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<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2023-06-13</date>
    <parliament.no>2</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>0</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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        <p class="HPS-SODJobDate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;" />
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Tuesday, 13 June 2023</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">PRESIDENT</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">(Senator</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">the</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Hon.</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Sue</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Lines</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">)</span> took the chair at 12:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Personal Explanation</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I wanted to take the opportunity before the day commenced to thank my Senate colleagues from across the chamber for the messages of condolences and sympathy on the passing of my father. I particularly thank, first, my own colleagues—Senator Farrell, Senator McCarthy and Senator McAllister—for covering me at estimates, and also Senator Gallagher and Senator Urquhart. I did want also to take the opportunity to thank the opposition. Because of their agreement, I was able to spend my father's last days with him and not attend estimates. I thank Senator Birmingham and Senator Ruston for that. I appreciated it deeply, as did my family.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>New South Wales</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Senators Sworn</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Personal Explanation</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a statement.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to begin my statement by saying that, when it comes to responding to the serious allegations of rape that occurred in a minister's office in this building, I have at all times been guided by the bravery and courage of a young woman who chose to speak up about an alleged incident in her workplace. I have always acted ethically and with basic human decency on all matters related to Ms Higgins, and I will continue to do so. I will always support women to come forward and I will always respect their confidence when it is sought. Over the past week, coalition members, including those at the centre of the rape allegations, have been alleging that I have misled the Senate over comments I made almost two years ago. I reject those allegations. I take my responsibilities to this place as a senator very seriously. I have always conducted myself with the highest levels of integrity, and I always will. I did not mislead the Senate.</para>
<para>At Senate estimates on 4 June 2021, the then Minister for Defence, Senator Reynolds, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I know where this started.</para></quote>
<para>She went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I was told by one of your senators two weeks before about what you were intending to do with the story in my office. Two weeks before.</para></quote>
<para>I was shocked at the assertion made by Senator Reynolds, with the clear implication that I was responsible for or had some involvement with making that story public. That was not true. It was never true. I responded to that allegation by saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">No-one had any knowledge.</para></quote>
<para>I explained that to Senator Reynolds in a wideranging private meeting that night, where several matters were discussed. I informed Senator Reynolds that I'd been given a heads-up about the allegations in the days before they became public, an explanation she accepted at the time, some two years ago. In fact, Senator Reynolds even said so on the record in Senate estimates that same night:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I would like to say, in relation to the matters raised before the dinner break, Senators Wong, Gallagher and I had a very respectful discussion during the dinner break, and they've assured me they were not involved in that matter becoming public. I accept their assurance.</para></quote>
<para>I repeat, she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… they've assured me they were not involved in that matter becoming public. I accept their assurance.</para></quote>
<para>This proves that Senator Reynolds knew that the context of our exchange that evening was around whether I was involved in that matter becoming public—and I was not. Senator Reynolds and Senator Ruston have known that for two years and have never since raised a concern about that with me. The allegations that were made public were done so on Ms Higgins's own terms. Those are the facts, facts that appear to have been lost in the past week.</para>
<para>I want to be clear with this Senate, as I was with Senator Reynolds and Senator Ruston on the night of 4 June 2021. I was provided with information in the days before the allegations were first reported, and I did nothing with that information—absolutely nothing. I was asked to keep it to myself and I did. I did nothing differently on this occasion to the hundreds of other times that people have reached out to me in my time as a politician and asked me to keep their information private, including women seeking support over alleged sexual assaults, violence and harassment. Being available and trusted by our constituents is fundamental to the jobs we do on behalf of them.</para>
<para>I was not involved in any way with the story that went to air on the night or was reported online that morning. I was in no way involved with the timing in which this story was published or aired. Any allegation or assertion that I was is wrong, and I reject it in the strongest possible terms. It seems most of the discussion in the media this past week has been about what I did with information I had in the days leading up to Ms Higgins's allegations becoming public. But the fact remains that those who owed Ms Higgins a direct duty of care had known of this for almost two years and did nothing to make changes or improve the culture and safety in the workplace where this incident had occurred.</para>
<para>I say to the Senate that we must not lose perspective on what matters here. At the heart of this whole story is the wellbeing, or otherwise, of a young woman who came forward and made allegations on her own terms, a woman who bravely stood up and spoke out on her own terms and confronted her employer, the then government, that Ms Higgins felt significantly let down by in the days, weeks and months following the allegations she reported to them. At a time when she needed their support the most, she should have been dealt with as a human being, not a problem that needed managing. The response shouldn't have been calculated by the political needs of the coalition government. She should have been met with compassion and to support, and she wasn't.</para>
<para>We cannot lose perspective on the questions that remain unanswered by people in this place who had a responsibility and a direct duty to this young woman—unanswered questions about when they first became aware some two years before this matter was made public, unanswered questions about what actions they took some two years before these allegations were made public and unanswered questions about who they did share this information with. For example, the secret Gaetjens report commissioned by the former prime minister, Mr Scott Morrison, still hasn't seen the light of day. It does seem strange to me that I am providing a statement to the Senate but those that were much closer to the events in 2019 have not done so.</para>
<para>Because of Ms Higgins's bravery, positive changes have occurred in this building—for example, the Kate Jenkins <inline font-style="italic">Set the </inline><inline font-style="italic">standard</inline> report. We all have a responsibility to lead by example in this parliament, and that report made this very point. Along with my parliamentary colleagues, we are driving that change through the cross-party parliamentary leadership group to ensure that this is a safe building for everybody to work in. We want Parliament House to be a workplace that sets an example for other workplaces and for its staff, if they experience harassment or assault, to feel supported and confident enough to come forward and report it.</para>
<para>But the events of the past week with the media coverage, with questions surrounding the publication of a young woman's personal phone records that had been provided for use in court—they've been splashed across TV and newspapers—and with opposition members giddy about the coverage have done nothing but seriously damage this confidence. I fear that the message out of this for women who want and need to come forward is: watch out. Women may now choose to keep allegations of serious sexual or violent abuse silent to suppress the trauma and feel as though justice will always elude them. Women might feel like the system won't properly protect their welfare and might let them down. I'm not going to stand for that.</para>
<para>Finally, on the issue of the Commonwealth settlement of a claim brought by Ms Higgins, much has been incorrectly written about my role in this over the past few months, despite those outlets being provided with the accurate information. So that this is crystal clear for this chamber and beyond, the Minister for Finance has no decision-making role in processes around significant legal matters—absolutely none. Paragraph 3.2 of the legal services directions provides that significant claims against the Commonwealth may not be settled without the agreement of the Attorney-General. The Attorney-General has made clear he was the decision-maker on behalf of the government on this matter. This has been made clear to all those outlets that continue to misreport this fact.</para>
<para>I have made my position clear to the Senate today. I repeat again: I take my responsibilities as a senator for the ACT seriously and act with integrity at all times. This integrity is something I have displayed throughout my career and through my response to Ms Higgins's rape allegations. Thank you for the opportunity to make a statement.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>3</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023</title>
          <page.no>3</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7019" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>3</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>3</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I acknowledge Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia and as the traditional owners of this land for over 60,000 years. I also acknowledge and pay my respects to the Ngunnawal and Ngambri peoples. I would like to extend that respect to the First Nations people in the chamber, in the galleries, and watching and listening today.</para>
<para>On 21 May 2022 the Australian people elected the Albanese government, a government committed to holding a referendum to enshrine an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voice in the Constitution. With the introduction of this constitutional amendment, the government is taking the first formal step to honour this commitment—a commitment we made not just to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples but to all Australians. The Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023 is a powerful marker of our respect for the First Nations people of Australia, their cultures, and their elders past and present.</para>
<para>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have occupied the Australian continent for over 60,000 years and represent the oldest continuous living cultures in human history. They have maintained a relationship with Australia's land, waters and sky since time immemorial. Yet Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are not recognised in our Constitution. This bill is to amend the Australian Constitution to recognise the First Peoples of Australia by establishing an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice. It is the first formal step towards holding a referendum by the end of this year. It is a form of constitutional recognition that is practical and substantive, and it is the form of constitutional recognition supported by the overwhelming majority of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander delegates who gathered from all points under the southern sky on 26 May 2017, the day before the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum, to endorse the Uluru Statement from the Heart. It has now been six years since the Uluru Statement.</para>
<para>This constitutional amendment will rectify over 120 years of explicit exclusion in provisions of Australia's founding legal document. The Constitution never recognised Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of this country. They were not represented in the constitutional conventions leading to Federation. Constitutional recognition is an opportunity to acknowledge our history and come together for a more reconciled future. As Noel Pearson said in his Boyer lecture last year, 'Australia doesn't make sense without recognition.' He went on to say that until the First Peoples are recognised in the Constitution 'we are a nation missing its most vital heart'.</para>
<para>My colleague Senator Patrick Dodson, the father of reconciliation, said recently that a referendum on this constitutional amendment will be a moment of liberation for all of us. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The moment the referendum is declared we will feel the shackles of the past fall from us.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We will all stand with a clean heart and a clean conscience and we will know our country is on the path to a better direction.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We the Australian people will make that decision on that day when we cast our vote.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Together we can make this happen.</para></quote>
<para>The cultures of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and their relationships with lands, waters and sky have endured. The dispossession of their lands, languages and cultures and top-down government policies have inflicted deep and continuing wounds on generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and their cultures. Many suffer intergenerational trauma as a result of this history. Our nation as a whole has been diminished.</para>
<para>In 1967 more than 90 per cent of Australians voted to count Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in certain population counts and allow the Commonwealth to make special laws about them. That overwhelming result would not have been achieved without the concerted efforts of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders, activists and communities across the country. On 3 June 1992, just over 31 years ago, the Mabo decision overturned the legal fiction that Australia was terra nullius, territory belonging to no-one. It recognised in law Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples' relationship to country. In 2008 Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologised to the Stolen Generations, their descendants and their families for the profound grief, suffering and loss caused by their mistreatment. This was followed by successive national agreements on Closing the Gap.</para>
<para>However, despite the best intentions of successive governments, efforts to date have been insufficient. New Closing the Gap data highlights that significant work needs to be done: 11 of the 15 Closing the Gap targets are not on track; we are failing. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples still face significant gaps in life expectancy and educational attainment. Despite commitments to reduce the representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the criminal justice system, they are still proportionally the most incarcerated peoples on the planet. On our current trajectory, the gap will not be closed by 2030. On our current trajectory, it will not close in our lifetimes.</para>
<para>It is time for a different approach. It is time to open a new chapter. It is time to listen. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have a long history of advocating for parliamentary representation, land rights, civic freedoms and constitutional recognition and to have a say on the laws and policies that will work best for their communities. Too many times those calls have not been heard or they have been ignored. For decades there have been calls for an enduring representative body. A long line of reports stressed the importance of such a body for improving the development and implementation of laws, policies and programs that impact on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. However, votes in this parliament or the stroke of a minister's pen have seen previous bodies abolished or defunded, and there is currently no independent, nationally representative body with the purpose of providing informed advice to the parliament and the executive government of the Commonwealth.</para>
<para>Years of hard work and calls for a better solution led to the Uluru Statement from the Heart, issued in 2017 to the Australian people. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders, activists and communities have led the way in getting us to this point, supported by constitutional experts, parliamentary committees and innumerable others. The Uluru Statement from the Heart was supported by over 250 delegates following consultation with 1,200 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who were involved in the referendum council led Uluru Dialogues. The resounding message from the dialogues is reflected in the call from the Uluru Statement from the Heart: voice, treaty and truth.</para>
<para>This bill responds to the call for a Voice for First Nations peoples enshrined in the Constitution. The government is also working towards a makarrata commission to respond to the calls for agreement making and truth telling. This work will continue beyond the referendum. This bill is about recognising and listening. It recognises Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of this land. It is about creating a Voice, and it is up to the parliament and the executive government to listen. This is an important reform, but it is modest. It complements the existing structures of Australia's democratic system and enhances the normal functioning of government and the law. It creates an independent institution that speaks to the parliament and the executive government but does not replace, direct or impede the actions of either. Recognising Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in our founding legal document and listening to their views on laws and policies that matter to them will make a difference.</para>
<para>When past solutions have been top-down and disempowering and have not taken into account the experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, they have failed. We know outcomes are better when we partner with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. The evidence is there: the Indigenous Ranger programs, the many Aboriginal community controlled health organisations, and justice reinvestment.</para>
<para>These all demonstrate strong and improved outcomes when communities are involved in decision-making. Those examples, spanning many aspects of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples' lives, are proof that genuine partnership and community ownership of policy is the way towards a better future.</para>
<para>Our system of government has served most Australians well since 1901. It is time to ensure the system works for the First Peoples of Australia too.</para>
<para>The Constitution sets out the principles that define the way our democracy operates and provides the framework for our federation. Consistently with the rest of the Constitution, the proposed new provisions will provide the broad outline of the Voice and allow the parliament to legislate for its day-to-day operation.</para>
<para>Reflecting the intention to begin a new chapter in Australia's relationship with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the bill proposes to insert a new chapter IX, entitled 'Recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples'.</para>
<para>If approved at the referendum, the new Chapter IX will contain a new section 129.</para>
<para>The introductory words recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia. They reflect the fact that establishing the Voice is an act of recognition, in the manner the delegates at Uluru sought in 2017.</para>
<para>Subsection (i) provides for the establishment of the Voice. This provision will ensure the Voice is an enduring institution allowing it to be independent from government and effectively represent the views of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples at the national level.</para>
<para>The Voice will be an independent representative body. The intention is that its members will be selected by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples based on the wishes of local communities.</para>
<para>Subsection (ii) sets out the primary function of the Voice: making representations to the parliament and the executive government about matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Those would include:</para>
<list>matters specific to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples; and</list>
<list>matters relevant to the Australian community, including general laws or measures, but which affect Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples differently to other members of the Australian community.</list>
<para>The Voice will not be required to make a representation on every law, policy or program. The Voice will determine when to make representations by managing its own priorities and allocating its resources in accordance with the priorities of First Nations peoples. Critically, the Voice will be proactive. It will not have to wait for the parliament or the executive to seek its views before it can provide them. But nor will the constitutional amendment oblige the parliament or the executive government to consult the Voice before taking action.</para>
<para>The Voice will provide a path for the executive government and the parliament to consult with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.</para>
<para>The Voice will create a critical link between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, the parliament and the executive government.</para>
<para>Nothing in the provision will hinder the ordinary functioning of our democratic system.</para>
<para>While the constitutional nature of the body and its expertise in matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would give weight to the representations of the Voice, those representations would be advisory in nature.</para>
<para>It will be a matter for the parliament to determine whether the executive government is under any obligation in relation to representations made by the Voice. There will be no requirement for the parliament or the executive government to follow the Voice's representations. The constitutional amendment confers no power on the Voice to prevent, delay or veto decisions of the parliament or the executive government. The parliament and the executive government will retain final decision-making power over all laws and policies.</para>
<para>The Voice will enhance our democracy and our democratic institutions. Its representations will ensure the laws, policies and programs from the parliament and the executive are better targeted and more successful.</para>
<para>Subsection (iii) provides the parliament with a broad power to make laws about matters relating to the Voice.</para>
<para>This provision will ensure the Voice can evolve to meet the future needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and Australia as a whole. The matters on which the parliament will have power to make laws include those set out in subsection (iii).</para>
<para>After the referendum, the final details of how the Voice will operate will be settled, and legislation will be debated in this parliament.</para>
<para>To develop this legislation, the government will seek views on the Voice model from the Australian community. Consistent with the concept of a Voice, this consultation will include a strong focus on engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as well as the broader community.</para>
<para>The bill, it must be said, is constitutionally sound.</para>
<para>As the Solicitor-General's opinion, attached to the Attorney-General's submission to the committee, stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… proposed section 129 is not just compatible with the system of representative and responsible government prescribed by the Constitution, but an enhancement of that system.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, what would you like to do? Would you like to table the remainder of your speech? If you were to seek leave to keep speaking, I think it would be only fair to seek leave for yourself and for the leader of each other party for the time you additionally take, so that we move forward.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm happy to seek leave to incorporate the remainder of the introduction speech into <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>. This is obviously an important bill with a lot of detail.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm happy for you to seek leave to continue to read it, but I also ask that you seek leave for leaders of the other parties so that they have the same amount of time additionally.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am conscious there's a lot to get through. I'm happy to table the speech.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Where I'm coming from is: it's an important speech, and you're reading it. But, if you seek leave to continue, the same allocation of time that you take I would like to be given to the opposition, the Greens and other Independents. Given it's only a few minutes, I don't think it's really going to—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't think any of us are talking about speaking for another hour each. In the interests of finishing, that would be good.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You are seeking leave on that basis.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Joint Select Committee on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice Referendum was established to inquire into the bill. The committee published 270 submissions and heard from 70 witnesses. The committee's report recommended that parliament pass the bill unamended. The committee's report highlights evidence from First Nations people about the practical difference the Voice would make to their communities. As I say, the bill is constitutionally sound, and that is backed up by the Solicitor-General's opinion, which I've just read into the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>. The Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights also examined the bill. It concluded that the bill is compatible with human rights, including the right to equality and nondiscrimination.</para>
<para>This bill embodies the hard work by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples to achieve constitutional recognition and an effective representative body. Recognition through a voice is neither the beginning nor the end of this story, but it is an important new chapter. In addition to acknowledging the efforts of countless First Nations leaders, activists and communities that led to the Uluru Statement from the Heart, the government sincerely thanks members of the referendum working group, the referendum engagement group and the constitutional expert group. Their counsel in developing this bill and guiding the conduct of the referendum has been both wise and invaluable, and provides a solid foundation on which to continue on the path towards recognition.</para>
<para>I would like to thank the Minister for Indigenous Australians, Linda Burney, for her commitment, her strength and her leadership. We also owe a debt of gratitude to our Senate colleagues the Assistant Minister for Indigenous Australians, Senator Malarndirri McCarthy, and Senator Patrick Dodson, the Special Envoy for Reconciliation and Implementation of the Uluru Statement from the Heart. They have worked tirelessly to progress this important constitutional amendment for the benefit of all Australians. The government also thanks members of the broader Australian community for their engagement throughout this process, particularly those who made contributions to the joint select committee.</para>
<para>The Uluru Statement from the Heart was issued to the people of Australia, not to the government. It's now time for the Australian people to decide whether to accept that offer when they vote in this referendum. I trust the Australian people to understand this is an opportunity for a better future not just of the First Peoples of Australia but for all Australians. The Uluru Statement from the Heart is set out in full in the explanatory memorandum for this bill. In the words of that historic statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In 1967 we were counted, in 2017 we seek to be heard. We leave base camp and start our trek across this vast country. We invite you to walk with us in a movement of the Australian people for a better future.</para></quote>
<para>It is now 2023. It is time to accept the generous invitation in the Uluru Statement from the Heart. It is time to listen.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023. In rising to speak, I make the observation that, in the 15 years I have been in this place, never did I think I would rise to speak on a bill introduced by the Prime Minister of Australia that would seek, deliberately, to transform our great country forever, and not for the better. Never did I think I would rise in this place and speak on a bill that, by its very substance, seeks to intentionally divide our great country based on race forever—a bill that makes a mockery of the words set out in our national anthem that we now proudly sing: 'For we are one and free.' If the referendum that is proposed by this bill is successful, the nation that we know today will be irreparably damaged forever. The bill will destroy one of our most fundamental values—equality of citizenship—a value that currently sees every single Australian citizen regardless of race as equal, because no more will we be a nation of equals. We will no longer be one together. We will have become too divided.</para>
<para>That is what Mr Albanese, as Prime Minister of our country, wants to do. This is despite the success of the 1967 referendum, a fundamental turning point in our nation's history where, as Australians, we rightly united our country as one people. On 27 May 1967, Australians voted to change our constitution so that like all other Australians Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would be counted as part of the population and the Commonwealth would be able to make laws for them. A resounding 90.77 per cent said yes, and every single state and territory had a majority result for the 'yes' vote. It was one of the most successful campaigns in Australia's history as it legitimised the principle of equality of citizenship in a multicultural society, something that Mr Albanese now wants to destroy.</para>
<para>So, in coming to this debate, I would ask all Australians to answer a very simple question: do you believe in the fundamental principle of equality of citizenship? Because if you do, if you believe all Australians are equal, regardless of race, regardless of where they came from, then the answer to the question posed by this referendum must be a resounding no.</para>
<para>An Australian prime minister should always be striving to bring Australians together, yet with Mr Albanese we have a prime minister who is deliberately seeking to divide Australians. As the late David Jackson, a pre-eminent constitutional lawyer, has said, 'The inclusion of the proposed section 129 would mean that we will become a nation where whenever we or our ancestors first came to this country we are not all equal.'</para>
<para>Labor's voice, if successful, will be a permanent, publicly funded lobby group for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples which has additional rights that no other Australian has and these additional rights will be permanently embedded in our Constitution. This top-down, elitist Canberra voice does nothing to help Indigenous communities on the ground who just want to build a better life for themselves and their families. And, because of the permanent nature of this change, it says to some of the most marginalised Australians that you are different from everybody else and you will be treated differently forevermore.</para>
<para>The bill is not a pragmatic constitutional change that improves our system of government. It is a bill to establish a single national institution for some but not others based on race. It is not an institution that has been road-tested and refined over the years. There is no similar body overseas to which it can be compared. It is completely novel. Extraordinarily, we do not even know how this permanent, constitutionally enshrined body is intended to work or how many tens if not hundreds of millions of dollars or more it will cost the Australian taxpayer and we do not know what additional administrative effect its operations and decisions will have on stable government. This is because the Albanese government is asking Australians to vote for the Voice on nothing more than the vibe.</para>
<para>Extraordinarily, the Prime Minister has said that they will only design this permanent national institution after the referendum passes. You wouldn't buy a house without a plan or without knowing how many bedrooms it has or what it looks like. You wouldn't buy a car on no more than the vibe and then wait to find out whether it's a minibus or a motorbike. But that is what Mr Albanese is asking Australians to do with the Voice.</para>
<para>If the question is approved at the referendum, this bill will insert a new chapter into our Constitution. The chapter will consist of a single section, section 129. Proposed subsection 129(ii) of the new proposed section is vested with extraordinary constitutional powers to 'make representations to the parliament and the executive government of the Commonwealth on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples'.</para>
<para>It is this second clause which is the most problematic. In substance it establishes a constitutional guarantee. As others have described it, the Voice would be able to make representations about anything, from submarines to parking tickets and from the Reserve Bank to Centrelink. No agency and no issue would be beyond the scope of representations made by this new national body.</para>
<para>Again, as pointed out by one of Australia's pre-eminent constitutional lawyers, the late David Jackson, this issue is not fixed by relying on the power to make laws under proposed subsection 129(iii). This is our pre-eminent constitutional lawyer saying this. He points out that any attempt to limit the Voice's broad power to make representations would be invalid. Then the question you have to ask is: what would be the corresponding obligations placed on government agencies, seeing as the Voice now has a constitutional right to make representations? In other words, what are the consequences and what is the real impact on the Australian public?</para>
<para>Mr Albanese and anybody else in Labor cannot tell you what these consequences will be because they don't know, and yet they're asking Australians—in fact, I would say that they are no longer asking. They are now demanding and demeaning those who stand up to them. They are demanding that they make a permanent change to our Constitution based on nothing more than a vibe.</para>
<para>In a recent Senate estimates hearing, we were told that the Solicitor-General has now provided not three but four pieces of advice to the government—a series of opinions on the Voice—but the government refuses to let the Australian public know what is in these opinions. I ask: what is the government hiding? Why will they not let the Australian people see these opinions? Even the Solicitor-General himself has acknowledged that the drafting creates room for argument as to whether agencies must consider representations.</para>
<para>But the potential consequences go way further. It would not be difficult for a future court to conclude that, in order to properly fulfil its constitutional function of making representations, the Voice would need to receive advance notice and advance warning of the decisions. Without detailed advance warning, how can the Voice fulfil its constitutional function of making representation about matters relating to Indigenous and Torres Strait Islander Australians if it doesn't know all of the background facts and policy options that were being considered by the government relating to decisions that affect all Australians? It would not be difficult for a future court to say that the Voice must receive relevant information. Again—it's a pretty obvious question—how can the Voice make meaningful representations if it does not have sufficient information to allow it to do so? But then the logical question arises: what is sufficient information? What is the required time frame to satisfy the constitutional requirements which the Voice will impose on the government and the bureaucracy?</para>
<para>The bad news for everybody is that there are actually no clear answers as to how these risks will manifest in the future. All we know and the reassurance that we are told that we should all take from this is that this will be in the hands of the High Court of Australia. If this bill is endorsed at referendum, these risks will be permanently embedded in our Constitution. Nobody knows what a future High Court would do, and Australians, with all due respect, should not be asked to sign a blank check.</para>
<para>It is a matter of public record that even the government's own Constitutional Expert Group could not reach agreement on what this constitutional change would do. Some said it could give rise to a constitutional duty for government to consider the Voice's representations even if parliament did not want this. Others disagreed. The Solicitor-General has conceded that there is room for argument, but we know the potential consequences are severe.</para>
<para>The Liberal senators' dissenting report to the Joint Select Committee on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice Referendum made the following observation in paragraph 1.37:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If proposed s 129 is interpreted by the High Court in a way that imposes on the Executive either a duty to consult the Voice or consider its representations, this will have profoundly disruptive effects on the operation of government. This is not a rhetorical flourish on our part. This was the undisputed evidence presented to the Committee, including from witnesses who were intimately involved in the government's design process.</para></quote>
<para>The dissenting report then refers to the assessments made by former justices of the High Court Robert French and Kenneth Hayne. It's worth reading Mr French's comments in full. He stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Given the immense range of matters in which there might be an interaction between a proposed policy or practice and impacts on Indigenous people in one way or another, to imply a duty to consult across all of that range would really make government unworkable. I don't think the High Court is in that business.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Hayne made similar observations. In other words, former justices Hayne and French agree that, if a future High Court decides there is a constitutional duty to consult with the Voice, it would be catastrophic for government. They then went on to say that we should take it on trust that a future court would never do that. But predicting what a High Court will do is precisely the risk that many others—eminent lawyers, former judges and prominent academics—have warned against.</para>
<para>We all know that no-one can say what a future High Court will decide, and that is exactly the point made by Mr French's former colleague on the Federal Court bench the Hon. Roger Gyles AO, KC. His submission is, quite frankly, extraordinary. It should be mandatory reading for those opposite who make bland assertions that the legal risks are low. As Mr Gyles said, 'neither the government nor any expert can give those unequivocal assurances'. His damning submission says that assertions that a future High Court will not imply a duty to consult are 'misleading' and that those assurances should not be relied upon by those considering the proposed constitutional change.</para>
<para>The point is just as forcefully made by one of Mr Haines former High Court colleagues. Former justice Callinan AC rejects the blindness to risk that seems to afflict those opposite. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It would be imprudent to underestimate the capacity of any future High Court for ingenuity or originality.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…      …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is an irony that so many of the proponents of the Voice, well-intentioned and highly regarded as they are, should be echoing the language so often and infamously used by the late Sir Johannes Bjelke-Petersen to reporters seeking information about government, "<inline font-style="italic">don't you worry about that</inline>".</para></quote>
<para>Where does that leave the rest of us? The thing these distinguished jurists agree on is that a duty to consult with the Voice would make government unworkable. The thing that they disagree on is whether a future High Court could decide if there was such a duty. The only certainty we have left is that the government's Voice proposal confirms significant risk. It is uncertain how the High Court would interpret it, but if carried at a referendum it will be permanent.</para>
<para>It did not have to be this way. The government could have chosen an orthodox process. Rather than making its decision on the constitutional wording behind closed doors, the government could have chosen to hold a constitutional convention to iron out the details and narrow the issues in dispute. Debates over the various options could have been held publicly for all Australians to see. More could and should have been done to give the proposal the scrutiny that Australians not only are entitled to expect but deserve when you are asking them to cast a vote to permanently change their founding document, our Constitution.</para>
<para>Instead, what has the government done? They pushed this proposal through with an urgency that was entirely of the government's making. It's the Prime Minister's time table and the Prime Minister's process. There is no external deadline to which he must conform. He chose all of this. The result is that the parliament and the people of Australia will now be asked to vote on a constitutional change that has not been fully scrutinised and is fundamentally uncertain.</para>
<para>We, as a coalition, or as the Liberal Party, will have a number of authorised dissenters who will help contribute to the 'no' case that is sent to electors as part of the referendum process. Our position is clear—we support the Australian people having their say, but we do not support this risky, unknown and permanent change to our Constitution. My very simple message to the Australian people is this: if you don't know how the Voice is going to work, vote no. If you don't know, vote no.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023. It's with great pride that I rise to speak on this proposed alteration as one of the 11 First Nations representatives in this parliament. Every time we speak in this place, we are speaking on the unceded lands of the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people. I want to acknowledge their elders past and present and recognise all First Nations people across this country, who have fought and continue to fight for the rights of our people, to access our lands, to protect our culture, to practice our law and also for recognition and for our voices to be heard. I acknowledge that I would not be standing here today without those who have come before me, and I thank them all for their hard-fought battles and their achievements.</para>
<para>I had the honour of attending the Barunga Festival this weekend, as the only non-government parliamentarian to make the trek to regional Northern Territory, 83 kilometres outside of Katherine. There I was able to put my feet in the red dirt with representatives of over 100 of the most remote Aboriginal communities in the north of Australia. It was with much joy, celebration and respectful discussion that the four land councils of the Northern Territory signed the Barunga Voice Declaration and presented this to Minister Burney on behalf of the Albanese government. It's been 35 years since the Barunga Statement was presented to the then Prime Minister, Bob Hawke. This Barunga Statement was also supported by the Cape York Land Council and Kimberley Land Council.</para>
<para>The Barunga Festival began in 1985 as a celebration of cultural survival, drawing together people from across the north of Australia to paint, to sing, to dance and to play sport. I'm grateful to have experienced some of those activities last weekend. The Barunga Festival, like many other festivals like it, is an important moment of celebration, discussion where we share cultural practices and bring communities together to yarn about social and political issues.</para>
<para>At the first Barunga Festival, the leader of the Bagala clan of the Jawoyn people, Bangardi Robert Lee, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The main aim of the festival is to bring people together, sharing and understanding each other's problems. This way we can get to know one another properly.</para></quote>
<para>I believe this sentiment is true, especially this year with conversations about a voice to parliament, inviting the non-Indigenous people of Australia to get to know us properly. And that is my ask of all Australians before they vote on this referendum. It is my ask that, before we vote in this referendum, we get to know each other. As First Peoples of this continent, we want you to know what our cultural and strong beliefs are, to know our love of the land and sea country, to know us as members of your local community and, most importantly, to know and understand the discrimination that we face and how this continues to hold us back.</para>
<para>We are the oldest living culture in the world. We have cared for this land, preserved the waters and ecosystems, and navigated by the stars in the sky for tens of thousands of years. We are hundreds of nations across this country with different stories, languages, cultures, arts and dances, and, as I was reminded at Barunga this weekend, we can live under one banner. Australia is diverse and rich with culture, yet so few non-Indigenous Australians experience this as part of their own country.</para>
<para>The Barunga Statement of 1988 called on the Commonwealth parliament to negotiate a treaty recognising First Nations people's prior ownership and continued occupation and sovereignty. Bob Hawke committed the Australian government to deliver a treaty for our nation, but politics got in the way of that. The Barunga Statement also requested that the Australian government pass laws to establish a nationally elected Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisation to oversee Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander affairs. In fact, this is what the Voice to Parliament is. The Voice, treaty-making and truth-telling are the three pillars of the Uluru Statement from the Heart. They are tangible goals that can bring the Barunga Statement to life.</para>
<para>Our people have been providing to Australian governments beautiful, deliberate and considered words in the form of statements, declarations and agreements for many generations. What we now need is action, and that is the responsibility of all of us—Indigenous and non-Indigenous and from remote communities all the way to the executive government of this place.</para>
<para>First Nations people have the answers to the challenges that impact on our lives, and the Voice to Parliament will allow these to be heard. Securing a 'yes' vote at the referendum will recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the first peoples of this continent by establishing a body that has a say on the matters that will affect them, just as the Barunga Statement requested. The Barunga Statement asked that the body be elected, and this is an important feature that I support. The Voice to Parliament must be connected to and responsible for the voices of regional and remote communities to ensure that all of our mob are heard at all levels of government, especially here, in the nation's parliament, where all the important decisions are made. There are more of us sitting in parliament than ever before, but we are still only 11 of 227 members of this parliament. We all have different views. We come from different parties and different parts of this beautiful country, and our 11 voices are not enough to tackle the challenges that our people face, no matter how hard we work. This is why we need a voice to parliament.</para>
<para>Securing a 'yes' vote in the referendum is our next step. It's only the beginning of what is needed to restore First Nations rights. I am, and the Greens are, very committed to seeing action on truth-telling and treaty-making in this country, and we don't have to wait for that; we can also start this work and the crucial processes that are needed right now at the same time as achieving a 'yes' at the referendum. It is promising to see some of the states and territories progressing truth and treaty, and now we need the federal government to follow suit.</para>
<para>The Voice is a structural change, one determined by the Australian people, hearing our voices and understanding the context and diversity of our issues. For non-Indigenous people to be moved into action, we also need truth-telling. We need a treaty. We were robbed of a treaty 230 years ago when white settlers arrived here, and we were robbed of a treaty 35 years ago when white men unfortunately played politics in this place. Our call for treaty across this country still continues. We are sovereign people and sovereign nations, and the Commonwealth government must treat us as such. Our sovereignty has never been ceded. My sovereignty is my birthright—to care for this country, to protect its wildlife and ecosystems, to be a knowledge holder and to pass that traditional knowledge on to the next generation. Not until we see the effective implementation of all three elements of the Uluru Statement from the Heart will we see progress on closing the gap, ending racial discrimination and achieving true self-determination.</para>
<para>In the 200 years since colonisation, we've been fighting to survive. The frontier wars saw our people chained and massacred and our land systematically stolen. Government policy ripped our children from their families and punished them for speaking our languages and practising our law and our cultural traditions. Today, we fight the governments and the fossil fuel billionaires who are destroying our sacred places, meeting places for ceremony and cultural business, ancestral songlines and trade routes that existed—the social and spiritual fabric of our culture. First Nations children are more likely to go to prison than they are to university in this country. We have lower life expectancy and higher rates of preventable illnesses, and our children are still being taken.</para>
<para>Despite governments' best efforts, my mother's family survived five generations of the stolen generation. I am one of the first generation of my family to have been raised by their parents in their household in five generations. This has deep and personal impacts for my family that we in fact grapple with every day. Institutionalised racism creates intergenerational trauma. First Nations people have lost so much since colonisation, yet we carry on fighting for our rights and, in particular, for our recognition. We carry this burden every day, and let me tell you how heavy the load is and how it takes a significant toll on our people.</para>
<para>For too long our laws and policies have been made for us without free, prior and informed consent. When we say 'nothing about us without us'—the Voice has the ability and is the chance for our people across the country to have a say in matters that affect them. The Voice is a mechanism for those issues; it's not an individual platform. Our community leaders have the answers. We know what works best for us, and it's time our voices were heard and acted upon. This referendum is a once-in-a-generation opportunity to advance reconciliation, justice and healing in this country. It is about recognising and respecting First Nations people of this country and their unique needs and culture, the oldest living culture in the world. This is about stopping the revolving door of the handpicked who have been benefiting from their access to politicians. It is about using the First Nations value of reciprocity to create a space to listen and to hear, whilst providing an opportunity for direct access into those processes to achieve free, prior and informed consent. It could be a significant and unifying moment for our country, and a successful referendum could start a decade of change for First Nations people, advancing truth telling, treaty making and, in fact, the true essence of self-determination.</para>
<para>The referendum is only months away, and it will be after a long and exhausting fight for First Nations people. I want to tell mob who are watching out there to take care of yourselves and take care of your communities. This will be a tough time, but we are strong and we are resilient. To non-First-Nations people, we need you for this to be successful, because we also need you to shoulder some of this burden. We cannot carry this by ourselves. We need as many people as we can to come on this journey with us towards truth, treaty and a voice. We all have a role to play, and I want every Australian to embrace this and think about what this could actually mean for the next generation of First Nations people—my children, your children, our grandchildren. What type of country do you want to live in? One where the traditional custodians are listened to and genuinely involved in matters that involve them, or more of the same that has not been working—the legacy of public policy failures that have impacted on generations of First Nations people?</para>
<para>First Nations people have been here in this country for 65,000 years, and I'm proud to have that culture, the oldest living culture, running through my veins. I'm proud to be part of the first party to endorse the Uluru Statement from the Heart in full and I am proud to be the first Aboriginal woman here, in the nation's parliament, representing Western Australia. I am proud to speak in support of this bill for constitutional recognition for First Nations people and to create a voice to the nation's parliament. In my great-grandmother's traditional language, I want finish with this phrase: Nganhu garrimanah malga brily marlbayiminah—we stand strong together and we will rise. Woolah! Thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to thank Senator Cox for speaking in language in this place. I want to start by acknowledging the traditional owners of country and pay my respects to elders past and present. I want to acknowledge the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people and the Ngunnawal and Ngambri people's continuous connection to this place. I want to acknowledge all traditional owners of our nation, and I want to say very clearly in this place that this always was and always will be Aboriginal land.</para>
