or enforcement of preferences in Commonwealth procurement, grants or contractual arrangements, including preferences that are required or authorised in Commonwealth-linked supply chains, based on whether employees of an employer are covered, or are proposed to be covered, by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an enterprise agreement; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a kind of enterprise agreement; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) an enterprise agreement that covers an employee organisation; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) measures to prevent corruption in Commonwealth agencies in connection with those preferences, including safeguards relating to the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) probity and conflicts of interest;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) transparency and record-keeping;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) supplier selection and tender evaluation;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) grants administration;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) subcontractor and supply-chain requirements that are imposed, required or authorised through Commonwealth procurement, grants or contractual arrangements;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) the use of procurement-connected policies, grants-connected policies, codes, guidelines or model contract terms, including any policy or code known as the Secure Australian Jobs Code;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vii) any legislative instrument that could be made under subsection 354(2C) or section 378A of the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline> if Part 9 of Schedule 1 to this Act commences;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(viii) any contractual arrangement, or Commonwealth contractual arrangement chain, to which Part 9 of Schedule 1 to this Act would apply, to the extent relevant to corruption risks, vulnerabilities or prevention measures in Commonwealth agencies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) In subsection (3) and item 4A of the table in subsection (1):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth agency</inline> has the same meaning as in the <inline font-style="italic">National Anti-Corruption Commission Act 2022</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth contractual arrangement chain</inline> has the meaning it would have in section 354 of the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline> if Part 9 of Schedule 1 to this Act had commenced.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">employee organisation</inline> has the same meaning as in the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">enterprise agreement</inline> has the same meaning as in the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">responsible Minister</inline> means the Minister responsible for the administration of the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline>.</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:48]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>9</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the remaining stages of the bill be agreed to and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:52]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>31</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>25</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Antic, A.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Blyth, L.</name>
                  <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Brockman, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Cadell, R. P.</name>
                  <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                  <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>9</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Chisholm, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B. G.</name>
                  <name>Dowling, R.</name>
                  <name>Henderson, S. M.</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Mulholland, C.</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                  <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                  <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                  <name>Wong, P.</name>
                  <name>Cash, M. C.</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a third time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Fuel Excise Relief No. 2) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>98</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7503" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Fuel Excise Relief No. 2) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>98</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the Treasury Laws Amendment (Fuel Excise Relief No. 2) Bill 2026. I will first deal with the second reading amendment circulated by One Nation. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3906 be agreed to.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">One Nation's circulated amendment</inline>—</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that increasing the price of fuel in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis will make life harder for everyday Australians and for small businesses; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to cancel the 16 cents per litre increase in the fuel excise in this bill and suspend indexation increases permanently with a review in June 2028".</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:55]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>5</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>38</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the second reading amendment circulated by the Australian Greens. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3907 be agreed to.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Australian Greens' circulated amendment</inline>—</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that coal mining companies are the biggest recipient of the multi-billion dollar annual expenditure for Fuel Tax Credits and that expenditure for this sector is growing at the fastest rate of all sectors;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges that subsidising the burning of fossil fuels with public money is making the climate crisis worse; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is of the opinion that the fossil fuel extraction industry should not be eligible for Fuel Tax Credits".</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:58]<br />(The President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>11</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>31</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.<br />Original question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with Committee of the Whole amendments circulated by the Australian Greens. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3890 be agreed to.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">Greens</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline>  <inline font-style="italic">circulated </inline> <inline font-style="italic">amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, page 6 (after line 2), at the end of the Schedule, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fuel Tax Act 2006</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">10 Subsection 43-5(1) (note)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "section 43-10", substitute "sections 43-10 and 43-15".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11 At the end of Subdivision 43-A</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">43-15 Cap on fuel tax credits</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Annual credits cap</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This section reduces your fuel tax credits for taxable fuel so as to ensure the sum of those credits over the course of any 12-month period does not exceed $50,000,000 (which is the <inline font-style="italic">annual credits cap</inline>).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Reduction so as not to exceed annual credits cap</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The *amount of your fuel tax credits for taxable fuel that you:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) acquire in, or import into, the indirect tax zone on a day; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) both:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) manufacture in the indirect tax zone; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) enter for home consumption (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Excise Act 1901</inline>) on a day;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">is reduced by so much of your aggregated annual credits for that day as exceeds the annual credits cap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Example 1: Sarah acquires taxable fuel on 5 January 2026. The effective fuel tax payable on the fuel is $65,000,000. The amount of Sarah's fuel tax credits for the fuel is reduced to $50,000,000. Sarah is, on 5 January 2026, in excess of the annual credits cap and will not receive fuel tax credits for any taxable fuel she acquires, imports or manufactures for 12 months after that day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Example 2: Tom acquires taxable fuel to use for travelling on a public road as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) on 3 September 2025 he acquires fuel for which the effective fuel tax is $30,000,000 and the road user charge is $300,000;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) on 3 January 2026 he acquires fuel for which the effective fuel tax is $40,000,000 and the road user charge is $400,000;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) on 3 May 2026 he acquires fuel for which the effective fuel tax is $20,000,000 and the road user charge is $200,000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Tom receives $29,700,000 in fuel tax credits for the fuel he acquires on 3 September 2025.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the fuel Tom acquires on 3 January 2026, he would ordinarily receive $39,600,000 in fuel tax credits. However, on that day, he exceeds the annual credits cap by $19,300,000. He only receives $20,300,000 in fuel tax credits for the fuel he acquires on that day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the fuel Tom acquires on 3 May 2026, he would ordinarily receive $19,800,000 in fuel tax credits. However, on that day, he exceeds the annual credits cap by that entire amount and receives nil in fuel tax credits for that fuel.