<para>Today, Lake Mungo is a vast and dry landscape in south-west New South Wales, 700 kilometres north of Melbourne and a couple of hours north of my home town of Swan Hill. Forty-two thousand years ago the lake was actually a lake, filled with water and a part of the Willandra Lakes system. Mungo Woman and Mungo Man lived and died on these shores. When their remains were unearthed in the 1960s and 1970s, Lake Mungo became the site of international attention. Today they remain some of the earliest modern remains found in the world. Mungo Lady, cremated more than 40,000 years ago, is the oldest known cremation in the world, representing very clear evidence of spirituality. Mungo Man had been covered with red ochre and buried. These are culturally significant and sacred sites. This is also my country. Mungo Man and Mungo Woman are my ancestors.</para>
<para>I'm a proud Mutthi Mutthi and Wamba Wamba woman with links to country all along the Murray River, and I stand here today on the shoulders of giants. I think of my grandparents and the incredible women in my life who have raised me and enabled me to stand here today. I'm the first Aboriginal Labor senator for Victoria and the youngest First Nation woman elected to our federal parliament. I am proud to stand in this chamber today to speak in support of the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023 legislation.</para>
<para>The successful passage of this legislation will see First Nations Australians recognised as the First Peoples of this nation and let us take our rightful place in the Australian Constitution. It will enable Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians to have a say in and be consulted on matters that impact our communities. The opportunity afforded to us this year, through the referendum, has been hard fought. First Nations communities across Australia have been working towards the establishment of a Voice for very many years. Now First Nations leaders from across the country have invited Australians, through the Uluru Statement from the Heart, to walk with us. In 1967 we were counted. In 2023 we invite you to walk with us in a movement of the Australian people for a better future. We're asking to be seen. We're asking to be listened to. We're asking to have a say on matters that affect us, to begin moving forward as a nation and addressing the gaps for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. We're asking for a Voice.</para>
<para>It is about creating practical and lasting change that will lead to better policies and improve the lives of First Nations people in areas like health, education and housing. The <inline font-style="italic">Closing </inline><inline font-style="italic">the </inline><inline font-style="italic">Gap</inline> report continues to publish statistics which show that current policies and initiatives are not leading to better outcomes for First Nations communities in areas like social welfare, education, health, child protection, social justice—and I could go on and on and on—and it is damning of this country.</para>
<para>In the 2023 implementation report, the proportion of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children assessed as developmentally on track in all five domains of the Australian Early Development Census has dropped. It has dropped. The target for healthy birth weights for babies has gone from being on track to not on track. This is not an abstract conversation to me. These are not just numbers on a page. These conversations are about my family, they're about my community, they're about my aunties, my uncles, my nieces and my nephews. These conversations are about my sons. This is their lives. This is my life.</para>
<para>There have been 47 parliaments since Federation. There have been 51 prime ministers and 22 ministers for Indigenous Australians in various forms. There have been countless chances, moments, committees, organisations, election commitments and budget announcements—countless moments that have been missed. And we still don't have parity. We are still not equal in our own country—and we are far, far from it.</para>
<para>To say that our current efforts, policies, programs—whatever you want to look at—are not leading to successful outcomes would be putting it politely. As Aunty Pat Anderson from the referendum committee has said, everyday First Nations Australians don't have the megaphones of politicians. So we need to give all Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander individuals and communities a Voice. No more status quo—it is not good enough in 2023. A constitutionally enshrined Voice will give Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians an opportunity to change our lives for the better. It will give us a say in the matters that affect our communities.</para>
<para>I would like to take a moment to acknowledge the strength of my community, the strength of mob. We've been voiceless for too long. Across the five public hearings of the Joint Select Committee on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice, we heard from First Nations people and their organisations. We heard from legal experts, journalists and trade unionists about this strength and resilience of First Nations communities. We heard a very, very strong desire for a new approach. We heard of a potential for community engagement in the Voice and the positive impacts it could have for community, and how it ties to existing structures in First Nations communities.</para>
<para>Aunty Pat Anderson spoke of her personal experiences over many years: 'Every time there's a change of government, minister or head of department, we all have to come back to Canberra and justify. We have to explain who we are. Often we have to bring a map to show where we're coming from. We talk to the government of the day and explain who we are and why we need to maintain the level of funding that we already have to run our organisations, our families, and explain what our needs are—every time there's a change.' As she said, 'We keep running on the spot here.' She also said: 'A lot of money—you know better than me—is spent on us. It doesn't get down to where the real needs are. That's why we need to talk to the government of the day as well as to parliament. That's why we need a voice.'</para>
<para>Former Minister for Indigenous Australians Ken Wyatt presented analysis of legislation considered in 2022 and the degree to which Aboriginal organisations or communities were consulted on legislation that was directly relevant to their circumstances. In that year alone, in the consideration of religious discrimination legislation, the National Health Amendment (Enhancing the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme) Bill and the Family Law Amendment (Federal Family Violence Orders) Bill, Mr Wyatt noted that no Aboriginal organisations provided input into these bills—zero. He also said that the government amendments to the Social Security Legislation Amendment (Streamlined Participation Requirements and Other Measures) Bill had some 20 organisations listed, but not one of them was Indigenous, yet they have profound impacts on Indigenous families and communities.</para>
<para>While I feel optimistic that, by and large, Australians support reconciliation and they support giving First Nations people a fair go, I know that the next few months will be hard. Sadly, the public debate about the referendum has been quite ugly, and I fear it's going to get worse. Words have been used as a powerful weapon against First Nations communities for a very, very long time. For our mob, racism and hate have already been on the rise and on full display for all to see while we discuss enshrining a First Nations Voice in our Constitution. These are the words that are heard by my nieces and nephews, my cousins, my aunties and uncles. These words have real-world impacts.</para>
<para>But words can also be used to unite us: a proposed law to alter the Constitution to recognise the First Peoples of Australia by establishing an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice. Do you approve of this proposed alteration? Writing three simple letters, saying yes to these words, will mean Australians will have taken the next step towards bettering the lives of First Nations people. It will mean a more united country, united by the desire for progress and a more equal and fair country for everyone. A First Nations Voice to parliament is an opportunity for the Australian people to walk with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people towards a better future for all Australians. My great hope is that we will wake up the day after the referendum as a better nation.</para>
<para>I want to thank all who have shown support so far—multicultural communities, organisations, the trade unions, sporting organisations, everyday Australians and individuals. Thank you for your solidarity. I want to encourage you to be loud and proud in your support for the Voice, because First Nations people will be watching. Together, we can ensure every Australian can be proud of the society we have built together. In the words of the Uluru Statement from the Heart:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We seek constitutional reforms to empower our people and take a rightful place in our own country. When we have power over our destiny our children will flourish. They will walk in two worlds and their culture will be a gift to their country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We call for the establishment of a First Nations Voice enshrined in the Constitution.</para></quote>
<para>While this bill seeks to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, it's not just about us. This is about who we are as a country. This is about my children and it's about your children. It's about our children inheriting a better country than each of us has grown up in. That's what's at stake. As a parent, you know that it is ingrained in you to want everything for your children—a better life and a better future than what you had. Supporting the referendum is an opportunity to give them that. My very strong message to this place is: don't let them down.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I hope that during this debate it can be as respectful as what we have heard already today on both sides. This year, Australians will be asked to vote to amend the Constitution to enshrine an Indigenous Voice to parliament. From the outset, let me make it clear that I do support Australians having their say via a referendum. I, and my Nationals colleagues, supported the referendum bill earlier this year to ensure that Australians can have their say, but I will be voting against this bill before us, the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023, because I do not support the proposal that is being put to the Australian people.</para>
<para>This proposal is not the simple recognition that I believe is actually supported by most Australians. This proposal goes way beyond that. Despite what the Yes 23 television adverts will tell you, do not be fooled. This proposal presents a risky and permanent change to our Constitution.</para>
<para>My opposition to this bill is not to say that I want Indigenous Australians to be voiceless—quite the opposite. As I member of the Nationals, most of my colleagues represent electorates with the largest percentages of Indigenous populations. We know and we see the city-country divide. We know the gap, and we know that we need to address issues in regional Australia to help close the gap for Indigenous Australians as well as other regional Australians. We need to look at regional health, government services, infrastructure and community wellbeing in some of our most remote and isolated communities.</para>
<para>As I travel around my home state of New South Wales and beyond, where I see good outcomes, where I see true effort in closing the gap, is where I see local government and councils sitting down with representatives of their Indigenous communities and together working through measures that are fit for purpose in their home towns. My own council, the Edward River Council, have worked hard to establish constructive relationships with the local land council and our local Indigenous knowledge centre. Together they are working on sharing knowledge, sharing understanding and providing opportunity for the whole community. At the other end of the state, Moree council have commenced a similar process, and they are working very hard to find solutions together. That is the sort of voice, the sort of understanding and the sort of progress that I believe works. Some tell me that these examples justify a constitutionally enshrined national voice, but I'm not convinced, because what I know is that what they have identified as positive action in Moree is completely different to what is being undertaken in Deniliquin. I also know that these relationships are fluid and flexible, whereas changing our Constitution for such a body is rigid, permanent and risky, and I am not alone in holding these concerns.</para>
<para>Indigenous community leaders in Dubbo, from separate political backgrounds, were speaking to the local newspaper, the Dubbo <inline font-style="italic">Daily</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Liberal</inline>, earlier this year, expressing their concerns about the Voice. Gamilaraay man Peter Gibbs, who I know personally, is also CEO of the local Regional Enterprise Development Institute and has devoted his life, through that organisation, to establishing and finding employment and enterprise opportunities for Indigenous people right across western New South Wales. He believes our current system of democracy is working. It has seen 11 MPs elected to this parliament from across the political spectrum. Mr Gibbs told the paper:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Do we honestly believe that [the] voice will get one kid to school, get someone into a job, protect one domestic violence victim, one child out of care or another young person out of the judicial system?</para></quote>
<para>By the same token, community worker and Wiradjuri and Gamilaraay elder Frank Doolan said money for the Voice would be better spent providing social housing and employment or improving health outcomes. That too is key because the Voice is not a cost-free exercise. We're only hearing about the Voice and the vibe and doing the decent thing, but when we ask, 'What is the cost?' we get blank. Already the National Indigenous Australians Agency receives over $4 billion a year, with over 1,400 staff. The Prime Minister has promised that the Voice, if established, will have a full secretariat and the resources needed to ensure it is supported and can do research and the like. There has never been a discussion about what the recurrent expenditure will be, how many extra Canberra based Public Service jobs will be created or how the Voice will interact with the existing agencies, including the NIAA, or any of the existing Indigenous bodies, like the Coalition of Peaks, a body that already represents over 80 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community organisations and was formed, according to its own website, to change the way the Australian government works with Indigenous people.</para>
<para>As it stands, Indigenous Australians are not voiceless. Prime ministers have, for years, established Indigenous advisory committees. There is the entire department, the NIAA, with offices right across the country, with the stated vision that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples are heard, recognised and empowered. So, with all these voices, why aren't we seeing solutions? I think the answer to that is clearly that we haven't been listening. But, as Mr Gibbs says, 'A new bureaucracy will not change that.'</para>
<para>Another friend of mine, also from Dubbo and also a very proud Indigenous man, Michael Cooper, says the proposed Voice is not reconciliation. He tells me, 'From my experience in this space, I have grave fears it will be too bureaucratic and not actually help to improve the lives of Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander Australians in regional Australia.' But he does fear the divisiveness. He says there is a large group of Aboriginal conservatives across western New South Wales who are fearful of being shouted down. He says he has already witnessed gaslighting of people who express concerns about the Voice by proponents.</para>
<para>Now, I have met with supporters of the Voice, too, and I have had deep and respectful conversations with those I have met with face-to-face—unlike the anonymous keyboard warriors. And I will continue to meet with and speak to all sides of this debate, because I think that's important. What I have asked each of the proponents I have met with is: what does a voice look like to you? The answer I get each and every time is different. It could be elected or see elected representation, regional or national. Even when they have read the Calma-Langton report that we are told will form the baseline, interpretations of what that looks like vary. Some say the Voice will be much like any other advocacy group such as the National Farmers Federation or the business chamber of Australia. Wrong; those groups are not written into our Constitution. Yes, they make representations to government but they're not constitutionally enshrined.</para>
<para>In an online video, constitutional law expert and Voice proponent Professor Anne Twomey explains that a voice will enable Indigenous people to make submissions to parliament, as she says, 'as anyone can'. This begs the question: if anyone can make a submission to parliament, why do we need to change our Constitution? Indeed, as its website says, the Coalition of Peaks already makes representations, as do others.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister says the Voice represents a modest change. He claims it's the decent thing to do and it will only look at issues of direct relevance to Indigenous people. Then he goes to an Indigenous conference and says, 'Why would you accept a modest change?' Voice proponents and detractors alike also have a different interpretation of the proposed amendment we are now voting on today, drafted by the Prime Minister's handpicked referendum working group. Working group member Professor Megan Davis says, once established, politicians won't be able to, in her words, 'shut the Voice up', claiming it will not be limited to matters specific to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Professor Davis says it can speak on a broad range of issues including the conduct of elections, the criminal justice system, financial policy or defence. Similarly, PricewaterhouseCoopers' Indigenous consulting body published a report called <inline font-style="italic">Who is speaking? Who is listening?</inline> In that report they say the national Voice could provide advice on policies and strategies such as free trade agreements and national energy policies or even on how the government should respond to royal commissions.</para>
<para>It's this broad scope that concerns people like human rights commissioner Lorraine Finlay, who said the Voice:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… substantially increases the risks of bureaucratic complexity, legal uncertainty and judicial activism.</para></quote>
<para>Ms Finlay goes on to say the draft wording:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… inserts race into the Australian Constitution in a way that undermines the foundational human rights principles of equality and non-discrimination …</para></quote>
<para>This, to me, is the crux of the matter. I believe in our system of democracy. I believe, just like Mr Gibbs, that people who are motivated and supported to stand for an elected role, be it local government, state or federal parliament, should be able to do so and should be judged on their personal qualities rather than their race. As an Indigenous colleague, who I deeply respect, said to me when he was appointed chair of a government agency community consultative committee, 'I am not an Indigenous chair; I am chair because I know and understand the issue. I am also Indigenous, but so what?' I am absolutely committed to working with my democratically elected colleagues to listen to our communities—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As it is 1.30, I will go to senators' statements. Senator Davey, you will be in continuation.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</title>
        <page.no>15</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rural and Regional Australia: Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We've had a year of Labor and what have we got for it? We've got a raft of broken promises, we've got a country unnecessarily divided over the Voice and absolutely everybody is worse off. But, as someone who hails from country Australia, the thing that has probably distressed me most about this last year is the absolute contempt that this government has shown for rural, regional and remote Australia, and it hasn't even tried to hide that shameful fact. They've cut critical infrastructure out of our regional communities, they've ripped general practitioners out of our communities and they're now even putting your local community pharmacy at risk.</para>
<para>The really weird thing about this is that the much-heralded budget surplus that we saw during the budget all came about on the back of rural and regional Australia. It was our booming resources sector and our fabulous agricultural sector that allowed Jim Chalmers to stand there and say that we had a budget—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Excuse me, Senator. I remind you to use the proper titles of members of the House of Representatives.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasurer's much-heralded surplus that he crowed about so much came off the back of rural and regional Australia. And what is even more distressing is that this government seems to think that a one-size-fits-all city-centric model is going to serve the best interests of this country. It completely ignores the fact that investing in productive infrastructure is what delivers surpluses. In my home state of South Australia, just as an example, $1.3 billion worth of infrastructure projects have either been cut or delayed. The north-south corridor, the Hahndorf township and the Truro bypass are just three of the major projects that were promised to South Australia that now seem to be on the backburner. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Care: Women</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In my first speech to this place, I spoke about my aunty, who, after she gave birth to her daughter some years ago, was separated from her for 17 long weeks. She was separated because my aunty is from regional South Australia, the beautiful town of Port Lincoln, and her daughter had special needs, special issues which needed to be addressed and given a certain level of care—care she could not access close to home, care she could not access in regional South Australia. Although this was some time ago, the heartbreaking reality remains that far too many women across our country aren't able to give birth close to home, safely, with the care and support they need.</para>
<para>Last month, the Senate Community Affairs References Committee handed down the report on our inquiry into universal access to reproductive health care. We heard from 350 submitters and made over 30 recommendations, and a number of these recommendations went to the heart of this issue—to what we need to do as a nation to make sure women are able to access that care so they can have their babies close to home. Anyone who has had a baby or held the hand of someone who has brought a little life into the world knows that having a baby is joyous, it's a bloody miracle, but it's also really tough, and we know that in our country there are structural issues that are compounding those challenges, particularly for women in regional and remote Australia, including in my state of South Australia.</para>
<para>These aren't easy things to fix. Workforce is more often than not at the heart of it. But in public policy, when we make a decision that there is a standard which we must uphold, a standard for women and their babies that we must uphold, I know that the states and territories and this government can work to meet it. I'm really proud of these recommendations. I recommend that everyone read them so we can do more for women and their babies in the regions. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Housing</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia is experiencing its worst housing crisis in generations. Many renters have seen their rents skyrocket by 20 per cent or more in the last year, with no end in sight. Meanwhile, there are more than three million people in Australia who are trying to survive on income support and who just cannot keep up with the cost of food, medicine and housing in a cost-of-living crisis. Labor's budget was tough to hear for these people, who just cannot make ends meet on their poverty payments. Labor's solution was an increase of just $2.85 per day to JobSeeker and youth allowance. That doesn't even buy you a loaf of bread, let alone enable you to keep a roof over your head.</para>
<para>According to Anglicare, the changes in the budget will mean that the number of homes across the country that are affordable for a single person living on JobSeeker will increase by one, from four before the election to five—five houses in the country. The Greens are urging Labor to get serious about this crisis. They can no longer drag their heels while people are suffering. Labor's concession today to guarantee $500 million in funding for public and affordable housing is nowhere near enough, and it's not even going to be indexed until 2029, which means that that $500 million will fall in value over the next six years.</para>
<para>Labor, you have to come to the table and negotiate. It is time for a freeze on rent increases for two years and more funding for public and affordable housing now. Your own advice says that at least $15 billion a year is needed in investment in public and affordable housing. What you're offering is a drop in— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Ukraine</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator VAN</name>
    <name.id>283601</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We're all seeing that the long-awaited counteroffensive in Ukraine has begun, and brave men and women are beginning their march to eject the unjust and unlawful invaders from their homeland. Day by day, they now battle not only for their lives but to reclaim their freedoms and the basic dignities that Vladimir Putin has taken away from them.</para>
<para>While they fight for their lives, I stand in this chamber embarrassed on behalf of all Australians—embarrassed that, despite the desperate calls for help from our Ukrainian brothers and sisters, the Albanese government ignores them; embarrassed because, for months now, they've been begging for equipment that sits in Australian sheds, just gathering dust; embarrassed that people are dying and we have the opportunity to help them; and embarrassed because no new money or provisions were provided to support the people of Ukraine in the most recent budget.</para>
<para>Despite a campaign—imagine that: them having to campaign here—for our Hawkeis, our M1 Abrams tanks and our unused Classic Hornets, this government has been deafeningly silent. They haven't even delivered all the Bushmasters they promised. What we know is that this equipment is ready to be delivered; it's just waiting for the Prime Minister to give the word. If he is waiting until the NATO summit to announce a package of assistance, it will be the most cynical move in Australian political history, because what that will mean is that he's prepared to let Ukrainians die and prepared to put at risk the success of their counteroffensive just for a photo op. Shame on this government. Give the people of Ukraine what they need now. We have it. Stop considering it. Announce it and deliver it.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gunida Gunyah Aboriginal Corporation</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Gunida Gunyah Aboriginal Corporation is a community services and housing hub in Gunnedah, New South Wales. A few weeks ago, it opened its brand new premises in the middle of Conadilly Street in Gunnedah, and I was privileged to attend the opening. The corporation has taken an old pub and transformed it into a state-of-the-art community hub, making it the first Indigenous organisation to have premises in the town's main street.</para>
<para>I was lucky enough to have a tour of the hub. It is a shining achievement that sits proudly on the main street of Gunnedah—a credit to all involved. Gunida Gunyah have finished the bottom floor of this space, with frontline service spaces and office working areas and meeting rooms. Upstairs, they have created seven units that can be used for emergency transitional and crisis accommodation, mostly for women and children fleeing domestic and family violence. The space also hosts a commercial kitchen and training rooms, which the corporation will use for vocational training.</para>
<para>All in all, it is a shining example of integrated service delivery that addresses the many different factors that lead to homelessness—built by Aboriginal people in that wonderful town of Gunnedah. On top of this, Gunida Gunyah continue to run their tenancy services, administering hundreds of homes throughout north-western New South Wales. As I said, this is such an achievement for so many people. I congratulate the CEO, Jane Bender, and all those who have helped Gunida Gunyah become the thriving hub that it is. And I congratulate all those community sector workers who continue to work day after day, particularly in regional New South Wales, for some of our most vulnerable people.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor proudly claim they are the party of TAFE. That's true, but, as a proud parent, shouldn't you be doing more? In the 2022-23 budget, the minister announced free TAFE places and a partnered agreement with states to deliver a $1 billion funding boost. A month ago, when I asked about Tasmania's TAFEs using Cold-War-era equipment to teach apprentices, the Minister representing the Minister for Defence said, 'We have revitalised the TAFE industry in this country'. Really? Seriously?</para>
<para>Since the government was elected, it has thrown Tasmania a couple of shabby bones: a million dollars for the Sorell trade training centre and a million dollars to fix the spray painting booth at Devonport TAFE—finally. The government say they're working on a plan to revitalise the VET sector, but I hope they realise it's going to take a lot more than that. A million here and a million there is a bandaid fix that's never going to fix anything. We've learnt nothing from that up here. No more bandaids on our TAFE.</para>
<para>This government was elected a year ago, yet apprentices in Tasmania are still learning writing on equipment that isn't even up to code. What about some real funding to bring these TAFEs into the 21st century? Don't tell me it is the state's responsibility. Western Australia, with their $6.8 billion budget surplus, can fund that, but what about states like Tasmania? We don't have those resources underneath Tasmania in our soil. Fixing our TAFEs is going to take serious dollars. Every year, we have fewer and fewer apprentices entering our workforce. How will this government achieve its housing policy of delivering much-needed houses for Australia without apprentices? I want to know how much money has been allocated to the TAFE system for infrastructure in Tasmania and Australia for revitalisation. It is urgent. It needs to be said and done today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pharmaceutical Industry</title>
          <page.no>17</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor's drug dispensing changes are putting the delivery of vital health services at risk in my home state of Tasmania. There are genuine fears that pharmacies in regional communities will be forced to close, reduce opening hours or lose staff who enable local pharmacies to offer countless hours of free advice, support and services to their communities.</para>
<para>Like most senators and members, I've been approached by dozens of local pharmacists who don't know if they will be able to keep their pharmacies running and afford to keep all of their valued staff, because of these changes. Appallingly, they are saying that they cannot get hold of their local Labor members to discuss their concerns, even in southern Tasmania, where the Labor member for Franklin is also the Minister for Small Business. She is fast gaining a reputation as the minister for avoiding small business.</para>
<para>Making medications cheaper for Australians in a worthy goal, one that the former coalition government consistently delivered on. But this new proposal by the Labor government leaves many pharmacists wondering how they will keep their businesses going or open on weekends or keep staff employed. I've heard multiple stories over the past few weeks of pharmacy staff literally saving lives by recognising a customer who came in feeling unwell and needed an ambulance right away, or by administering an EpiPen to someone having a severe allergic reaction. If pharmacies are closed or the queue is longer because there are less staff, those people might have never received that help when they needed it most. The Labor government needs to listen and urgently rethink this proposal.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations: Mining Industry</title>
          <page.no>17</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am a proud supporter of Australian mining. By that I mean I support the hardworking men and women working in our mine sites. They work in remote, difficult and dangerous environments. They spend weeks at a time away from their homes and families and work long shifts. They are often working in an environment with unacceptably high rates of sexual harassment, injury and exploitation. For that, they deserve our admiration and respect. Instead what they get is BHP and others outsourcing their work, sometimes to companies they have set up themselves, and paying 40 or 50 per cent less than the agreed rate. That's what 'same job, same pay' intends to stop. If you care about miners you support 'same job, same pay'. Or, if you're like Tania Constable and the Minerals Council, you look at mineworkers like a never-ending cash cow. Rather than run a scare campaign, Ms Constable should come out and say what she really means. What Ms Constable really does mean is that BHP, which pays her massive wages out of its $30 billion profit, should be able to continue to rip off workers. Ms Constable wants to take money out of mineworkers' pockets, away from their families and their communities, and shove it into the bulging pockets of BHP's executives and shareholders. These companies, which dodge billions of tax every year, blow up sacred Indigenous sites for a buck and are among the biggest wage thieves in Australia, don't want to give their workers their fair day's pay. And to that I say: same job, same pay.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment</title>
          <page.no>17</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's long, long past time that native forest logging ended in this country. It is an industry that slaughters countless native animals, it poisons our rivers and it contaminates the very air that we breathe. It despoils our landscapes and it cooks the planet, all at massive cost to the public purse.</para>
<para>Why are the Labor and Liberal parties so stubbornly defending this destructive industry? It's certainly not about the jobs, because automation has already smashed most of the jobs, and the major parties facilitated that happening. It's actually about pretending to care for working people as a cover for all of the policies they've created over the last 40 years that smash the lives of working people. Major-party politicians come into this place and vote for policies that make the lives of Australian working people worse and more difficult, and then they put on the high-vis and cosplay out into the forests and pretend to care about working people. It's as cynical as it is predictable. There are jobs to be done in our forests on rewilding, on rehabilitation and on looking after the place, not on tearing the place down. Those are the jobs that we should all be prioritising.</para>
<para>Unlike the major parties in this place, the Greens will always advocate for nature and for people because we understand that here we can and must do both.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Music Industry</title>
          <page.no>18</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We all love Australian music, from AC/DC and Crowded House to King Stingray, Gordi, Gang of Youths, Mallrat, Jack River, Lime Cordiale, Lucy Sugerman and many, many others. Our nation develops some of the best artists in the world—artists that often run on a shoestring to develop their sound and their audience and, with a bit of luck, reach people across the world. Australia has an authentic sound and we should be proud of the music industry that has flourished here.</para>
<para>It has been a struggle for many artists, which is why we're so pleased to see the government's commitment to supporting and developing our local industry through the national cultural policy, including through the establishment of Music Australia. But I want to raise an issue that has fallen by the wayside for too long. Not many people may know that royalty payments for sound recordings on radio are capped in the Copyright Act. The ABC only needs to pay half a cent per person in our population for all music played across all of its stations. This netted artists a meagre $130,000 last year. Commercial broadcasters only need to pay one per cent of their gross revenue, which equates to just over $4 million in a year.</para>
<para>These royalty caps do not exist for any other type of content. It means that artists miss out on the value of their music and can't have a fair, open negotiation. It's a quirk in our copyright laws and it's time that we took a look at it. It's time to scrap the caps.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hunter Valley: Bus Crash</title>
          <page.no>18</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CADELL</name>
    <name.id>300134</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At 11.30 on Sunday night in the Hunter Valley, a bus full of people who had been celebrating a wedding had a terrible accident. The Hunter Valley is home to the people of Singleton. Singleton Roosters are out there grieving the loss of their teammates and grieving the loss of their friends and family. We've lost Zach Bray, Tori Cowburn, Rebecca Mullen, Andrew and Lynan Scott, Angus Craig, Darcy Bulman, Kyah McBride, Nadene McBride, Kane Symons. That is not the only loss: the first responders who showed up to see the severed and broken bodies—it was terrible to deal with—and even the media who are dealing with this, seeing this and going through this. The driver made a terrible mistake. His family will be suffering. They'll be going through all this themselves. Nobody wins in this horrible thing. Also, Maddie and Mitchell, who got married, will never have a wedding anniversary they can celebrate. It is a horrible incident, it is a horrible thing, and it brings our road toll up much more.</para>
<para>Can I reach out to this community. My parents were part of this community. We had the Singleton TAB. I went up there working—I probably filled out some tickets on Melbourne Cup Day for some of these people. I hope they get together at the Horse & Jockey, have a few beers, remember that friends and their good times, and truly come together as community. We've reached out to Mayor Sue Moore from Singleton and to Mayor Jay Suvaal from Cessnock.</para>
<para>Let's not just remember. Let's look at what we can do. If you are in the Hunter, let's get out and donate some blood—plenty of people need it. Do the right thing and stay away from the scene. And just support in any way you can. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Roberts-Smith, Mr Benjamin, VC, MG</title>
          <page.no>18</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thirteen years ago last Saturday, soldiers from the Australian Special Operations Task Group, supported by the United States and Afghan units, began an offensive against the Taliban stronghold in Shah Wali Kot District of Kandahar Province. The fighting was intense, especially on the second day, 11 June, after Australian forces were reinforced by a troop from the Special Air Service Regiment.</para>
<para>Many acts of great courage were performed on that day. One act of courage stood out. Corporal Ben Roberts-Smith of the SAS single-handedly charged and destroyed two Taliban machine gun positions. For this, he was awarded Australia's highest military honour, the Victoria Cross. I want Ben Roberts-Smith and every Australian listening to parliament to understand that nothing which has occurred since that day will ever erase or tarnish his remarkable act of bravery. It will be remembered for a long time after the names of people sitting in the Senate and the Press Gallery are forgotten.</para>
<para>Afghanistan has a well-deserved historic reputation as a place where armies go to die. It is a hard land with a hard people. I visited with Australian forces operating in Afghanistan and I left that hellish environment with nothing but the greatest respect for the courage, capabilities and personal sacrifices of our people in uniform. They earned it then, and they continue to earn it now. The outcome of the defamation case brought by self-serving media outlets against Ben Roberts-Smith will not diminish this respect.</para>
<para>I am confident I speak on behalf of many Australians when I say he has my support. Hold your head high, Ben. You haven't been charged or convicted with war crimes. Today's news is tomorrow's fish and chip wrapper, and I know that better than anyone.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Iran: Human Rights</title>
          <page.no>19</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>-JOHN () (): I read to the Senate the words of Mohammad Hashemi, a cousin of Majid Kazemi, who was executed by the Uranian regime. Mohammad is in the chamber with us today.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Under normal circumstances, on Thursday 8 June, the 31st birthday of my beautiful cousin Majid Kazemi should have been celebrated, but instead the regime had him murdered weeks before for simply pursuing the harmless act of a protesting peacefully.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On Majid's birthday, the security forces burnt Majid's grave to prevent his family from commemorating him. His family were not permitted to visit his grave for his birthday. It has been vandalised. Majid's brothers, Hossein and Mehdi, are still in prison after more than three weeks for no legitimate reason, and we haven't heard from them at all.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These are my family. They are my life. In the face of tyranny, we are victims.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Politicians only continue their words of condemnation towards the barbaric actions of the Iranian regime. Condemnation does not bring back my dear cousin to his family. Condemnation does not resurrect all the innocent children murdered by the regime. Condemnation does not undo the torture, forced confessions, rapes and killings of innocent people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For months, I campaigned tirelessly, begged and pleaded for representation to be made on behalf of my dear cousin Majid to no avail. I cannot help but wonder if concrete action was taken sooner whether my dear cousin would be alive today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We have pleaded, we have begged, and we have cried out for help time and time again. We reached out for your assistance, but our pleas fell on deaf ears.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Please do something before it is too late to take concrete actions, to ensure that these human rights violations are brought to an end.</para></quote>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland: Crocodiles</title>
          <page.no>19</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On the weekend my son competed in his first rowing regatta in Rockhampton. I was a proud dad. Unfortunately, river rowing and other river activities in Rockhampton have been restricted for the past few months because of a roughly four-metre crocodile that was discovered around Pink Lily Lagoon a couple of months ago, in March. Under the bloody-minded state government rules—and I've since learnt this—a big crocodile can't be removed from where people row, ski and live along the river until a park ranger themselves see it. Despite this crocodile having been seen by multiple people, pictures having been taken and there having been lots of eyewitness reports, it has stayed there for months. Finally on 29 May a park ranger saw it and set a trap. I think it may have been caught now.</para>
<para>This is ridiculous. How can we have a man-eating beast right next to human beings for months without any action being taken? About 200 kids a week in Rockhampton go rowing on the Fitzroy River. This is crazy. In other parts of the state that have A and B zones on their rivers—Cairns and Townsville—crocs are immediately removed, no matter what size they are. During the week I spoke with John Lever, a croc expert—in fact, some claim he is the original Crocodile Dundee—from Yeppoon. He said: 'This is ridiculous. These beasts should be moved away from Rockhampton. They don't need to be there. Queensland is a big state and there are lots of areas for both of us. We shouldn't have crocs next to human habitation. These rules need to be changed.'</para>
<para>I very much thank Dan Healy, the vice-president of the Rockhampton rowing club, for bringing this to my attention. It's something we will be following up, with more community forums in Rockhampton, to make sure that people and crocs can live safely and that our kids especially can undertake healthy recreation activities without putting their lives at risk.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Uganda</title>
          <page.no>19</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian government is very rightly gravely concerned by the Ugandan parliament's passing of the Anti-homosexuality Bill on 21 March this year. These heinous laws implement punishments and criminalisation for LGBTQI people in Uganda and also for those people who support and protect these vulnerable populations. The laws even open the way for the death penalty to be used in some instances. And the laws provide for extended prison terms. Rightfully, Australia opposes the death penalty in all circumstances, but the bill passed by the Ugandan parliament stigmatises any Ugandan living with HIV and will, as many international commentators who are active in this space have asserted, reverse the gains that have been made in the fight against HIV/AIDS in Uganda.</para>
<para>Nobody should face criminalisation and punishment or the death penalty for simply existing and being who they are. Internationally we have already seen horrific reports of violence and torture since the bill's passage. The Australian government urges the Ugandan government to do everything possible to promote, protect and respect the rights—the human rights—of all its citizens. We call on President Yoweri Museveni to urgently veto this appalling legislation.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hunter Valley: Bus Crash</title>
          <page.no>20</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek to state on the record in this chamber my thoughts I tweeted yesterday morning. It was a struggle to find the words to respond to the tragedy in the Hunter. I simply said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Such deep sadness this morning in the wake of the Hunter tragedy. The heart ache of the great loss of life and so many injured is immediate.</para></quote>
<para>Sadly, there will be many mornings of continuing grief and trauma for those families. I want to congratulate my colleague in the other chamber Dan Repacholi for his amazing leadership in that community, and other community leaders, like Jay Suvaal—the nation stands with you. As a senator for New South Wales, I thank you for your concern from across the nation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTRY</title>
        <page.no>20</page.no>
        <type>MINISTRY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>20</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For the information of senators, I table a revised ministry list, as tabled by the Prime Minister in the House of Representatives on 31 May 2023. The revised list reflects the changes to the roles of assistant ministers, as announced by the Prime Minister on 23 May 2023, and to ministerial representation in the House of Representatives. I seek leave to have the revised list incorporated into <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>22</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Members of Parliament: Staff</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Gallagher. I refer the minister to her statement to the Senate earlier today regarding knowledge of the sexual assault allegations made by Ms Brittany Higgins, in which the minister stated that she 'was provided with information in the days before the allegations were first reported'. Minister, when precisely did you first learn of any aspect of the allegations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Birmingham for the question. I don't have the exact date, but I believe that the details that were provided to me were in the week before—in the days before—the Brittany Higgins allegations went public. It was around that time.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Birmingham, your first supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, for clarity, was the first knowledge you had of the allegations that engagement, as you've put it just now, in the days or in the weeks before <inline font-style="italic">The Project</inline> aired the allegations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The first I knew of the details of the allegations, from my best recollection—I have gone back to try and find any information that would assist with being more precise, but, from my best recollection, I became aware of the specific allegations, as they related to an alleged rape in a minister's office in this building, in the week prior to those shows being published.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Birmingham, your second supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, you've referenced that you were aware, or became aware, of the details—and the specific details—in the week prior to the airing of <inline font-style="italic">The Project</inline>. When did you first learn of any aspect of the allegations, and how and by what means did you learn of that? How did you come to have that first understanding of the allegations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>From my memory, it was at around the same time. I wasn't aware, for example, of other things that people knew in this place. I wasn't aware of any of that and that people had known for some time. I had no knowledge of any of that. I came into receiving some information through the partner of the young woman who was going to raise those allegations. It was put to me and asked of me to keep that information confidential, and I did.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>22</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Evans, Hon. Gareth John, AC, KC</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I go to Senator Grogan, I wish to draw to the attention of honourable senators the presence in the gallery of former Minister for Foreign Affairs Gareth Evans. On behalf of all senators, I wish you a warm welcome to Australia and, in particular, to the Senate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>22</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Medicare</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GROGAN</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Wong. Under the Liberals and Nationals, there was a decade of neglect and mismanagement of our healthcare services. The Liberals and the Nationals deliberately ran down Medicare and general practice, and made it harder and more expensive to see a doctor, particularly in outer suburbs and regional and rural communities. As a direct result, people were forced to present at emergency departments—because they had no other alternatives. How is the government making it easier for Australians to see a doctor, and how are we taking pressure off our hospitals?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Grogan, for the question. If the Senate would indulge me also to acknowledge former senator Evans, a former foreign minister who also has sat in this chair—it's very good to see you here.</para>
<para>Senator Grogan knows, as do all the senators on this side, that the Liberals and Nationals deliberately ran down Medicare for nine long years. Under them, they made it harder for Australians to see a doctor. They left a legacy of declining bulk-billing rates and doctor availability, thanks to their mismanagement and freeze of the Medicare rebate. Unlike those opposite, those on this side believe that Australians deserve access to universal, world-class medical care, and we are working to deliver that.</para>
<para>Our budget included over $6 billion to strengthen Medicare, with the centrepiece being a tripling of the bulk-billing incentive, the beating heart of Medicare. A Labor government invests more in bulk-billing, which we know is the heart of Medicare. This means a trip to the doctor is now cheaper for Australian families, with five million children under 16 benefiting. This will also help seven million pensioners and concession card holders. This boost to the bulk-billing incentive was the largest increase to the incentive in how long? In 40 years. In fact, this government is increasing Medicare rebates across the board by about $1.5 billion next year, so that next year we will deliver a bigger increase to Medicare rebates than those opposite delivered in their first seven years in government.</para>
<para>We're also growing the health workforce and supporting our trusted health workers to do what they're trained to do. In the time remaining, I haven't even got to the making-medicines-cheaper aspect of the government's policy— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Grogan, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GROGAN</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Minister Wong. I wonder if you can explain to us further how the bulk-billing incentives that you referenced in your previous answer, and the changes to the Medicare Benefits Schedule are going to help GPs provide more bulk-billed appointments to Australian families and particularly those who are doing it tough?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Grogan. As I said, the government is tripling the bulk-billing incentive for the care of children, which helps all Australian families, and also of concession card holders and pensioners. All Australian families deserve to have the confidence that, when a kid gets sick, they can go to a bulk-billing doctor. Our measures will also help millions of pensioners, self-funded retirees and concession card holders, taking the pressure off the cost of living.</para>
<para>The College of General Practitioners described the budget as a game changer, particularly with regard to bulk-billing of GP services. And, after nine years of cuts and the neglect of Medicare by those opposite, the reality is that general practice in this country is in crisis. But we know there is only one party of government that will ever be committed to ensuring that Medicare is strengthened and protected, and it is the Labor Party. One of the fundamental differences between the coalition, those opposite, and this side of the chamber is that, for us, Medicare— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Grogan, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GROGAN</name>
    <name.id>296331</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, the ANAO report into community health and hospitals revealed more of the Morrison government's deliberate mismanagement of taxpayer money. What is the government doing to ensure that taxpayer money is invested in health care and is not wasted on further Liberal-National rorts?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is a very good question, Senator Grogan, and it's a reminder of just how many reports we've seen into the poor management of taxpayers' money by those opposite. The recently released National Audit Office report on the Community Health and Hospitals Program lays bare the rorts and mismanagement of the Morrison government, and it is scathing—$2 billion of taxpayer funding used as a slush fund by those opposite, without regard for proper process or good governance. As the report makes clear, the former government announced so many projects without assessment or guidance and at such speed the department was forced to monitor the media to know which projects had been selected. Seriously! Under their government, announcement was actually delivery—all they had to do was put out the press release! They did it so fast that the department was forced to look to the media to understand what was occurring. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Members of Parliament: Staff</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance. On 10 June 2023, you said regarding Ms Higgins's sexual assault allegations:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I wasn't aware of the full allegations …</para></quote>
<para>Prior to 15 February 2021, did you receive a copy of Ms Higgins's <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Project</inline> interview, the transcript of that interview or any part of it? How did you receive it and from whom?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>GALLAGHER (—) (): I thank Senator Cash for the question referencing statements I made back in June 2023. I stand by those statements. In respect of her other question, I refer to my statement and I stand by that statement. What you are asking me to do is breach the confidence of a—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjec ting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Let's be clear about what you're asking me to do here. What you are asking me to do here is to disclose information that was given to me and asked to be kept by me in confidence by a woman who was alleged to have been—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Birmingham</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>President, I raise a point of order on direct relevance. The question went beyond the statement that Senator Gallagher made today to a level of detail not contained in that statement. Further, given the mischaracterisation of the question being made by Senator Gallagher, it asked whether the information that subsequently became public via the content of the<inline font-style="italic"> Project </inline>interview was provided to her in advance. That is not confidential information. It was subsequently publicised.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister is being relevant, and I will continue to listen carefully to her response.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just to finish that off, I was provided with information—I have made that clear—in the days leading up to Ms Higgins's allegations becoming public. I don't intend to disclose further interactions with any people who contact me and ask me to keep their confidence. I wouldn't ask the same of you, Senator Cash.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Order on my left!</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on both sides!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ayres</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You are a hypocrite.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senators Ayres! I should not have to ask this chamber over and over to come to order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The information that was given to me, which— <inline font-style="italic">(Time </inline><inline font-style="italic">expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash, a first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, you told the Senate earlier today:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… I did nothing with that information—absolutely nothing.</para></quote>
<para>Yet it has been reported that you not only received an advance transcript of the <inline font-style="italic">Project</inline> interview but provided written feedback. Minister, did you provide any feedback on that interview? If so, when and to whom and in what format?</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not going to call the minister until there is order, Senator Brown!</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, my answers to these matters are going to be the same. When somebody comes to me and provides me with information that they want kept confidential—and it happens all the time in this job—I am going to. What we have seen in the last week with these messages being sprayed around on TV and in newspapers and all the rest of it is sending out the message that, if you share information with anybody, if you confide in anybody, if you seek help from anybody, you will be subject to that information being sought and placed on the public record. I have acted appropriately at all times and with dignity, with respect—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please resume your seat. Order! Minister, if you wish to continue you have 10 seconds. Senator Cash, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, prior to 15 February 2021, did you communicate any aspect of the allegations with any member of your staff, Senator Wong or her staff, or Mr Albanese or his staff?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Inflation</title>
          <page.no>25</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the leader of government business, representing the Prime Minister. Minister, last week the OECD published analysis of national accounts showing that in 2022 in Australia more than half of domestic inflation came from profits, and inflationary pressure from profits was more than twice as much as that from wages. The OECD's method and findings are consistent with those of The Australia Institute. Minister, does the government think the OECD's analysis is flawed or will the government now finally accept that profits are the primary domestic driver of inflation in Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator McKim, for the question. Whilst I may not agree with the way the question is framed, at least we have a focus on one of the issues that Australians are so concerned about and the government is so concerned about, which is inflation and what is the best way to try and deal with the challenge—which is a global challenge as well as a national and domestic challenge.</para>
<para>In much of the last budget, as the Treasurer and the finance minister spoke of in the lead-up to the budget, budget measures were focused on how it is that the government can, through its policies, neither fuel inflation nor simply go down a road which tells Australians they're on their own—which appears to be the path the opposition wishes to take. We are not of that view. We have put in place a range of budget measures, some of which those opposite voted against, to ensure there is cost-of-living relief for Australian families. I note that those opposite voted against the Energy Price Relief Plan, which will take three-quarters of a percentage point off inflation according to both Treasury and the RBA governor. The governor has made clear, at Senate estimates, his view about the relationship between the budget and inflation, and the importance of reducing inflation.</para>
<para>I would also say to you, Senator McKim: what is helpful in this debate is to recognise there are a range of factors which contribute to inflation, and the role the government has to take is to steer a course through some pretty difficult economic challenges and to ensure we provide cost-of-living relief to Australian families without adding to inflation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, there are indeed a range of factors driving inflation. But, last week, the European Central Bank echoed many others by saying that corporations with market power are using supply shocks as cover to increase their margins. What is the government doing to stop corporate profiteering? Why won't the government introduce a corporate super profits tax or monopoly busting divestiture powers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First, the economic proposition that well-functioning markets will ensure you get efficient prices is the correct one. The senator is right that it would be inappropriate for any corporation or any firm to utilise current supply constraints to profiteer. That would be inconsistent, I think, with the expectations of the Australian people, and would also be an economically unreasonable thing to do in terms of the broader economy.</para>
<para>I'll make the point, though, that the policy proposition that the Greens go to, to respond to that, is obviously not the policy proposition that the Labor government would go to. What we would say is that we welcome good profit growth when it is accompanied by strong investment, competitive with markets and a fair return for workers. We would hope that Australia's existing regulation— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim, a second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, last week the RBA raised interest rates for the twelfth time in just over one year. Why won't the Treasurer act to freeze rents and use the existing powers in the RBA Act to step in and stop the RBA raising rates? How is the RBA smashing mortgage holders and renters for a problem that they didn't cause fair or good for the country?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll make a few points. The first is we know and we understand how tough these interest rate increases are for Australian families. I'll be very clear about that. Those on this side of the chamber and the government have made the cost of living a priority in the budget and the measures in which we are investing and applying taxpayer funds, to try and work with and assist Australian families who are struggling with cost-of-living increases.</para>
<para>Again, I'll make the point that those opposite voted against the energy relief plan, which was obviously a key factor in terms inflation and price increases.</para>
<para>In terms of the broader question, obviously monetary policy is run independently. That is the position the government takes; it's the position governments of both persuasions have taken. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Housing</title>
          <page.no>26</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Housing and the Minister for Homelessness, Senator Farrell. Having a safe and affordable place to call home is critical for all Australians, but after a decade of policy delay and failure by the former coalition government we've seen increasing homelessness and homeownership out of reach for so many people around our country. Can the minister explain how the Albanese government is addressing housing challenges for Australians through its ambitious housing reform agenda, and what obstacles may be blocking its path?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Sen</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>ator FARRELL (—) (): I thank Senator Smith for her question. I know she's deeply concerned about the issue of homelessness in her state of South Australia.</para>
<para>The Albanese government wants every Australian to have the security of having a roof over their head. We were elected with a real plan to help tackle the country's housing challenges. Fundamental to our plan is—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKe</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How many houses have you built?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, if you'll listen, I'll tell you. Fundamental to our plan is increasing the supply of new housing. The Housing Australia Future Fund will be the largest boost to social and affordable rental in a decade. I'll repeat that for you, Senator: our fund, the future fund, will be the largest boost to social and affordable homes in a decade, a guaranteed ongoing pipeline of funding for social and affordable rental homes. The 30,000 homes the fund will deliver in its first five years are one part of the Albanese government's ambitious housing agenda.</para>
<para>It's astounding to me that there are those opposite who are all too happy to acknowledge the problem but then block the solutions, blocking homes for people in need right across the country, blocking the solution that is supported by the homelessness sector, the housing sector and every state and housing minister in the country. I think most Australians would be appalled that there are people in this place prepared to vote no to more social and affordable rental housing.</para>
<para>The Albanese government's ambitious housing reform agenda will deliver the housing Australia needs, and we call on those opposite—that's all of you—to put aside the grandstanding and support the Housing Australia Future Fund.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, can you update the Senate, please, on how the Albanese government's ambitious housing reform agenda is delivering new social and affordable rental homes now for Australians who need them?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Smith for her first supplementary question. Yes, I can, Senator Smith. The Albanese government hit the ground running and is already delivering on its housing commitments. The Minister for Housing, who's doing a terrific job, has announced and visited many of the new developments and homes our reforms are delivering. There are projects delivering new affordable rental homes in places which include Westmead, Adelaide, north-west Tasmania, Balaklava and Brisbane, to name just a few—and they're just the start.</para>
<para>In addition to these early measures, the Housing Australia Future Fund will deliver 30,000 new social and affordable rental homes in the fund's first five years and set up a guaranteed ongoing pipeline of funding for social and affordable rental homes into the future.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister please provide an update on how the Albanese government's housing reform agenda is making a real difference to housing and homelessness services on the front line? And tell us, Minister: what support has the government's reform agenda received to date?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Smith, for your second supplementary question. Yes, I can answer those questions. The National Housing and Homelessness Agreement sends approximately $1.7 billion each year to the states for addressing housing and homelessness. The Albanese government has offered a $67.5 million funding boost to assist the states' delivery of homelessness services for the coming year.</para>
<para>The homelessness sector is also eagerly awaiting the passage of the Housing Australia Future Fund. In its first five years, the fund's return will deliver $100 million for crisis and traditional housing for women and children and $30 million to build housing and services for veterans. Emma, of the National Shelter, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… time is of the essence. This is a national crisis. Action cannot be deferred.</para></quote>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>27</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government, Senator Watt. Since 2016, the previous federal government invested more than $9.3 billion in 12 city and regional deals in every state and territory, except the ACT. This investment has leveraged more than $18 billion of investment in total, and it's led to some big new pieces of social infrastructure. Apart from a welcome commitment to our national cultural institutions, what plan does the current government have to correct this historic inequality and co-invest in upgrading key, ageing infrastructure in the national capital and Australia's fastest-growing capital city?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Pocock, for your question. I'll get some information for you specifically about regional plans. But what I do know is that the Albanese government is making some very strong investments in infrastructure in the ACT, which is no surprise given that the finance minister, one of our strongest ministers in this chamber and in this parliament, is a strong representative of the ACT. I'm aware, for instance, that the government is investing in road projects, through the Roads to Recovery Program, the Black Spot Program, the Bridges Renewal Program and the Heavy Vehicle Safety and Productivity Program. In fact, the Infrastructure Investment Program will provide $92.6 million over 10 years from 2023-24 for those smaller projects. In the recent budget we actually committed $476.4 million towards major infrastructure projects in the ACT, and they didn't include any colour coded spreadsheets, as far as I'm aware. That sort of thing stopped on May 21—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKenzie</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Only one colour on yours!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh! What is it about colour coded spreadsheets that fires you people up? Is it the yellow colour code, the green colour code, the blue colour code or the red colour code?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hughes</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's easy when your spreadsheet is all red!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There weren't many red colour codes on your spreadsheet, were there? It was mostly blue and green.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, please resume your seat. Order on my left!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm waiting, Senator Rennick.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, President. I'll refrain from mentioning colour coded spreadsheets again, because we wouldn't want to have the information delayed, and I know that Senator Pocock is serious about getting information. I'm also aware, though, that the finance minister, Senator Gallagher, is in discussions with the Chief Minister of the ACT about more priority projects to be funded in the ACT. I'm sure we'll have some good news on those before long.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pocock, a first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The $150 million announced in the budget for a new urban precincts and partnerships program is less than nine of the 12 individual city partnerships. Will the government make more funding available to give people in the ACT the same access to the nation-building infrastructure that other jurisdictions have enjoyed?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Pocock. As I said, I think that the facts stand that the Albanese government is committing a significant amount of funding to the ACT. We don't discriminate against the ACT. It's obviously one of the smaller jurisdictions, but that's a very significant commitment of funding for the ACT. As I said, the Minister for Finance is undertaking further discussions with the Chief Minister of the ACT about further investment. In addition, I'm aware that the government has made a very significant commitment, I think in the order of $2 billion, for a national security precinct that will be invested in in the ACT and based in the ACT. Whether we're talking about roads, bridges, national security infrastructure or others, the record stands that this government is backing the ACT, as I said, led very ably by Senator Gallagher as the finance minister of this government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pocock, a second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVID POCOCK</name>
    <name.id>256136</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We saw in Labor's first full budget $240 million for a third stadium in Tasmania and $2.5 billion for the Brisbane Arena, as just two examples. Outside of the national security precinct and the cultural institutions, why is Labor continuing the previous government's approach of treating Canberrans as second-class citizens?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Pocock. Thank you for reminding me that, in addition to the investments that I've already mentioned, we're also making an investment of around half a billion dollars in some of the nation's cultural institutions. Senator Pocock, you strike me as a very cultured individual. I thought you'd be interested in investments in cultural institutions, and I'm sure that we'll see you down there at the National Gallery before too long. I'm sure that, in the discussions that Senator Gallagher is having with the Chief Minister of the ACT, a range of other investments will be discussed.</para>
<para>Senator Pocock, I'm not sure whether you're flagging an intention to return to the playing field if there were to be some sort of redevelopment of sporting facilities here in the ACT. We've certainly welcomed your appearance as a member of the Queensland State of Origin team in the annual State of Origin touch match, and we look forward to seeing you down there to prevail over New South Wales again next week. We're making very significant investments in infrastructure in the ACT, and we'll continue to do so.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Members of Parliament: Staff</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Gallagher. Did you receive a copy of the<inline font-style="italic">Project</inline> interview transcript prior to it going to air on 15 February 2021?</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I'm not calling the minister until there's order.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Ruston for the question, and I refer her back to my statement, where I have made it clear that I received information several days before the first public reports went to air. I did nothing with that information—absolutely nothing. I was asked to keep it to myself, and I did. I'm not going to stand here and go through private conversations that I had with the person who is at the centre of this at a very, very difficult time in her life—a person who has had her privacy breached in the most egregious way over the last two years.</para>
<para>There are, essentially, two things that have been alleged of me over the past week. The first is that I misled the Senate. I dealt with that in my statement today. Senator Reynolds and Senator Ruston were in the room when I explained that. They accepted that two years ago, and not once have either of them raised any concern about that with me. That's the first issue. The second issue that has been running in the media has been around my role in the compensation claim—an issue that has been incorrectly reported. These are the two issues that I have been hounded on—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please resume your seat.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left. Senator Ruston, were you on your feet for a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ruston</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, a point of order on relevance. I asked a very simple question; the minister has not answered my question in any way. I'd ask you to ask her, in the last 11 seconds, to answer it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ruston, I believe the minister is being relevant to your question. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, and I think I've made it clear I am not going to breach that person's privacy any more than it has already been breached. I don't think it's safe, I don't think it's fair and I don't think it's relevant. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ruston, first supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the information that you received that you won't actually tell us about, you did refer, in your statement this morning, that 'I did nothing with that information, absolutely nothing'. For absolute clarity, can you tell us what 'absolutely nothing' actually means?</para>
<para>Government senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bilyk! I haven't called you, Minister. I'm asking for order on my right. Minister.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. I think the problem the opposition are having here is that someone might actually act with some decency and integrity in this situation. I think that is the problem—</para>
<para>Honourable senators inte rjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please resume your seat. Order on both sides. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>that someone would act in accordance with the request that had been made of them. That's what I did. That's exactly what I did. I can't be clearer. And on the interjection I heard about Senator Reynolds, when Senator Reynolds sought our help, we provided that to her.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Gallagher, please resume your seat.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! These are very difficult questions and answers, and I am asking you all—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rennick! I am asking you all to listen with respectful silence. That goes right across this chamber. Do not call out. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've answered the question.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ruston, a second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, at any point prior to 15 February 2021 did you advise or encourage any person to refer serious allegations to the police? If so, when and in what format did the minister provide that advice? And if not, why not?</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I have not called the minister. On both sides—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt! Senator Henderson!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hughes, I'm going to ask you to withdraw that.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hughes</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I want order on both sides of the chamber. Senator Ruston is entitled to ask her question in silence and the minister is entitled to respond in silence. Minister?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Could Senator Ruston repeat the question?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. And when Senator Ruston is invited to repeat the question, I expect it to be repeated in silence. Senator Ruston?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, at any point prior to 15 February 2021 did you advise or encourage any person to refer serious allegations to the police? If so, when did you do that and in what format? If not, why not?</para>
<para>Government senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, I have not called the minister.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley! Were you not listening when I asked for respectful silence? Minister Gallagher.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, President. Again, I'm not going to breach the confidence of the discussions I had with individuals who had come to me seeking my confidence, but I can guarantee you, as I have done in absolutely every case of a woman coming to me and saying that they had been sexually assaulted or harassed or subject to violence—as often happens in this country, more than we would like—I have ensured that they are aware of the options available to them for them to make their decisions. This has been central to Ms Higgins's case, where a young woman made a decision to tell her story on her own terms and in her own time. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Anti-Corruption Commission</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister representing the Attorney-General. After four years and with well-resourced staff and access, Major General Brereton found that a number of issues and rumours of war crimes emerged from Special Operations Command after Operation Slipper concluded in 2014. Consistent media reporting and evidence before a defamation trial showed that such rumours were prevalent in Special Operations Command and through the chain of command well before 2014. Is the minister confident that Major General Brereton in his new role as the head of the National Anti-Corruption Commission can sit on corruption matters involving Defence and senior ADF officers free of any apprehended bias and apparent conflict of interest?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Lambie. I guess the short answer is that the government is confident in its appointment of Major General Brereton to this important role as the head of the new national corruption commission, a body that is sorely needed in this country and has been sorely needed for many years despite the intransigence of the coalition in refusing to actually establish it. But I think all of us have been very concerned about the allegations that have come to light recently partly in response to some recent defamation actions but also more generally as a result of the investigations from the Office of the Special Investigator.</para>
<para>Senator Lambie, as I think you are aware, the Office of the Special Investigator is continuing to work with the Australian Federal Police to investigate those allegations of war crimes by members of the Australian Defence Force in Afghanistan from 2005 to 2016. They are extremely serious allegations that deserve to be properly, independently and fairly investigated. The OSI is one element of the broader response to the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Forces' Afghanistan inquiry report, or the Brereton report. I don't propose to comment on investigations or inquiries that have been undertaken by the AFP, the OSI or the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force, but these are very serious matters that deserve proper investigation.</para>
<para>The Attorney-General, the government and I have confidence in Major General Brereton to head up this organisation. We hope that he has the full support of the Australian community in rooting out any form of corruption that exists within the Australian government. There have obviously been a range of allegations that have come to light in that respect over the last few months as well, and they deserve to be properly investigated.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, a first supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>A government appointed oversight panel described Major General Brereton's exoneration of senior commanders as 'blanket exemptions' from command responsibility. International criminal lawyers and legal academics have consistently rebutted these blanket exemptions. Will the minister provide a guarantee that Major General Brereton will excuse himself from hearing corruption matters involving senior Defence officials and senior ADF officers to avoid suggestions of apprehended bias or a conflict of interest?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Sen</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>ator WATT (—) (): Thank you, Senator Lambie. Again, I have confidence in Major General Brereton not just as a distinguished figured within the military but also as a very experienced lawyer that he will follow all obligations he has in terms of conflicts of interest, as would any member of the national corruption commission, once it gets up and running. I'm not particularly familiar with the report that you're talking about, being the representing minister, but I have full confidence that Major General Brereton will do the right thing in considering any possible conflict of interest that he might have.</para>
<para>We take the role of the new national corruption commission extremely seriously. It's long overdue. It should have been up and running years ago. The former government committed to introducing one and never got around to it. Senator Cash was the Attorney-General for much of that period and failed to progress that. I'm very pleased that we will have a corruption commission and— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, a second supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Having heard clear evidence of conflicts of interest involving ADF senior leadership, including as recently as the last estimates hearings, where we learned the CDF marked his own homework, how can the minister be confident that such exemptions won't be applied by Major General Brereton to Defence officials and senior ADF officers or his mates appearing before the National Anti-Corruption Commission?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you again, Senator Lambie. In terms of the issue relating to medals that you've raised—and I know this is something you're very interested in, Senator Lambie, and you've pursued it in estimates as well—as I'm sure you're aware, the Chief of the Defence Force has provided his recommendations on command accountability to the Deputy Prime Minister. The Deputy Prime Minister, in his capacity as Minister for Defence, is considering those recommendations and seeking advice as appropriate.</para>
<para>But to the broader issue about potential conflicts of interest involving Major General and Justice Brereton, Justice Brereton will resign his judicial appointment and his appointment as Assistant Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force before taking up his role as the commissioner of the NACC. He will retain his position as Major General in the ADF reserves and honorary appointments as Colonel Commander of the Royal New South Wales Regiment and the University of New South Wales Regiment. Justice Brereton will actively manage any perceived or actual conflict of interest that arises in the course of his duties from his prior roles—for example, by delegating the relevant matter to a deputy commissioner. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Early Childhood Education</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Early Childhood Education, Senator Watt. We know Australian families are feeling the pinch of cost-of-living pressures. Anyone with children in child care knows how expensive this is. The cost of early childhood education is one of the first things families have to factor in when they sit down at the kitchen table to do the household budget. How is the Albanese Labor government dealing with the cost-of-living pressures by making early childhood education and care more affordable?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Stewart. I'm not surprised that you would be asking a question relating to these issues, given that they have a very personal touch on your family—and I know we've all come to love baby Ari on his regular appearances to parliament. Since taking office 12 months ago the Albanese Labor government has been working hard to support Australian families with cost-of-living pressures. That's why we're investing $4.5 billion over four years to make early childhood education and care more affordable for more families. From 1 July this year, for families earning $80,000 a year or less, we are increasing the childcare subsidy rate to 90 per cent. More broadly, we're increasing the subsidy rate for around 96 per cent of families, being those earning less than $530,000 each year with a child in care.</para>
<para>These changes will make early childhood education and care more affordable for around 1.2 million families across Australia, and this includes over a quarter of a million families in rural and regional Australia. So, we look forward to the support of the National Party, the self-proclaimed representatives of rural and regional Australia, when we see this support roll out into those regions. These changes will mean real cost-of-living relief in household budgets. For example, a family earning $120,000 a year with one child in early learning and care will save as much as $1,700 each year. So, the Albanese government is a strong supporter of supporting families in obtaining the child care they need and want and assisting them with the cost-of-living pressures they're experiencing.</para>
<para>That of course is in contrast with the coalition's record when it comes to child care and early childhood education. I think all of us remember the contribution from Senator Rennick when he gave his views on child care when he infamously said that Dorothy didn't tap her shoes together and say 'There's no place like child care'; she said. 'There's no place like home.'</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's the kind of people we've got running policy in the coalition, and that's why they're still yelling on the back benches. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stewart, a first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Affordable early childhood education and care will soon become a reality for around 1.2 million Australian families. Why is the Albanese Labor government making these changes in the early childhood education and care system? And when do they commence?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Stewart. Well, I'm pleased to tell you that our changes will commence on 1 July, which of course is just a few weeks from now. As I said, they will increase the maximum rate of the childcare subsidy to 90 per cent for families earning $80,000 a year or less. As I also said, we've also extended the childcare subsidy to families earning up to $530,000, and we're doing this because this is an economic measure, not a welfare measure. Reducing the cost of early learning, which went up by over 40 per cent under the previous coalition government, will help lift participation, particularly by women.</para>
<para>No government has done more to put women at the centre of its economic strategy than the Albanese government, and cheaper child care is a key part of that strategy. Women are the vast majority of primary carers of young children. When the cost of early childhood education and care is too high, it's often their careers that are put on hold. Making early childhood education and care more affordable for families will enable thousands of skilled workers to return to the workforce.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stewart, a second supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEWART</name>
    <name.id>299352</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We know that access to quality, affordable early education and care is great for kids, great for parents and great for our economy. How will children, families and the economy benefit from the government's reforms?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks, Senator Stewart. I'm pleased to say that access to quality early childhood education and care is an investment with a triple dividend. More affordable early childhood education and care gives families the opportunity to participate in the workforce. This could be primary carers, usually women, having the opportunity to take up employment or giving them the opportunity to increase the number of days they work each week. Children having greater access to quality early childhood education and care gives them learning and development opportunities. These opportunities are critical to help equip them for life and learning, giving them solid foundations to build on when they start school. Investing in early childhood education and care is also an investment in the economy, supporting families to work and children to learn has immediate and long-term implications for our prosperity and productivity as a nation.</para>
<para>I think we were all concerned when we read the reports in the last term of parliament to see that an unnamed coalition MP had described working women as 'outsourcing parenting'. That is not the view of the Albanese government. We support parents' right to work, if that is what they would want to do, and we will back them with financial support. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Members Of Parliament: Staff</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Gallagher. In text messages that have been released Mr Shiraz states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Katy is going to come to me with some questions you need to prepare for ... She's really invested now ha ha.</para></quote>
<para>Minister, did you provide any questions to Mr Shiraz or Ms Higgins?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I haven't seen those text messages. I have only seen what has been reported in the papers and on TV, and I would again say—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Hang on sec. Hold on to your hats. I would say that in relation to that that is the most egregious abuse of privacy I think I have ever seen. That the stakes are to the point where people will publish that and then run with those knowing that a young woman of this country—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Cash?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, President. I will preface my point of order with a quote from the Leader of the Government in the Senate who on 21 February 2021 said this—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, Senator Cash, you won't. You will get to your point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This minister is accountable to the Australian people through this chamber. We are not asking her to divulge private conversations.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash, what is your point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister is accountable to the chamber, and she is refusing to provide—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cash, please resume your seat.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Minister Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">S</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, I would suggest to you, President, and to the chamber, that the use of private text messages obtained without consent in this chamber is a reasonable matter for a minister to respond on when those are put to him or her. Again, I would encourage all of us to reflect on the context of these current discussions and the effect on the individual concerned.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Minister Wong.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Order on my left! Order across the chamber! Order! I should not have to remind senators to listen and respect the answers. You don't have to agree with them, but it's not okay to banter across the chamber. In response to your point of order, Senator Cash, which wasn't about relevance, I will take it on notice. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. After making those points about the egregious breach of privacy that is continuing to occur against a young woman in this country, I would refer you to my statement, and that is what I am going to continue to do, because I had confidential information given to me. That information, at their request, was to remain confidential—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It remained confidential until Ms Higgins decided to make that information public. That is how it happened.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know it upsets you greatly, but that's how it happened.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, please resume your seat. The interjections are disorderly and they're disruptive. Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've finished.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, at any point prior to 15 February 2021 did you communicate with any other person about potential questions to ask the then government regarding Ms Higgins's allegations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I refer you to my statement. That is the information. Last week I was being accused of misleading the Senate and having an inappropriate role in a compensation payout. I have dealt with those in my statement today. I have also made it clear that the wellbeing of Ms Brittany Higgins matters to me—it matters to me. I, as the Minister for Women, don't think it's acceptable to subject her—because this is what happens—to further commentary in a very distressing time for her. I don't think it is. I think for all the young women waiting out there and wondering about whether they should stand up and say something and for all the older women it's happening to who are wondering whether they should stand up and say something—and they get treated like this— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, in June 2021 you told a Senate committee, 'No-one had any knowledge,' yet you had personally exchanged messages about the allegations. You publicly said, 'I wasn't aware of the full allegations,' but it has been made public that you received content of Ms Higgins's interview. You also publicly said that you did nothing with the information, yet there are claims that you sent questions to Ms Higgins. Isn't it the case that you have misled the Australian public and the Australian Senate? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The answer to that is no.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Natural Disasters</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Emergency Management, Senator Watt. Minister, in the face of more frequent and intense natural disasters across Australia, how is the Albanese government helping communities become more resilient?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Sheldon for his question and for his terrific work as Special Envoy for Disaster Recovery. As you know, Senator Sheldon, since our election 12 months ago the Albanese government has worked hard to ensure that Australia is better prepared for future natural disasters. The years of 'I don't hold a hose' and 'It's not my responsibility' ended on 21 May last year when we had a government elected that was prepared to take responsibility and ensure that Australia is better prepared for what lies ahead.</para>
<para>We know that, by investing in projects that prevent the impact of natural disasters, we can keep communities safer. Every dollar spent on resilience and mitigation saves on recovery. In fact, every dollar spent on resilience and mitigation delivers a return on investment to governments and households nine times over. That's why last week I announced the first round of the Albanese government's new Disaster Ready Fund. This is the biggest ever long-term investment from federal, state and territory governments working together in boosting Australia's preparedness for natural disasters.</para>
<para>With co-contributions from states, territories and councils that investment will reach up to $2 billion over the next five years in disaster mitigation. Through that we're investing in hard infrastructure, like seawalls, drainage improvements, cyclone shelters, flood levees and runways. We're improving telecommunications and digital connectivity, subsidising home retrofitting and funding research to better understand community risk. A large number of these projects will address issues that communities have wanted fixed for years but were just not dealt with by the former coalition government. For example, the upper Brown Hill Creek in South Australia has been identified as an area of concern for over a decade, and I know that flood mitigation projects in areas including Campaspe Shire, Doomadgee in north-west Queensland and Cabonne in western New South Wales will also be welcomed by these communities still recovering from last year's devastating floods. While we can't change what they've already experienced, we can help to reduce their risk into the future, and that's exactly what the Disaster Ready Fund is doing<inline font-style="italic">.</inline><inline font-style="italic"> (Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Sheldon, first supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Disaster Ready Fund is obviously up and going. We know that building resilience and preparedness in disaster-prone communities is critical to reducing disaster risk. What has been the response to the Albanese government's commitment to build a more resilient Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>After a decade of reckless inaction and a decade of not holding hoses by the former government, the Albanese government's Disaster Ready Fund has been welcomed with open arms by communities, councils and businesses.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know it really hurts when you're reminded of your record, but it was there for everyone to see. Fortunately, the world has noticed that things have changed, including the Australian Local Government Association President, Councillor Linda Scott, who said about the Disaster Ready Fund—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interje cting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Watt, please resume your seat. Order on my left! Minister Watt, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know taking responsibility is a foreign concept for the opposition, but we've finally got a government who will do it. The Australian Local Government Association President, Councillor Linda Scott, said about the Disaster Ready Fund:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We strongly advocated to the Government for this funding in the lead up to last year's election and were thrilled when it was announced and later enshrined in legislation.</para></quote>
<para>RACQ chief officer David Carter said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">RACQ has long advocated for greater investments in household mitigation, and it is great to see the Federal Government recognise the importance of these resilience programs.</para></quote>
<para>Programs such as these can help keep insurance affordable and accessible as it reduces risk. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Sheldon, second supplementary?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Under the former Morrison government, the Emergency Response Fund failed to build a single disaster mitigation project in three years, while earning them over $800 million in interest. Minister, how is the Albanese government's Disaster Ready Fund operating differently to the former government's Emergency Response Fund?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie! Minister.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Sheldon. I know Senator McKenzie is particularly touchy about this because, of course, she was the emergency management minister who did not build a single mitigation project using that Emergency Response Fund. Who can forget that fund? It came to light after those terrible floods in Lismore last year. The former government's failed Emergency Response Fund, nearly $5 billion in funding, did not build a single mitigation project in three years. In fact, all it did over that time was earn the former government over $800 million in interest. Rather than keeping Australians save, the coalition put the money in a safe and earned interest on it rather than helping Australians. It was another example of a government that loved an announcement but was terrible in delivery.</para>
<para>In contrast to that, the Albanese government, in just our first year, has committed up to $1 billion over five years.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKenzie</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Where's Lismore's levy?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Watt, please resume your seat. Order! Minister, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I haven't even said 'colour coded spreadsheets', so I don't know why Senator McKenzie is so vocal at the moment! In October last year, we committed up to $1 billion over five years to the Disaster Ready Fund in our first budget. In November, we enshrined the Disaster Ready Fund in legislation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>35</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Labor Government, Macquarie Point Stadium</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In question time on 30 March, I undertook to provide further information in response to questions asked of me by Minister Ruston in my capacity as Minister representing the Minister for Climate Change and Energy relating to the community batteries for household solar. I have written to the senator to provide additional information, and I table my letter to the senator for the information of all senators.</para>
<para>Further, in question time on 9 May 2023, I undertook to provide further information in response to questions asked of me by Senator Duniam in my capacity as the Minister representing the Treasurer—I have to say I was probably not prepared for that question, Senator Duniam!—relating to the investment in Macquarie Point Stadium—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Are you being mean or kind?</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, okay. Thank you. I'll take that. I've written to Senator Duniam to provide additional information, and I table the letter to him for the information of all senators.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>35</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Members of Parliament: Staff</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of all answers given to the coalition's questions in questions without notice earlier today.</para></quote>
<para>There was an editorial in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> on Thursday 13 June entitled 'Public deserves full truth on Higgins weaponisation'. They didn't get that today. They didn't get the full truth today, just as they didn't get the full truth at that now infamous Senate estimates hearing back in 2021.</para>
<para>What we heard from the relevant minister today and in her statement earlier today was that she did in fact mislead the Senate at that estimates hearing. There is absolutely no question about that. So, firstly, she did mislead, and, secondly, the minister refuses to provide details of the information which she had prior to that estimates hearing even though it is of great public interest. Thirdly, she continues the attack on those on this side of the chamber, including on my good friend, and I'm proud to call her my good friend, Senator Reynolds. Senator Reynolds has been put through absolute misery mercilessly by Senator Gallagher and others in relation to this matter—absolutely mercilessly—and she expects us on this side of the chamber to show her the quarter which she never gave to our colleague Senator Reynolds. It won't be given. We will hold you to the same standard that you sought to hold Senator Reynolds, but we will not go into areas which are inappropriate, unlike Senator Gallagher, who did in that Senate estimates hearing.</para>
<para>So the first issue is did she mislead the Senate. Let's go to the transcript, and I've actually got the transcript of that committee hearing on 4 June 2021. This is what Senator Gallagher said—and I should say this was after prolonged questioning of Senator Reynolds, as indicated in the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>: 'No-one had any knowledge. How dare you. It's all about protecting yourself.' That was the full quote from the transcript. I note that Senator Gallagher conveniently left out the words 'How dare you? It is all about protecting yourself,' but, in addition to the absolute denial about 'No-one had any knowledge', there was also a continuation of the personal attack on my colleague Senator Reynolds. That is the full context of this matter.</para>