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Aggregated annual credits</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Your <inline font-style="italic">aggregated annual credits</inline> for a day is the sum of all of the following amounts (as reduced by section 43-10 (as applicable) and by any previous application of this section before that day):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the *amounts of your fuel tax credits for taxable fuel that you acquire in or import into the indirect tax zone in the period beginning 12 months before that day and ending on that day;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the amounts of your fuel tax credits for taxable fuel that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) you manufacture; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) you enter for home consumption (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Excise Act 1901</inline>) in the period beginning 12 months before that day and ending on that day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Special rules</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) This section only applies to you if at the time you acquire, manufacture or import the fuel:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) you do so for use in *carrying on your *enterprise; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) you are *registered for GST or *required to be registered for GST.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) In working out any reductions under subsection (2) in respect of an *amount on a day, first apply any reductions under section 43-10 in respect of that amount on that day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">12 Section 110-5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">aggregated annual credits</inline>: see subsection 43-15(3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">annual credits cap</inline>: see subsection 43-15(1).</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [19:02]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>11</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L.</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the remaining stages of the bill be agreed to and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Business Registries Stabilisation and Uplift) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>101</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7480" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Business Registries Stabilisation and Uplift) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>101</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will first deal with the second reading amendment circulated by One Nation. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3904 be agreed to.</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) targeting dodgy directors and the cracking down on company phoenixing is a proper public policy objective,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) Australians are concerned that privacy protections and personal data security as a whole have not been adequately addressed in an overarching policy framework by this government, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) while schemes like Digital ID and Director ID are often initially proposed as voluntary, they have a tendency to become compulsory and experience significant scope creep; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) implement stronger universal privacy and data protection laws for Australians, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) commit to never making Digital ID compulsory or coerced under threat of penalty".</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the bill be read a second time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that this bill be read a third time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2026-2027, Appropriation Bill (No. 2) 2026-2027, Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 1) 2026-2027</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7483" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2026-2027</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7484" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 2) 2026-2027</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7482" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 1) 2026-2027</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Limitation of Debate</title>
            <page.no>102</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will first deal with the second reading amendment circulated by the Australian Greens. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3861 be agreed to.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">Australian Greens</inline> <inline font-style="italic">' circulated</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Australia is one of the world's largest exporters of gas, yet multinational gas corporations are making extraordinary profits while offshore projects get our gas for free,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) introducing a minimum tax rate of at least 25% on gas export revenue would ensure that big gas corporations pay their fair share and raise an estimated $17 billion per year in public revenue, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) this revenue could be invested in cost of living support, accelerating the transition to clean energy and properly funding essential public services, including the National Disability Insurance Scheme; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to reverse all cuts to the National Disability Insurance Scheme included in these bills".</para></quote>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [19:06]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>10</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the second reading amendment circulated by One Nation. The question is that the amendment on sheet 3858 be agreed to.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">One Nation's </inline> <inline font-style="italic">circulated </inline> <inline font-style="italic">amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Omit all words after "That", substitute "further consideration of the bills be made an order of the day for the first sitting day after amendments are circulated removing all funding for net zero measures and the administration of net zero measures".</para></quote>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells being rung—</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I was just wondering if my support for (a) on that last amendment could be noted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On 3861?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
<para> </para>
</continue>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [19:09]<br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>5</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Babet, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Bell, S. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Whitten, T.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>38</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Ananda-Rajah, M.</name>
                  <name>Askew, W.</name>
                  <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                  <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                  <name>Ciccone, R.</name>
                  <name>Cox, D.</name>
                  <name>Darmanin, L. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dolega, J.</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, K. R.</name>
                  <name>Ghosh, V.</name>
                  <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Hodgins-May, S.</name>
                  <name>Hume, J.</name>
                  <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Lines, S.</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                  <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                  <name>Pocock, D. W.</name>
                  <name>Polley, H.</name>
                  <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                  <name>Shoebridge, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                  <name>Stewart, J. N. A.</name>
                  <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Walker, C.</name>
                  <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Watt, M. P.</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
                  <name>Whiteaker, E.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.<br />Original question agreed to.<br />Bills read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that these bill be agreed to and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>103</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>103</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>103</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be discharged from and appointed to the Community Affairs Legislation Committee as set out in the document available in the chamber and listed on the Dynamic Red.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>103</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Legislation Amendment (Improving Choice and Transparency for Private Health Consumers) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7434" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Health Legislation Amendment (Improving Choice and Transparency for Private Health Consumers) Bill 2026</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>103</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>104</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a revised explanatory memorandum relating to the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">Health Legislation Amendment (Improving Choice and Transparency for Private Health Consumers) Bill 2026 </inline>(the Bill) will enable Australians to make informed decisions about their health care and private health insurance.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It provides clarity on individual medical practitioner fees and out-of-pocket costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It safeguards consumers by outlawing product phoenixing, closing a loophole that allowed private health insurers to close a product and re-open an identical one at higher price or reduce the value of a product without Ministerial scrutiny.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 of the Bill focuses on providing consumers with more detailed information on the expected medical fees charged, and likely out of pocket costs, for their private health care experience.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An increasing number of Australians are not taking up referrals from their general practitioner to see a specialist due to cost. In 2024-25, 8.6% of people delayed or missed specialist care—that's over 800,000 people—because of cost. The most common cause of out-of-pocket costs is medical specialist fees.<inline font-style="italic">[1]</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is unjustifiable to require patients to commit to a medical treatment without knowing what the cost of that treatment will be and not be able to compare those costs against the fees charged by other providers. Understanding the level of support that is provided by their private health insurer is also vital in determining their likely out-of-pocket costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To support greater transparency, since 2022, specialists and insurers have had the opportunity to participate in the Medical Costs Finder and publish their fees and out-of-pockets data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Uptake has been shockingly low with only 1-2% of specialists and 10% of insurers participating on the website as at December 2025.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 will allow for the publication of the relevant data on the Medical Costs Finder without the need for input from specialists, as it will be drawn from Medicare, hospital and insurer billing data already collected by government. While the focus is on the charging practices of non-GP specialists, general practitioners and their billing could also be published on the website in the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 will amend the <inline font-style="italic">Health Insurance Act 1973 </inline>and the</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Private Health Insurance Act 2007 </inline>to:</para></quote>