<para>Now, by admission in her own statement, she says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I want to be clear with this Senate … I was provided with information in the days before the allegations were first reported—</para></quote>
<para>That's what the minister has said in her own statement, which is absolutely at odds with what she said at Senate estimates. She did mislead the Senate. You don't have to be Sherlock Holmes to work that out. It's clear on the evidence that she misled the Senate. Then, when we asked legitimate questions about what she did know, what information she was provided, she refused to answer.</para>
<para>Let's see how she treated my good friend Senator Reynolds in estimates in relation to the issue of information, in a direct quote from page 115 of the transcript:</para>
<quote><para class="block">You are the person who, out of all of this, has avoided answering or providing information about your state of knowledge or any facts relating to this matter.</para></quote>
<para>And what are we hearing today? The senator refusing to provide information. It's absolute rank hypocrisy of the first order. There was no answer with respect to whether or not she had the transcript of the project interview before it went to air, no answer to the question as to whether or not she provided any feedback with respect to that information and no answer to the question as to whether or not she put forward questions to be asked or to be prepared for. There's only this blanket claim of confidentiality. She didn't provide the same standard as Senator Reynolds, which she now seeks to invoke—no, absolutely not.</para>
<para>The Australian public has a right to know the information in relation to this. This is no longer a public matter. The project interview has gone to press. There has been a court trial. It's no longer confidential. It is entirely in the public domain. The people of Australia have a right to know the answers to these questions.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's not that long ago that this parliament received the Human Rights Commission <inline font-style="italic">Set the standard</inline> report that the parliament commissioned. The Human Rights Commission was asked to make recommendations to ensure that the Commonwealth parliamentary workplace is safe and respectful, and that the nation's parliament reflects best practice in prevention and response to bullying, sexual harassment and sexual assault. I'm surprised that I need to say this, but I will remind this chamber that that review was supported by both sides of politics. During the course of the inquiry, the Human Rights Commission conducted interviews with current and former occupants of this building about their experiences. And if you haven't read it, it might be time to get it off the shelf again.</para>
<para>An interviewee to the <inline font-style="italic">Set the standard</inline> report said this:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is Parliament. It should set the standard for workplace culture, not the floor of what culture should be.</para></quote>
<para>It's worth reflecting on, isn't it, because we should work every day in this place to be worthy of the faith the Australian people put in us to solve issues, to lead by example and to set our shoulders to the wheel of change—and that should include changing the way our parliament works and the way that we talk here about women, about rape, about sexual assault and, most importantly, about survivors.</para>
<para>I acknowledge and I thank Senator Gallagher for her statement in the chamber earlier today and the frank way she responded to questions today. I note that this frankness has not been replicated by others who arguably have much, much more to explain. Senator Gallagher has given a clear and compelling explanation of the interaction she had with Senator Reynolds, including the comments that Senator Reynolds made at that time. She has given a clear explanation of the role played by the Attorney-General, including that the finance minister has no decision-making role in processes around significant legal matters. But I think what's more important, and something that people here may need to reflect upon, is she has explained her overarching approach to the way she has responded to people who have come to her as a parliamentarian for support over the years. They've come to her for support in relation to allegations of sexual assault. She has talked about the need to centre the experience and needs of victims-survivors ahead of anything else, including respecting their confidentiality, and she has explained that that is an approach she has adopted throughout her public life.</para>
<para>The truth is how we talk about this matters, how we talk about the victims who come forward and how we talk about those who don't matters. Eighty-seven per cent of Australians who have experienced sexual assault don't report it, and parliament should be doing everything we can to lower this number. And I worry about what's unfolding here in this chamber, and outside of it. I worry about people who are considering disclosing their experience, and I worry about what they would think while watching this debate unfold. Victims already know that one-quarter of Australians believe women exaggerate the problem of male violence. Does the conduct of the debate today assist with shifting that narrative? And if it doesn't, people might reflect on why not and why that isn't a higher priority of those opposite in what they've been up to today.</para>
<para>The Sex Discrimination Commissioner has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the current system for addressing workplace sexual harassment in Australia is complex and confusing for victims and employers to understand and navigate. It also places a heavy burden on individuals to make a complaint.</para></quote>
<para>Well, the opposition seems to be doing everything in its power—everything!—to demonstrate just how heavy that burden can be. We came together as a parliament as recently as 1 December last year to commit ourselves to doing better. Let's just see if that's possible.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUGHES</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have to say that I feel physically ill. The absolute hypocrisy shown by those opposite today is quite simply breathtaking. In fact, it's beyond that. It's actually disgusting. From a group who, before the election, were all about integrity and transparency, those in government—those that sit opposite—are now treating not only this chamber but the Australian people as if we're all mugs. Shame on you, and shame on all of you that are running a protection racket around this disgusting politicisation and absolutely disgusting weaponisation of an allegation.</para>
<para>It is absolutely disgusting, and it is a protection racket being run for Senator Gallagher—and, quite frankly, who else? We've been patronised today as Senator Gallagher has lectured us on her supposed integrity. She must be joking. Seriously, that must be almost clinically diagnosable as delusional, because that is unbelievable. We heard Senator Wong say that we don't know the half of it. Perhaps, Senator Wong, you should fill us in on what the other half is. What is the other half that we don't know? Maybe the chamber should hear.</para>
<para>I was in the estimates. I'd never seen Senators Wong or Gallagher attend Community Affairs ever. But, as soon as Senator Reynolds appeared in the chair, in they came to bully and badger like I have never seen. I cannot help but sit here today and think about my friend Kimberley Kitching and what she must have gone through in the final weeks and months of her life—what absolute bullying she must have been subjected to by those who were determined to weaponise rape allegations, which were apparently so private that, rather than going to the police, they were aired through an orchestrated media campaign. It would appear now, and increasingly so, that that was orchestrated with the help of those sitting on the front bench in the then opposition in this chamber. It is absolutely disgraceful.</para>
<para>This isn't just an opinion coming from me and those of us who sat through it over the last few years, who saw our colleague absolutely bullied to the point of hospitalisation all because of the questions they were asking: 'Why didn't Senator Reynolds go to the police herself?' 'Why didn't Senator Reynolds trot down to the PMO to let the Prime Minister know as soon as she found out?' It's because, at the time—and as has been acknowledged—Ms Higgins didn't want that. Ms Higgins didn't want to go to police. She didn't want anybody else to know. She asked Senator Reynolds and Ms Brown to keep it confidential.</para>
<para>Yet, when those opposite were in opposition, that wasn't good enough. Senator Reynolds was badgered and bullied to the point of hospitalisation, without a blink from those opposite. So it's interesting, and I just want to take a moment, maybe for the sake of those in the gallery, to say that the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> has run two editorials five days apart—and you really don't usually see them run multiple editorials on the same issue. I'm not going to go through them all, but they are very much worth a read. They are from 8 June and 13 June. I quote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The extent of what appears to be collusion between Ms Higgins and Mr Sharaz and political figures demands that a proper investigation be launched into a decision to award more than $2m in compensation to Ms Higgins with what could be considered a questionable regard for proper process.</para></quote>
<para>Well, 'questionable regard'—it took less than one day, and there was no ability for anyone to contest the allegations that were made.</para>
<para>A proper inquiry must be held into the extent of what appears to be political collusion on the Higgins rape allegations. Taxpayers—that's you, me and everybody else in this country—deserve to know how the decision was made to award Ms Higgins millions of dollars in compensation and exactly who was involved. It is absolutely beyond the pale for Minister Gallagher to come in here and say to the Australian Senate and the Australian people that she did not mislead them when she very clearly did—we all heard it—and to pretend that there is nothing to see here.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARIELLE SMITH</name>
    <name.id>281603</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Honestly, what kind of parallel universe are we operating in here? We had a Liberal staffer report an alleged rape by another Liberal staffer in a Liberal minister's office in a Liberal government, where question after question at that time was left unanswered, and you're trying to put Senator Gallagher on trial: a minister who at the first opportunity to walk into this place and provide further information did so—the very first opportunity. It is the audacity of an opposition who dodged question after question to then walk in here today and put questions to a minister that they never dared to put to themselves, never prioritising or upholding transparency.</para>
<para>I would say to everyone in this chamber to think very carefully about the path they are treading here, because the events leading up to the Jenkins report led to a cultural reckoning—a reckoning built on the courage and bravery of a young woman who came forward to say that her workplace wasn't safe for her, that her workplace failed her. The recommendations of that report sought to reward not just her courage but also the courage of 1,000 other submitters, including me and including people in this chamber, with ambitious action that would transform the culture of this place to set a standard, not betray one.</para>
<para>That work was never going to be easy; it was never going to be set-and-forget. It was always going to require a fight, because systems of power that exploit, discriminate and abuse don't ever dismantle themselves. Many of us contributed to that work. Senator Gallagher made tireless contributions to that work, as did woman after woman who has shared their own story of abuse, of harassment at work. There were people in this place, indeed in workplaces around our country, who felt secure in the shade of that reckoning, who felt brave because of the bravery of others, who thought they could speak because others spoke. It was a reckoning that was overdue not just in this workplace but in workplaces and spaces around our country.</para>
<para>We should all think very carefully about who in our country stands to benefit from the unravelling of that work. Who stands to gain? And we should reflect about when the books are written about the women and men who fought to make this parliament, this institution, more respectful, more equal, more accessible and more safe for those who made tremendous sacrifices to do and contribute to that work. Were we the ones who fought with them to uphold that standard, or were we the ones who lit the match and let the standard burn to the ground? I know the place I want to hold in that chapter. I know the place Senator Gallagher will hold in that chapter of our history and deserves to hold—a woman who has always been guided and motivated, not just in this place but in every other place she has walked, by wanting to make the world a better, a more respectful and a safer place for the women in it. She is a woman who, in the role of Minister for Women for just one year, has already made her mark as a major reformer, already matched the women who have held that role before her, who is a powerful force for change within the government, within the Labor Party and outside of it, and a woman who has never pulled a ladder up behind her, never accepted that the work was done. When they write the history books of the reckoning here and of the response, when they write the history books of this government and what it delivered for women, there will be a chapter with Senator Gallagher's name on it, and it's a chapter I will proudly read to my daughter. We all need to think about the chapter we want to be in as this history is written.</para>
<para>I do want to say something quickly about the nature of the public debate at the moment. Let's not skirt around the subtext. One in three women have experienced physical or sexual violence perpetrated by a man they know. Let us not allow a chilling effect to hinder those women coming forward. We have a role in keeping them safe. In stopping this, we get to choose our place in history.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Integrity and transparency are incredibly important in this chamber. Indeed, integrity and transparency are incredibly important in our democracy. Without them, we in this place cannot expect the public to have faith in this very institution—the federal parliament—and the vital role that it plays within our democracy.</para>
<para>Question time—the hour every day that we spend here when the opposition asks questions of the government and the government provides answers to those—plays a really vital role in enhancing that same faith. There can be no doubt, given some of the media reporting over the last week or so that has shed new light on the events that have played out in this very parliament in recent years, that there are still many, many more questions that government ministers have to answer, particularly in terms of what members of the now government knew and when they knew that in regard to allegations of a sexual assault in Parliament House and what they subsequently did with that information. Indeed, the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> newspaper published two editorials in recent days urging greater transparency from the government. I note that my colleague Senator Scarr referenced some of those comments in his contribution to this debate earlier today.</para>
<para>Having sat here over the last hour and a half listening to the questions that were being asked by the opposition and listening to the answers that were being provided by the government, I am unconvinced that anybody at home listening along to what was happening in question time would have had much confidence in the government's will to be open, transparent and accountable regarding these issues. Indeed, it seems like, every time the opposition comes into this chamber asking questions of the government, the government is incredibly reticent to provide any answers. I must say, that's a recurring theme from this government. I know I've spoken about this many times before when I've been in this chamber taking note of answers provided in question time. Whether it's in question time, in Senate estimates, in questions on notice through this chamber or even in government responses to committee reports, we in the opposition, and I think many Australians, are left wanting for fulsome answers.</para>
<para>After more than a year of a Labor federal government, people, I think, are starting to get tired of it. This is a government that promised during the election campaign that they would be a government of accountability and transparency. They promised a number of things: to tackle the cost-of-living pressures, to make housing more affordable and to cut power bills by $275. Twelve months on, they either refuse to reference these commitments or obfuscate at the estimates table when they're asked how these policies are being progressed. Australians deserve to know what their government is doing to make life easier for them. They deserve to know that their government is delivering on its election commitments, and they deserve to know when their government is failing on its own commitment—a commitment that it made to the Australian people in the lead-up to May last year to be an accountable and transparent government.</para>
<para>Frankly, after listening to the responses provided by government ministers to opposition questions here today, once again I am left wondering when the government will even entertain the idea of satisfying that important test. I mean that both in general terms and in terms of the specifics of the questions that were being asked to the finance minister, Senator Gallagher, here today. How can Australians have confidence in this government when the Prime Minister and ministers are saying one thing but are doing the complete opposite? It is incumbent on this government and the relevant ministers in this place to set the record straight and provide Australians with the answers they deserve about this important issue, because it is one of public interest and it has become highly politicised. We need clarity, and the Australian public is waiting for answers.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Inflation</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Foreign Affairs (Senator Wong) to a question without notice I asked today relating to inflation.</para></quote>
<para>There is a class war underway in this country. It's being waged by the RBA, and the Labor Party is sitting back and cheering them on. In fact, watching what's happened in the last year, it's hard to escape the conclusion that the board of the RBA are nothing more than stooges for the big corporations. In raising interest rates 12 times in just over 12 months the RBA is smashing mortgage holders and smashing renters for a problem they didn't cause.</para>
<para>Last week the OECD said that in Australia more than half of domestic inflation in 2022 was a result of profits. The OECD use the same method that The Australia Institute did and came to the same conclusion that The Australia Institute did. But, when The Australia Institute said publicly that profits were driving inflation, Treasury described their method as flawed and the RBA excused it away as mining and energy distorting the numbers. It's not flawed, and the OECD has shown that. It is an inconvenient truth—inconvenient for the RBA and inconvenient for the Labor Party. It's not just mining and energy; corporations with market power across the board, including supermarkets, are using the cover of supply shocks to drive up the cost of goods and increase their profits. But to admit that would be to admit that people's lives are being unnecessarily destroyed because the economic establishment is stuck in a groupthink that exists to serve and maintain corporate power.</para>
<para>To justify what the RBA is doing, its governor, Dr Lowe, is sounding more unhinged by the day. In just the last two weeks he has suggested that people find more work at the same time that he's aiming to put 130,000 more Australians out of work. He's suggested we need to increase productivity at the same time he's putting interest rates up, which makes it more expensive to invest in things that would improve productivity. He's suggesting that more supply is the answer to the housing crisis at the same time that he's driving building approvals to the lowest levels in over a decade, which is reducing new supply, which is pushing up rents and which is feeding into higher inflation—to which he then responds with even higher interest rates.</para>
<para>If he's sounding unhinged, it's because he can't utter the truth. And the truth, colleagues, is this: inflation is being driven by supply side shocks and corporate profiteering, overwhelmingly. But interest rate increases will do nothing about supply side shocks and won't stop corporate profiteering. Instead, interest rate increases are grinding millions of Australians into submission by forcing wage earners to accept cuts in real wages so that corporations can maintain or increase their profit margins by forcing small business to the wall, which means those very same organisations will gain evermore market power, which they can then abuse by putting up prices and by fuelling a massive transfer of wealth from renters and mortgage holders to landlords and the banks.</para>
<para>And what do we get from Labor? Complete and utter capitulation. The budget they handed down last month blithely accepts that 130,000 people will lose their jobs. The Labor Party has left tackling inflation to the RBA. The modern Labor Party has given up on economic justice because it is in the thrall of corporate power. If they had even the dimmest of memory of their roots they would be freezing rents, taxing super profits and the super rich, bringing in monopoly-busting divestiture powers, putting dental into Medicare, wiping student debt and raising income support. And Treasurer Jim Chalmers would step in and overrule the RBA and stop them putting up interest rates. That, colleagues, is what a genuinely progressive government would be doing. If only we had one.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>39</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>42</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Dodson from 13 to 22 June 2023, for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following general business orders of the day be considered this week at the time for private senators' bills:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 37 Productivity Commission Amendment (Electricity Reporting) Bill 2023—on Wednesday, 14 June 2023;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 36 Ending Native Forest Logging Bill 2023—on Thursday, 15 June 2023.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>42</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>42</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Reporting Date</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>43</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw my notice of motion No. 231, given the fact that the government has already complied with the order.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONDOLENCES</title>
        <page.no>43</page.no>
        <type>CONDOLENCES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Childs, Mr Bruce Kenneth</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with deep regret that I inform the Senate of the death on 4 May 2023 of Bruce Kenneth Childs, a senator for the state of New South Wales from 1981 to 1997.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate records its sorrow at the death, on 4 May 2023, of Bruce Kenneth Childs, former senator for New South Wales, places on record its gratitude for his service to the Parliament and the nation and tenders its sympathy to his family in their bereavement.</para></quote>
<para>Bruce Childs was a giant of the labour movement and of the left, a prominent trade unionist, a senator and a lifelong advocate for equality, peace and social justice. On a personal note, he was a friend, a comrade and a mentor to many in the labour movement, including me. It was with deep regret that I couldn't attend his funeral service, which took place late last week in Sydney, because I was overseas on government business.</para>
<para>My colleague education minister Tanya Plibersek, who I think will join us in the chamber today, worked for Bruce in her early 20s. She was right to say last week:</para>
<quote><para class="block">He was defined by his thoughtfulness, kindness, strategic brain and inexhaustible patience.</para></quote>
<para>Theirs was a special relationship. Bruce saw the qualities in young Tanya that we all see in contemporary Tanya. Like with many other young people, he took the time to mentor her, foster her talent and promote her. He was a rarity inside the Australian parliament and outside these walls: someone who was respected by all sides of Australian politics. He was known for his kindness and even temperament and as a deeply principled person. I'm sincerely thankful to Steve Childs, Tanya Plibersek and former senator John Faulkner, whose speeches at Bruce's service last Friday I have borrowed heavily from.</para>
<para>Bruce was born in Mascot in 1934, was raised by his parents, Ern and Millie Childs, and was the eldest of two children. Ern worked as a carriage-maker and, like many, lost his job when the Great Depression hit. He later retrained as a baker. Before Bruce was born, Millie worked at the WD & HO Wills tobacco factory. Around the time Bruce was a toddler, the family moved to what his children described as a rundown World War I soldiers home in Earlwood. It would become their family home for decades to come. As a young child, his interest in politics is said to have been sparked by listening to then Prime Minister Ben Chifley, Eddie Ward and Doc Evatt on radio in his home. At that point, his personal and political life intensified and became interconnected.</para>
<para>Upon leaving school he took up an apprenticeship in etching at the age of 16—and so began a Labor life, from the shop floor to the Australian Senate. He went on to work in the printing industry for many years, including at Fairfax newspapers. And, of course, his first task, when he went to work for Fairfax newspapers, was to join the Amalgamated Printing Trades Employees Union of Australia. Two years into the job, he was what was then known in the union as 'Father of the Chapel'—the senior representative of the unions at the Fairfax workplace. Bruce would joke that, being Father of the Chapel at the age of 18, most of the people he represented were old enough to be his father or indeed his grandfather. At the ripe age of 18, he led his first strike.</para>
<para>His ascension to the top ranks of the union movement was swift. By 19 he was a member of his union's board of management, by 23 he had become a full-time organiser of the union and by 29 he was elected the federal assistant secretary of the APTEUA. By 30 he was the union state secretary in New South Wales—an extraordinary trajectory of union leadership for someone so young, in a union that at that time valued structure and seniority in terms of its political processes. Printers, compositors and etchers were artisans as well as tradespeople. The printer's union at the time was a gentleman's union—very courteous and very thoughtful. Members were often found in three-piece suits, right through until the 1980s and 1990s. By the mid-1960s it was clear to Bruce and another union leaders that the amalgamation of the two printing unions, despite their previous bitter rivalry, made sense and was in the best interests of the members and the labour movement more broadly. Bruce was a skilful negotiator of the amalgamation agreement reached in 1966 to form the Printing and Kindred Industries Union. The amalgamation was a success. The PKIU would go on to become the printing section of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union—my old union, in fact.</para>
<para>His election as assistant general secretary of the Labor Party was a seminal moment in his career and in New South Wales Labor history. It was a tough race, which Bruce won by a mere 19 votes. It was the first salaried position for a left-winger in the New South Wales branch's history. This marked the start of power sharing in the Labor Party, after the bitter decades through the 1950s, and an intimidating start to his political career. The snubs and slights he endured in Sussex Street are well documented. What I think is remarkable is not the cold shoulders that he was often dealt but the way in which he confronted them with bravery, stoicism and the courage of his convictions—and with calmness, not hyperfactionalism.</para>
<para>Bruce Childs, in his period in office in the New South Wales branch of the Labor Party, laid the foundations for future Labor victories. Including all perspectives in the Labor Party and the labour movement has made us stronger, more effective campaigners and kept the New South Wales branch of the Labor Party focused on the broad interests of the labour movement and indeed the country. In doing so he paved the way for others who served in that role, including John Faulkner and now Prime Minister Albanese.</para>
<para>Placed second on Labor's New South Wales Senate ticket at the election in October 1980, Bruce was elected as a New South Wales senator. He took his seat, after a long wait, in July 1981. He was re-elected five times as a senator before retiring in 1997. Within two years of his election to the Senate, Bruce held the position of national Left convener, a role which he would hold for much of his time in parliament and for the entire duration of the Hawke and Keating governments. This speaks to his expert ability to negotiate and to put forward the case for the progressive movement more broadly at times that weren't always politically convenient.</para>
<para>As Faulkner noted in his contribution, both inside and outside the Australian parliament Bruce was a lifelong advocate in the peace movement. He opposed the use of atomic weapons and was a driving force behind the national and international peace movements from the 1950s all the way to the early 2000s. He was the dedicated convener of the Nuclear Disarmament Co-ordinating Committee. He was a key in Sydney to the success of the Palm Sunday Sydney peace rallies, which still occur every year in no small part due to Bruce's contribution. In 1986 he challenged the Hawke government's decision to export uranium to France, breaking from party ranks. In 1991 he abstained from a Senate vote endorsing Australian involvement in the Gulf War—in fact, he was censured by Labor's national executive.</para>
<para>His contribution to the peace movement cannot be overstated. Bruce was unwavering in his commitment to peace, social justice, equality, human rights and democracy. I worked closely with Bruce in the movement to oppose the decision of the Howard government to commit troops to Iraq. Leading that rally and the organisation of that movement was a diverse group of unions, churches, health groups, diverse ethnic community groups and some very disparate political outlooks—Trotskyites and all sorts of characters—and Bruce showed much more patience than what could be reasonably expected from any other person. I learnt many things from former senator Bruce Childs, and that patience was not one of them. It was a remarkable effort. It meant that 250,000 people were on the streets in one of the most important displays of civic action and determination. It is in fact a pity that the Howard government didn't pay much more attention to that enormous movement of Australian people for peace.</para>
<para>He took that passion for political activism into his post-parliamentary life in his role in the Evatt Foundation. As President of the Evatt Foundation for eight years, he continued the legacy of Doc Evatt, the man he listened to as a little boy on the radio at night in the home in Earlwood. That was no doubt in between the races in Perth, boxing matches and everything else that was on the radio in those days. Bruce would often talk about how closely he listened to parliamentary debates.</para>
<para>Bruce Childs was married three times. The first time was to Winifred, known to all of us as Win, with whom he had his son, Steve, and his daughter, Bet. He also has two grandchildren, Michael and Anna. He then married Judy Larkin. After Judy's death he wed Yola Lucire. When his health deteriorated in his last years he stayed home in Yola's care. Yola and Bruce shared many years of love and happiness together. The last six years of Bruce's illness and care were the greatest act of love from Yola. When I visited, Bruce would be propped up on his bed, which was relocated into their light-filled ground-floor lounge room, looking as happy as Larry. Day after day, week after week, month after month, year after year Yola's care for Bruce was a testament to their love and to her decency. Despite the cruel ravages of disease, Bruce never lost his essence: his kindness, his decency and his gentleness.</para>
<para>It is the passing of an era. Bruce Childs, Tom Uren and Arthur Geitzelt were lions of the New South Wales Left, of the Labor Party, of the labour movement and of the Australian parliament. They all made a massive contribution to the building of modern Australia, and I and my colleagues deeply regret Bruce's passing.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise on behalf of the opposition to honour the life of Bruce Kenneth Childs. Bruce Childs, born to Frederick and Elizabeth Childs in Mascot, Sydney, went to local public schools before attending Sydney Technical High School. Upon leaving school, Bruce began learning the trade of etching as a printing apprentice and developed a love of politics, listening to the broadcasting of parliament over the radio. He named a few of his heroes as Ben Chifley, Dr Bert Evatt and Eddie Ward.</para>
<para>It was also during his time as an apprentice that Bruce would become involved with the printing trades union and, at the age of 17, be invited to be an observer to the union's board of management. By age 19, Bruce had joined the Australian Labor Party, led his first strike and been elected to the board of management for his trade. In 1955, he married Winifred Bradley and together they had two children. After completing his apprenticeship, Bruce worked for Fairfax newspapers and settled in Ultimo. Win and Bruce divorced in 1989, before he married Judith Larkin, who sadly passed away in 1995. It was in 1997 that he married forensic psychiatrist Yola Lucire.</para>
<para>Whilst serving and holding various positions with the amalgamated Printing and Kindred Industries Union, Bruce became more involved in political issues of the time, including the opposition to Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War and supporting the women's liberation movement. It was in the election of October 1980 that Bruce would take the second spot of Labor's New South Wales Senate ticket, following a 10-year position in the ALP's New South Wales branch. Bruce was re-elected to the Senate another five times, facing a series of elections due to double dissolutions.</para>
<para>During his 16 years of service to the parliament, he gave great commitment to chairing and contributing to many committees. Most notably, he was a member of the privileges committee for 14 years, including as chair for four years. Bruce's dedication to such committees was demonstrated when, in 1992, he delivered a paper titled <inline font-style="italic">The </inline><inline font-style="italic">truth about parliamentary committees </inline>that gave insight and thoughtful deliberation on the purpose and role of parliamentary and Senate committees. His participation and observation of committee work led him to propose and implement the merging of roles of estimates and standing committees that was put into effect in 1994 during the redesign of Senate committees. Bruce regarded the process of Senate committees as remarkable, when political differences were set aside and committees would deliver 'a civil and productive result'.</para>
<para>As a driver of Labor's left faction, Bruce also held true to his values. On more than one occasion, he publicly opposed the decisions of the then Hawke government, including issuing a press release with fellow MP Gerry Hand on the decision for Australia to sell uranium to France and abstaining on the vote for Australia's involvement in the Gulf War. Throughout his career, Bruce was known as a strong supporter of young people, and particularly women, becoming active in politics. So much so that, for 25 years, he attended the ALP's women's conference as an observer.</para>
<para>Bruce remained politically active following his retirement from the Senate in 1997. He became president of the Evert Foundation for eight years and was a member for 21 years. During that time, he organised the 2002 Palm Sunday peace marches to protest the second Gulf War.</para>
<para>It is undoubtedly clear that Bruce had a lifelong commitment to serving others, and it seems fitting to conclude in his own words. During his valedictory to this chamber, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… I looked at my first speech, and I must say that on the fundamentals, the ideological differences that we have, then I have not changed one iota from my first speech and the feelings of where I come from. Nevertheless, it is that contradiction between your basic fundamental beliefs and what you learn in the process that is so broadening and so marvellous, and makes you proud to be a parliamentarian. I have never identified with being a politician, but I really do identify with being a parliamentarian.</para></quote>
<para>I understand that Bruce was not only a friend but a mentor to a number of those opposite and in the other chamber. We can all appreciate the value of the knowledge and guidance of those that came before us in this place, and I offer my sympathies to you at Bruce's passing. On behalf of the opposition and the Australian Senate, to Bruce's loved ones, family and friends: I extend our deep and sincere condolences.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last Friday I attended the funeral of former senator Bruce Childs. It was a large event and a joyful event for a man who lived a long, rich and full life. It was followed by a reception at the home of his wife, Yola Lucire, and that reception was characteristic of the many social events held in their family home. There was terrific food, lively conversation and a lot of people. I first met Bruce in 1996. I was young then and had recently arrived in Sydney, and Bruce was enormously kind to me and continued to offer kindness and support for many, many years until he became ill. That, of course, was around the time when Bruce was coming to the end of his time here in the Senate.</para>
<para>So, in 1997, this chamber was full—if we review the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>—of senators who lined up to offer their respects and their reflections on the contribution that Bruce made to this place. It's a pretty interesting list, actually. It doesn't do to speculate who might turn up to each of our valedictory speeches, but the speeches for Bruce included the following contributors: Senators Faulkner; Hill; Boswell; Bourne; Harradine; Carr; Watson; O'Brien, from Tasmania; Kemp, whose speech included an exchange about think tanks and their role; Forshaw; Mackay; Chapman; Lundy; Ellison; McKiernan; Calvert; Margetts; Ian Macdonald; and West. It's a long list, and every one of them spoke about their respect for him and about his character.</para>
<para>There are common themes that shine through in those contributions that are very familiar to those of us who knew Bruce and loved him. The contributions speak of patience, as did Senator Ayres. They speak of his trustworthy nature and his respect for the confidences placed in him by others in this place. They speak of his courtesy, his gentleness and also his modesty. Fame didn't motivate Bruce. He wasn't here to be famous. He was here to pursue his principles and to represent the people that he believed were owed our representation. No less a contributor than Senator Hill said this in his comments:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A high public profile does not necessarily mean that you are making the greatest contribution; sometimes to the contrary.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Hill went on to also speak about the contribution Bruce made to the institutions here, including Bruce's contribution to the Privileges Committee.</para>
<para>As I said, my interactions with Bruce were not in this place; they were in New South Wales, in the New South Wales branch of the Labor Party and in the New South Wales left. Senator Ayres and I were both young and acting around the time of the Walk Against the War, a time when Bruce leveraged all of the connections and relationships that he had built over decades in the peace movement to mobilise one of the largest demonstrations, if not the largest demonstration, ever seen in Sydney. There were 250,000 people on the street in a democratic expression of the concern, anger and fear that Australians held about the decision to go to war in Iraq. As a senator has said, it required some patience, because the coalition of organisations and people that was necessary to bring out quite so many Australians onto the street was diverse indeed. It was only Bruce and his deep belief that through listening, through consulting, through talking he could bring people together in a common purpose and build something much, much bigger than ourselves. It was only Bruce's belief in those ideas that made that possible.</para>
<para>It's the final thing that I do want to remark upon—that is Bruce's commitment to the world of ideas. Others so far have spoken about his commitment to his principles, but those principles weren't merely slogans or merely feelings. They were well articulated ideas born of deep breeding and discussion and the lived experience of political organisation and activity that led him to a particular theory about our world, about what was fair and unfair and about what was required to change it. Bruce didn't believe that all of the answers would be found in a chamber like this; he believed very deeply that the answers lay in engaging ordinary people in politics, that the broadest possible group of people should be engaged in the decisions about our country, whether that was through their involvement in their union or their involvement in a march like the Walk Against the War.</para>
<para>Bruce was determined that the spirit of those ideas and the commitment to ideas and the development of ideas were absolutely essential for the ongoing success of any political organisation. In seeking to cultivate those characteristics, he was enormously generous in his time with young people. I am not unique; I am one of many people who was very fortunate to receive the time that Bruce was willing to offer. When I first came here, I spoke in my first speech about how proud I was to join in the tradition that included Bruce amongst its earliest representatives. With his passing we have lost a man of great principle and of ideas. Today I offer my condolences to Yola and to Bruce's children, and I join with others in honouring the life of our friend former senator Bruce Childs.</para>
<para>Question agreed to, honourable senators joining in a moment of silence.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>46</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Murdoch Media Inquiry Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="s1375" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Murdoch Media Inquiry Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>46</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A Bill for an Act to establish an inquiry into the Murdoch media and media diversity in Australia, and for related purposes.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>46</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to table an explanatory memorandum relating to the bill.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table an explanatory memorandum and seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as </inline> <inline font-style="italic">follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">It's time for a Royal Commission into the Murdoch media machine. Today I am introducing a bill for an inquiry that will have powers like those of a Royal Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Murdoch media machine is dangerous for Australian democracy and it is time politicians stop being afraid to question the control and influence that they have in this country. This bill will establish a parliamentary commission of inquiry into the Murdoch media and media diversity in Australia. This commission will have powers like those of a Royal Commission, including resources and the ability to compel witnesses. It will report to the parliament, rather than the government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The pressure for a Royal Commission into the Murdoch media has been building for a long time. More than two years ago, half a million Australians signed the parliament's biggest ever petition calling for a Royal Commission. The people who signed this petition were sending a message to us here in parliament that they are worried about the state of our public interest journalism and our democracy and they were asking us for action. Two years down the track and after a change of government, we are yet to see any change.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Politicians have been afraid of the Murdoch media for far too long. We've heard from former prime ministers that there is a culture of fear across the country when it comes to the Murdoch media. How is it that we have got to a place that even our prime ministers, the most powerful leaders in the country, are afraid of the power wielded by a single media mogul?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What we've got in this country is a media sector that is overwhelmingly concentrated, more than in many other comparable countries in the world. We need media diversity as it is a public good and helps provide integrity in public interest journalism. In regional Australia in particular, local news should be delivered by local journalists.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I chaired the Senate inquiry into Media Diversity, a long running inquiry that heard extensive evidence of the poor behaviour, culture and ethics of the Murdoch media machine. We heard appalling stories about the sexist treatment of women that were photographed for their papers, the full blown climate denialism that has held us back from meaningful action in this country for over a decade and the character assassinations of individuals and so much more. It's time that they are held to account.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The terms of reference for this inquiry specifically direct this commission to look into the "Foxification" of media outlets operating in Australia and the potential that this has to undermine trust in public institutions and public interest journalism. We have seen from recent overseas examples just how easily these types of 'news' outlets can be weaponised. The January 6th attacks on the US Capitol should be a warning to all leaders around the world, our democracy is only as stable as the information sources that it is built on. The United States is now firmly in a post-truth world and if we are not careful, we could face the same fate here.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We've known for a long time that the Murdoch machine has not been trustworthy. But now we see, through the court filings released from the Dominion case, just how much power this corporation wields, how much power the Murdoch empire is willing to use against its political opponents and just how much they are willing to lie to their audiences to maintain their viewership and profitability. Filings have shown that Fox News executives and presenters and even Rupert Murdoch himself knew that the election was not stolen from Donald Trump, yet they continued to peddle these lies to hold on to their viewership. If that wasn't bad enough, there was also confirmation in court documents that Fox News was acting as part of Trump's campaign when confidential information about the Biden campaign's ads was handed directly to Trump's people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What is going on at Fox News and inside the Murdoch machine is not journalism. It is political propaganda. It is the promotion of lies. It is the promotion of conspiracy theories. And it is all in the pursuit of power. Australians in this country have known for a long time that the collection of Murdoch rags, the rubbish that is spewed out on Fox News and on Sky News, is false. That's why we need a Royal Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Only an inquiry with the powers of a Royal Commission can uncover the extent of the Murdoch media's influence and control over our democracy and fully examine media concentration in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's media regulations are not fit for purpose in the modern world. This Commission will also examine the regulatory regime for media ownership and operation in Australia and make recommendations to the parliament for how to update these laws. This is long overdue and essential work to make sure that we can limit the misinformation and disinformation that is spread through our media, whether that's through traditional print and broadcast or online.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This inquiry is not about politicians being able to control what newspapers write about us. Far from it. Journalists should be able to question governments, hold governments to account and know that when they have a good story, when they are onto something, that they can have that published and believed. But right now, we have a broken media landscape in this country. The Murdoch media controls two thirds of the newspapers and these outlets platform hysteria, lies, mistruths and opinion over journalism and prioritise opinion over fact. They set the agenda that other media outlets follow and our democracy is weaker for it.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We need to fix the media landscape in this country; we need laws and regulations that are fit for purpose. And it shouldn't be up to the politicians to pick and choose. This needs to be at arms' length and that is why we need a Royal Commission, and we need one today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I ask all of my colleagues who entered this place because they believed in service to their country and to their community to join me in standing up to the Murdoch bullies for the sake of our communities and our democracy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this bill to the Senate.</para></quote>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>48</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>48</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Environment and Communications References Committee for inquiry and report by 28 November 2023:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Middle Arm Industrial Precinct, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the development of Darwin's Middle Arm Industrial Precinct, the role and funding intentions of the Northern Territory and Commonwealth governments;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the likely and intended future uses on the site as well as the industries and supply chains that would benefit from those plans;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) any climate, environmental or health impacts as a result of developing the harbour and the industries seeking to establish themselves at Middle Arm;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the conduct, process and implications of the proposed strategic environmental assessment for Middle Arm;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) engagement and advocacy by industries and their representatives throughout the Middle Arm proposal, including with First Nations groups and communities and adherence to the principles of free, prior and informed consent; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) any other related matters.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CH</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>ISHOLM (—) (): I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian government investment in Middle Arm will provide common-use marine infrastructure that will support industries critical to meet our commitment to net zero and help position the Northern Territory and northern Australia to take advantage of the overseas demand for clean energy sources, creating jobs and economic opportunity as a result. As the planning of the Middle Arm project remains in the early stages, the Australian government does not support a Senate review of the project at this time. While the Australian government remain committed to the project, we are also committed to working with the NT government and the community to ensure the necessary assessments take place before the project proceeds. The strategic environmental assessment process will ensure all potential environmental, social, cultural and economic impacts are considered. It is important and appropriate that time is given to consider these impacts, informed by the best possible evidence base.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">(Quorum formed)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF URGENCY</title>
        <page.no>48</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF URGENCY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>First Nations Australians</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>A proposal has been submitted by Senator Thorpe:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I give notice that today I propose to move "That, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'The government progresses the unfinished business of Treaty now and without delay, being a key mechanism to address systemic injustices towards First Nations people in this country and allowing us all to unite and heal as a nation.'"</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government progresses the unfinished business of Treaty now and without delay, being a key mechanism to address systemic injustices towards First Nations people in this country and allowing us all to unite and heal as a nation.</para></quote>
<para>Treaty is an end to the war that was declared on First Nations people 230 years ago. Yes, it is a war. Yes, we are still in a war. The war contains over 500 deaths in custody. The war contains 23,000 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children taken away from their families, from their mother's breast. War is destruction of land, sea, waterways and totems. That is a war against First Peoples and this country—this country's beautiful natural resources that were used by our people before invasion. It's how we survived as a race of people, the oldest continuing living culture on the planet. We survived. We survived genocide by those who came 230 years ago.</para>
<para>That's why we want peace today. A treaty is about coming together as a nation and having peace amongst us. It's having a day we can all celebrate. It's removing the systemic racism that we deal with every single minute of every single day in this country. Treaty is what Bob Hawke called for. Treaty is what the Redfern speech by Paul Keating was all about. Now what are we doing? We're doing everything but treaty. We're tinkering around the edges because the true sovereigns of these lands have never ceded their sovereignty.</para>
<para>When the Crown invaded these shores, they planted their flag and said that they were sovereigns. The King over there in another country says he is sovereign of these lands. How is that possible? How does someone come and knock on your door—in fact, not even knock; they just barge right in—and take you and your family out of your home and say, 'Good luck; do your best; this is ours now, and we're going to rape and pillage every part of this continent to make ourselves very wealthy for our future generations', not First Peoples' future generations. The only inheritance we have in this country is misery, genocide and a continued war on our people—230 years of a war and no treaty.</para>
<para>We need steps to treaty. This government promised. They said they would do treaty. The Minister for Indigenous Australians herself said we can do everything together. But are we seeing that? No. Labor are too scared of treaty, just like Hawke couldn't get it over the line, or Keating. And do you think they'll do it again?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Could you refer to people by their proper titles, please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Hawke and Keating? They're not here!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Hawke and Mr Keating.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, well, that's for you; that's not for me. They're not 'Mr' to me. They're people who also failed to deliver justice for First Nations people in this country, who promised the world and delivered absolutely nothing. And now everyone is swallowing this assimilation pill that is going to harm any treaty going forward. We want a treaty now, today. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NAMPIJINPA PRICE</name>
    <name.id>263528</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm speaking today on this matter of public importance because I disagree with its premise. A treaty is an agreement between two or more sovereign states. It is not an agreement between a state and its citizens. It seems to me that many people want to treat Indigenous Australians as if they are not in fact Australian, as if we are different and separate. But the reality is that Indigenous Australians are Australians. We have the same legal rights as every other Australian, including the right to participate in the democratic process. I have had the right to use my vote as my voice to have a say on who was going to be my local representative since I was 18, and I've had the right to nominate myself for public office, just like every other Australian. This matter of public importance claims that a treaty would allow us all to unite and heal as a nation, but I disagree. I do not believe that a treaty is a way to unity or healing. I think it is divisive. I think it creates an us-and-them situation in the country that should be treating everyone as equal.</para>
<para>Like most other Australians, I also come from mixed heritage. I am a Warlpiri woman, but I also have European heritage, and in my European heritage there were those who were dispossessed of their own land and brought to an entirely new country. On which side of a treaty would I be? What would a treaty mean for the huge number of Australians with similar diverse backgrounds? If, as the case seems to be in Queensland, there are reparations involved, would those of us with mixed backgrounds be on the paying end or the receiving end? What about the Australians who have come more recently? What would a treaty mean for the immigrant population or recent-generation Australians?</para>
<para>The reality is that the push for treaty from the Left has nothing to do with addressing the real problems facing marginalised Indigenous Australians now. A treaty will do nothing to stop alcohol and substance abuse. It'll do nothing to stop domestic violence and sexual abuse or violent assaults in Indigenous committees. A treaty will do nothing to address child abuse or fatherlessness. It won't bring better medical care or health outcomes. It won't stop fetal alcohol spectrum disorder. And it won't lead to better education for Aboriginal children.</para>
<para>I'm more interested in using this parliament's time, money and resources in pursuing real solutions that will have real impacts on the lives of marginalised Australians. We know there are things we could be doing right now to improve these lives, but we're not doing them. Australians have an incredible capacity to care for their fellow Australians. The people of this country want to see real effort to improve the lives of Australians who need help. Instead, we argue over grand gestures like treaties or the Voice that divide Australians and have no guarantee whatsoever of providing any improvement in the quality of life for those who need our help the most.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITE</name>
    <name.id>IWK</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government opposes this urgency motion. In 2017, over six years ago now, 250 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander delegates gathered at Uluru to endorse the Uluru Statement from the Heart and deliver the invitation it offers our nation to walk along a path of reconciliation to a better future for all. The Uluru statement calls for tangible forms in multiple stages to start to heal the wrongs of the past and bridge the gap that exists between First Nations people and non-Indigenous Australians. Those reforms are voice, treaty and truth, in that order—that is, voice first, then a makarrata commission to supervise agreement-making and to oversee a process of truth-telling. This was the order decided by the delegates who gathered at Uluru in 2017.</para>
<para>It is that sequence of reforms that makes up the generous offer designed to improve the lives of Indigenous Australians, extended to government through the Uluru statement. It is only right to deliver the reforms of the Uluru statement in that order, as they were requested by First Nations Australians. And that is the order the Albanese government has committed to implementing in full. In support of this, the October budget committed $5.8 million to start work on establishing an independent makarrata commission to oversee the truth-telling process. The order of reform is important because progressing a voice to parliament is the first step in the process and offers a practical way of addressing the political disempowerment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, which contribute so much to the unacceptable gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.</para>
<para>We know a policy disconnect exists between bureaucrats in Canberra and Aboriginal communities on the ground, who daily face significant issues in housing, health and education. The Voice recognises this disconnect and recognises that, for reform to work, the government needs to make policies with Indigenous people, not for them. I was privileged to sit on the joint select committee on the Voice legislation, and time and time again we heard this from Indigenous people who took the time to appear before the committee as it deliberated.</para>
<para>The Voice seeks constructive and practical change that recognises that decades of often well-meaning government policies haven't worked to improve the lot of First Nations people. This is a positive and hopeful opportunity for Australia, for all of us. It will make a difference for Indigenous Australians who live, on average, nine years less than non-Indigenous Australians. It will make a difference for Aboriginal communities experiencing homelessness and overcrowding in housing. It will make a difference in addressing suicide rates of Indigenous Australians, which are increasing. After all, addressing systemic issues like these is what the Voice is all about.</para>
<para>Opportunities like this to change the country for the better are a big affirmation of fairness and optimism, and they don't come along very often. I believe fairness is an innate part of the Australian character, and I believe giving the most disadvantaged people in our society a voice to help make their lives better is only fair. That's why I am campaigning for yes—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITE</name>
    <name.id>IWK</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I listened to you in silence, so maybe you could be a bit quiet while I'm speaking. We can disagree in a civil way. Getting a successful result won't be easy; it will depend on every Australian talking to their friends and family about why it's time to recognise Indigenous Australians in our Constitution and time to start listening to their voices. It will be these conversations which decide the referendum, not the political games being played in this chamber.</para>
<para>I note that across Australia there is great support from business, sports, arts and entertainment sectors. Most importantly, there's an overwhelming support for the Voice from among the Indigenous community. This widespread support exists because Australians understand this referendum is the best chance we have at implementing real and lasting change. I can imagine how uplifting it will be for Australia when the nation wakes—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Thorpe</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's about treaty, not voice.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Thorpe!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITE</name>
    <name.id>IWK</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>one Sunday later this year to the news of a successful—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Thorpe, could you please stop interjecting. People listened to you when you had your speech, so could you just sit quietly. Interjections are unparliamentary.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Thorpe</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm using my voice.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Please sit quietly. Senator White, you can continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHITE</name>
    <name.id>IWK</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Voice represents an opportunity to make our country better. I can imagine how uplifting it will be. It gives me a great sense of hope to think of that morning, and what a force for a more cohesive Australia a successful vote will be.</para>
<para>In closing, I want to remember these words from the Uluru statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We seek constitutional reforms to empower our people and take <inline font-style="italic">a rightful place</inline> in our own country. When we have power over our destiny our children will flourish. They will walk in two worlds and their culture will be a gift to their country.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senat</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>or COX () (): I rise to speak to this urgency motion on treaty. The Greens wholeheartedly support the calls for treaty across the country; indeed, we have echoed those calls. We are the only Commonwealth country without a treaty with its First Peoples. This is in fact shameful, but it's not due to a lack of interest or a lack of trying. First Nations people of this country have called for a treaty since colonisation began over 200 years ago, and we continue to call for a treaty. Treaty is a part of acknowledging historical wrongs and providing an opportunity for these wrongs to be actually addressed. A treaty will provide a much-needed structure to navigate the relationship between First Nations and non-First-Nations people for the betterment of everybody.</para>
<para>First Nations people have had treaty dangled over them, but we are yet to see that come to fruition. In 1979 the Aboriginal Treaty Committee was established. It ceased in 1983. In 1988 former prime minister Bob Hawke promised a treaty. This was abandoned in favour of reconciliation. In 2017 the Uluru Statement from the Heart called for truth, treaty and voice. As we know, we are in the process of—hopefully—implementing only one aspect of those so far, which is the Voice to Parliament. In last year's October budget, there was $5.8 million set aside for preparatory work for a treaty, but we've yet to see any real progress. It is crucial that we see progress on all elements of the Uluru Statement from the Heart, and that includes truth, treaty and voice. Importantly, progress on all three can happen at the same time. Truth and treaty will take years and possibly decades, but there is always more truth to be told, so why not start now? Governments can't keep mentioning treaty when it suits them, to get some good media or to look like they will take action. We actually need progress. We need a treaty commission established. We need negotiations to begin right now. My colleague will dive into more of this information.</para>
<para>But we don't just need a treaty; we also need investment in First Nations community led solutions, good governance to help support them and also legal reform. A key reform is implementing the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in federal law. A crucially important element of this declaration that I've spoken about many times in this chamber is free, prior and informed consent. Another important aspect of this is nation building in preparation for treaty negotiations.</para>
<para>However, it's important to note that there's not one single thing that will solve everything. There is no silver bullet, no panacea. There is so much work to be done in this space. We need to listen to what First Nations people have been calling for.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We know what we need. And a treaty is great, but it's only part of the story.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Thorpe, it's not five minutes since I asked you to desist from interjecting. Please do not interject.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GREEN</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for the opportunity to speak on this important motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Thorpe</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Are no black people from Labor speaking on treaty?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Thorpe! Could you have some self-respect. When I ask you to not interject, that's what I mean. Do not interject.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Can you please stop interjecting!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Thorpe</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've made my point.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't want to hear you make any other points when any other people are speaking.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GREEN</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to begin by acknowledging the hardworking members of the First Nations caucus and the leadership that they've shown in the Labor Party not just in this term of government but in the many years leading up to government. In particular, I acknowledge my colleague Senator Patrick Dodson today.</para>
<para>This urgency motion highlights the false proposition that has been propelled in this debate by those that oppose the Voice—that somehow you can't have a voice to parliament, makarrata and agreement making and also make meaningful and urgent investments in closing the gap, that somehow you need to do one of those things but not any of the others. But that's not what the Uluru statement calls for. The Uluru statement calls for all of this work to be done and for all of this progress to be made together. I acknowledge the comments made by Senator Cox just previously. We don't agree on all of the terms, but I think it's worth acknowledging that many people can agree that all of this work can be done together and should be done together. A voice to parliament is an important part of this conversation. It's important because we as a government believe that we need to start work on this important part of the Uluru statement. It's because we're starting with this, constitutional recognition through a voice, that we believe we can achieve makarrata, truth telling and agreement making. That's exactly what the Uluru statement from the Heart calls for.</para>
<para>It also made clear the sequence of this process and this work. It's a sequence of a voice to parliament enshrined in the Constitution, followed by a makarrata commission to supervise agreement making and to oversee a process of truth telling. The sequence is important because the voice coming first will start to address the political disempowerment of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians. For too long, governments and bureaucrats have made policies for Indigenous Australians, not with Indigenous Australians. Generations of discrimination, systematic racism and entrenched disadvantage mean that they are starting from a very long way behind. We need a voice now—urgently, I would argue—to address the entrenched disadvantage that First Nations people experience.</para>
<para>In referring to this debate, I want to quote from someone who I think has done a magnificent job in arguing the case for the Uluru Statement from the Heart to be listened to and then arguing the case for the Voice to Parliament to be actioned and accepted by the parties of government—before the election, we believed that was the case, but that is no longer the case—and now continues to work for the 'yes' campaign, and that's Thomas Mayo. Something that resonated with me and with many others on this side of the chamber was when he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Can you imagine a section of workers, who have no union, trying to negotiate an agreement with a huge company?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">& 1 worker demands: We must have an agreement b4 we form a collective voice?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yeah, this is the same as demanding: Treaty before a First Nations Voice to Parliament.</para></quote>
<para>Power and representation always precede a meaningful agreement. It's as if Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who have a strong desire for treaty would establish a representative body and not go on to pursue agreement making and truth telling. These are important words because they acknowledge that there is a process and a sequence that a voice to parliament is incredibly important in terms of providing power and representation in a meaningful way for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders so that we can deliver on the call of the Uluru statement.</para>
<para>I will finish, as one of my colleagues did, on the words of the Uluru statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We seek constitutional reforms to empower our people and take a rightful place in our own country. When we have power over our destiny our children will flourish.</para></quote>
<para>I will say that I believe that not only will Indigenous children flourish but children of all Australians will flourish in a country where we walk together in two worlds, in two cultures. That is a gift to our country. It is a gift from Indigenous people to the rest of our country, and I, for one, will be accepting it when we get the opportunity to vote for the bill later this week in this chamber.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Thorpe is calling for a treaty as a matter of urgency. A treaty between which parties? Who would represent Aboriginal people? What would be in the treaty? Billions in compensation and reparations, perhaps? The white and black Aboriginal industry already receives billions of dollars in grants and projects. Even if a treaty had been considered in the early days of settlement, it could not have been completed as there was no representative Aboriginal leader. There was no means of establishing representation of widely distributed tribes of Aboriginal people across the vast continent of Australia. It was impossible. Some tribal groups were simply unknown to others.</para>
<para>There was no universal legal system in place when Europeans settled Australia. A treaty is a legal arrangement between parties authorised to represent their side. Treaties are a two-way street. Each party would agree to do or refrain from doing certain things. The process is essentially contractual.</para>
<para>Senator Thorpe has indicated that a treaty should address historic systematic injustices. How does she see this as a uniting process? It's not reasonable nor logical to try to punish later generations for perceived historical injustices to the ancestors of Aboriginal people. There's no doubt that injustices occurred on both sides during the opening up of the inland as settlers pushed into the interior and developed Australia. Australia was not won as the spoils of a war.</para>
<para>Is this treaty to be part of the blak sovereignty agenda that Senator Thorpe has been pushing since leaving the Greens or is this part of the Greens's globalist agenda? According to some reports, a treaty is stage 2 of a three-stage process linked to getting the Voice up and then the rewriting of Australian history from the radical socialist point of view. Most Aboriginals have never heard of blak sovereignty, and the concept of a treaty is only the language of the socialist far-left elite and academics pushing for the Voice.</para>
<para>Aboriginal people never formally united in exercising exclusive possession of the entirety of Australia and Aboriginal sovereignty cannot be ceded as it did not exist after 1788. The High Court held in Love v Commonwealth in 2020 that First Nations sovereignty did not persist after the British Crown's assertion of sovereignty in 1788. This confirmed the decision made in Mabo No. 2 in the High Court.</para>
<para>Treaties in other countries were possible because the indigenous party was a united nation. That has never been the case for Aboriginals in Australia. A treaty binding Australia with First Nations people is not viable. It is not based on law. It is divisive. Instead, we need to unite as one country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHOEBRIDGE</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the start I want to acknowledge the words of my colleague Senator Cox and commend her work in this space. Australia is one of only a handful of settler colonial states that does not have a treaty with its first nations peoples. That gap in our history, that flaw in our national DNA, will continue to hurt and divide us until it is mended.</para>
<para>This week this chamber is debating just one part of the Statement from the Heart—voice. Voice is part of moving forward, but it's only a small part and by itself will not deliver the real self-determination, the respect, the land and the place that the First Nations people of this land deserve. For that to happen we must also advance truth and treaty. This is the compact that the Greens are committed to—all three elements of the Statement from the Heart: truth, treaty and voice.</para>
<para>We know that truth telling will be an ongoing process, and we've heard part of that in this chamber today. There will always be stories to be told. We also know that treaty negotiations will take a considerable amount of time and will likely happen under multiple governments. But this isn't an argument to say it's too hard. It's an argument to say, 'Let's get started today.' Imagine where we would be today if Bob Hawkes's two-year experiment with treaty had instead been the first two years in the 30-year long process that we have inherited. Imagine how much stronger our nation would be. We need to ensure that that's the legacy we leave behind 30 years from now.</para>
<para>While we work towards treaty or treaties, we must also work on providing the power, resources and self-determination that First Nations peoples are already telling us are essential for their success. If we listen, we can already hear these demands coming clearly, repeatedly and directly from First Nations communities. These are demands for schools that teach in language, First Nations led community health care, culturally safe and informed programs for substance abuse, caring for country programs, justice reinvestment and getting young people out on country to learn about the lore and culture of their land. The demands are also about economic and cultural empowerment, including native title reform, stronger rights for First Nations people when it comes to mining on their land, and better protections for First Nations cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible—real respect for the longest continuing culture on this planet. For many, it's also about implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into federal law, about implementing all the recommendations of the deaths in custody royal commission and not hiding it under a consultancy report, and about implementing the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report, keeping kids safe on country with family, instead of ripping them away from their families— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Thorpe be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:45]<br />(The Acting Deputy President—Senator Bilyk)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>12</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Rice, J. E.</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Thorpe, L. A. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>33</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Askew, W.</name>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Bilyk, C. L.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Hanson, P. L.</name>
                <name>Hume, J.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Lambie, J.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Pratt, L. C.</name>
                <name>Roberts, M. I.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Tyrrell, T. M.</name>
                <name>Urquhart, A. E.</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>White, L.</name>
                <name>Wong, P.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names />
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that the President has received the following letter from Senator Hume:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I give notice that today I propose to move "That, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Labor's budget does nothing to fight inflation or deal with the cost of living crisis and instead has given no reason for the RBA to freeze interest rates, costing Australian families and businesses."</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With the concurrence of the Senate, the clerks will set the clock in line with the informal arrangements made by the whips.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Labor's budget does nothing to fight inflation or deal with the cost of living crisis and instead has given no reason for the RBA to freeze interest rates, costing Australian families and businesses.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to express my deep disappointment in the failure of the Labor government to address the cost of living, which is impacting every single Australian right now. It's not just a matter of public importance; for many families, it is the only issue that matters. On the first Tuesday of May this year, the Reserve Bank board, after its meeting and for the first time in a year, did not increase interest rates. The signal to the government could not have been clearer. The Reserve Bank board gave the Labor government an opportunity to lead the way and to help Australians that are doing it tough in Labor's cost-of-living crisis. It gave the government an opportunity to show leadership by reducing expenditure in the budget, by doing its bit to slow aggregate demand, to do a bit of the heavy lifting with the anti-inflationary tools that are at the government's disposal so that the RBA wasn't forced to use the only tool that it has and continue to ratchet up interest rates to bring inflation down.</para>
<para>But unfortunately the Labor government did not take up this opportunity and instead delivered a budget with $185 billion in new spending, with absolutely no plan to fight inflation. Not only that but, at a time when inflation has been above seven per cent for three quarters in a row, the government removed from its fiscal strategy its previous priority to get inflation under control. There it was in black and white in October 2022, but it was gone by May 2023. In October 2022 the Treasurer said that inflation was public enemy No. 1. He said it was the dragon that needed to be slayed. But by May 2023 the government had raised the white flag.</para>
<para>So, the RBA has no choice. The government forced its hand and last Tuesday, once again, it increased interest rates to try and get inflation under control. And the country groaned under the weight of increased financial pressure. Families cried out at the unfairness of the endless costs of living: rising energy prices, rising rents, rising grocery prices at the checkout and now rising mortgages, again—in fact, an additional $22,000 for a family that has a mortgage of $750,000. Where's the average family supposed to come up with that sort of money? But what choice was there? The RBA governor made it clear, time and time again, that getting inflation under control is the only priority, the No. 1 priority, is absolutely critical—that lowering inflation is the only policy that will deliver cost-of-living relief to all Australians.</para>
<para>And this isn't a political assessment. Independent experts are unanimous. It doesn't matter whether it's Chris Richardson or BetaShares economist David Bassanese or Bill Evans from Westpac. Let's face it, the Treasurer was quick to quote Bill Evans on budget night, but he said that the first cut to rates may be delayed given the spending in this budget. He said that, excluding the COVID response, the spending package in the budget was about twice as large as in previous budgets—twice as large. But it's not just their spending. There are additional taxes there, too—a truckies tax, a farmers tax—that will all be passed on to consumers, increasing their cost of living.</para>
<para>In the weeks since the budget we've seen markets, economists and now of course the RBA itself react to the budget by increasing their forecasts of inflation and interest rates. In fact, the budget itself forecast interest rates of 3.85 per cent ongoing. Well, how quickly that forecast disappeared. They all warned that there is more pain to come—more pain to come, caused by this Labor government. Labor's been in government for more than a year now. It's delivered two budgets, and it's been clear in both that Labor has no plan to tackle inflation. They are content to let the RBA governor do all the heavy lifting and then blame him afterwards—complain about him. Jim Chalmers called on the RBA governor to explain himself—well, what audacious hypocrisy!</para>
<para>Make no mistake: this is Labor's rate rise. This rate rise belongs to Labor. It's a consequence of a government that has let inflation get out of control and has failed to take leadership on addressing the biggest economic challenge that Australia faces today. Labor's budget did nothing to convince the RBA that that rate rise wasn't needed. What did the Treasurer think was going to happen when he delivered a higher-spending budget at a time of high inflation? Either he doesn't understand basic economics or he's ignored the warnings or he doesn't know what he's doing and he's happy to have Australians pay the price. Jim Chalmers and Anthony Albanese are the ones that need to explain themselves to the Australian people, not the RBA governor.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALSH</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm genuinely surprised that Senator Hume has put her name to this motion about our budget, about how it fights inflation and how it provides cost-of-living relief, because it was her questions, just a couple of weeks ago, to both Dr Lowe and Dr Kennedy about the budget and inflation at economics estimates that actually carefully drew out the evidence of the budget's disinflationary impact through our energy plan—a plan opposed by those opposite. So I'm surprised that the senator has come back for more today. I'm surprised that she wants us to talk about the disinflationary impact of the budget. I'm surprised that she wants us to talk about the cost-of-living relief that the budget does provide and the restraint that the budget does provide. But I am more than happy to talk about those topics today. We know that rising inflation means a cost-of-living crunch for Australians, especially those on the lowest incomes who are doing it tough, and that's why our budget addressed inflation head on. Getting on top of inflation is the central focus of our government's economic plan.</para>
<para>As the Treasurer said on budget night, our task was to restrain spending to check inflation while doing our absolute best to help people who are struggling to make ends meet. Our cost-of-living package was targeted to do just that—cheaper medicines and cheaper GP visits for those who need them the most; investment to tackle high energy prices; boosts to JobSeeker, single-parent payments and to rent assistance; and an historic pay rise for hundreds of thousands of predominantly women who are working in aged care. Not only will this cost-of-living relief package help Australians with their household budgets but, as Mr Lowe confirmed just a couple of weeks ago, the budget is expected to directly reduce inflation by three-quarters of a percentage point in 2023-24.</para>
<para>You don't need to take my word for it, because you can listen exactly to what the Reserve Bank governor said at estimates just a couple of weeks ago:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don't think that the budget is adding to inflation; it's actually reducing inflation in the next financial year.</para></quote>
<para>And he went on specifically to note the effect that the government's energy price-relief plan will have on the economy. He stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">the fact that, through one specific policy, the government is able to take three-quarters of a per cent off an annual inflation rate is really important. Not only does it help people with their own finances, but it lowers the headline rate of inflation—</para></quote>
<para>That is from the governor himself, and it's my recollection that it was from the governor himself in response to questions asked by Senator Hume. Apparently, the senator wasn't listening.</para>
<para>The causes of inflation are well-known. It's driven in part by Russia's illegal war in Ukraine and by broken supply chains, caused in no small part by a wasted decade from those opposite who decided to throw manufacturing off a cliff instead of backing and investing in it. Australians are paying the price for that today.</para>
<para>Australians understand that we didn't create the challenges that we're facing, but they did elect us to take responsibility for addressing them, and we are. This budget is about responsible spending while helping the most vulnerable in our communities. It was responsible to return 92 per cent of improved tax revenue to the budget over the forward estimates. It was responsible to keep real spending growth to an average of just 0.3 per cent a year over the forwards and to keep our own policy decisions to less than $10 billion over four years. And it was responsible to do the hard work of finding $22 billion in new savings, work that the previous government failed to do. It was responsible to do all of that, and we did. And our AAA credit rating has been affirmed, backing in Australia's budgetary approach, the approach of our government.</para>
<para>Our budget and our economic plan deliver. It targets much needed relief to those who need it most. It brings down inflation by capping energy prices and by providing bill relief, measures opposed to by those opposite, and it restrains spending and restores revenue to the bottom line. Ours is a budget for the times: relief for those who need it and responsible for the challenges we face. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens will be supporting this motion. Labor's budget does next to nothing to fight inflation, it does next to nothing to deal with the cost-of-living crisis and, given the extremely contorted rationale of the Reserve Bank and Labor's decision to vacate the field, Labor's budget also does next to nothing to stop the likelihood that the RBA will keep smashing renters and mortgage holders with more interest rate rises.</para>
<para>However, while the Greens agree with the opposition in their identification of the problem, we do not agree with the opposition's prescription for dealing with the problem. It is not workers who are driving inflation. Inflation in Australia is primarily being driven by supply side shocks and corporate profiteering. To the extent demand is contributing to inflation, it is older and wealthier Australians whose spending is holding up just fine while younger people—who, of course, are far more likely to be renters or mortgage holders, who are bearing the brunt of the RBA's interest rate increases—have already, to a large degree, closed their wallets. There is massive intergenerational inequity going on in this country at the moment. In the face of inflation sparked by supply shocks and being exacerbated by corporate profiteering, we need the government to step into the breach.</para>
<para>I note the opposition's language in the motion regarding the freezing of interest rates. That's exactly what the Greens have been calling on the government to do. Treasurer Jim Chalmers should step in, use the powers that he has and that have existed for many decades in section 11 of the RBA Act, and overrule the RBA. I now look forward to those in the opposition who understand the history of monetary policy opposing the government's proposal to repeal section 11, which was a recommendation of the RBA review. It was the Menzies government who established the RBA with those section 11 powers, because, in Menzies's view, the government should ultimately be responsible for monetary policy.</para>
<para>The government should not stop at freezing interest rates. We need a multifaceted approach to tackling inflation, including freezing rents, taxing corporate super profits, taxing the super rich and bringing in monopoly busting divestiture powers.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to make something crystal clear: the issue of inflation in this country is completely owned by the Labor Party. The budget that was handed down a month or so ago has done nothing to address the cost-of-living pressures and the inflationary impact in our economy one iota. There is nothing that's been done.</para>
<para>I listened carefully to the remarks of those opposite—including you, Madam Acting Deputy President Walsh, when you were in your chair. There is nothing in this budget that is seeking to address this cost-of-living pressure and inflation. We've seen 11 interest rate hikes under this government. We know that everything is going up. Australians are facing increased costs of living across almost every part of their own personal budgets. The cost of living is going up. Power prices are going up. Gas prices are going up. Taxes are going up. And mortgages are going up. People are paying more, and they're feeling the pain.</para>
<para>As I've been engaging with people in my community back in Western Australia, it is the biggest issue people are raising. If you're not hearing that, you've simply got your ears closed. This is the biggest issue people are raising—even people on quite significant salaries. I had someone that's on $115,000 a year, which is a decent salary and above the average, speak to me only two weeks ago—a single mother with two children, who is struggling to make ends meet even on that sort of salary. People are finding it impossible. For this particular person, the only thing she could figure she could cut was her Netflix subscription. That was going to net her—how much is a Netflix subscription?—about 20 bucks a month. This is impacting everyone, and the Labor government are to blame. The RBA's decision to lift the cash rate from 3.85 to 4.1 per cent last week can be put down to only one thing, and that is Labor's inability to manage money and reframe from spending. With inflation at its highest point since the 1990s, Australians will struggle to make ends meet. Mortgage holders are facing the highest debt burden since the 1980s. There's been $185 billion in new spending since the Labor Party came into office. That's having an inflationary impact. That's putting upward pressure on inflation. Labor's budget did nothing to put downward pressure on inflation.</para>
<para>Australians with a mortgage of $750,000 are now paying $1,856 more per month. That's more than 22,000 extra dollars that these people must find. The cost of living, as I've said, is the No. 1 issue that Australian's are facing, and this government is distracted on other projects and is not doing what it needs to do to help Australians address their cost of living. Labor have no plan to bring down the cost of living, and they try to blame many other things. They blame the Ukraine war. They blame Putin for this cost-of-living process that we're facing, yet they're doing nothing to address it.</para>
<para>If you listen carefully to the words of the Reserve Bank governor last week—and those opposite and their champions within the media are doing their best to make a bogyman out of the Reserve Bank governor. But let me tell you, he said something that was really powerful. He said that very few people understand what's actually going on here. He said that the unit cost of labour, which is the measure of wages versus productivity, is going up, and that means that without productivity improvement in this country we're going to see further increases in inflation. And there is nothing in the budget. In fact, the legislative agenda is increasing union control and by putting upward pressure on wages but is not doing anything to lift productivity, and it's just going to further exacerbate the problem. The unions are big about talking about wages, and the Labor Party is big about talking about higher wages, but, if you're not seeking to increase productivity, then all you're going to do is drive up the cost of living. All you are going to do is drive up inflation, and that's what is left by this—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator O'Sullivan. Senator Sheldon.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Walsh was making some very fine points before, and I think I will grasp a little bit of what she was saying before because obviously those opposite aren't listening. This is the unbearable truth about the budget: the Reserve Bank governor made it clear our budget is addressing inflation, not adding to it. At Senate estimates on 31 May 2023, in an answer to those opposite, the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Mr Lowe, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don't think the budget is adding to inflation. It is reducing inflation by the next financial year.</para></quote>
<para>That's the point. They can't live with the unbearable truth that the budget that was brought down by the Labor government, by the Albanese Labor government, was a budget that is successfully tackling the issue of inflation.</para>
<para>As those across the way know, when we go to the issue of inflation and some of the techniques to battle inflation, the budget is critical. It's got a big tick from the Reserve Bank. What you have to also look at is the pressure around the world on the budget and inflation. Of course, everyone around the kitchen table is worried about what will happen in the future and the economic plans to actually meet those challenges. You have to have reasonable cost-of-living responses, which we've done. You've got to invest in skills and industries to lift the speed limit on our economy. We're investing after a 10-year drought from those opposite. We're addressing the skills issue within this country. Of course, you have to have sensible spending restraint and budget management, and we're doing that; we've made those changes.</para>
<para>But what you won't hear those on the opposite side talk about are the massive profits that have been taken through this period. They won't actually look at the sorts of headlines and questions that are raised by the ABC, such as the article by Michael Janda titled 'Profits dominating inflation according to OECD research. But is it really that simple?' Or there is the opinion piece from Ross Gittens: 'Big business cries poor on wages even as profits mount.' There is an article by Shane Wright called: 'Corporate profits heat up inflation: OECD'. The reality is that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development—that progressive left-wing organisation run by that very progressive left-wing leader of the OECD!—is 'the latest leading economic body to publish research showing the important role played by historically high corporate profits in explaining the surge in inflation after the COVID pandemic'. Jim Stanford, the Director of the Centre for Future Work at the Australia Institute, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This new OECD research is fully consistent with our earlier research on profit-price inflation, in terms of both its methodology and its conclusions.</para></quote>
<para>Clearly, if we want to deal with cost-of living-issues, then one of those important aspects is something about the rights and conditions of working people and the middle-class in this country. Those shrunk under those opposite. They shrunk, because they keep voting against every proposition that this parliament put and every proposition this parliament passes to make sure that working people, middle-class people, have an opportunity to turn around and lift themselves. Multi-employer bargaining reform—they voted against it. Supported bargaining system for the low-paid feminised industries—they voted against it. Remove limitations on single interest to multi-employer bargaining—they voted against it. Empower the Fair Work Commission to operate within bargaining disputes—heaven forbid, you would think that would be one they'd vote for. They voted against it. They are not about improving the opportunity for people to come into the middle class and to deal with the cost-of-living pressures. They are about the bland marketing of their position, which is contrary to what the Reserve Bank says and contrary to every piece of legislation that has been put before this parliament when it comes to labour rights and many other areas dealing with cost-of-living pressures. When it comes to the future of cost-of-living pressures, I will see how they vote in the future IR legislation coming before them—whether they will take the side of the middle class in Australia or vote against them again.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians laughed 12 months ago when they were told that life wouldn't be easy under Albanese. That laughter has been replaced by fear and tears. We have heard from Labor senators talking about inflation and quoting from the Senate estimates effort of Senator Hume and others over the last few weeks. Let me leave you with these key dates: the budget came out on 9 May, the Senate estimates process began on the weeks beginning 22 May and 29 May, the RBA lifted interest rates on 7 June to 4.1 per cent. That is a sign. It is the lifting of interest rates on 7 June to 4.1 per cent by the governor of the RBA—that is the judgement about whether Labor's second budget has been doing enough or will do enough to tackle inflation in this country.</para>
<para>Let me remind you that inflation has peaked to 6.8 per cent in April, up from 6.3 per cent in March. Inflation is the greatest curse on the Australian economy. On this side we contend that Anthony Albanese as Prime Minister and Jim Chalmers as Treasurer are not doing enough. One Labor senator told us that it's the war in Ukraine and it's supply chain issues that are causing the inflationary problem. I say that is just not true. It's not true not because Senator Smith says it; it's not true because the statement of monetary policy released by the RBA in May says it is no longer true. Indeed, the government's own budget papers say that the inflationary pressures in our country are being caused by other matters. Inflation is a great curse. It is getting deep into our communities. First home buyers, low-income earners and retirees on a fixed income—these are the people who, over the coming months, will feel the real pain of the inflationary pressures in our economy because the government is not doing enough to address them. All of that work is being done by one institution alone, and that is the RBA and its governor.</para>
<para>The inflationary pressures in our country leave no-one behind. They'll be felt in school communities when parents can't pay school fees. They'll be felt in sporting clubs when families can't pay for equipment, annual fees or match fees. They'll soon be felt in our businesses, as businesses start to pass on those inflationary pressures. Indeed, the RBA says in its statement on monetary policy that is the inflationary expectation—thank you, Senator McKim, for nodding in agreement—that is now cementing itself in the psyche of Australians and Australian businesses that will become very, very difficult to move in the future. Anthony Albanese, as opposition leader trying to get into the Lodge, said that things would be better under Labor. He said mortgages would be cheaper, and we know that is just not true.</para>
<para>So why are Australians feeling the cost-of-living pressure more acutely? When I go around Western Australia, people are saying to me, 'Senator Smith, life is getting harder, but I feel like I'm working more.' It is a remarkable revelation—and that anecdotal experience that is shared with me is also shared in the statistics. Australians are now working the most hours ever since 1978 but feeling poorer for it. Over the last three quarters, GDP-per-capita growth has been zero. Hours worked have hit their highest levels since 1978. Productivity has collapsed, with GDP per hour worked decreasing for three of the last four quarters and net negative GDP per hour worked in the four quarters since Labor has come to government. Life is getting very difficult for Australians.</para>
<para>In my final few moments: it is first home buyers in this country, living in the outer suburban areas of our cities, that will feel the pain, with 1.9 million fixed-rate loans turning to variables over the calendar year— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National School Resourcing Board</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ALLMAN-PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>298839</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>It is distressing to see another report detailing the continuing failure of governments to do one simple thing: fully fund public schools. If you stick a microphone in front of the Minister for Education, he's bound to tell you that he doesn't want to live in a country where kids' chances in life depend on how rich their parents are or the colour of their skin. But, to be clear, the government has no plan. In their recently released policy platform, the ALP have dumped any commitment to fully funding public schools.</para>
<para>The minister is intent to keep spinning our public schools and the concept of public education as a pillar of social equity into wonkish oblivion. The system is being crushed under the weight of fragmented, piecemeal policy that capitulates only to the interests of private schools. There is simple maths here. The only state or territory in this country with fully funded public schools is the ACT. That means that a majority of kids enrolled in public schools in this country will not attend a school funded to its minimum standard of resourcing. Many of these kids will spend their entire schooling career hearing about this mythical pathway to full funding. Tomorrow thousands of kids will wake up and go to thousands of public schools around Australia that will have to keep stretching paper and string to hold together kids' education. They will be taught by a workforce that is underpaid, overworked and burnt out. If we peer into the future, the future is bleak. We're at a crisis point. We have continued to throw dragon hoards of public money into the private school system, while we have driven the public system off a cliff—another pillar of Australia's social democracy kicked in the teeth.</para>
<para>Negotiations on the next National School Reform Agreement are already underway. This is the last chance we have to bring the public school system back from the brink. Labor has the chance to come riding over the hill to save the day, but at the moment it looks like they're vacating the field of battle.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Allman-Payne, do you wish to seek leave to continue your remarks?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ALLMAN-PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>298839</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, I do.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF URGENCY</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF URGENCY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise only to correct an error of my own making, which was that I failed to lend my voice to our opposition to the urgency motion put by Senator Hume, because I was too busy thinking ahead about committee reports et cetera. We would have sought to oppose and divide on the question of the urgency motion put by the coalition. I seek leave to recommit for a vote the motion put by Senator Hume.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the urgency motion as moved by Senator Hume be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [17:26] <br />(The President—Senator Lines) </p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>38</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Allman-Payne, P. J.</name>
                <name>Antic, A.</name>
                <name>Askew, W. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Bragg, A. J.</name>
                <name>Cadell, R.</name>
                <name>Canavan, M. J.</name>
                <name>Chandler, C.</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R. M.</name>
                <name>Cox, D.</name>
                <name>Davey, P. M.</name>
                <name>Duniam, J. R.</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M.</name>
                <name>Fawcett, D. J.</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, S. C.</name>
                <name>Hughes, H. A.</name>
                <name>Kovacic, M.</name>
                <name>Liddle, K. J.</name>
                <name>McDonald, S. E.</name>
                <name>McGrath, J.</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B.</name>
                <name>McKim, N. J.</name>
                <name>McLachlan, A. L.</name>
                <name>Nampijinpa Price, J. S.</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, M. A.</name>
                <name>Paterson, J. W.</name>
                <name>Payne, M. A.</name>
                <name>Pocock, B.</name>
                <name>Rennick, G.</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L. K.</name>
                <name>Rice, J. E.</name>
                <name>Ruston, A.</name>
                <name>Scarr, P. M.</name>
                <name>Shoebridge, D.</name>
                <name>Smith, D. A.</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J. A.</name>
                <name>Van, D. A.</name>
                <name>Waters, L. J.</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, P. S.</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>20</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Ayres, T.</name>