<list>allow for the publication of information about medical practitioners and their billing including names, locations, fees charged by location, their utilisation of gap cover arrangements with insurers where insurers pay a medical practitioner more if they agree to charge no or fixed out-of-pocket costs</list>
<list>allow for the publication of information about hospitals including medical practitioners who provide services at the facility, and insurers that have gap cover or contracting arrangements with the facility</list>
<list>allow for the publication of information about insurers including the proportion of policy holders who experienced different gap cover arrangements, and the out-of-pocket costs under those arrangements</list>
<list>include an immunity from civil proceedings</list>
<list>modernise the secrecy regime and make it consistent with amendments to secrecy provisions in portfolio legislation made by the <inline font-style="italic">Regulatory Reform Omnibus Act 2025.</inline></list>
<quote><para class="block">Importantly, the amendments will continue to protect the privacy of consumers, and no patient information will be published.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Health, Disability and Ageing is establishing an internal review process for medical practitioners to enquire or request the department to review the fee information published about them.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Without passage of this schedule, Australians will continue to have uncertainty about the potential costs of their treatment. Patients will continue to be unable to compare between providers and unable to seek better value from their private health care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2 of the Bill relates to changes to strengthen Ministerial oversight of private health insurance premiums to better protect consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, private health insurers are required to apply to the Minister if they wish to change the premium for an existing product. This has typically occurred once a year through the annual Premium Round process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insurers are not required to seek approval for the premium charged for new products. Some insurers have used this process to circumvent the intent of the Premium Round by closing an existing product to new members and launching a new and very similar product at a higher price than was authorised by the Minister for the existing product.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This process, known as phoenixing, hurts not just new entrants to private health insurance who are directly impacted, but the 15.3 million people who hold private health insurance who are left unprotected from unscrutinised changes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To address this issue, amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Private Health Insurance Act 2007 </inline>will require insurers to apply to the Minister for approval of the premiums for new and existing products. In addition to requiring Ministerial approval for proposed premium changes, insurers will have to apply if they open a new product, or they reduce the cover, a benefit or other term or condition of an existing product.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Additional changes are being made to formalise and enhance existing practices that occur under the annual Premium Round process. These include:</para></quote>
<list>specifying the Premium Round submission dates in the legislation, whilst allowing the Minister to make a legislative instrument to vary those dates</list>
<list>encouraging submissions to be made through the Premium Round, by introducing a more stringent public interest test to be applied to applications made outside of the Premium Round submission dates</list>
<list>allowing delegation of the Minister's premium approval power (but not the power to refuse an application). This could enable a reduced process for certain categories of applications outside the annual premium round. Delegation would likely be for relatively straightforward applications that are more clearly in the public interest and details will be worked through with industry</list>
<list>inserting a power to specify a fee for premium applications, noting that no fee is being set at commencement, and there would be further consultation before setting a fee</list>
<list>allowing the Minister to request further information about premium applications and invite insurers to respond or amend their application. This formalises the current resubmission process.</list>
<quote><para class="block">These reforms are an important step in holding private health insurers to account and empowering consumers to make informed decisions about the costs of their care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government will always pursue reforms to ensure private health insurance delivers genuine value for money, greater transparency, and puts consumers at the centre of healthcare decisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">[1]</inline> Based on a survey of 16,772 Australians. Refer Ipsos Australia (2021). <inline font-style="italic">Health Care and Insurance Australia. </inline>Ipsos. North Sydney. Viewed 15 August 2022, <https://hcia.ipsossurveys.com.au/view-reports></para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
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            <a href="r7493" type="Bill">
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                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Bill 2026</span>
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        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from the House of Representatives</title>
            <page.no>105</page.no>
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          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Bill 2026, Income Tax Rates Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Bill 2026, Appropriation Bill (No. 5) 2025-2026, Appropriation Bill (No. 6) 2025-2026</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
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            <p>
              <a href="r7493" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Bill 2026</span>
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              </a>
              <a href="r7492" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Income Tax Rates Amendment (Tax Reform No. 1) Bill 2026</span>
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              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 5) 2025-2026</span>
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              <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 6) 2025-2026</span>
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        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Assent</title>
            <page.no>105</page.no>
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          <title>Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
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            <a href="r7445" type="Bill">
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                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026</span>
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        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>105</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to foreshadow coalition amendments to the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026 to make the NAIF permanent. While the coalition supports the action of the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026 to extend the NAIF for a further 10 years from 30 June 2026 to 30 June 2036, we do not believe that 10 years is enough for the long-term development of northern Australia. I'm pleased to announce that the coalition reaffirms our longstanding commitment to northern Australia by making the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility permanent.</para>
<para>We believe that northern Australia should not be revisited in 10 years to see if it is worthy of more investment. The north's development should be a permanent part of the government's agenda. Northern Australia is one of Australia's greatest strategic and economic assets, and it should have an investment mechanism that matches its permanent importance to our nation. The independent review into the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility, chaired by the Hon. Warren Snowdon and assisted by Professor Peter Yu and Dr Lisa Caffery, was tabled in parliament on 27 August last year. It has taken nearly 12 months for the government to land this extension. There is no bold vision for northern Australia in Labor, I'm afraid, much like when the incoming Albanese government abolished the Joint Standing Committee on Northern Australia and had to be dragged kicking and screaming to reinstate a temporary version.</para>
<para>The coalition recognised the significant economic contribution of northern Australia to the nation when it established the NAIF in 2016, and so too did this independent review panel. The review panel recognised that northern Australia, which is home to only 5.1 per cent of Australia's population and comprises more than half its land mass, produces a gross regional product significantly above the per capita rates for the rest of the country. They acknowledged that since 2016, when the coalition government established the NAIF, it has provided crucial financial assistance, which has bridged gaps in commercial financing to build infrastructure across the north, which supports sustainable economic and subsequently social outcomes. And the NAIF will continue to do so.</para>
<para>From the extensive consultations with stakeholders across northern Australia, the review panel reported that the NAIF was a known and trusted entity in supporting development and is seen as a key part of northern Australia's economy. Stakeholders see the NAIF as part of the northern Australia ecosystem. Given that feedback from stakeholders, the review panel assessed the NAIF's current legislated time limit, with its investment window for making investment decisions ending on 30 June 2026. Its very first recommendation to government was as follows: 'That the government remove the existing time limit to allow the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility to make investment decisions in perpetuity.' It beggars belief that the Labor government has chosen to ignore it.</para>
<para>Northern Australia has the fertile soils and water resources to grow more food and fibre for food and energy security. Northern Australia has the traditional minerals and rare earths, the gas and the critical minerals to fulfil much of Australia's and our allies' needs. Northern Australia is the front line of our defence. We recognise the unlimited opportunity of providing sustainable and resilient economic development in the north. The NAIF has financed projects in the sectors of agriculture and water, energy, resources, social infrastructure, transport and logistics across Queensland, Western Australia and the Northern Territory. It has delivered public benefit through new employment opportunities, regional economic growth and population growth, and an overall confidence across half of our country and boundless economic benefit for all Australians.</para>
<para>We recognise the role the NAIF has in alleviating economic and social disadvantage. It improves the lives of Indigenous peoples and communities. The NAIF delivers key infrastructure projects and contributes to realising the Critical Minerals Strategy 2023-2030. The NAIF delivers full stop, and the need for it to keep delivering will extend far beyond Labor's arbitrary 2036 deadline. Since the coalition government established the NAIF in 2016, it has supported 33 projects, underpinned by $4.3 billion in commitment as of December 2025, with the public benefit to northern Australia forecast to be $33 billion—or $7.60 in forecast public benefit for every $1 of NAIF finance. The NAIF supports over 18,000 jobs across the north.</para>
<para>Northern Australia has always been an exciting and challenging frontier with boundless opportunity. The NAIF is perfectly poised to encourage and support investors in converting risk and opportunity into jobs, strong communities, transformational infrastructure and an overall robust economy for the whole of Australia to crowd in investment. We support a permanent northern Australia infrastructure facility that provides certainty to investors, confidence to regional communities and a commitment for generations to come. It is our collective responsibility to continue to support the existing significant impact as well as continued progress and future opportunity presented by continued investment in the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility.</para>
<para>We know it is northern Australia that will provide the next wave of opportunity and prosperity for Australia. It is northern Australia that will host the new, exciting agricultural projects. It is northern Australia that will host the critical minerals and traditional commodities boom. It is northern Australia that hosts the most innovative and exciting communities, and those people deserve the same opportunities that southern Australia has enjoyed for generations. It is northern Australia where we will see located our important defence capabilities that deserve better infrastructure and more connected social and health benefits. For all those reasons, it is northern Australia that absolutely requires the infrastructure facility to be made permanent.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITEAKER</name>
    <name.id>316555</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Northern Australia is critical to Australia's future. It is rich in resources, energy, agriculture and industry, and it's home to communities that power our economy and support our export industries. We know that developing and building capacity in northern Australia has always come with unique challenges. Vast distances, infrastructure gaps, workforce pressures and higher project costs bring with them unique challenges in attracting long-term investment into the remote and regional parts of our country in the north. That's ultimately why the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility was created, to help unlock projects that otherwise would struggle to get off the ground. In particular, the kinds of projects that are transformational for regional communities that might otherwise be considered too remote, too complex or just too long term for traditional finance to cover.</para>
<para>The Northern Australian Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026 extends the NAIF investment decision-making period by 10 years, while also strengthening its governance and accountability arrangements. Fundamentally, this provides certainty to the north, brings the NAIF into line with other Commonwealth specialist investment vehicles and ensures that the NAIF can continue to do the important work that it does supporting the north. The case for extending the NAIF by 10 years is really clear. Since it was established, NAIF has made 37 investments across Western Australia, Queensland and the Northern Territory with loans totalling more than $4.3 billion supporting economic development, supporting jobs and supporting infrastructure across the north.</para>
<para>In my home state of Western Australia we have seen the benefit of NAIF backed investment across the Gascoyne, the Pilbara and Kimberly regions in mining, processing, renewable energy, logistics, agriculture and export infrastructure. Importantly, so many of these projects sit directly at the centre of our country's future industrial capability. Projects like the Pilbara Minerals P680 expansion, supported through the NAIF, are helping expand lithium production in the Pilbara and strengthening Australia's role in the global battery supply chain. Supported through a NAIF loan of up to $125 million, this project alone is expected to deliver a public benefit of $1.4 billion and support hundreds of jobs both in construction and in operations.</para>
<para>The Element 25 Butcherbird manganese project, also supported by the NAIF with a loan of up to $50 million, will produce manganese concentrate critical to steel making and the global clean energy transition. These are strategic industries tied to batteries, advanced manufacturing clean energy technologies and future supply chains. This is what a future made in Australia looks like, and it's happening in the north of our great country and in my great home state of Western Australia.</para>
<para>Economic diversification across the north very much happens with projects supported through the NAIF. The Perdaman urea project near Karratha is expected to establish the largest urea plant in Australia, helping to kickstart a domestic fertiliser-manufacturing industry and reducing reliance on imports. Supported through associated investments in port and water infrastructure, the broader project is expected to generate an $8.5 billion public benefit and support 2½ thousand jobs over its life.</para>
<para>In the Kimberley, the Kimberley cotton gin project has helped establish Western Australia's first commercial-scale cotton processing facility. Instead of sending unprocessed cotton more than 3½ thousand kilometres interstate, the region can now process it locally, creating local jobs and supporting a new agricultural industry in north-western Australia.</para>
<para>Of course, underpinning all of this investment is good infrastructure: ports, transmission, water, logistics, energy and export capability. We know these projects don't happen without the enabling infrastructure, and many of these projects simply would not have proceeded without patient and long-term investment from the NAIF.</para>
<para>Some more examples of the investment that the NAIF has made in my home state of Western Australia. The Onslow Marine Support Base has expanded marine logistics and is servicing capability in the Pilbara. It's an accelerated development that otherwise may have taken years longer to deliver at great detriment to my home state but also to the country. The Chichester Solar Gas Hybrid Project is another example, helping reduce diesel reliance in the Pilbara through large-scale renewable energy infrastructure, supporting industrial operations. This project is expected to reduce diesel consumption by around 100 million litres every year. Never has that been more important than now, with global supply chain challenges.</para>
<para>Really importantly, lots of these projects are also tied to long-term engagement with First Nations communities and traditional owners in the north. Across NAIF projects in Western Australia and across the north of our country, Indigenous engagement strategies include commitments around employment, procurement, the protection of cultural heritage, training and local participation. At the Thunderbird Mineral Sands Project in the Kimberley, these commitments include long-term Indigenous employment targets, Aboriginal training initiatives and contracting opportunities for First Nations businesses. We know that development in northern Australia must include those local First Nations communities and strengthen the communities in which they exist.</para>
<para>When we invest in northern Australia, we're investing in local communities, we're investing in national capability and we're investing in resilience and long-term economic security. Northern Australia is central to the growth of our economy over the decade to come, and Labor is committed to making sure that the NAIF is able to continue to support industries and communities in the north to realise their enormous potential. We that know that potential alone doesn't build the infrastructure that we need or finance the transformational projects that we need to create jobs. That's what this bill seeks to do by extending the NAIF for another decade. It is long-term investment in our regions. It is long-term investment in the north. It is long-term investment in states like my own, Western Australia. I commend the bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ALLMAN-PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>298839</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens oppose the unamended Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026 because currently there is nothing preventing the NAIF from being used as a slush fund to prop up the dying coal and gas industries. The Greens amendment would stop the NAIF being used to support dirty coal and gas projects and related infrastructure, and also native logging projects.</para>
<para>In the last parliament, the Greens worked with Labor to stop the public financing of coal and gas projects. The Greens made sure that the National Reconstruction Fund could not fund coal, gas and native forest destruction. In the Future Made in Australia package, we ended the ability of Export Finance Australia to finance coal, oil and gas projects both in Australia and overseas. We also amended the broad grant power in the Industry Research and Development Act to turn off the massive pipeline of fossil fuel subsidies that the coalition was using to fund fracking in the Beetaloo and new coal plants in Queensland, supporting the so-called gas fired recovery. That same treatment now needs to extend to the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility.</para>