                <name>Bilyk, C. L.</name>
                <name>Brown, C. L.</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A.</name>
                <name>Farrell, D. E.</name>
                <name>Green, N. L.</name>
                <name>Grogan, K.</name>
                <name>Lines, S.</name>
                <name>McAllister, J. R.</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M.</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D. M.</name>
                <name>Payman, F.</name>
                <name>Polley, H.</name>
                <name>Pratt, L. C.</name>
                <name>Sheldon, A. V.</name>
                <name>Smith, M. F.</name>
                <name>Sterle, G.</name>
                <name>Urquhart, A. E. (Teller)</name>
                <name>Walsh, J. C.</name>
                <name>White, L.</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names />
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Report No. 31 of 2022-23</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>We had sports rorts Nos 1 and 2, we had the commuter car parks, we had the community safety grants and now we have the program to fund community health and regional hospitals. These were all special deliveries from the former Morrison government. The ANAO was absolutely scathing in its assessment. It found that the Department of Health and Aged Care's administration of the Community Health and Hospitals Program was 'ineffective and fell short of ethical requirements'. The department's management of the program was described as:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… undermined by deliberate breaches of the Commonwealth Grants Rules and Guidelines and failure to advise government where there was no legislative authority for grant expenditure … Executive oversight, risk and fraud management were deficient.</para></quote>
<para>Perhaps the most egregious example was the gifting of $4 million to the Esther Foundation, a religious rehab centre and a pet project of former prime minister Mr Morrison. This is a centre that has been widely reported to have inflicted religious abuse on vulnerable young women and has since been put into voluntary administration amid ongoing allegations.</para>
<para>Funding that institution was not a decision taken in the public interest. The quality assurance from the department on the Esther Foundation project proposal said that it was suitable and provided value for money; however, the assessor did not undertake a financial viability assessment or get any audited financial statements. They simply copied the 100-word commentary from the Esther Foundation media profile and an activity plan the foundation had only provided when asked by the department. That activity work plan included a bulk spend on things not covered by the grant guidelines or objectives and a bunch of things that were ineligible. So this was not only not a good decision but an indefensible awarding of public funds. I'm having deja vu—another pre-election grants program and another damning report from the ANAO about decisions made to prop up the political fortunes of the then government rather than to meet community needs. Scandal after scandal—it's the same old story.</para>
<para>People who make the effort to seek government funding expecting a robust, rigorous and merits based approach are rightly outraged when grants are directed not to the best organisation but to the best-connected organisation. We are desperately in need of a change of approach to ensure that the community can have confidence that public money is going where it is most needed—judged by the community's need for support and not a politician's desire for re-election.</para>
<para>The Greens want to clean up politics from the ground up. We want the National Anti-Corruption Commission to be able to examine allegations of pork-barrelling. It is a misuse of public funds and an issue of integrity. We also want to remove the culture that makes governments and public servants feel like they can get away with it in the first place. We need strong, clear grants guidelines. We need to rebuild the Australian Public Service. We need strong and enforceable codes of conduct that hold politicians accountable for any conflicts of interest affecting their decisions. We need to continue funding the ANAO to call out poor conduct and we need departments that respond to those reports by lifting their standards.</para>
<para>Throughout the JSCEM inquiry into the 2022 election we heard about the advantages that incumbents have over new candidates. The opportunity to use public funds as sweeteners in the lead-up to an election is just one of those advantages, and it will continue to tip the playing field in favour of the government until pork-barrelling is prevented. We've had nearly a decade of this kind of behaviour, and the community is sick of it. The Albanese government needs to make a clear commitment not to follow the same path. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity Joint Committee, National Disability Insurance Scheme Joint Committee, Public Works Joint Committee, Intelligence and Security Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>60</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity, I present a report on committee proceedings in the 45th Parliament. On behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on the National Disability Insurance Scheme, I present an interim report on the capability and culture of the NDIA. On behalf of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works, I present the committee's fourth report of 2023, <inline font-style="italic">Airservices Australia</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline><inline font-style="italic">Aviation</inline><inline font-style="italic">Rescue Fire Fighting Facilities,</inline><inline font-style="italic">Navigation Aids and Digital</inline><inline font-style="italic">Aerodrome Services project,</inline><inline font-style="italic">Western Sydney International</inline><inline font-style="italic">Airport</inline>. On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, I present an advisory report on the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Amendment Bill 2023.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice Referendum Joint Select Committee</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>61</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Sena</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>tor GREEN () (): I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I'm very pleased to speak on this report, the <inline font-style="italic">Advisory Report on the </inline><inline font-style="italic">Constitutional Alteration </inline><inline font-style="italic">(Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice</inline><inline font-style="italic">)</inline><inline font-style="italic"> 2023</inline>, presented out of sitting by the Joint Select Committee on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice Referendum. It was a real honour and a privilege to chair this joint select committee inquiry into what is an important piece of legislation that will be debated in this chamber this week. Over the course of the inquiry, the committee held five public hearings and we heard from 71 witnesses, accepted 270 submissions and received thousands of items of correspondence. Amongst the witnesses were eminent constitutional legal experts, former High Court justices and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders, and we received submissions from the Solicitor-General.</para>
<para>This inquiry asked and answered questions on why this constitutional alteration is needed, how it would work and whether there would be any unintended consequences of the proposal. Through robust examination and scrutiny, the committee came to a single conclusion in the majority report they recommended that the proposed legislation be passed unamended. Many people in this chamber will have the opportunity to debate the substantive part of this bill, so I won't go into that today, but I did want to make some comments on the committee process, on the hearings that we held and on the deliberations of the committee.</para>
<para>Across five hearings, the committee heard from Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders and community members. These witnesses provided crucial contextual evidence on the rigorous work that they undertook to get us to this very moment. In the course of their evidence, they spoke about the years-long process to deliver the Uluru Statement from the Heart, spanning from a long time before a formal consultation began in 2010. The committee found that thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were consulted in the lead-up to the proposed constitutional alteration, and a significant majority are supportive of it.</para>
<para>At the first hearing of the committee, Professor Megan Davis said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This bill is the culmination of a 16-year national discussion of constitutional recognition … The bill is the culmination of over a decade's work: 10 reports, seven processes and 10 years.</para></quote>
<para>Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander leaders also spoke about the profound impact that a voice would have in closing the gap and moving towards reconciliation. Witnesses across the country spoke about the delay in progress because of election cycles and decentralisation of current processes.</para>
<para>In Orange, where we held our first regional hearing, Mr Jamie Newman from the Orange Aboriginal Medical Service reflected like this:</para>
<quote><para class="block">You have different levels of access and engagement from a local, regional, state and national level. That is not good if you're looking at trying to close the gap for our people. When we have multiple levels of government not even talking to one another and expect that's going to happen on the ground, it's doomed to failure.</para></quote>
<para>The Indigenous Law Centre also provided evidence on how consultations lead to the call for a voice to parliament. They said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The intention was that it address the urgent need for First Nations people to have a greater say in decisions affecting their daily lives, while focusing on Australia's existing processes of parliamentary government rather than the courts.</para></quote>
<para>The committee heard about the importance of legislation being implemented in full without carveouts that water down its impact. Again in Orange, we heard from Ms Kim Whitely, who reiterated the simple view that recognition would go to addressing not only systematic but also structural reform. She said we need a framework within the Constitution that is accountable, that is transparent and that cannot be removed.</para>
<para>I want to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to all of the witnesses who came forward to give evidence and to all of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who welcomed us into their communities and took the time to step the committee through how we got here, why it matters and why it matters to their lives and the lives of the people living in their communities.</para>
<para>The committee was tasked with scrutinising the proposed wording. We in this place are often tasked with investigating whether legislative provisions stack up. But, of course, when you are examining legislation or the words that will go into the Constitution one day, you do take this very seriously—and we did. Let me begin by talking about the words that, if this bill is passed and if a referendum is successful, will be part of the Constitution forever, hopefully. They include the words that allow an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice to make representations to executive government for the Commonwealth. We know that some witnesses raised concerns about the use of the word 'representation'. Some in this place and in the other place have raised that this would imply a duty to engage the Voice prior to making laws or policies. The natural implication of this concern is that the government of the day would act without first seeking consent from the Voice. The High Court, as some have said, would be flooded with cases to answer. This was examined in detail. In assisting the committee through the evidence, we heard from eminent constitutional legal experts, including the Hon. Robert French AC, who explained that as a result of:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the use of extrinsic materials in relation to constitutional interpretation that a court interpreting the new provision could have regard to its context and purpose as disclosed by the Explanatory Memorandum and Second Reading Speech in interpreting it.</para></quote>
<para>This might be a legalese way to say that the High Court would always look to see what the purpose of the provision was and what the parliamentary context of the provision is before interpreting what a representation truly means. In a more direct analysis, Mr Bret Walker AO SC stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It just seems to me that this notion that there is an implication threatened in the proposed subsection (ii), whereby the validity of executive action—multifarious decisions great, small and middling, by officials great, small and middling—will be somehow jamming the courts from here to kingdom come as a result of this enactment, is really too silly for words.</para></quote>
<para>I appreciate the patience of this chamber in allowing me to quote Mr Walker in full so as not to take his words or expertise out of context. It's really important that we don't do that, because these witnesses gave their time and their energy to this process.</para>
<para>Implicit, too, in concerns about representation was a concern about subrogation of parliamentary supremacy. Professor Anne Twomey explained to the committee members that proposed subsection 129(iii) empowers the parliament to design the Voice's operations and powers so as to prescribe how representations will be received. Through careful consideration, the committee resolved that the evidence received from the former Chief Justice of the High Court, Robert French, former High Court Justice Kenneth Hayne, Professor Anne Twomey, Professor George Williams, Mr Bret Walker SC and the Solicitor-General of the Commonwealth concluded that there was little to no basis for these concerns.</para>
<para>Finally, I want to make some comments on the dissenting report of this committee. It's not something I would normally do, but I feel that there are some things contained in the dissenting report that need to be addressed. Firstly, I want to make some comments on the conduct of some members of the committee, which included continuing breaches of committee-in-confidence which saw the private deliberations of the meetings of this committee appear in newspapers throughout this time. I don't think any senator in this chamber would think that that is a good thing for democracy. We know that the dissenting report prepared addressed some of the concerns that have been raised by many members in this chamber and members of the community, but I would say this: it's extraordinary to note that there was media reporting that the opposition had resolved to provide a dissenting report to this committee report before they had even seen the draft of our report. This means they had decided to dissent from the findings of this report before they had even seen the findings themselves. It's an extraordinary admission by the opposition members in this process that engagement wasn't the key purpose.</para>
<para>Some in this place may also observe that some opposition members in the other chamber have been accused of cherrypicking words from chief justices to assist their own arguments. This is because the dissenting report did so plainly. I don't know what sorts of arguments you would need to make to support the proposition that you would take out of context evidence given by chief justices, former chief justices, of this country to support your argument. But I would say this to those opposite: before you do make your speeches and rely on the comments in the dissenting report, note that Justice French and Justice Hayne in particular have come out slamming this misrepresentation.</para>
<para>If you get the chance, please read the committee report before you read the dissenting report because it steps through a lot of the issues that we will debate this week.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make some comments in relation to the advisory report on the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023. I didn't propose to make some comments, but I really have to rise to defend my good friend in the other place Mr Keith Wolahan MP, who I think did an extraordinarily good job in preparing the dissenting report in relation to this report to the committee. I want to walk through some of the points in the 'Forward' of the dissenting report because it's very important the people in the gallery and the people listening to this debate understand these issues.</para>
<para>The first point I want to make, as has been said by my colleague Senator Green, is this constitutional amendment will be, for all intents and purposes, in our Constitution for all time—permanently—whether or not it works or doesn't work. There have been 44 referenda put up to the Australian people; eight have been passed. Not a single one has been reversed. Not one. So this will be in our Constitution for all time. And in that context, how long was this committee given to consider the changes to the Constitution? Six weeks. Can you believe that?</para>
<para>The second point I want to make is that, in addition to that, usually when an amendment is put to our Constitution there is a constitutional convention so that we can all come together, all Australians can come together, in a convention and exchange our own views and viewpoints. That has not occurred in this case, and it is shameful. In my view, it is one of the reasons why there is so much division associated with this constitutional amendment draft. It's shameful. No constitutional convention. We were deprived the opportunity of coming together as a country, all of us, and debating the proposed changes to the Constitution. Shameful.</para>
<para>The third point I want to make, and which is made in the dissenting report quite clearly, is there is no detail provided with regard to how this constitutionally entrenched Voice to Parliament and the executive government would work. Those opposite say, 'Well, the detail can come later.' The bill we're debating has 303 words—303 words for a constitutional amendment which will be in our Constitution forever. 'The detail can come later.' What detail? Accountability? How the people are selected to sit on this Voice? How they could be dismissed? What powers and functions they'll have? This is all coming later. This is the cart before the horse.</para>
<para>And this is not something like a new court or a new type of executive government arrangement where there are precedents people can look at. There is no other institution like this anywhere. We do not know what it looks like, and that is intentional. It is shameful. They are asking the people of Australia to vote on this constitutional amendment without providing the detail, and it is shameful.</para>
<para>If you'd listened to Senator Green, you would have thought everyone in the legal community was rock-solid behind this Voice. They're not. Let me give you a list. Ian Callinan, ex-High Court judge of Australia—a great Queenslander. He has come out publicly about this—and Senator Ayres can laugh. I don't think Senator Ayres's legal erudition comes within a bull's roar of Ian Callinan's, who was one of the most outstanding KCs in Queensland. He went out publicly about this—and why don't people come out publicly? Because of that sort of reaction. That's why people don't come out about this publicly. Ian Callinan said there are major issues in relation to what is being proposed, and this will end up in legal warfare. There was a reference to Bret Walker KC. I acknowledge that Bret Walker KC is one of the leading constitutional barristers in Australia, for the last 30 years—no doubt.</para>
<para>Do you know who the other one was? It was David Jackson KC, from Queensland, who just passed away. He was very ill. Thirty days, or a month, before he passed away, he took the time to write a submission to this committee, warning of the dangers of what was being proposed. One month before he passed away—that's how important it was to David Jackson.</para>
<para>Professor Gabriel Moens, who taught me constitutional law at the University of Queensland and is actually the author of the annotated LexisNexis version of the Australian Constitution, one of the leading textbooks on the Constitution, has publicly raised concerns. Professor Aroney, ex-justice Terence Cole, ex-justice Hasluck—the list goes on. But you wouldn't know that from what was said by those opposite.</para>
<para>What particularly disturbs me and caused me to get to my feet was the characterisation of the dissenting report. My good friend Keith Wolahan MP is one of the most decent people you could meet in this place, and every word he put in this dissenting report he believed in good faith—absolutely no question. One of the points he has made is that, when you're considering risk, you've also got to consider severity of outcome. I come from the private sector. I've sat on more risk management committees than I'd like to remember. You always look at the probability of something occurring but also the severity of outcome. The risk involved in changing the Constitution is that the outcomes are severe because there is no going back. There is no going back, and that is intentional. Once you change the Constitution, it is changed forever.</para>
<para>All those legal opinions being given by people are by the way, because the people who will actually determine the arguments are the ones who are sitting on the High Court at the time that challenges are made, and challenges will be made. Then we'll find out whether or not there's a duty to consider as a corollary of there being a right to make representations, and whether or not there's a duty to consult as a corollary of there being a right to make representations.</para>
<para>I say to people: you don't have to be a legal scholar to understand this risk; all you need to do is read the first paragraph of a constitutional case referred to as Love and another case heard at the same time called Thoms. Read the first paragraph of that case. What that case referred to was the attempted deportation of two individuals who had each been found guilty of criminal offences arising in imprisonment for over 12 months. The minister quite rightly, in my view, sought to deport them from this country. Neither of them were Australian citizens. One was born in Papua New Guinea, and the other was born in New Zealand. That deportation was challenged on the basis that there had to be read into the Constitution an implication that you could not deport someone of Aboriginal descent, even if they were not citizens of this country and even if they had not chosen to become citizens of this country when they had the opportunity. You had to read that into the Constitution.</para>
<para>In that first paragraph of the judgement, Chief Justice Susan Kiefel, a great Queenslander, said that, to accept the plaintiff's case, you would have to read into the Constitution an unexpressed exception. You would have to read into the Constitution words were not there. Justice Patrick Keane of Queensland said he wasn't prepared to read those words into the Constitution, and followed the Chief Justice. Justice Gageler, former Solicitor-General of the Commonwealth, wasn't prepared to read those words into the Constitution. But the other four justices were. Now the ramifications of that judgement are being felt through Australia's immigration system. No-one had even contemplated that this was a thing; it was never contemplated that you had to read into the Constitution this unexpressed exception, as Her Honour Susan Kiefel, Chief Justice, said. You can read that first paragraph of the judgement and see the legal risks. If this referendum passes—and four out of the eight referenda put to the Australian people have passed and not one has been reversed—and if those risks manifest, they're going to be with us forever. I will certainly, with many members on this side of the chamber, be doing all I can to bring those risks to the attention of the Australian people before they vote in this referendum.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am taking note of the report by the joint select committee inquiry into the Constitution Alteration (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice) 2023. I think the context here is very important. The government have wanted to prosecute this referendum idea for the last 12 months. I think it's a good idea, but the committee was given six weeks to review the constitutional amendment. I think it was a bad process, mainly because there was no effort put into trying to develop a set of words by the parliament. Rather, what was given to the committee was a government bill. We were asked to review a government bill in five weeks, which was a policy of the government.</para>
<para>I think there are good arguments for the Voice. I think there are good arguments which stack up with Liberal principles around fairness, community based decision making and the protection of minority groups. I believe this could have been done in a safe way, but, sadly, in the five or six weeks we had there was not the time or frankly the willingness. The government was never interested in using this process to properly examine the words in the bill or to build any sort of middle ground. The reality is we now face a referendum with a very small centre ground.</para>
<para>The final report, as Senator Green noted, was effectively a dissertation which supported the government's bill. I don't believe that there was a strong enough effort to look to improve the words. The idea that the way the Voice has been drafted in this bill is perfect is intellectually unsound. This concept has been drafted in dozens of different ways over the past half decade, so the idea that there is no way that this wording could have been improved is fundamentally untrue. That's what the chair's report is in this committee report. It is a rubber stamp on the government's bill without the analysis and without the effort that I thought would have been forthcoming to try and bring to bear some kind of consensus.</para>
<para>The Liberal Party report is a detailed legal analysis of the risks which exist, and I took the time to put into my own words my view about the risks which are still facing us at this forthcoming referendum. Those really focus on the drafting around the executive representations. I think it is perfectly reasonable that the Voice should be able to talk to the executive. So many of the decisions that are made by the executive government of the Commonwealth and the states are made which affect people's lives in a real and genuine sense. There is a much stronger argument for local and regional voices than there ever has been for the national voice, but I support both. That is chiefly because, when you travel around rural and regional parts of New South Wales, like I have done, you quickly realise that most of the judgements that are made by bureaucrats are made without the knowledge of the people on the ground, and they don't get that information on a consistent basis. That means that the status quo is poor. Does anyone seriously think that the status quo is sustainable or reasonable? So I think this was a great last opportunity. I think this was a last chance, it seems, to put forward a proposition which could have won much broader support than we are currently facing.</para>
<para>In terms of the major issues that I looked at in my quite brief report, I focused on the scope issues and whether or not the parliament was going to be able to control the representations and deal with any future legal issues. That's not about trying to neuter the ability of the body to speak to anyone; that's about making sure that we have parliamentary supremacy. That was always a precondition of this concept. The concept was that the people would be able to make representations to the government and to the parliament on local issues and national issues, but that wouldn't be a veto; that wouldn't create any further risk.</para>
<para>Basically, to cut to the chase, there were seven additional words proposed, and the legal effect of its representations. A number of the legal experts, including Professor Twomey and Professor Williams and all the other professors, made the case that it would be reasonable to tweak the words to incorporate those seven words—It would not diminish the concept and would provide more assurance. But none of this was considered seriously. There were attempts made through the committee to accommodate those changes, but that was rebuffed. I have to say that most efforts to try to build common ground and centre ground here have been rebuffed. It is what it is.</para>
<para>In the interest of being efficient, I just want to on record that my sense was that there was a high level of collegiality in the committee. I think people worked as best they could. But the five-week period, and the sense that this was always just going to be a rubber stamp without undertaking any serious development of options, meant that it wasn't a serious process. What the Liberal Party report does is give the government four options that it could consider if it wanted to build more consensus and address some of the risks that were flagged in the hearings.</para>
<para>I regret the opportunity has been lost to history. I think we'll look back on this report and the process and think: that was the last chance we had to try to build some centre ground, which I think is going to be essential if this is going to be a successful referendum, which I hope it will be.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>65</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to take note of the report<inline font-style="italic">Ending the postcode lottery: Addressing barriers to sexual, maternity and reproductive healthcare in Australia</inline><inline font-style="italic">. </inline>This was a committee inquiry conducted after I initiated the referral, and I thank the chamber for the support to conduct the inquiry. I would like to express my own and the chamber's gratitude to all of the people and organisations who shared their stories and experiences with the committee as part of this inquiry, and the advocates, the practitioners and the frontline service providers who continue to fight for safe, affordable access to maternity, sexual and reproductive health care for everyone. It is critical work. It is not easy work, and the committee certainly—and I hope the chamber—thanks you for all that you do. The consensus recommendations that were made by this multipartisan committee set out a comprehensive plan for improving access to reproductive, sexual and maternity health care for everyone. The Greens really look forward to working with the government to get those important recommendations implemented.</para>
<para>Evidence to the inquiry made abundantly clear that the quality, the availability and the affordability of this health care is not the same for everyone. To often, whether or not you can access maternal, sexual or reproductive health care depends on your postcode, your income, your visa status or your cultural background. The inquiry was motivated by the need to end this postcode lottery. We heard evidence from across Australia about the barriers that people face and what needs to be done to address and remove those barriers. Around the country, there are, sadly, many examples of maternity services in local hospitals being closed or suspended or put on bypass, forcing families to travel sometimes hundreds of kilometres for basic health care. Many First Nations women have to travel hundreds of kilometres away from country and family to give birth.</para>
<para>Likewise, whilst the efforts of decades of campaigning have seen abortion decriminalised and recognised as health care, this inquiry heard that abortion services can be prohibitively expensive—especially if you don't have a Medicare card—or simply aren't available in some regional areas. Access difficulties are compounded by different rules between jurisdictions, conscientious objections, a shortage of practitioners trained to provide surgical abortions or registered to prescribe medical abortions, and a lack of information. It should not be this difficult to access health care.</para>
<para>Pregnancy care and fertility procedures are health care. Contraceptive counselling is health care. Menopause treatment is health care. Abortion is health care. The Greens believe that such health care should be accessible, affordable, safe, legal, compassionate and free from stigma, no matter who you are or where you live. We're very pleased the committee has recognised the gravity of this situation and the need for action. The committee recommendations set out an ambitious and a comprehensive work plan to tackle the barriers to access, and we really urge the government to get on with this critical task.</para>
<para>I want to touch on some issues that the committee made some good strong recommendations on but the Greens think we in fact need to go further on. Firstly, on free contraception, we heard consistently through the inquiry that the cost of contraception and information, or lack thereof, was a real barrier to people being able to choose a contraceptive method that was most effective for them, taking into account their personal circumstances, including any underlying health conditions, their relationship status, travel and any other interaction with other medications. What works well for one person doesn't necessarily work well for another. Everyone should be able to access the contraception that works best for them. Increasing the awareness of and access to a full suite of contraceptive options has significant health and economic benefits in terms of avoiding unintended pregnancies and terminations but also for other reasons. Programs in other countries have made contraceptives, including oral contraceptives, condoms and long-acting reversible contraceptives, free, and they have significantly increased uptake—no surprises there! They have also lowered the rates of pregnancy, birth and terminations, particularly amongst young people. Whilst we welcome the committee's recommendation for contraceptive counselling and for actions to make contraception more affordable, as part of the work of reviewing how to make it more affordable we suggest the government simply follows the lead of France, the UK and others, and makes contraception free.</para>
<para>In relation to out-of-pocket costs for abortions, we strongly believe that abortion is health care and should be free and available through the public healthcare system. The committee heard countless stories of people faced with an unintended pregnancy having to pay many hundreds of dollars. One person told us they had to pay as much as $17,000, which included direct service costs and the indirect costs of travel and accommodation, time off work, child care and post-abortion care. Those out-of-pocket costs are a real barrier to access. We welcome the committee recommendation that public hospitals provide surgical terminations or a timely and affordable local pathway to an alternative provider, but, unless those alternative pathways are fully funded, people who can't access a termination through their local hospital are at a significant disadvantage. This will most acutely impact people in rural and regional areas and those without a Medicare card. We recommend that the government ensure that any pathway to legal abortion is fully funded, whether that's through provision in a public hospital or whether it's subsidies for alternate access. The patient doesn't mind where they get their health care; they just, in our view, have a right to the health care. I note the ACT government recently announced it would deliver free universal access to abortion. We commend them for that, and we urge other jurisdictions to follow that lead.</para>
<para>One contributing factor to the postcode lottery for accessing an abortion is the patchwork of different laws across the country. The rules in your state can have a significant impact on the gestational limits for accessing a termination, ranging from 16 weeks all the way up to 24 weeks. Sometimes medical consent and different levels of it are required before an abortion can be performed. There are different rules about whether you need to receive counselling before you exercise your bodily autonomy. Our strong view is that harmonising laws to achieve consistent, best-practice care across Australia would assist both patients and practitioners. We would like to see the federal government take the lead and coordinate with the state and territory governments to work towards harmonisation of pregnancy termination legislation across all jurisdictions based on the best standard of care, not the lowest common denominator.</para>
<para>In the time I've got left, I want to mention that we have real workforce shortages, and there's a scope-of-practice review underway that we have some hope will help address that squeeze. Nurses and midwives are well positioned to administer a range of contraceptives and to fill gaps in maternity, sexual and reproductive healthcare services. But, without dedicated MBS items allowing them to recoup their costs or PBS prescribing rights to ensure that patients can afford the contraception that they prescribe, it's not viable for midwives to provide those services. I note that, for some midwives, exorbitant insurance premiums from a monopoly insurer act as a further barrier to the viability of offering birthing services. That's felt really acutely in remote health services and ACCHOs, or Aboriginal community controlled health organisations, which can't afford to risk midwifery provision. As a result, many people in remote and regional areas have limited options to access local, affordable pregnancy care or continuity of maternity care. So we are very encouraged by the national scope-of-practice review, and we really urge the government to ensure that that review examines MBS and PBS coverage, insurance costs, workforce development strategies and other practical barriers facing practitioners. Enabling nurses, midwives and pharmacists to perform to the full scope of sexual, maternal and reproductive healthcare work that they're capable of doing will have huge benefits to improving access across the country.</para>
<para>In conclusion, this inquiry revealed the scale of work needed to achieve universal access to high-quality maternal, sexual and reproductive health care. The Greens will, of course, continue to call for more to be done—in particular, for more research and investment into menopause, endometriosis, menstrual pain management, infertility, gender-affirming health care and the gendered impacts of conditions like migraines and cancer. We'll also continue to call for measures to address period poverty and making period products free. I want to conclude by, once again, thanking the community members who took the time to give evidence to the inquiry and, importantly, the other committee members, who delivered a consensus report with some very strong and beneficial recommendations. It's now up to government to get on with implementing them, and we really look forward to working to see that happen.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later because I know I have some colleagues who'd like to contribute on this matter as well.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>67</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Army: Jervis Bay Incident</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>67</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">S</name>
    <name.id>169119</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>enator SHOEBRIDGE () (): by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the government's response.</para></quote>
<para>The response from the government was that they would produce no documents. This was a call for papers in relation to the quite dangerous ditching of a military helicopter, the MRH-90 helicopter, in Jervis Bay in March of this year. It ditched in the water in deeply humiliating circumstances for the army and sat there on the edges of Jervis Bay for days until it was plucked out by a navy crane and taken off for testing. Only one month after, the Army gave their fleet of MRH-90 helicopters a clean bill of health and started putting them in the air again. That was just one month after it ditched in Jervis Bay.</para>
<para>In May of this year, Senator Roberts quite sensibly sought an order for the production of documents and got the agreement of a majority in the Senate to produce to this house the documents in relation to that ditching: why did it ditch, what's been done in response to it and how on earth can it be safe to put service personnel back in one of these helicopters just a month after it literally lost power and spiralled down into Jervis Bay?</para>
<para>I give all credit to the crew, who managed, through whatever detailed training they have, to prevent a fatality in that incident, but the idea that the Army, just one month after, put these helicopters back in the air without telling anybody what arrangements they'd made to make them even basically safe—no public statements about what new measures had been put in place. It's my understanding that one of the problems with the MRH-90 is that, if you turn it off and then maybe you've got something like a conflict going on and you want to turn it on again, you can't do that. You have to wait a day before you can turn it on again. They've got all these warning signs saying that, if you've turned it off, don't turn it on again, because that's actually really dangerous.</para>
<para>The government might think that's a sensible military asset to have; maybe it is and maybe it isn't. I'd probably think it's not. Most people don't think that the MRH-90 is at all sensible. Maybe what the MRH-90 actually did in this case was try and save taxpayers some money. Whilst the ditching was dangerous and terribly unsafe, the good news is that every hour it's on the ground and not in the air is a huge budget saving for the people of Australia, because these things cost $48,000 an hour for every hour you put them in the air. Every one that's on the ground is a huge budget saving. Maybe a continual grounding is the way we actually save the ADF a substantial amount of money.</para>
<para>The key issue here is what's been done. What has been done that notionally makes these extremely expensive, notoriously unreliable helicopters suddenly safe? It's not just the hot and cold start that's a danger for these MRH-90s. They were meant to be with the Navy. The Navy would put them on the back of a naval vessel and take them out on an exercise, and they could only fly them for one day because the MRH-90s don't like salt water. If you fly them for a day anywhere near salt water, it's actually dangerous to take them out again on the second day. These are the MRH-90s that they gave a clean bill of health to within a month—the same things. They don't like salt water, but they do like huge amounts of money. You can't start them when they're hot, but apparently the Army says they're perfectly safe and fine after a rough-and-ready one-month review of them. I don't think that's good enough.</para>
<para>The reason given by the Deputy Prime Minister, the Minister for Defence, for not producing was that, 'Defence is conducting an internal investigation into the incident, and the minister intends to respond to the order when this investigation is complete.' That is never a basis to refuse to produce to the Senate. An internal investigation by Defence? Is that the same mob who did a quick-and-dirty review within a month and put these incredibly expensive, unreliable and dangerous helicopters back in the air? I don't think that's good enough. We would be willing to work with other members in this chamber to ensure we get a proper response on the record to the call for papers because they're incredibly expensive, incredibly dangerous and they shouldn't be in the air with Australian service personnel.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>67</page.no>
        <type>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Report No. 27 of 2022-23</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Sen</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>ator HANSON (—) (): by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to speak on the performance audit entitled the <inline font-style="italic">National Indigenous Australians Agency</inline><inline font-style="italic">'s management of</inline><inline font-style="italic">provider fraud and noncompliance</inline><inline font-style="italic">:</inline><inline font-style="italic">National Indigenous Australians Agency</inline>. The need for a comprehensive independent audit of the Aboriginal industry has become more urgent following revelations that the $4.5 billion National Indigenous Australians Agency, the NIAA, was not complying with legislation in managing the risks of provider fraud. The performance audit by the Australian National Audit Office, the ANAO, of the NIAA found that its frameworks for managing the risks of provider fraud and noncompliance in delivering Indigenous Advancement Strategy activities worth $1.03 billion in 2021-22 did not meet legislative requirements. Australian taxpayers had every right to expect that support provided to Indigenous communities by the NIAA was helping people in need and not lining the pockets of frauds. This is a wake-up call as Australians consider their vote in the Voice to Parliament referendum. How can we have confidence that our taxes are going where they should if the NIAA is not following the rules to guard against fraud?</para>
<para>There is plenty of historical evidence of corruption and fraud in this Aboriginal industry gravy train, Aboriginal legal aid and the now abolished Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission. There are 3,000 Aboriginal corporations and land councils on this gravy train, and there is hardly any accountability for the profligate spending of our money. Before we're coerced into protecting this gravy train for all time in the Constitution, Australians deserve to know why the gaps aren't being closed despite the billions of dollars thrown at the problem. I've been talking about the need for accountability on this spending for decades. I warned the government about ATSIC corruption eight years before ATSIC was eventually abolished, with bipartisan support.</para>
<para>The ANAO's report stated that the NIAA doesn't maintain evidence of the qualifications of investigative staff in its compliance and fraud branch. The branch did not track or review performance measures according to relevant Australian government investigation standards. Fraud risk assessments were out of date, were missing or did not meet the NIAA's risk management policy requirements, and half of new grant opportunities since May 2022 did not have fraud risk assessments. All public agencies and servants are under a strict obligation to prevent frauds taking advantage of taxpayer funds allocated to help people in need. As I said, they don't even keep records of whether the people who work there have the investigative skills to actually do the job. If they can't do the job, why are they in those positions? They wouldn't even know what to look for—what fraud may have been taken up by some of these organisations they are handing out the grants to. These organisations don't even have to compete. They just put forward that they want a grant. There's no competition. Are they the best person to provide that service to these communities? It's an absolute joke. Fifteen hundred grants in one year were paid out, as I said, to the tune of $1 billion.</para>
<para>There is strong public support for closing the gaps and overcoming disadvantage in remote Indigenous communities. There is a significant risk that this support will evaporate if taxpayers think that the agency charged with delivering some of these programs doesn't have sufficient safeguards to prevent fraud. More than $30 billion a year goes to Indigenous people and communities to address disadvantage. We need to have confidence that this money isn't being wasted. The entire set-up must be audited to make sure. I call on the Labor government—they say they are there for the people and they want accountability—and Prime Minister Albanese to have a full audit of this organisation to ensure that the money is being well spent. This is taxpayers' money. It must be well spent and accounted for properly. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>68</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>68</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—First of all, Deputy President, I thank you and I thank the whips for their indulgence. I regret my mistake in missing this. I also thank Senator Shoebridge for pointing that out to me. He and I both missed it.</para>
<para>I'm not going to say much—I just want to get a few things on the record—because Senator Shoebridge has spoken well on this issue. An internal inquiry is a woefully inadequate response from the federal government, when we want some documents. What are they hiding? The second thing is that I will accept Senator Shoebridge's offer—through you, Deputy President—to work together with other members of the Senate in pursuing this matter. We have a number of options, and we will do so. That's all I need to say right now, other than to seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DELEGATION REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>69</page.no>
        <type>DELEGATION REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the 146th Inter-Parliamentary Union Assembly</title>
          <page.no>69</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I present the report of the Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the 146 Inter-Parliamentary Union assembly in Manama, Bahrain, which took place from 11 to 15 March this year. I seek leave to move a motion to take note of the document.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>Among the many amazing things that the Australian delegation achieved at the Bahrain IPU meeting, there is one in particular that I'm very proud of and on which I wish to speak here today, and that is Australia's leadership in the antitrafficking movement in relation to orphanage trafficking—what's also referred to as voluntourism. I thank very much all of the Australian delegates, so ably led by the Speaker of the other place, in relation to this document that we passed.</para>
<para>For those of you who haven't heard me talk about orphanage trafficking, it is a uniquely 21st-century form of modern slavery and trafficking, and that is the trafficking of children into so-called orphanages and other types of institutions to meet our overwhelming demand to assist orphans. Our demand to assist and volunteer with orphans far outstrips supply, which has rather perversely—in fact, very perversely—created this trade in millions of children into thousands of institutions around the world, including here in our region. At the 146th IPU assembly in Bahrain, the standing Committee on Democracy and Human Rights discussed and endorsed my proposal, which was presented on behalf of the Australian delegation and the Australian parliament, on this important issue. Accordingly, the IPU has appointed me as a rapporteur on this issue. I see Senator Payman is coming into the Senate, and I thank her in particular for her fabulous support for this cause.</para>
<para>I was delighted to present to the IPU on this issue, and we had nearly 40 interventions from a wide range of countries, overwhelmingly in support of action on this. They have approved for Australia to come back to the October IPU meeting in Angola to put a motion formally. I've been working with world experts literally from across the globe on this issue, and we're about to circulate a motion to nearly 150 IPU member nations. Assuming they come back with support, that will then be put to the meeting, and the result of that will mean that representatives from 140-plus nations will have endorsed global action on this insidious issue.</para>
<para>I'll conclude by saying that this is a problem that we have created. Our good intentions have led to the most awful outcomes for millions of poor children around the world. The simple principle in our aid programs has to be this: if it is not good enough for our own children—if institutionalisation and removal from their families is not good enough for our own children—it boggles my brain as to why so many Australians would be rushing overseas to support the institutionalisation of other people's children. There are so many other options and different programs for Australians and people from many other nations to support. That has been the key message, including from the EU and the United States: that we have done much harm inadvertently to other people's children and we have an overwhelming moral obligation now to remedy that and to encourage generous people from Australia and elsewhere to support programs that support children in their communities with their families so they can stay, grow and prosper and not be exploited in institutions.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYMAN</name>
    <name.id>300707</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It was an honour to be part of the Australian delegation to the 146th Assembly of the Inter-Parliamentary Union in Manama, Bahrain, in March this year. I want to add my support to the comments given by Senator Reynolds, and I totally agree with the senator's emphasis on the importance of taking action on orphanage trafficking, among many other global issues. It was so good to see Australia taking the lead and wanting to make that difference.</para>
<para>I would also like to extend my heartfelt gratitude to the delegation secretary, Dr Jane Thomson, and senior research officer Miss Elise Williamson for all your diligence and hard work in making sure we were at the right place at the right time. During the trip I was grateful to be able to contribute to the general debate on the topic of promoting peaceful coexistence and inclusive societies and fighting intolerance. I believe that this topic is incredibly important, not just in the international context of the IPU but also for us here when considering domestic issues. So I would like to take this opportunity to share parts of my contribution and reflect on how we can best fight intolerance in this place.</para>
<para>There are more than three million young people in Australia, accounting for over 15 per cent of our population. And our youth are fundamentally diverse. This makes them uniquely placed to inform government on how to build inclusive societies and to fight intolerance. Governments that work with young people will be far more effective and will deliver a better future for those they represent. Across our country, young people have demonstrated their political engagement on big issues of our time, and the right thing to do is to work together. It is young people who are most affected by housing instability and unaffordability. It is young people who will be acutely impacted by the effects of climate change. And it is young people who are the most exposed to changing workforce conditions and unstable work.</para>
<para>The insights and perspectives that young people offer are invaluable, and this government is committed to listen. We have established the Office for Youth, which is accountable to parliament, and are committed to a new youth engagement model which will be codesigned by the Youth Steering Committee, made up of diverse and at-risk cohorts, including First Nations people. Ultimately this is about providing avenues for young Australians to directly engage with government to ensure that policies and programs aimed at young people are designed with them and for them. It was very refreshing to see that other countries at the IPU received this information quite well and even thought about discussing it with their governments to make a difference in their political systems.</para>