<para>We can't forget that the coalition tried to use the NAIF to pump $1 billion into the Adani coal mine in Queensland. It only fell over when Queensland Labor vetoed the deal because they were worried about losing seats to the Greens. The risk of financing fossil fuel projects with public money is not over. Comet Ridge, which is proposing a joint venture gas project with Santos, about 250 kilometres west of my home of Gladstone, has announced it is close to securing a $110 million loan from the NAIF. Australians don't want their money propping up new coal and gas projects, especially when multinational gas corporations continue to rip us off. Over half of Australia's gas is exported without paying a cent in royalties, and then these companies make billions while ordinary Aussies are told to tighten our belts.</para>
<para>The NAIF is one of the last remaining specialist investment vehicles able to finance fossil fuel expansion with public money. The Greens amendment forces Labor to make a simple choice: will you back Australians or will you hand over more of our public money to private corporations for nothing in return? Comet Ridge has applied for NAIF funding because they couldn't or wouldn't obtain it through private lenders. It's ridiculous that the major parties and the likes of One Nation want Australians to take on the risk of this gas project. The big business parties seem to love anything that privatises the profits from Australian resources while chaining Australians to any losses from a project that will make climate change worse and drive up our energy costs.</para>
<para>The Australian people want a tax on gas exports. Our communities deserve to share in the benefits from our resources, and we won't accept Labor spending millions of dollars of public money just to keep coal and gas projects on life support. Since coming to power in 2022, federal Labor has signed off on 36 new, expanded or extended coal, oil and gas developments. Since 2022, the planet has experienced its three hottest years on record. It is suicidal to continue to back in coal and gas projects when we urgently, desperately need to stop new coal and gas and transition to cheap, low-emissions renewable energy. To everyone in this room: I remind you we work for the Australian people, not the gas lobby, no matter how many dollars some of you accept from your gas donors. I foreshadow the Greens amendment on sheet 3685 to be moved in committee of the whole.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a great privilege and honour to support the extension of the Northern Australian Infrastructure Facility, a proud achievement of the former Liberal and National government. We welcome and we will support the government continuing this important organisation's going on. It's a particular personal privilege to be here to support this because it was 10 years ago, almost to the date, that I as minister for northern Australia helped introduce and see through the establishment of this organisation.</para>
<para>This is now the second five-year extension of the NAIF before us this evening. Ten years ago, we established it for five years. We thought we'd give it a trial. It was a key part of the government's developing Northern Australia Agenda. There were a lot of naysayers at the time. I remember a lot of critiques of the NAIF in its early days. Like when setting up any organisation, there was a lot to do, and I want to thank all of those who played a role then in putting that together. Its success has been proven by its longevity, its continuation, the almost no criticism or almost silence of criticism—there was a little bit there from a former speaker, which I might come to if I have time—the no controversy and no scandals. It's just an organisation getting on with its job. I congratulate all of the NAIF staff, everyone in the department of industry, as it was when I was around—I think it may have been moved to the Department of Regional Development today—and to all of the department officials who had a big role in getting this ready. It came together pretty quickly in only about six months or so for development of the legislation. As I say, that legislation has largely stood the test of time. There have been a few tweaks over the years, but overall the organisation is pretty much what was established a decade ago.</para>
<para>The government did commission another review of the NAIF before deciding to extend this organisation for another five years. That review did come back and had a glowing report about the effectiveness of the NAIF, the support for the NAIF from the people of the north and what it's doing to help develop our great country. The review, interestingly, was so glowing that it recommended that the NAIF should be made permanent. As I said, we established this for five years—understandable for a new organisation with some, as I said, criticism. I thought, 'We'll give it five years and see how it goes.' It could make loans well beyond five years, but its actual inception, its ability to originate loans, was restricted to its first five years. But it was a success, and it was extended during the COVID pandemic. Now, again, this review says not only that we should extend it; the review recommends it should be made permanent.</para>
<para>Unfortunately—at least it's unfortunate from our side—the government has not accepted that recommendation. They have brought forward legislation that will extend the NAIF for a further 10 years. That's better than five, but it's just 10 years. I believe my colleague Senator Susan McDonald, the now shadow minister for Northern Australia—an able and very appropriate shadow minister for northern Australia, herself coming from Townsville and having grown up around the Gulf—has flagged that we'd like to accept that recommendation.</para>
<para>So we will be moving an amendment to make the NAIF permanent. If we're going to go for 10 years, we may as well make it permanent. Obviously, any future parliament can come back and look at the organisation any time it likes. But, given that the loans that NAIF makes are often 20 to 30 years—or it can make them up to 30 years; it can make them up to as long as the government bond maturity, but often the loans are more between 10 and 20 years, I should say—they're quite long. It makes sense for the organisation to be able to see through the provision of these loans.</para>
<para>As I said, it has been very successful. It has funded a range of projects right across the component parts of the three states, in Queensland, Northern Territory and Western Australia. I might steal some of my colleague Senator Smith's thunder. He's going to go next, or sometime next, when he comes to the chamber. I'll start with his great state of Western Australia, particularly the north of that state, which contributes so much.</para>
<para>In fact, before I get to the specifics, I should just outline how much the north does contribute to our nation. It's worth repeating that over half our nation's exports originate from ports in northern Australia, principally our iron ore, coal, gas, beef, bauxite and lots of other projects, like aluminium.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Dean Smith</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>[inaudible]</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, that's right. They're risky investments. And, when you're out in the frontiers of our nation, they will be hurt by the tax changes the government has put in place, which particularly punish those investments with a strong risk profile. But they do contribute a lot to our nation—over half those nation's exports. The amount of people that live in the north, which is just five-odd per cent of Australians, kick way beyond their weight—about 10 per cent at least. These were the stats when I set it up. It might be more or a bit less than that—who knows. But about 10 per cent of our nation's wealth is created in the north. That's not just exports but entire wealth. If you like, each northern Australian is contributing double their proportionate amount to our nation's wealth and prosperity.</para>
<para>And it makes sense that you should invest back in those areas of your country that are making money. If you're running a business, you've got different lines of business, and one area of your business is making double in proportionate terms what the other line is, you'd probably look at that and go: 'Well, maybe we should invest more in that. At the marginal dollar we've got to invest, with a bit of capital we've got to invest, we should put more into that, because it's really making a big bang for our buck.' That principle is at the heart of why we pushed for this developing northern Australia agenda. The NAIF is just one component of it, but we could see this enormous, untapped potential in the north of our country of 40 per cent of our nation's landmass that remains to be developed. We should be very proud of the nation and of what we've done, but we shouldn't stop where we've gotten. We've got to go further.</para>
<para>As part of this, we established the NAIF to help with that extra investment. I just want to spend a bit of time looking at the record of what it achieved. I was going to start in Western Australia, as I said, because next year an investment the NAIF has funded at Karratha will help re-establish urea production in Australia. I've been banging on this for some time now. In 2022, under this government, our last urea plant shut at Brisbane. We no longer produce the most important fertiliser that goes to food production—urea—in this country. On the eve of the Iran conflict earlier this year, two-thirds of our urea needs, post this closure at Gibson Island of our last urea plant, were being imported from the Middle East. We had left ourselves, under this government's mismanagement of our energy system, very vulnerable to conflicts like we've seen in the Middle East. That has caused a lot of disruption for our nation's farmers, particularly early on in the crisis, when they were struggling to get hold of urea. If you could, it was at ridiculous, exorbitant prices. The government has taken a blank cheque and got some fertiliser in, which we support, but we shouldn't have to go around with a blank cheque to secure the supply of a basic commodity when we have everything we need here.</para>
<para>The NAIF has funded this project. The deal was finalised when this government got to power, but it started well before that. These deals take a while, usually, in germination. But next year, thanks to the NAIF, we'll have this back. We'll have this facility and this capability back. Admittedly, it's all the way over in Karratha, and it would be nice to have a urea plant over here in the east as well. There's no reason why we shouldn't if we develop the gas resources here. But good on the Western Australians for being generally pro gas and developing their resources and having them at hand with the assistance of the Commonwealth government here or the Commonwealth government funded NAIF to do that.</para>
<para>But right across the north there have been lots of very beneficial projects. Near my own town in Rockhampton, it's helped fund the re-establishment of the Mount Morgan gold mine, which was the biggest gold mine in the world at one stage. It helped build Rockhampton, my home town. It is going to produce gold and silver and tin, I think, as well—lots of different products—but the key thing is that the funding here has unlocked the potential to rehabilitate the tailings dams there, which are a big risk to the water supply of Rockhampton. If there is a large unexpected flooding event, there is that risk—it's a small risk but a risk—that those tailings dams could spill, and a whole lot of toxic materials could end up in the Don River and eventually end up in Rockhampton's drinking water supply. That's been of concern to the people of Central Queensland for some time, and thanks to the NAIF we have a solution here with this.</para>
<para>Heritage Minerals is doing a great job there. It's based in Rockhampton and is a great local company who have installed some innovative equipment, thanks to funding from the NAIF, to reprocess the tailings dams. They will extract and can smelt, as I said, the gold and that. It's good economic value. Jobs are being created in Mount Morgan for the first time in some time at that scale, and it takes away an environmental risk for our region. Fortunately, or thankfully, there are plans—they're not confirmed yet, but plans, potentially—for that gold, which should be starting to be smelted later this year, to go into the medals for the 2032 Olympic Games. It's another great story of the contribution of our mining industry and our heritage of the development of Mount Morgan, a very important part of our nation's history, which has a second life thanks to NAIF.</para>
<para>NAIF has also helped fund the Olive Downs coal mine and the infrastructure related to that as well—that's created massive wealth for our country, with thousands of jobs being created there—and a new meatworks at Moranbah. It's incredibly important to have some competition for our cattle graziers in that area not have to be beholden to the major chains. And, importantly, that meatworks does service kills. For those not in the industry, that means that a grazier can take their cows there and actually also get the product at the other end and brand and market their product, either overseas or here in Australia, with their own name and brand. If you go to the major meatworks, typically these days you're locked into having to sell over your product, and all the marketing and the branding will be taken over by the big players. So that's great. That's opened up things.</para>
<para>There have also been upgrades to airports across Darwin, Alice Springs, Cairns and Townsville, all helped funded through the NAIF, helping unlock tourism opportunities. In the Northern Territory, it's very important that we keep progressing the ship-lift program there, which is also funded by the NAIF, which will help build some infrastructure at the Darwin Port and give the Australian Defence Force, the Australian Navy, another option than Fremantle to help maintain and repair ships. At the moment, either those ships have to go all the way to Singapore, which they often do, or around to Fremantle, which can see them out of service for weeks at a time when obviously they're often used in the north, so this is a very important facility.</para>
<para>That's just a few of the projects. I forgot, too, going all the way around back to Western Australia, in East Kimberley, at Kununurra, the cotton gin there has also received support, and I believe it's a smashing success. Senator Smith might be able to update us more on that. I haven't been up to Kununurra for a little while. It's one of my favourite places in the country. It's a wonderful place. When I was minister, they were starting those cotton trials and doing very well, and so it's fantastic now to see that they don't have send that cotton all the way to Emerald to be gin. It's a long way from Kununurra, but we have a facility there now. So congratulations again to all those people in the NAIF.</para>
<para>As I hinted at before, we're doing this for the future of our country. These investments are in northern Australia, but they're being made to benefit all of Australia. We have all benefited from the development of our country. We can all sit back with pride and look at places like Sydney and Melbourne and Brisbane now to host the games. They're wonderful things that Australians have built over many years. I just don't want to see us, in a hundred years time, look back and think we haven't built new places, new monuments and new opera houses and opened up new harbours, ports and economic development. To do that, we've got to do what our ancestors did and be pioneers and go to the frontiers of our nation.</para>
<para>There's one thing that's not said enough but we should be very proud of. I do owe a debt to former prime minister Tony Abbott for coming across this statistic. His wonderful book <inline font-style="italic">Australia</inline><inline font-style="italic">:</inline><inline font-style="italic"> A History</inline> is recommended reading for all of us—a very fair history of Australia. A wonderful, wonderful statistic he put there was that just a hundred years after the first fleet, just a hundred years after coming on a bunch of boats from halfway around the world, those people that settled and pioneered our country delivered, developed and built the richest nation on the earth. In a hundred years, they overtook all these ancient civilisations that had been there for thousands of years. In a hundred years, they developed, in per-person terms, the richest country on earth.</para>
<para>That is the legacy that we inherit and we must cherish and protect, and it's up to us to make sure that we make similar investments to keep at the top of the league tables for future generations of Australians. We will only do that by developing the parts of our country that remain undeveloped, and that's why we on this side will always support developing our north. We support the extension of the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility. Let's keep building in this country.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The north of Australia is Australia's future. One Nation supports the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026. The Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility, commonly known as NAIF, was established as a Commonwealth corporate entity in 2016 with bipartisan support. It was tasked with a $5 billion financing mandate to drive a 10-year mission to provide economic and social growth across northern Australia through the provision of concessional loans and financial support to private and public infrastructure projects. The NAIF has been upgraded, amended and fiddled with in 2018, 2021 and now 2026. Hopefully this bill is third time lucky.</para>
<para>Since 2016, NAIF has handed out over $3 billion of the original $5 billion, with a total of $4.5 billion committed. The government has extended the pool to $7 billion. This bill extends the investment decision-making ability for the NAIF from June 2026 to June 2036. It adds additional requirements for the NAIF to report to the minister if there's any deviation in compliance with their investment mandate. It implements the joint ministerial oversight model, which will see increased joint responsibilities for NAIF board appointments between the Minister for Northern Australia and the Minister for Finance. It establishes statutory reviews every five years. It requires NAIF to align with existing provisions in the legislation of other Commonwealth investment vehicles. In short, this bill puts NAIF on a stronger footing to carry out their mandate.</para>
<para>It is, though, the mandate that One Nation objects to. The Albanese government changed the mandate in 2026 to include economic development in the north—that's fair enough—and alleviating social or economic disadvantage in northern communities—fair enough. However, the mandate also included improving First Nations outcomes and achieving Australia's net zero transition goals.</para>
<para>One Nation's policy is to improve outcomes for Aboriginal communities through improving all communities right across the Top End. To One Nation, it doesn't matter if a community is Aboriginal or white or any colour in between. We care about Australians equally. We will advance policy based on equal rights for all—special rights for none. Our policy is to provide grants directly to local government, including Aboriginal councils across northern Australia, so that ANAO, the Australian National Audit Office, can audit where the money goes and what benefit the community derive from that money. Accountability in the Aboriginal industry—now there's a concept.</para>
<para>As for making NAIF about net zero, that's not happening under a One Nation government. We will require NAIF to support any project which represents value for money for the taxpayers while meeting a real need. If that's wind or solar or a big battery then so be it, but the numbers must add up without taxpayer money. We don't propose to change the investment mandate other than to take the woke back out.</para>
<para>Let me give you some examples of how Australia will restore wealth, prosperity and opportunity for all who are here. These are not One Nation projects. There's no taking credit here. It's about building the nation from the Albanese government, state governments and private industry for the good of our whole nation. Funding for these projects is provided through private financiers, with the possibility of a public-private partnership to ensure Australia's interests are looked after. NAIF is required in the early stage to show the government is serious about investment.</para>
<para>For too long, major projects have been held up through bureaucratic and political indecision, sometimes caused by environmental laws, but mostly just incompetence. This has led to trust issues between investors and the government. This is not a reflection on the Albanese government per se; this problem has been going on under successive Liberal, National and Labor governments for 20 years, which is why the NAIF is essential to providing early-stage funding and guiding these projects through the bureaucratic jungle expeditiously. After all, if the Albanese government is going to flood Australia with new arrivals as it is, we must generate new wealth to share with them, or else everyone goes backwards, which is what is happening right now.</para>
<para>Projects One Nation will be strongly supporting include the great Australian infrastructure network, GAIN, which involves a railroad crossing across northern Australia, linking iron ore projects in Western Australia with Queensland metalliferous coal in the Bowen Basin. Steel mills will be located at each end to provide sovereign capacity in steel and steel by-products, including cement, fertiliser and ammonia, which is the material from which pharmaceuticals are made. This development will use water from Lake Argyle in Western Australia and from a new weir where the Urannah dam was to be located.</para>
<para>The railway will include a multifunction corridor bringing town water, electricity and an internet backbone connection. The internet connection is of utmost importance for national security. While the old offshore copper connection between Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide and Perth has been upgraded, it's not capable of carrying Australia's internet traffic. I'll just say that. It's not capable, as it is, of carrying Australia's international traffic. It needs duplication. For a signal to get from Brisbane to Perth, it must travel via a jump-off point in Brisbane up to Asia, often as far as China, then back down again to Perth. What could possibly go wrong with that? This proposal has had a long history going back more than 100 years. The current proponents have assembled an impressive team, capitalised their project sponsor vehicle and have already exceeded any development conducted in the past through previous sponsors using all new and unencumbered intellectual property—all new on a proven concept.</para>