<para>I believe that, by embedding engagement structures to make sure young people are heard and can contribute, Australia will lead the way in inclusivity and in fighting intolerance with the next generation. I take seriously my responsibility to represent those who have historically been underrepresented in this place, including young people and those from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. This Albanese Labor government is serious about engaging with and respecting the contributions of young people.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>71</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australia's Disaster Resilience Select Committee, Community Affairs Legislation Committee, Community Affairs References Committee, Cost of Living Select Committee, Dental Services in Australia Select Committee, Economics Legislation Committee, Economics References Committee, Education and Employment Legislation Committee, Education and Employment References Committee, Environment and Communications Legislation Committee, Environment and Communications References Committee, Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee, Finance and Public Administration References Committee, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Joint Committee, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee, Foreign Interference through Social Media: Select Committee, Human Rights Joint Committee, Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee, Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee, National Disability Insurance Scheme Joint Committee, Northern Australia Joint Select Committee, Parliamentary Library Joint Committee, Public Works Joint Committee, Publications Joint Committee, Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee, Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>71</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be discharged from and appointed to committees as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's Disaster Resilience — Select Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Community Affairs Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senators Brockman and Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senators Kovacic and Liddle</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Brockman and Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cost of Living — Select Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Dental Services in Australia — Select Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Economics Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Education and Employment Legisl ation Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Liddle</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Brockman</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Kovacic and Liddle</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Education and Employment References Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senators Liddle and Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senators Brockman and Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Liddle and Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environment and Communications Legislation Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environment and Communications References Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Brockman</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Reynolds</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Brockman and Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finance and Public Administration Referenc es Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Substitute member: Senator O'Neill to replace Senator Stewart for the committee's inquiry into consulting services</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Kovacic and Stewart</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade — Joint Standing Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Chandler</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Interference through Social Media — Select Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Hu man Rights — Joint Statutory Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Rennick</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Disability Insurance Scheme — Joint Standing Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Liddle</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Reynolds</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Northern Australia — Joint Select Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Dodson</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Sterle</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Parliamentary Library — Joint Standing Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Public Works — Joint Statutory Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Reynolds</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Colbeck</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Publications — Standing Committee —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Discharged—Senator Nampijinpa Price</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Brockman</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation and References Committees —</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Kovacic</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>73</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2022-2023, Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2022-2023, Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 2) 2022-2023</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7027" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2022-2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7028" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2022-2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7029" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 2) 2022-2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The speec</inline> <inline font-style="italic">hes read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">APPROPRIATION BILL (NO. 3) 2022-2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today, the Government introduces 2022-23 Additional Estimates Appropriation Bills. These Bills are:</para></quote>
<list>Appropriation Bill (No. 3) 2022-2023;</list>
<list>Appropriation Bill (No. 4) 2022-2023; and</list>
<list>Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 2) 2022-2023.</list>
<quote><para class="block">These Bills underpin the Government's expenditure decisions made since the October 2022 Budget that relate to the 2022-23 financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appropriation Bill 3 seeks approval for appropriations from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of $5.5 billion. This would ensure there is sufficient appropriation to cover estimate variations related to existing programs, for instance, changes in costs for demand driven programs. These Bills also pay for the first year costs for measures announced since the October 2022 Budget.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill provides funding to support the following significant items.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Defence will receive $1.8 billion. This primarily reflects reclassification of $1.3 billion from capital to operating funding reflecting updated expenditure requirements and supplementation of $172.3 million for foreign exchange losses incurred in 2021-22.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Social Services portfolio will receive over $1 billion, with the majority of funding provided for the National Disability Insurance Agency to provide reasonable and necessary supports for National Disability Insurance Scheme participants.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Employment and Workplace Relations will receive just under $1 billion, primarily to support apprentices and employers through the Boosting Apprenticeship Commencements wage subsidy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Health and Aged Care will receive close to $900 million, including $207 million for vaccines and logistics, $182 million to reimburse aged care providers for direct costs related to managing COVID-19 outbreaks and $166 million for administration of the COVID-19 vaccine.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade will receive over $235 million to meet the surge in demand for passports following the reopening of international borders and for the design and construction of the Australian Pavilion at the OSAKA World Expo.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the proposed expenditure are set out in the Schedule to the Bill, the Explanatory Memorandum, and the Portfolio Additional Estimates Statements tabled in the Parliament today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the chamber.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">APPROPRIATION BILL (NO. 4) 2022-2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill seeks approval for appropriations from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of approximately $164 million for the 2022-23 financial year. These appropriations will support the following significant items.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Defence will receive close to $140 million to reflect updated estimates for foreign exchange exposure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Attorney-General's portfolio will receive over $10 million, with approximately $7 million for the Administrative Appeals Tribunal to support the development of a new case management system for a new federal administrative review body.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Health and Aged Care will receive approximately $10 million, including $7 million to manage COVID-19 vaccine data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the proposed expenditure are set out in the Schedule to the Bill, the Explanatory Memorandum, and the Portfolio Additional Estimates Statements tabled in the Parliament today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the chamber.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">APPROPRIATION (PARLIAMENTARY DEPARTMENTS) BILL (NO. 2) 2022-2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill 2 provides additional appropriations for the operations of Parliamentary Departments, specifically the Department of the House of Representatives, for the remainder of 2022-23.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill seeks approval for appropriations from the Consolidated Revenue Fund of $560,000 for the Department of the House of Representatives to support the transition of IT systems to cloud-based solutions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the proposed expenditure are set out in the Schedule to the Bill, the Explanatory Memorandum, and the Portfolio Additional Estimates Statements tabled in the Parliament today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the chamber.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Ordered that the resumption of the debate be made an order of the day for a later hour.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Creative Australia Bill 2023, Creative Australia (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7038" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Creative Australia Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7040" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Creative Australia (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The speec</inline> <inline font-style="italic">hes read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">CREATIVE AUSTRALIA BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Context</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Creative Australia Bill 2023 delivers on the Government's commitment to expand and modernise the Australia Council for the Arts and establish Creative Australia. This is the second tranche of legislation that implements the government's National Cultural Policy, <inline font-style="italic">Revive: A place for every story, a story for every place. </inline>This Bill will establish two of the four new bodies announced in <inline font-style="italic">Revive</inline>; Music Australia and Creative Workplaces, and the Government will be bringing forward further legislation to establish the First Nations body in July next year and Writers Australia the following year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The creation of the Australia Council in 1975 was a pivotal moment for Australia's arts and culture sector. It embodied the Whitlam Government's unwavering belief in the value of the arts, and its ongoing commitment to delivering decisions on arts investment at arm's length from government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Creative Australia</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The formation of Creative Australia through this Bill builds on this strong foundation. It transforms Australia's principal arts funding body into a modernised entity that is able to harness the current opportunities available to the arts and entertainment sector, while bringing together public, private and commercial support for the arts. This is a strategic shift that will greater leverage opportunities in the arts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Creative Australia will provide more support to our valued arts and culture sector through restoring the Brandis cuts and increasing funding and services for artists, arts workers and businesses.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia Council Board</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill establishes the governing and accountable Board for Creative Australia which will remain the Australia Council Board—retaining its name and connection to the creation of the Australia Council by the Whitlam Government in 1975. It will continue to be the accountable authority with full oversight of Creative Australia and will give directions to the Music Australia and Creative Workplaces Councils.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Board will be refreshed with increased membership of up to fourteen members. This increase reflects the expanded functions of Creative Australia and will ensure that the appropriate skills and expertise are represented across its broad remit. The new Australia Council Board established under this legislation will be critical in providing leadership and direction as Creative Australia delivers on the first stages of the measures set out in <inline font-style="italic">Revive</inline>—Music Australia and Creative Workplaces—as well as those measures that are still to be rolled out, including the First Nations body, works of scale fund, and Writers Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Music Australia</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By introducing this legislation and expanding Creative Australia's functions and services, this Government is responding directly to calls for change from the sector. During the consultation for the national cultural policy, submissions from the contemporary music industry called for a body to be established that would develop a framework for long term investment and strategic focus.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill establishes Music Australia within Creative Australia, which will empower the Australian contemporary music industry to rebuild and realise its local and global potential. With over $69 million in funding over four years from 2023-24, Music Australia will allow for greater strategic delivery, leadership and support for Australia's contemporary music industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To oversee the programs and services delivered under Music Australia, this Bill establishes a Music Australia Council to provide strategic advice and guidance to the Australia Council Board and the initiatives for contemporary music to be delivered by Music Australia. Funding under Music Australia will also support the important work already established by Sounds Australia, an export music market development initiative, with annual funding secured for Sounds Australia to expand its global work. The Bill will ensure that the Chief Executive Officer of Creative Australia appoints a director responsible for the work of Music Australia. This role will be crucial in ensuring that the investments to be delivered as part of Music Australia are achieved.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Creative Workplaces</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Creative Australia recognises that artists and creatives throughout our great landscape, from metropolitan cities to the red desert, are workers. In exchange for what they give us, they should have safe workplaces and be remunerated fairly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That is why this Bill sets up Creative Workplaces within Creative Australia to provide advice and support to the sector. Creative Workplaces will provide a central and safe point of call for people working in the arts and entertainment sector to seek confidential advice. It will provide advice on the appropriate channels to help resolve situations, including referrals to Safe Work Australia, Fair Work Commission and Australian Human Rights Commission. Creative Workplaces will deliver safer places of work and will raise and set safety standards across all art forms. Organisations seeking federal Government funding will need to adhere to these standards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To oversee the important work of Creative Workplaces, this Bill establishes a Creative Workplaces Council. The Council will be responsible for providing advice and guidance to the Australia Council Board on the programs and services to be delivered by Creative Workplaces. Funding delivered by the Council will also include $1 million annually to Support Act to make sure that this crucial service of specialised counselling and mental health support services to the music sector will continue. The Bill will ensure the Chief Executive Officer of Creative Australia appoints a director of Creative Workplaces to oversee this critical and important work.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cultural policy context</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's first cultural policy came from Paul Keating with Arts Minister Michael Lee in the form of Creative Nation. In 2013, Julia Gillard and Arts Minister Simon Crean gave us Creative Australia. Now 10 years on, the Albanese Government has delivered a cultural policy for the next five years: <inline font-style="italic">Revive</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline><inline font-style="italic">a place for every story; a</inline><inline font-style="italic"> story for every place</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill introduced today lays the foundation for the ambitious agenda set out in <inline font-style="italic">Revive</inline>, by establishing essential governance structures within Creative Australia to enable it to deliver to the sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The success of <inline font-style="italic">Revive </inline>doesn't rest with government. When you see someone who has mastered their craft, expressing their culture, it reaches you. Great artists take you on a journey; a musician can do it from the first bar, an actor from their first lines, an author from the first page, a painter from that first glimpse.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is who we are entrusting with the success of <inline font-style="italic">Revive. </inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What these Australians do with the cultural policy will determine the look, feel and soundtrack to life in our nation. This legislation is the foundation for artists and arts workers, enabling them to create our next national treasures, supported by government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In Australia, we have not always valued the connection between the artist and their audience enough. But as we all experienced in the pandemic, we know how much we miss it when it's not there. How many of us longed to see a performance, go to a cinema, visit a gallery or be in the mosh again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A robust creative sector involves a rich ecosystem of cultural organisations and supporting artists, art workers and businesses. Creative Australia will be able to advocate for the sector, provide crucial services for arts workers, increase philanthropic and private giving for the arts and increase commercial avenues for Australian arts. This new legislation and the Government's increased funding acknowledges the importance of creativity and how it spans communities, industries and borders. Australia's cultural output will grow because of this targeted investment in arts and the establishment of these Councils which will guide the strategic delivery of funding to the sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The next important step will be to embed a First Nations led body within Creative Australia. This is a critical measure which requires extensive consultation with First Nations artists and arts workers, First Nations arts organisations, First Nation leaders and First Nations communities, on what this should look like.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A creative Australia is an innovative and inclusive nation where creative workers, communities and businesses thrive. We play a role in fostering the creative forces of our nation and strengthening our identity through the generous voices of our creative workers. As audiences and makers of art, music, theatre and culture, it is our responsibility to cultivate and nurture the stories yet to be shared—the opportunity for Australians to deliver their own masterpieces<inline font-style="italic">, </inline>their own written story, their own album, that will be revered and cherished.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our creative nation is finally being given the chance to flourish. The creative workers behind it—workers like any other, who have bills to pay and families to feed—have the opportunity to be part of a sustainable and secure profession. Through this new Bill and the establishment of Creative Australia, Australia's arts and cultural sector will take centre stage right across the globe.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">CREATIVE AUSTRALIA (CONSEQUENTIAL AND TRANSITIONAL PROVISIONS) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Creative Australia (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2023 makes consequential amendments and provides transitional arrangements to Commonwealth laws to support the proposed establishment of Creative Australia. This is in line with this government's National Cultural Policy—<inline font-style="italic">Revive</inline>, and celebrates Australian arts practice that is recognised nationally and internationally for its excellence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The key element of the Bill is to provide for the repeal of the <inline font-style="italic">Australia Council Act 2013</inline>, and to facilitate the continued operations of the entity during its transition from the Australia Council to Creative Australia in accordance with the proposed new enabling legislation, the Creative Australia Bill 2023. This will ensure business continuity and prevent disruption of funding or services to artists, arts workers and organisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To avoid any doubt, the Bill clarifies that staff currently employed at the Australia Council will continue as employees of Creative Australia on their existing employment terms and conditions. Similarly, consultants currently engaged by Australia Council will continue to be engaged by Creative Australia on the same terms and conditions. Mr Adrian Collette will continue in the role of Chief Executive Officer under Creative Australia, further ensuring the smooth transition.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new Australia Council Board established under the Creative Australia Bill 2023 will be critical in providing leadership and direction as Creative Australia delivers on the first stages of measures under <inline font-style="italic">Revive</inline>. Therefore, the Board will be refreshed with increased membership to reflect the expanded functions of Creative Australia and to make sure that the appropriate skills and expertise are represented across the broad remit of the entity. This Bill provides the mechanism for that refresh, with all existing Board members, other than the Chief Executive Officer, ceasing to hold office after the repeal of the <inline font-style="italic">Australia Council Act 2013</inline>. Committees established under the <inline font-style="italic">Australia Council Act 2013</inline> will also cease at the transition time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To ensure there is no delay in the appointment of the new Board, this Bill dispenses with the requirement for the Minister to consult the Chair in making initial appointments to the Board at the transition time. Similarly, the Minister will not be required to consult the Chair of the Music Australia Council or the Chair of Creative Workplaces Council on its initial appointments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Safeguards have been included to avoid any doubt and prevent any disruption in Creative Australia receiving its allocation of Government funds under the relevant Appropriation Acts. This Bill also specifies transitional reporting requirements to ensure Creative Australia continues to remain accountable for its expenditure and operations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Together with the Creative Australia Bill 2023, this Bill will deliver much needed support to Australia's creative sector. It demonstrates this Government's commitment to the arts and delivers on the National Cultural Policy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill ensures a seamless transition in operational and governance arrangements to Creative Australia—a restored and modernised Australia Council and the centrepiece of Revive.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Excise Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023, Customs Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>76</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7032" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Excise Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7031" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Customs Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>76</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>76</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">EXCISE TARIFF AMENDMENT (PRODUCT STEWARDSHIP FOR OIL) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill is one of two bills to bring the Product Stewardship for Oil scheme out of deficit and return it to fiscal neutrality as intended.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill would amend the <inline font-style="italic">Excise Tariff Act 1921</inline> to increase the rate of excise duty payable on the import of relevant products from 8.5 cents per litre or kilogram to 14.2 cents per litre or kilogram.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is an important scheme which ensures our waste oil is recycled into new products, such as base oil that can be used to make car engine oil.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over its operational life waste oil can pick up hazardous by-products including lead, cadmium, chromium and arsenic. Waste oil can damage our environment and health if it is not properly managed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Used oil, burnt at low temperatures, releases hazardous particles that can get into people's lungs and harm their health.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the Product Stewardship for Oil scheme, 5.5 billion litres of recycled oil have been produced from waste oil. This is enough to fill Parliament House more than seven times over.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is a levy-benefit scheme where levies are paid on the importation or production of oils and their synthetic substitutes. Levies fund benefits paid to oil re-refiners ensuring the financial responsibility to manage waste oil is borne by those who benefit from its use.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By encouraging the recycling of waste oil we see the circular economy in action. Waste engine oil is collected and recycled, meaning it has a second life serving as engine oil again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since 2016 the scheme has fallen into deficit, levy collections have not been sufficient to cover the cost of benefit payments. This has meant taxpayers have covered the difference.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2020, the need to raise the levy to address the deficit was highlighted in an independent review of the scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The passage of this bill will see this long-running deficit remedied. No longer will taxpayers pay for the scheme's shortfall.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is not only fair but will only have a small impact on oil users, with the cost of an oil change for a passenger car increasing in price by approximately 28.5 cents for an average car.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">CUSTOMS TARIFF AMENDMENT (PRODUCT STEWARDSHIP FOR OIL) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill is one of two bills to bring the Product Stewardship for Oil scheme out of deficit and return it to fiscal neutrality as intended.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill would amend the <inline font-style="italic">Customs Tariff Act 1995</inline> to increase the rate of customs duty payable on the import of relevant products from 8.5 cents per litre or kilogram to 14.2 cents per litre or kilogram.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is an important scheme which ensures our waste oil is recycled into new products, such as base oil that can be used to make car engine oil.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over its operational life waste oil can pick up hazardous by-products including lead, cadmium, chromium and arsenic. Waste oil can damage our environment and health if it is not properly managed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Used oil, burnt at low temperatures, releases hazardous particles that can get into people's lungs and harm their health.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the Product Stewardship for Oil scheme, 5.5 billion litres of recycled oil have been produced from waste oil. This is enough to fill Parliament House more than seven times over.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is a levy-benefit scheme where levies are paid on the importation or production of oils and their synthetic substitutes. Levies fund benefits paid to oil re-refiners ensuring the financial responsibility to manage waste oil is borne by those who benefit from its use.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By encouraging the recycling of waste oil we see the circular economy in action. Waste engine oil is collected and recycled, meaning it has a second life serving as engine oil again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since 2016 the scheme has fallen into deficit, levy collections have not been sufficient to cover the cost of benefit payments. This has meant taxpayers have covered the difference.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2020, the need to raise the levy to address the deficit was highlighted in an independent review of the scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The passage of this bill will see this long-running deficit remedied. No longer will taxpayers pay for the scheme's shortfall.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is not only fair but will only have a small impact on oil users, with the cost of an oil change for a passenger car increasing in price by approximately 28.5 cents for an average car.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Crimes and Other Legislation Amendment (Omnibus) Bill 2023, Family Law Amendment (Information Sharing) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>78</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7007" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Crimes and Other Legislation Amendment (Omnibus) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7009" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Family Law Amendment (Information Sharing) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>78</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>78</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">CRIMES AND OTHER LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (OMNIBUS) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Crimes and Other Legislation Amendment (Omnibus) Bill 2023 will update, improve and clarify the intended operation of certain provisions in the <inline font-style="italic">Crimes Act 1914 </inline>and other Commonwealth legislation, to support the proper administration of government, law enforcement, oversight and judicial processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will make a number of minor and technical amendments. These include correcting errors in naming and referencing, and clarifying and improving a range of government, judicial, regulatory and oversight processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments do not expand or otherwise alter existing powers for law enforcement and regulatory agencies. Similarly, the amendments do not limit or in any way reduce existing scrutiny and oversight mechanisms for the exercise of those powers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Crimes Act 1914</inline>will correct drafting errors and clarify and improve judicial processes, including ensuring that persons arrested for a Commonwealth offence can be bailed or remanded in the timeliest manner.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Anti-Money Laundering and Counter-Terrorism Financing Act 2006</inline> will strengthen and modernise aspects of Australia's AML/CTF regime, and assist AUSTRAC in fulfilling its important functions as Australia's money laundering and terrorism financing regulator in an efficient and practical manner. The amendments will achieve this by strengthening and clarifying the civil penalty provision for a person failing to enrol with AUSTRAC. The amendments will also clarify the existing secrecy and access framework to ensure that sensitive AUSTRAC information, which is subject to extensive safeguards, cannot be inappropriately disclosed for the purposes of, or in connection with, court or tribunal proceedings, protecting the integrity of this information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further, the amendments will explicitly authorise the AUSTRAC CEO to use a computer program to automate 'positive' administrative actions under relevant provisions of the AML/CTF Act, the AML/CTF Rules, or other instruments made under that Act. Automated actions will only relate to 'positive' decision making responsibilities regarding registration and enrolment of entities which do not result in an adverse outcome for a person or impact the application of procedural fairness principles. These will include decisions to renew the registration of a remittance service provider or a digital currency exchange provider. In practice, the computer program would consider an application for renewal alongside objective criteria such as whether the reporting entity has complied with all requirements specified in the AML/CTF Act and Rules, whether there have been changes to registration details or key personnel, and whether there have been disclosable civil or criminal proceedings, actions or convictions against any key personnel in the period since the entity was last registered. If no issues are identified, the person's application for renewal of their registration is accepted. If potential issues are identified, the application is forwarded to an AUSTRAC officer to manually process the application and make a decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Witness Protection Act 1994</inline>will improve outcomes for participants of the National Witness Protection Program, and assist the Australian Federal Police in its management of the program. The amendments will achieve this by correcting a drafting oversight to ensure that past participants of witness protection programs, which preceded the existing National Witness Protection Program, are covered by the <inline font-style="italic">Witness Protection Act 1994</inline>. The amendments will allow participants to be temporarily suspended from receiving protection and assistance under the witness protection program in appropriate circumstances, rather than needing to exit and re-enter the program. The amendments will also modernise certain processes and terminology throughout the Act which will also assist with reducing the administrative burden on the AFP.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act 1987</inline>will expand the existing mandatory ground of refusal regarding torture. Currently, requests for assistance must only be refused if the person who is the subject of the request may be subjected to torture. This amendment expands the scope of the ground of refusal so that the Attorney-General must refuse requests where there are substantial grounds to believe that any person would be in danger of being subjected to torture if the request were granted. This may include witnesses, persons who consent to be transferred to a foreign country to give evidence, or other persons that may be impacted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Foreign Evidence Act 1994 </inline>will streamline legal processes by expanding the categories of persons who can sign or certify foreign testimony, and simplifying the process of obtaining testimony from foreign countries for use in Australian proceedings. An additional update to terminology in the Act will reflect, and further enable, the current international practices of providing material by electronic means. These amendments will ensure our legislation reflects current international and Australian domestic practices, and will minimise difficulties in obtaining and admitting evidence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">International Transfer of Prisoners Act 1997 </inline>will allow the Attorney-General to refuse consent to applications for transfers to or from Australia at an earlier stage, instead of at the very end of the process. This will make the process more efficient and reduce administrative burdens by ensuring that state and territory governments, foreign countries and prisoners are not unnecessarily consulted where the Attorney-General would be minded to ultimately refuse consent but is unable to do so before seeking consent from all other parties.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A minor amendment to the <inline font-style="italic">Criminology Research A</inline><inline font-style="italic">ct 1971</inline> will update the process for appointing the Commonwealth representative to the Criminology Research Advisory Council. The amendment will clarify that the appointment applies to the holder of a particular senior executive position, not the individual officer. This will remove the need for the Minister to revoke and remake the appointment each time there is a change in the relevant senior executive officer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Minor amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979</inline> will address referencing inconsistencies. The amendments will ensure that state and territory-based Public Interest Monitors can provide effective oversight on applications for interception activities made by the relevant agency in their jurisdiction.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Minor amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Surveillance Devices Act 2004</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Crimes Act 1914</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code Act 1995</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Privacy Act 1988</inline> will correct references relating to the South Australia Independent Commission Against Corruption.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Crime Commission Act 2002 </inline>will correct a minor drafting error so that the penalty for non-compliance with a notice to produce is in the correct location in this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Crimes Omnibus Bill 2023 makes minor and technical amendments which will support the proper administration of regulatory, law enforcement, oversight and judicial processes. These changes will improve the everyday operation of government agencies by creating efficiencies and removing doubt and inconsistencies in certain provisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will also improve outcomes for non-Commonwealth government stakeholders, including members of the public who come into contact with the judicial system, state and territory governments, and our international partners.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the House.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">FAMILY LAW AMENDMENT (INFORMATION SHARING) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Family Law Amendment (Information Sharing) Bill 2023 is a significant step to ensure that children and families do not fall between the gaps of the federal family law system, and the State and Territory family violence and child protection systems.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government is firm in its view that ensuring the safety and wellbeing of children and their families is a priority. This includes their safety within the family law system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Government has made its intentions on the family law system clear. This system must be safe, simpler to use, accessible, and deliver justice and fairness for all families accessing it. The Government is delivering on this commitment through significant reform to the family law system, including through this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Measures included in this Bill are complementary to the reforms proposed in the <inline font-style="italic">Family Law Amendment Bill</inline> 2023. Both Bills will work together to create a family law system which meets the needs of its users, centring the voices and best interests of children, and ensuring their safety and wellbeing is the paramount consideration.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Family safety risk in family law matters</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The disappointing reality is that family violence, child abuse and neglect continue to permeate our community. Court data from last financial year offers a sobering glimpse into the prevalence of violence and abuse in family law matters:</para></quote>
<list>Family violence was raised by one or more parties in 80% of matters</list>
<list>Child abuse, or a risk of child abuse, was raised by one or more parties in 70% of matters</list>
<list>The issue of a child experiencing family violence was raised by one or more parties in 74% of matters, and</list>
<list>76% of parenting matters were mandatorily referred for consideration by a State or Territory child welfare agency by the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia.</list>
<quote><para class="block">However, it must be acknowledged the true figures are likely higher.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The significant numbers of matters referred to State and Territory child welfare agencies, and the prevalence of family violence and child abuse risk within family law matters, demonstrates a need to ensure these federal, state and territory systems are joined-up when supporting and responding to the children and families accessing them.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The importance of a joined-up approach between systems has been examined and highlighted by the many reviews and inquiries into the family law system over the last decade. These inquiries, including the Australian Law Reform Commission's (ALRC's) 2019 report <inline font-style="italic">Family Law for the Future: An Inquiry into the Family Law System (Report 135)</inline>, have been integral to developing this Bill and the <inline font-style="italic">National Strategic Framework for Infor</inline><inline font-style="italic">mation Sharing between the Family Law and Family </inline><inline font-style="italic">Violence and Child Protection Systems </inline>(National Framework) it implements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A new framework for court-initiated orders for information sharing</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will operationalise key aspects of the National Framework, enhancing the sharing of family violence, child abuse and neglect risk information between the family law courts and state and territory child protection, police and firearms authorities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The family law courts do not have powers to investigate family violence, child abuse or neglect. They rely on the investigations conducted, and information provided, by state and territory agencies with those responsibilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The current legislative framework facilitating information sharing is limited in the information that can be sought by the courts and provided by these agencies. Expanding the information sharing framework within the Act will ensure the family law courts are able to access all relevant family violence, child abuse and neglect information, providing a holistic picture of the risks to both the children and parties to proceedings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This framework will provide powers for the courts to receive critical information earlier, quicker and throughout proceedings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new order for particulars introduced by this Bill will support early information being provided to the courts about the types of documents or information held by agencies. This will assist not only in the making of early or urgent interim orders, but will inform the safe and appropriate case management and triaging of matters. The new order will also increase the efficiency of seeking production of full documents or information, by allowing the court to target the specific documents considered relevant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new order for production of documents or information will broaden the scope of information able to be sought. It will ensure the court has access to the full range of information it considers necessary to make orders in the best interests of the children, while considering the safety of all those involved.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Admission of information into evidence</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A core tenet of the Bill is balancing the principles of natural justice and procedural fairness against the potential risks associated with the disclosure of sensitive personal information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill requires that the courts admit into evidence particulars, documents or information shared through the enhanced information sharing framework on which they intend to rely. In doing so, the court must have regard to specific advice provided by information sharing agencies about any risks associated with disclosure of information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Safeguardin g sensitive information — Exclusions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill recognises the inherently sensitive nature of family violence, child abuse and neglect information. The broader scope of this new information sharing framework necessitated considerations of protected material, and the inclusion of safeguards on the sharing of all family safety information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Developed in consultation with frontline agencies and peak family violence and family law organisations, this Bill includes protections where the disclosure of documents or information to be shared would:</para></quote>
<list>contravene legal professional privilege</list>
<list>endanger a person's life or present an unreasonable risk of harm</list>
<list>prejudice legal proceedings</list>
<list>contravene a court order restricting disclosure, or</list>
<list>be contrary to the public interest.</list>
<quote><para class="block">In providing for the exclusion of these protected materials, the Bill recognises there may be circumstances where the risk of disclosure is outweighed by the risk of non-disclosure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In these circumstances, the Bill provides avenues for information sharing agencies to provide this information to the courts in a restricted manner, and to communicate the additional risk they see as being associated with the disclosure of information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill additionally recognises the importance of protecting confidential notifications made by mandatory reporters and everyday Australians concerning suspected family violence or child abuse. The court must protect the identity of notifiers, unless a limited exemption applies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The limited circumstances in which the identity of these individuals can be disclosed ensures that this critical protection is only infringed in rare instances, where the information is crucial to the decision-making process in the parenting proceedings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Safeguarding sensitive information — Information S haring Safeguards</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition to excluding protected materials, the Bill includes a requirement for information sharing agencies, and the courts, to have regard to safeguards when sharing, using, accessing, storing and disclosing information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The information sharing safeguards will be prescribed in amendments to the Family Law Regulations 1984, ensuring they can continue to evolve to reflect the best practice for the sharing of sensitive information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These safeguards have been informed by a Privacy Impact Assessment commissioned by the Attorney-General's Department, and through consultation with relevant family law, family violence and child protection stakeholders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is envisaged that the information sharing safeguards will include items to ensure:</para></quote>
<list>information is only shared to the extent required to identify, assess, manage and respond to family violence, child abuse and neglect risk</list>
<list>information sharing is conducted in good faith, and with reasonable care to the safety of all people involved</list>
<list>information is sent, received and stored in a secure manner</list>
<list>reasonable steps are taken to ensure that parties who may pose, or are alleged to pose, a family safety or child abuse risk cannot access sensitive information, and</list>
<list>if discovered that information recorded and shared is incorrect, best efforts are made to correct the information shared and update relevant records.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Information sharing agencies</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the Regulations will additionally prescribe a broader set of information sharing agencies ahead of commencement of measures in this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These agencies will include those State and Territory agencies responsible for child protection and welfare, police, and firearms authorities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new prescription of agencies will also be clearer about the role of Commonwealth agencies, where they are performing functions for States and Territories. Relevantly, that includes the Australian Federal Police when performing the policing function in the Australian Capital Territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The express inclusion of firearms authorities is the single biggest change to these agencies. This change is to support the court in understanding the holistic picture of family violence risk facing families and children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know that acrimonious family law proceedings can escalate family violence risk, including the risk of homicide for women and children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Any death resulting from family violence is unacceptable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to ensuring that the family law system is safe for families, including those experiencing family violence. Achieving this commitment means learning from and understanding failings in the past, to create hope for the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In proposing these measures, the Government thanks all those who contributed to the various reviews and inquiries which have influenced this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In particular, the Government recognises the contributions of individuals and families with lived experiences of family and domestic violence, the family law system, and its intersection with State and Territory police and child protection systems. Your strength in sharing these experiences, and calling for reform, have been central to developing this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Keeping children and families safe is at the heart of the family law system. This Bill is one part of ensuring the family law system can deliver on this responsibility.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 115(3), further consideration of these bills is now adjourned to 14 June 2023.</para>
<para>Ordered that the bills be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> as separate orders of the day.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Family Law Amendment Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a href="r7011" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Family Law Amendment Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The family law system has a fundamental impact on the lives of many Australians. The Government has committed to ensuring it is safer, more accessible, simpler to use, and delivers justice and fairness for all Australian families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For too long the <inline font-style="italic">Family Law Act 1975</inline> (Family Law Act) has been a source of confusion. It has inhibited separated families' ability to put into practice post-separation parenting arrangements that align with this most important principle: the best interests of children must come first.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There is ample evidence demonstrating that key provisions in the Family Law Act have themselves become a barrier to achieving safe and fair outcomes. This Bill takes some critically important steps to address this by:</para></quote>
<list>creating a more child-focussed framework for making parenting orders, and</list>
<list>addressing complex and confusing drafting resulting from decades of incremental change to the Family Law Act.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill addresses other issues important to the safety and wellbeing of children, including:</para></quote>
<list>ensuring children's voices are better heard in matters affecting them</list>