<para>Project sponsors have advanced proposals to complete Inland Rail from Parkes in New South Wales to the Port of Gladstone, using what's been called the forestry route. A second proponent is advocating a route due north from Goondiwindi via Moonie to Dalby and on to the Port of Gladstone, where a major container handling facility is currently out to tender. I look forward to the Crisafulli government fast-tracking this amazing proposal to take Australia's container handling into the 21st century.</para>
<para>One Nation will also build the Big Rocks Weir, Emu Swamp Dam and the Hughenden irrigation project, and complete the reconstruction of Paradise Dam. There are other projects under development. Once again, these are not One Nation projects. We are promoting them and would be happy to promote any other project that will restore wealth and abundance for all. The NAIF has an important role to play in that process. We need to rebuild our country and leave a legacy for our children and for the descendants of all in Australia right now. We need to restore Australia and make it magnificent again. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate is of the opinion that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Investment Mandate for the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility must prioritise productive infrastructure which will grow the Australian economy and provide breadwinner jobs for everyday Australians;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) financial assistance should be encouraged under the <inline font-style="italic">Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Act 2016 </inline>for measures which:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) directly finance the extraction of coal or natural gas,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) directly finance the construction of pipeline infrastructure, including for the extraction of natural gas, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) directly finance the mining of natural resources, including coal; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) financial assistance must not be provided for net zero measures".</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to begin by associating my remarks on the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Amendment Bill 2026 with those of Senator Canavan, who talked about not just the important contribution of the Northern Australia Infrastructure Fund but the important stewardship of former prime minister Tony Abbott. If I remember correctly, it was in former prime minister Tony Abbott's election manifesto for the 2013 election that many of the ideas on the prominence that's been given to Northern Australia policy development were foreshadowed. They were then, of course, implemented under his stewardship as Prime Minister. He was ably supported by the Hon. Andrew Robb, who I think was the first Minister for Northern Australia and very involved in much of that policy development work at the time.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>112</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>112</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITEAKER</name>
    <name.id>316555</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, from 1 July, so in just a couple of days, Australians will see real change. Wage rises, lower taxes, a fairer go at the checkout, more support for new parents, stronger Medicare and more help for people trying to buy their first home. Labor came to government focused on helping Australians with the cost of living, focused on helping people earn more and keep more of what they earn—and that's exactly what we are delivering.</para>
<para>We know Australians have been under pressure and that many feel the economy has not been working for them. We have been committed to undoing the pressures that have built up over many decades, and over the last decade in particular. These have been made worse by conflicts overseas, which have pushed up prices at home. That's why the Albanese Labor government is committed to delivering practical change that benefits all Australians. From 1 July, there will be six important changes that every Australian should know about.</para>
<para>No. 1, every working Australian is receiving another tax cut. We delivered them last year, and the year before, and we're delivering another one. That means that people will keep more of what they earn. It means more money back in the pockets of working Australians. Whether you're paying rent, paying your mortgage, filling up the car, doing the weekly grocery shop or trying to save for the future—that matters. Our tax cuts are helping with the cost of living and making sure that working Australians are not left behind.</para>
<para>No. 2, three million workers around the country are getting a pay rise. Minimum and award wage workers will see their wages go up again. Our government lobbied for these changes and we are very pleased to see that they are being delivered. It includes workers in retail, hospitality, care, cleaning, early education and so many other parts of our economy that help the people who need it and keep our country moving. They are some of the hardest workers who deserve every dollar and more that they earn. Labor backed a real pay rise for these workers because we believe that working people should be able to get ahead, not continue to fall behind. Lower taxes and higher wages together mean real support for working Australians, and that is only something that our Labor government is able to deliver.</para>
<para>No. 3, paid parental leave is being expanded to a full six months. This means more support for parents in those very precious early few months, more time at home with a new baby and more flexibility for how parents share those caring responsibilities at the most important times, and sometimes the toughest times, in life. And, thanks to Labor, parents will now receive superannuation on their paid parental leave. It's good for families and it is certainly good for our economy.</para>
<para>No. 4, Labor is banning supermarket price gouging. We all know that feeling when you go to the supermarket and you're doing the weekly grocery shop—if you're like me, it's probably more of a few-times-a-week grocery shop. Australians deserve a fair go when they get to the checkout, and that is what Labor is delivering because we don't want Australians to be ripped off when they go to the supermarket. They should not be paying artificially inflated prices because big supermarkets think they can get away with it. Well, from 1 July they won't because our government will be holding them to account.</para>
<para>No. 5, Labor is making Medicare urgent care clinics a permanent part of Medicare. These free Medicare urgent care clinics were promised by Labor. We promised 137 and we have delivered every single one of them. Under Labor, we're making sure that they are a permanent part of Medicare. They're something that Australians can rely on. And, of course, that's on top of more bulk-billing that we have delivered through our Medicare incentives so that more Australians can see a GP for free.</para>
<para>No. 6, finally, Labor is investing in women's health by expanding endometriosis and pelvic pain clinics to include menopause and perimenopause services, something I know that women across the country will be really, really pleased about. It's because Labor takes women's health seriously. These are practical changes that come into effect in just two days—Labor values in action. From 1 July, Australians will continue to benefit from our plan to make sure they earn more and keep more of what they earn.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fuel Security</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BLYTH</name>
    <name.id>315170</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's clear Australia is facing profound challenges. We should be under no illusion. This is the most dangerous strategic environment since the Second World War. Wars have returned to Europe and the Middle East, and tensions in the Indo-Pacific continue to rise. Instability persists across Burma and parts of the South Pacific. Global trade routes are under pressure, and energy markets are once again being weaponised by conflict and geopolitical rivalry. The era of a global rules based order, at least as we understood it for most of the post-Cold war period, is over. For decades, Western nations have assumed economic integration would naturally produce stability and cooperation. Instead, we are witnessing the return of hard geopolitics. Trade is increasingly weaponised. Supply chains are used as leverage. Energy markets are manipulated for strategic advantage. Strategic competition has replaced strategic cooperation. The world is becoming more transactional, less stable and less predictable.</para>
<para>Despite what sections of the modern political class would like us to believe, the world still runs on fossil fuels. When instability threatens the Strait of Hormuz, Australians feel it immediately. Fuel prices rise, freight costs rise food costs rise, and the cost of running a business rises. Global instability does not remain confined overseas; it arrives quickly at the Australian kitchen table. Australia currently relies on fossil fuels for more than 90 per cent of our energy needs. Our agriculture sector depends on diesel. Our freight networks depend on diesel. Mining, manufacturing, transport and heavy industry all depend on cheap, reliable and abundant energy. Modern economies do not function without it. Modern defence forces certainly do not function without it. Ships, aircraft, armoured vehicles, logistic chains and critical infrastructure all run on fuel, yet Australia remains dangerously exposed.</para>
<para>We have only two ageing refineries. Our domestic fuel reserves remain well below recommended emergency levels. The International Energy Agency recommends at least 90 days of strategic fuel reserves, and Australia is nowhere near that position. A serious nation should never place itself in a position where its economic stability and defence readiness can be threatened by supply disruptions thousands of kilometres away, and yet that is precisely where poor policy, complacency and ideological energy thinking have left us. Resilience matters. A country that cannot power itself cannot properly defend itself. A country that cannot manufacture critical goods or secure essential supply chains is not truly sovereign. A country that undermines reliable energy before viable alternatives exist is not just pursuing environmental responsibility; it is gambling with national resilience.</para>
<para>This is where economic policy, energy policy and national security policy converge. For too long, Australia has treated them as separate. They are not. The decisions we make about energy directly affect the cost of living, industrial competitiveness, investment confidence and defence preparedness. Businesses across Australia tell me the same thing repeatedly: they can only absorb rising costs for so much longer before those costs have to be passed on or investment stops altogether. Farmers are facing soaring input costs. Tourism operators are seeing international demand weaken as global travel costs rise. Manufacturers are struggling under energy prices that would have once been unthinkable in an energy resource-rich nation like Australia.</para>
<para>Australians are working harder while feeling less secure, and at the same time governments have become increasingly tempted to believe they can centrally direct economies through regulation, intervention and bureaucratic management. But prosperity has never been created by overregulation or government micromanagement. It is created by enterprise, by innovation, by risk taking and by productive industry.</para>
<para>The Liberal Party remains the party that understands this. We remain the party of economic discipline, national resilience, free enterprise and strategic realism. That means rebuilding sovereign capability here in Australia. It means backing affordable and reliable energy, and it means strengthening domestic manufacturing and critical infrastructure. It means ensuring Australia retains the industrial capacity and skilled workforce necessary to sustain itself during periods of significant disruption.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tibet Lobby Day</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARBARA POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>BFQ</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to acknowledge the extraordinary commitment of the Tibetan community, advocates and supporters who have travelled to parliament today for Tibet Lobby Day, and I particularly acknowledge the members of the Australian Tibetan community who are here with us tonight. Thank you for coming to the parliament and for bringing your stories and experience to us. Your persistence is testament to the enduring hope for justice, dignity and freedom for the Tibetan people. I also extend a warm welcome to His Eminence the 13th Kundeling Rinpoche on his visit to parliament today. It was wonderful to begin this parliamentary week with the meditations and chants of His Eminence and other monks. For decades, Tibetans have sought to preserve their language, culture, religion and identity in the face of mounting restrictions. Their calls have been consistent—for human rights, for meaningful dialogue, for peace and the ability to determine their own cultural and religious future without fear and without coercion.</para>
<para>Today I met with a delegation of three young Tibetans who brought their stories to this parliament. They told me about the effects of repression on themselves and their families. They spoke of the threat and reality of transnational repression, about how you can be arrested just for having a picture of the Dalai Lama. Two of them, young Tibetan Australians, told me about their treacherous 20-day long journeys over the Himalayas at seven and eight years old to escape political persecution. Dezom told the story of how, when she was seven, her father was arrested for participating in prayer for the Dalai Lama. He was jailed for two years and died in prison. This is a story of heroes, a father, a daughter and the long family fight of a community for freedom of movement, expression, spirituality and religion. These young people also voiced their clear concerns that China will use its new ethnic unity laws, which are due to come into effect just this Wednesday, to target their communities. Thank you Pema, Tenzin and Dezom for sharing your stories with me and with the parliament.</para>
<para>Up to one million Tibetan children are already separated right now from their families in Chinese state run boarding schools. Their culture is under attack. I note that the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called for the ethnic unity laws to be repealed, as has the European parliament, and that the Australian government has raised concerns with China directly about this. We call on the government of the People's Republic of China to ensure that laws, policies and practices in that country are comply with its international human rights obligations and uphold the rights of all ethnic communities to preserve their language, culture, religion and way of life.</para>
<para>I also want to reiterate the Greens' support for the motion lodged in this Senate in March which said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) extends well-wishes to the Dalai Lama on his 90th birthday and commends his lifelong commitment and contribution to the promotion of oneness of humanity, nonviolence, human rights, interfaith harmony, environmental awareness and democracy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) reiterates that governments should not interfere in the selection of religious leaders, and that includes the reincarnation of the 14thhttps://parlinfo.aph.gov.au/parlInfo/search/display/display.w3p;adv=yes;orderBy=date-eFirst;page=0;query=%22dalai%20lama%22%20Date%3A01%2F03%2F2026%20%3E%3E%2031%2F03%2F2026%20Dataset%3Ahansards,hansards80,hansardsIndex;rec=0;resCount=Default—HIT2 Dalai Lama;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) expresses deep concern over the Chinese Government's repressive policies in Tibet aimed at eradicating the distinct cultural and religious identity of the Tibetan people, including plans to interfere in the centuries-old spiritual tradition concerning the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) urges the Chinese Government to recognise the fundamental human rights of Tibetan people and to enter into genuine dialogue, without precondition, with His Holiness the Dalai Lama with a view to achieving long-term peace and freedom in Tibet.</para></quote>
<para>Last year I travelled to Dharamsala to meet the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government in exile. It was an experience of a lifetime. When we met with the Dalai Lama, he spoke of the rights that all humans should share and that too many lack in practice, including in Tibet under oppressive Chinese rule—the rights to freedom of spiritual practice, culture and language and the right to democratic control of life and country. We fear that these human rights infringements will only get worse with China's new ethnic unity laws. True unity cannot be achieved through coercion or the suppression of cultural and religious identity. Diversity should be respected and protected, not erased.</para>
<para>We continue to stand, as Greens, with the Uyghur people, the people of Tibet and oppressed people all around the world. To everyone participating in Tibet Lobby Day: thank you for your advocacy, your resilience, your unwavering commitment to freedom for the people of—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Pocock. Senator Polley.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Dementia: Meizon Innovations</title>
          <page.no>115</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak about hope powered by science and collaboration. That hope is embodied by Meizon Innovations, an Australian biotechnology company working to change the future for people living with dementia here in Australia and across the world. Dementia affects not only memory but identity, independence and family life. It places a profound emotional and practical burden on carers and communities.</para>
<para>I recently visited the Florey institute in Melbourne to meet with Professor Albert Frauman, Liz Ferentinos and researchers who are involved in exceptional work. Meizon Innovations has set out on an ambitious mission to develop new therapies to do more than manage decline. They aim to change its course.</para>
<para>At the centre of that mission is DL33, a treatment that has generated real interest because of the promise in preclinical research and its potential to open a new path in dementia care. I witnessed firsthand the use of drugs in mice trials at their state-of-the-art laboratories. Meizon describes DL33 as a therapy designed to replenish deficient DL33 levels in the brain, with the goal of preventing, treating and potentially reversing aspects of cognitive decline. According to the company, DL33 has reversed cognitive decline in mouse models of Alzheimer's disease and childhood dementia, making it one of the most compelling parts of Meizon's research pipeline.</para>
<para>Just as importantly, the company presents this work not as a miracle claim but as a scientific journey that still requires rigorous testing. Recent updates indicate that the next stage will include toxicology studies and early-phase human safety testing. That matters because genuine medical progress is built not only on exciting discoveries but on careful evidence, transparency and perseverance.</para>
<para>What makes this story especially powerful is where it began. Meizon's work is deeply connected to the Florey institute of neuroscience and mental health, one of Australia's leading brain research institutes. Meizon states that DL33 originated from research at the Florey institute and the University of Melbourne. The company's co-founder and scientific leader, Dr Wah Chin Boon, built much of her research career at the Florey, where she led the steroid neurobiology lab. Reports on Meizon's development explain that the discovery behind DL33 emerged from close scientific investigation and a willingness to follow unexpected findings. That is often how breakthrough happens—not in grand moments of certainty but through disciplined curiosity and years of dedicated work.</para>
<para>More broadly, scientific research is essential to Australia's future, and nowhere is that more urgent than in brain health and dementia research. Australia is home to outstanding scientific, clinical and research institutes whose work is changing lives, advancing knowledge and strengthening our nation's capacity to respond to major health challenges. Their efforts deserve not only our acknowledgement but our strong and ongoing support.</para>
<para>This is especially important right now because dementia is now the leading cause of death in Australia, placing a growing burden on patients, families, carers and the health system. Investing in research into brain health is not simply the right thing to do; it is a national priority backed by clear evidence. In 2024, dementia accounted for more than 17,500 deaths in Australia. In 2023, dementia related spending reached an estimated $4.7 billion across aged care, health care and support programs. Continued investment in research offers the best hope of early diagnosis, better prevention, improved treatments and ultimately a cure, which we will hope for every single day.</para>
<para>As it is the leading cause of death, what we have to understand is we have to look after our brains from cradle to grave. It is so important. There's so much we can do to prevent the onset of dementia, and we need the support of the government to ensure that our scientists have the support that they need to continue this important work.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 20:20</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>