<list>responding more appropriately to systems abuse, and</list>
<list>laying the groundwork for a scheme to regulate family report writers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also amends the <inline font-style="italic">Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia Act 2021 </inline>(FCFCOA Act) to support a timely review of the structural changes made to the court in the last term of government to ensure the courts are operating in a manner which protects the safety of families and provides an efficient resolution of family law matters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed reforms have not been developed in isolation. Of the many reviews of the family law system conducted in the last decade, we have the benefit of insightful and informed recommendations made by the Australian Law Reform Commission's (ALRC's) 2019 report <inline font-style="italic">Family Law for the Future: An Inquiry into the Family Law System (Report 135). </inline>We have also considered the recommendations of the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Family Law System which delivered its final report in November 2021.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Changing the framework for making parenting orders</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill makes significant changes to Part VII of the Family Law Act, which relates to children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Parenting arrangements after a separation are often negotiated as parents struggle with loss, grief and financial stress at the end of a relationship.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Despite these challenges, most separated Australian couples are able to settle their own arrangements outside of the family law system, and co-parent successfully. Research by the Australian Institute of Family Studies has found that only 3% of separating families have their parenting arrangements determined by a court.<inline font-style="italic">[ ]</inline> The parenting provisions in the Family Law Act must therefore serve as a guide to those negotiating their own arrangements, as well as judicial decision-makers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The complex interaction between Part VII's multiple objects, principles and factors is confusing. Convoluted and complex decision-making pathways, that must be navigated through an understanding of legislation and case law, add significantly to the time and cost of any parenting matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill makes a number of amendments to make it easier to understand the issues to be considered when determining parenting arrangements in the best interests of the child.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The existing objects and principles of Part VII, in section 60B, are often misunderstood to be legally binding, and contain significant overlap with the best interests factors. The Bill replaces these with a much shorter objects clause to make clear that children's best interests are the most important consideration in making decisions about parenting arrangements, including their safety. Australia's obligations under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child are also reflected in the new objects clause.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill streamlines the complex list of factors to be considered when determining the best interests of a child. The changes mean the court will now simply consider six 'best interests' factors to decide what the best parenting arrangements for each child are. The factors include the child's safety, the benefit of having relationships with both parents, any views expressed by the child and their developmental, psychological, emotional and cultural needs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These six factors are complemented by additional specific consideration of opportunities for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children to maintain a connection with family, community, culture, country and language.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill removes the presumption of equal shared parental responsibility and the associated provision that requires a court to consider certain time arrangements for children to spend with each parent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It also codifies existing case law about the reconsideration of parenting orders, making it clear that it must be in the best interests of the child, and a significant change in circumstances must have occurred, for an existing parenting order to be reconsidered.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes are essential if the very complicated existing framework is to be made more workable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repealing the presumption of equal shared parental responsibility</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government recognises that for most children, it is strongly in their best interests to have a loving and nurturing relationship with both parents after separation. The simplified list of best interest factors includes consideration of the benefits to children of having a relationship with each of their parents, where it is safe to do so.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, it is necessary to amend the law so it is clear that there is not, nor has there ever been, an entitlement for parents to spend equal time with their child after separation. Multiple inquiries into the family law system have recognised that the equal shared parental responsibility provisions, in combination with the associated requirement for the court to consider certain care time arrangements, have been widely misunderstood as creating this right.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As Justice O'Brien observed in 2010: A law that cannot be understood by the people affected by it—or worse still lends itself to being misunderstood—is a bad law. That is particularly so when we are talking about a law which affects families and children.<inline font-style="italic">[ ]</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Removal of these provisions will ensure that the law more clearly identifies that children's needs and interests should be the focus. It is a sad reality that concerns about family violence, health issues or substance abuse are present in a very large number of family law cases. As the Family Law Council's submission to the consultation process on the exposure draft of the Bill observed, a 'legislative framework that attempts to influence decision making towards a particular outcome is inappropriate, especially having regard to the high levels of concerns about child safety, family violence and other issues that can negatively influence child and adult wellbeing among the families that turn to the family law system for assistance with parenting arrangements.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In relation to parenting arrangements agreed out of court or by consent, these provisions have been found to cause parties to agree to unsafe arrangements, because they believe the law requires them to do so. Many stakeholders consulted on the Bill have also expressed concern that continuing requirements for parents to share decision-making for their children have provided avenues for high levels of conflict and coercive control.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Where parents can safely consult on major long-term issues for their children, the legislation will encourage parents to do so and to focus on outcomes that will be in the best interests of the children. The legislation will make clear the orders that can be formulated in relation to parental decision making on major long-term issues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While these changes are significant, it is important to note that the proposed amendments will not limit the court's power to make orders about parental responsibility or shared time. They will, however, implement a safer and simpler framework for making parenting orders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Enforcement of child-related orders</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Non-compliance with parenting orders is a common issue, causing distress for many families. The ALRC and Joint Select Committee both identified challenges with the current law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill simplifies the operation of the existing provisions for enforcing parenting orders, helping parents understand the importance of complying with parenting orders unless there is a reasonable excuse not to. It will restructure the current Division 13A of Part VII of the Family Law Act into four clearer parts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will make the consequences of non-compliance with parenting orders clearer and easier for court users to understand and for the courts to apply.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed provisions have been informed by Professor Richard Chisholm AM's suggestions, which were endorsed by the ALRC in its 2019 report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The redraft of the existing Division 13A, while making it simpler to navigate, does not significantly change the underlying principles of any existing compliance and enforcement provisions. Where there is no reasonable excuse for failing to allow contact between a child and a parent, the courts will still have a range of options for addressing issues of non-compliance with parenting orders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In instances of non-compliance courts will still be able to vary a parenting order, provide for make-up time for missed visits, compensate parties for expenses related to missed visitations, and in more serious circumstances, impose a fine or imprisonment. The Bill removes a rarely used option to impose a Community Service Order in cases of contravention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also amends the FCFCOA Act to allow for registrars of both Divisions of the court to be delegated the power to make a further parenting order for make-up time where there has been non-compliance with a parenting order.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Definition of a member of the family and relative</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Government recognises the significance of family and kinship within this country's proud Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures. To be more inclusive of these concepts, the Bill will amend the Family Law Act's existing definitions to use language to reflect the diversity of meanings for family and relatives which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples may have.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Independent Children's Lawyers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill takes important steps to improve the ability for a child's view to be considered in family law proceedings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Family Law Act currently provides for Independent Children's Lawyers, or ICLs, to be appointed by the court to represent a child's best interests, particularly in cases which involve abuse, high levels of conflict and complexity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ICLs must form an independent view, based on the evidence available, of what is in the best interests of the child. ICLs are obliged to consider the views of the child, if they are expressed, and put these fully before the court with their own, independent, perspective about what arrangements or decisions are in the child's best interests. While many ICLs will meet with the child to determine their views, there is currently no legal obligation to do so unless ordered by a Judge.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill introduces amendments to require the ICL to meet with the child and provide the child with the opportunity to express any view about the matters to which the proceedings relate. This requirement will apply in all cases where an ICL is appointed, including parenting matters, welfare matters or where ICLs are appointed for children in Hague matters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is important to recognise that there will be circumstances where it would be inappropriate for a child to meet with an ICL or express a view. An ICL is not required to meet with the child if the child is under 5 years of age, or the child does not wish to meet with an ICL or express their views.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further, to ensure the safety or wellbeing of the child, the Bill provides that there may be exceptional circumstances when an ICL is not required to meet with the child or seek their views. These circumstances include, but are not limited to, if the meeting with the ICL would expose the child to the risk of physical or psychological harm that cannot be safely managed, or would have a significant adverse effect on the wellbeing of the child.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments support children's rights under Article 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, while safeguarding their safety and wellbeing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends the Family Law Act to expressly permit the appointment of ICLs in matters under the 1980 Hague <inline font-style="italic">Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction</inline> (the Hague Convention) and remove the requirement that there be 'exceptional circumstances' for the court to appoint an ICL in these matters. This change will bring judicial discretion to appoint ICLs in Hague Convention matters in line with other family law matters, so that ICLs can be appointed by the court to represent the child's best interests where appropriate, rather than only in exceptional circumstances.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By enhancing the ability for a child's view to be considered in Hague Convention cases, this Bill will contribute to improved safety of the implementation of the Hague Convention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Harmful proceedings orders</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Many victim-survivors of family violence, and their children, suffer the effects of continued abuse from their perpetrators through misuse of legal processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To address a gap in the current law, the Bill introduces the capacity for the court to restrain a party from repeated litigation by making a harmful proceedings order. The focus of the measure is on the protection of the other party and any children from harm, including the detrimental effect on the other party's capacity to care for a child.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Once this order is in place, any further proposed proceedings would first be assessed by the court to ensure that matters that are vexatious, frivolous or unlikely to be successful are not being heard. There will be no erosion of the principles of procedural fairness—applicants will have the opportunity to make the case for the particular matter they wish to bring before the court.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Overarching purpose of family law practice and procedure</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ALRC found that prolonged family law proceedings have negative consequences for parents and children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will improve case management and procedure by broadening the overarching purpose of family law practice and procedure that exists in theFCFCOA Act. This overarching purpose provision is aimed at encouraging parties to actively cooperate and negotiate with each other to resolve disputes, with the best interests of children in mind.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill creates a duty on parties and their legal representatives to resolve disputes in a way that ensures the safety of families and children, promotes the best interests of the child, and is as inexpensive and efficient as possible.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There will be cost consequences for parties or their lawyers if they have been found to not be acting in compliance with the overarching purpose. Lawyers will not be able to pass these costs onto their clients.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Protecting family law information</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will also update the Family Law Act to clarify restrictions on communicating identifiable information arising in family law proceedings. Consistent with the ALRC report, this measure will assist those within the family law system, including service providers, government agencies, professionals and parties, by providing greater certainty about the circumstances in which identifiable information can be shared. This measure also ensures that the privacy of those involved in family law matters continues to be protected.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Standards and requirements for family report writers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is important that courts have the best possible evidence before them when considering what parenting orders to make. A family report is often the only independent evidence available to assist the court. It is crucial that families, the court and all those involved in the family law system can have confidence that every family report has been prepared by a professional with the skills and knowledge required to undertake this important task.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will introduce the ability to establish standards and requirements to be met by family report writers. Establishing a power for Government to prescribe standards and requirements for these professionals is the first step in addressing concerns expressed by stakeholders across successive reports and public inquiries into the family law system about the competency and accountability of family report writers. Any standards or requirements will be outlined in regulations to be developed following further consultation with stakeholders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia Act</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to the ongoing improvement of Australia's federal courts, and believes that a well-functioning court system is essential to the effective implementation of these reforms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends the FCFCOA Act to bring forward the review of the structural change that merged the Family Court of Australia with the Federal Circuit Court. It is important that such a monumental change to the family law system is reviewed in a timely manner to ensure the new court structure is providing families with a safe, accessible and efficient resolution of their family law disputes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill expressly clarifies that the appointment of a judge of the Family Court of a State to Division 1 of the Court is permitted under the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In closing, the Government is making these changes to the Family Law Act to make it safer and simpler to use, and to provide clarity to the community; guided by recommendations of detailed, insightful and researched reviews into the family law system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In proposing these measures, the Government thanks all who have contributed to relevant inquiries and the consultation process on this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will return the best interests of the child as the central focus of the family law system and will simplify what has become an overly complex and confusing framework for making parenting arrangements.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 115(3), further consideration of this bill is adjourned to 24 August 2023.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Migration Amendment (Giving Documents and Other Measures) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>85</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7039" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Migration Amendment (Giving Documents and Other Measures) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>85</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>85</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as foll</inline> <inline font-style="italic">ows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments proposed in this Bill support improved and fairer processes under the Migration Act. They improve the effectiveness of the notification of decisions and actions under the Act, and reduce inefficient processes relating to the making of valid protection visa applications for dual citizens.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 to the Bill comprises a number of common-sense technical amendments to strengthen the notification framework for visa-related decisions. For cancellation-related decisions and actions, the amendments will make it clear that the person affected must be notified in writing, and in the ways specified in the regulations. These amendments will effectively reinforce existing mechanisms which ensure the affected person has the best chance of actually receiving the relevant documents. This enables them to seek independent advice on their options and to avail themselves of natural justice or review rights.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 also introduces a substantial compliance framework in relation to notifications into the Migration Act. This is in response to a number of Court decisions over time that have found notifications invalid for failing to comply strictly with prescribed requirements, despite clearly achieving their purpose, and where there was no prejudice to the recipient's legal rights. The measures proposed in this Bill will ensure that, where a minor or technical error exists in the content of the notification which has not resulted in any substantial prejudice to the person's legal rights, then the notification requirements are taken to have been met. This common sense approach, which already exists in other legislative frameworks, will provide greater certainty in relation to the notification of visa related decisions and actions for both the Minister and the recipient of such notices.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will reduce uncertainty about highly technical notification issues, and will not diminish the person's ability to fully exercise all available legal rights. Importantly, this Bill does not purport to fix errors of substance in notifications, or errors that substantially prejudice a person's legal rights.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Importantly, these changes ensure that people who receive visa notifications, including relevant information about any natural justice or review rights, will not be disadvantaged. These changes provide greater certainty that notifications relied upon are valid, and a person's legal rights are upheld.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments in Schedule 2 to the Bill will remove the prohibition on nationals of two or more countries from lodging a valid application for a protection visa. Subdivision AK of Division 3 of Part 2 of the Migration Act currently prevents any person who is a national of two or more countries from lodging a valid application for a protection visa, but allows the Minister to lift the bar if it is in the public interest to do so. The removal of this subdivision from the Migration Act will improve administrative efficiencies across the onshore protection visa program and streamline the application process for dual nationals seeking protection in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">From 1 July 2019 to 24 March 2023, 401 prospective protection visa applicants were assessed as being impacted by the application bar. However, in the same period in excess of 55,000 protection visa applicants had to be assessed against this provision before their application could be progressed for further processing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Of the 401 prospective protection visa applicants impacted by the application bar 196- almost half- were minors.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, dual or multi-national minors included on a valid protection visa application lodged by a parent or other family member are barred from making a valid application without the intervention of the Minister. The removal of this subdivision will ensure that family units can make a valid application for a protection visa together, and minimise the risk of family separation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This ensures that dual citizens are afforded the same benefits as those with single nationality, by having protection claims to be considered comprehensively under the relevant statutory criteria, without requiring the Minister to consider lifting the bar.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government's position remains unchanged- those who can avail themselves of protection from a third country because of nationality or some other right to re-enter and reside in the third country, should seek protection from the third country instead of applying for a protection visa in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments in this Bill do not make substantive changes to the notification framework, nor do they change the eligibility requirements for the grant of a protection visa. They provide for greater effectiveness and streamlining of processes and create a fairer and more accountable framework.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the Chamber.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Ordered that the resumption of the debate be made an order of the day for a later hour.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Disclosure of Information) Bill 2023, Defence Legislation Amendment (Naval Nuclear Propulsion) Bill 2023, Fair Work Legislation Amendment (Protecting Worker Entitlements) Bill 2023, Family Assistance Legislation Amendment (Child Care Subsidy) Bill 2023, Infrastructure Australia Amendment (Independent Review) Bill 2023, Inspector-General of Live Animal Exports Amendment (Animal Welfare) Bill 2023, Jobs and Skills Australia Amendment Bill 2023, National Security Legislation Amendment (Comprehensive Review and Other Measures No. 2) Bill 2023, Social Services and Other Legislation Amendment (Strengthening the Safety Net) Bill 2023, Treasury Laws Amendment (2023 Measures No. 2) Bill 2023, Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 2) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>86</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7030" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Disclosure of Information) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7021" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Defence Legislation Amendment (Naval Nuclear Propulsion) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7010" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Legislation Amendment (Protecting Worker Entitlements) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7033" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Family Assistance Legislation Amendment (Child Care Subsidy) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6995" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Infrastructure Australia Amendment (Independent Review) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7034" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Inspector-General of Live Animal Exports Amendment (Animal Welfare) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6999" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Jobs and Skills Australia Amendment Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7012" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Security Legislation Amendment (Comprehensive Review and Other Measures No. 2) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7041" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services and Other Legislation Amendment (Strengthening the Safety Net) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7023" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (2023 Measures No. 2) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7037" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 2) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>86</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>86</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a revised explanatory memorandum relating to the Jobs and Skills Australia Amendment Bill 2023, and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">AUSTRALIAN ORGAN AND TISSUE DONATION AND TRANSPLANTATION AUTHORITY AMENDMENT (DISCLOSURE OF INFORMATION) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Transplantation through organ and tissue donation gives people a second chance at life, allowing them to resume the roles they love among their family, friends, and communities. One organ and tissue donor can transform the lives of many people, and transplants are a well-researched and highly effective treatment. The benefits of organ and tissue transplantation to our society are undeniable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia has implemented a best practice donation system. In 2009, under the then Rudd Labor Government, Australia commenced our national program to increase organ and tissue donation for transplantation. Since then, there has been a significant growth in donation rates, with more than 16,000 Australians receiving a life-changing transplant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Few people have the opportunity to become an organ donor. An individual needs to die in a hospital, with organs functioning well, to be a donor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Only around two per cent of people who die in a hospital are able to be considered for organ donation. That's only around 1,400 people a year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority, also known as the Organ and Tissue Authority, has led the national effort to increase organ and tissue donations, in partnership with:</para></quote>
<list>State and Territory Governments;</list>
<list>national DonateLife agencies;</list>
<list>the donation and transplantation clinical sectors;</list>
<list>eye and tissue banks; and</list>
<list>the community.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Critical to this work of the Organ and Tissue Authority and DonateLife agencies are promotional and educational activities to increase community awareness of organ and tissue donation. The key aim is to encourage people to register on the Australian Organ Donor Register and talk to their family about donation and what they would like at the end of their life. These activities include commemorative services, educational and community awareness materials such as posters and flyers, and social media content, which often include the sharing of experiences by individuals and families involved in organ and tissue donation and transplantation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, there are provisions in both state and territory legislation, and the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Act 2008</inline> that prohibit the sharing of some information related to deceased donors and recipients for the purposes of community awareness and other educational activities by the Organ and Tissue Authority and DonateLife agencies. As a result, the Organ and Tissue Authority, and Commonwealth-funded state and territory DonateLife agencies are limited in the ways they can deliver the national organ and tissue donation and transplantation program, and in particular, community awareness, educational activities, and commemorative events for donor families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will amend the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Organ and Tissue Donation a</inline><inline font-style="italic">nd Transplantation Authority Act 2008 </inline>to allow the Organ and Tissue Authority, DonateLife agencies, grant recipients and authorised family members to publish, disseminate or disclose information about deceased donors for the purposes of the Organ and Tissue Authority's community awareness, educational or commemorative activities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, the OTA Act has restrictive provisions on who can provide that consent being limited to partners of the deceased donor, or by parental guardians if the donor was less than 18 years. These changes will allow the Organ and Tissue Authority and DonateLife agencies to obtain consent for this information from an extended list of family members of donors and recipients that includes a partner, parent, child, sibling, grandparent, grandchild.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">With this consent from the family, this information about the respective deceased donor or recipient can then be included in community awareness and educational activities, and in remembrance services for families to commemorate their family member. The sharing of these experiences is invaluable, as it:</para></quote>
<list>creates greater understanding among the community of organ and tissue donation and the significant impact it can have in saving and improving lives;</list>
<list>generates discussion among and encourages Australians to register their intent to be a donor at the end of their life; and</list>
<list>can provide comfort to individuals and families who may be faced with making this decision in the future.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The disclosure of this information is restricted to the functions of the Organ and Tissue Authority and DonateLife staff and purposes of the activities as defined in the Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is important to note that these amendments are not intended to facilitate direct contact between donor families and organ and tissue recipients. Governments intend to protect the right of both donor families and transplant recipients to remain anonymous.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These legislative amendments align with the sentiment that many donor families wish to commemorate their family member in remembrance services, and some also want to help raise community awareness about donation and transplantation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I would like to acknowledge the valuable work of the Organ and Tissue Authority and DonateLife agencies undertake valuable work in leading the national program to increase organ and tissue donation. And of course, none of this would be possible without donors and their families. I cannot express the extent of my admiration of the families who, during such difficult circumstances, have made the incredible decision to give the ultimate gift of life to another by saying 'yes' to donation are truly admirable. Not only do these families make these decisions, but often these families will then be generous enough toy then share their experience to encourage others to do the same. This is remarkable. This is truly remarkable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is demonstrated in I would like to finish by sharing the incredibly moving story told by Mr Rob Clemmens. I met Rob and his two adult daughters, Emily and Isabella attended last month at the announcement event for the 2022 donation and transplantation outcomes at the Royal Melbourne Hospital. Rob was there to share his story and raise awareness about donation. Rob lost his beloved wife Katie last year. Rob and his daughters, made the decision to say yes to organ donation because Katie was always giving to others. Together, they believed it was the right thing to do and something Katie would have wanted. Rob and his family are immensely proud of Katie's legacy as an organ and tissue donor, giving the ultimate gift of life to people through the donation of her liver and kidneys, as well as skin, eyes, and bone. As Rob says, "Katie gave herself in life and in death." I pay tribute to Katie and her family today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I acknowledge and sincerely thank every donor for the ultimate gift—giving a chance at a full and long life for those needing a transplant. The sharing of donor family stories, such the story of Katie Clemmens, is very powerful in showing what a true gift organ donation is, and in raising community awareness of the importance of organ donation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This important legislative amendment will enable more families, who would not have otherwise been able, to share their extraordinary stories with the Australian community. This is crucial to improving donation outcomes in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is vitally important for all Australians to have a conversation with their families about what they want at the end of their life and if they want to be a donor, to register. I encourage you all to do this as soon as possible.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ability to communicate the stories of those who have given the gift of life, and of those who have received this gift, is vital to saving lives, and improving the quality of life for more Australians. These changes will support the Organ and Tissue Authority and DonateLife agencies in more effectively achieving these goals.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the House.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">DEFENCE LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (NAVAL NUCLEAR PROPULSION) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am pleased to present the Defence Legislation Amendment (Naval Nuclear Propulsion) Bill 2023.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill is the first legislative step in support of Australia's acquisition of conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As our National Defence Statement published late last month recognises: Australia's region, the Indo-Pacific, faces increasing competition that operates on multiple levels—economic, military, strategic and diplomatic—all interwoven and all framed by an intense contest of values and narratives.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A large-scale conventional and non-conventional military build-up without strategic reassurance is contributing to the most challenging circumstances in our region for decades.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Combined with rising tensions and reduced warning time for conflict, the risks of military escalation or miscalculation are rising.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These interests demand we deploy all elements of our national power in statecraft seeking to shape a region that is open, stable and prosperous: a predictable region, operating by agreed rules, standards and laws, where sovereignty is respected.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Acquiring conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines will unquestionably strengthen our defence capabilities. Indeed, this capability transition represents the single biggest leap in Australian military capability since the Second World War.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will see Australia become one of only seven nations to operate nuclear-powered submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will strengthen our capacity to defend Australia and its national interests.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And it will significantly enhance our contribution to the security and stability of the region.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Earlier this year, the Parliament was assured that this Government is adopting a methodical, phased approach that will build our capacity as a nation to safely and securely build, maintain and operate conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This includes developing the full suite of skills, facilities and institutions along with an appropriate regulatory and legislative architecture to be nuclear stewards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill is the first legislative step to this aim.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill amends provisions of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Act 1998</inline> and the <inline font-style="italic">Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments clarify that the moratorium on civil nuclear power, as evident in these Acts, does not limit the performance of regulatory functions that might be necessary in respect of conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines and their supporting infrastructure and facilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This means the relevant regulators—the CEO of the Australian Radiation Protection and Nuclear Safety Agency and the Minister for the Environment and Water—are in no way inhibited from performing their functions in respect of conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines and their supporting infrastructure and facilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will ensure the relevant regulators can perform their functions, if and when required, in the system of regulation that will apply to conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines and their supporting infrastructure and facilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Let me be clear about what this Bill does not do.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It does not abolish the moratorium on civil nuclear power in Australia, a feature of Australian law since the Howard Government enacted the ARPANS Act and EPBC Act in the late 1990s.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is not necessary to modify the moratorium on civil nuclear power, other than to clarify that it does not prevent the performance of regulatory functions that might be necessary in respect of conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines and their supporting infrastructure and facilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is a <inline font-style="italic">Defence</inline> legislative amendment, focused on the reform to Australian law required to strengthen our defence capability by acquiring conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As indicated at the beginning of my remarks, this Bill is only the first step in support of Australia's acquisition of conventionally-armed, nuclear-powered submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Building the legal architecture to support this endeavour will involve multiple tranches of legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This work will extend beyond the life of this Parliament, and likely beyond the tenure of this Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recently, the Government announced our intention to establish a new independent statutory regulator: the Australian Nuclear-Powered Submarine Safety Regulator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This new Regulator will have the functions and powers necessary to regulate the unique circumstances associated with nuclear safety and radiological protection across the lifecycle of Australia's nuclear-powered submarine enterprise. This includes associated infrastructure and facilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I anticipate legislation to establish the Australian Nuclear-Powered Submarine Safety Regulator and its functions and powers will brought before this Parliament, later this year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill is a modest and necessary first legislative step towards Australia acquiring conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">FAIR WORK LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (PROTECTING WORKER ENTITLEMENTS0 BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Last year, the Government passed the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Legislation A</inline><inline font-style="italic">mendment (Secure Jobs, Better Pay) Act</inline>. Secure Jobs Better Pay delivered on the next step of the Government's plan to lift wages, improve job security and close the gender pay gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Secure Jobs Better Pay was about raising the bar—raising the bar on awards, raising the bar on enterprise agreements, raising the bar on bargaining and lifting the floor for workers. This year, it's about closing the loopholes that some businesses use to undercut those arrangements. This Bill is the first step.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill is about protecting worker entitlements including by enshrining the right to superannuation as one of the National Employment Standards. The Bill will also promote gender equality—the amendments to the unpaid parental leave scheme will provide families with greater flexibility so that work and care responsibilities can more easily be shared. The Bill will also deliver reforms to improve fairness in the workplace relations system—by protecting all workers (regardless of visa status) and ensuring casuals in the coal mining industry are on par with their permanent colleagues with respect to long service leave.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has engaged in close and constructive consultation with businesses and unions on these reforms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I will now outline in detail the measures in the bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coverage of all workers by the Fair Work Act</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All workers working in this country are entitled to and deserve protection from exploitation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is the view of our Government that the Fair Work Act should be clear that it applies to migrant workers. Doubt has been raised about this and the Government is acting to fix this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">So, while this change might turn out to have been unnecessary, it is it an important protection to make sure that Australian workplace rights apply to everybody. That is why this Bill will make clear that all the protections of the Fair Work Act—including full pay for time worked—apply to all workers working in Australia, regardless of their migration status.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment closes a loophole for employers whose business model relies upon the false assertion that workers on temporary or working visas have fewer rights than other workers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This change gives effect to recommendation 3 of the Migrant Workers' Taskforce report—which this Government has committed to implementing. It also implements recommendation 3 of the Senate Education and Employment Legislation Committee's inquiry into the Government's Secure Jobs, Better Pay legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Unpaid Parental Leave</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The parental leave reforms from our Government are a significant step forward in both fairness and economic participation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Parliament has recently passed the largest expansion to government-funded Paid Parental Leave since the scheme was established in 2011. The changes in this Bill go hand in glove with changes which have been made by the Minister for Social Services. These changes provide the commensurate employment rights to ensure that the Government's changes to Paid Parental Leave have real meaning.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Fair Work Act also has a key role to play in implementing our vision for women's full workforce participation—as well as ensuring families can jointly share work and care responsibilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments proposed by this Bill will modernise unpaid parental leave to give parents more opportunity and more choice about how they balance and share their work and caring responsibilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Parental leave works best as an entitlement when it suits the circumstances of each family. Balancing work and care looks different for every family—our Government wants a flexible unpaid parental leave entitlement that reflects modern Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill also significantly increases the days of leave that can be taken flexibly, from 30 days to 100 days. This allows families to work out arrangements on their own terms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill also allows for pregnant employees to access some of their flexible unpaid parental leave entitlement before the birth of their child.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It also removes unnecessary restrictions on two working parents in a family taking more than 8 weeks of unpaid parental leave at the same time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notice periods will remain the same, providing certainty for business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our Government is serious about acting to close the gender pay gap—making it easier for families to balance work and care is critical. This Bill will deliver greater flexibility for working families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Superannuation in the National Employment Standards</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will also protect workers' superannuation entitlements by including superannuation in the National Employment Standards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australians are quite rightly very proud of our world class superannuation system—superannuation is a key part of workers being able to build a financially secure retirement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, the Fair Work Act does not have an explicit requirement for an employer to pay superannuation to their employees—this is a loophole which needs to be closed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In almost every instance of wage theft, superannuation is part of how workers have been ripped off. This amendment is about making sure that a worker can recover both superannuation and wages in an underpayment claim under the Fair Work Act. Until now, many workers have had to claim the take home pay and superannuation through two separate processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will still be possible (and preferable for some people) to recover superannuation via a complaint to the Australian Taxation Office. However, the red tape that requires workers to apply to two different systems for the same underpayment ends with this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Workers who do not have the protection of an award or an enterprise agreement can be left exposed as they do not have a statutory right to superannuation. Enshrining the requirement to pay superannuation in the National Employment Standards puts on notice those who seek to exploit this loophole that payment of superannuation is a non-negotiable minimum standard.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes will expand coverage to thousands of award-free employees, such as those on the National Minimum Wage, and employees in certain occupations such as accounting, human resources, marketing, public relations, and information technology specialists.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Deductions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For a long time, workers have signed deduction forms for union membership or health insurance in the knowledge that payments may vary from time to time. At any stage, workers can decide if they want the deduction to continue. There have been some legal questions have raised as to whether the initial deduction authority can continue if the fees change over time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This change simply makes sure that the law is consistent with the intention of the individual worker when they sign a deduction form as deduction amounts change over time, without employers or workers having to go through endless red tape.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Technical amendments t o clarify the interaction between enterprise agreements and workplace determinations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">One of the significant achievements of Secure Jobs Better Pay was to increase access to arbitration. This amendment clarifies that when there is an arbitrated outcome, it takes precedence over an agreement that covers the same workers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coal Long Service Leave Scheme changes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Until now, there has been a glitch in the scheme—casuals have always been ripped off when it comes to long service leave in the coal industry. If a casual coal industry worker works a significant number of hours one week, and then has a week when they don't work any hours, the system does not average the hours fairly. This means that casuals are accruing a lower entitlement than their permanent counterparts even though they could have worked the same—or more—total hours. This amendment means that whenever a casual coal industry worker is working a week-on week-off roster, it all counts towards their long service leave.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In December 2021, an independent review into the Coal Mining Industry (Long Service Leave Funding) Scheme (the Scheme) found that casual employees in the Scheme are treated less favourably than permanent employees. Measures in this Bill will amend legislation enabling the Scheme to address this inequity and implement a recommendation of the independent review.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments will make clear that the levy imposed on a casual employee's wages within the Scheme and payment of an employee's entitlement include casual loading. This gives employers greater clarity and ensures that casual employees are not disadvantaged when accessing their long service leave entitlement. Currently, if you're a permanent employee who takes a week of annual leave, the time that you're on leave still counts to long service leave. Casual loading is meant to be in lieu of this certainty, but the loading hasn't been included. That unfair situation ends with this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Secure Jobs Better Pay was about raising the bar for workers and their entitlements. There is no point raising the bar for workers if loopholes that undermine these worker entitlements remain open. This Bill, Protecting Worker Entitlements is the beginning of our Government's reforms to close these loopholes. These reforms contribute to the fairer workplace relations system that our Government is delivering for Australian workers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the Chamber.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">FAMILY ASSISTANCE LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (CHILD CARE SUBSIDY) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Family Assistance Legislation Amendment (Child Care Subsidy) Bill 2023 amends the <inline font-style="italic">A New Tax System (Family </inline><inline font-style="italic">Assistance)</inline><inline font-style="italic">(Administration) Act</inline> 1999 to align it with existing practice in relation to the Child Care Subsidy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recently, errors were identified in the existing legislation concerning the way some overpayments of Child Care Subsidy are recovered by the Commonwealth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These errors date back to when the CCS was introduced by the former Government in 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The consequences of those errors, which the Government believes were unintended by the former Government, are that in certain circumstances the Commonwealth's processes for recovery of overpaid subsidy have not been supported by the legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill rectifies those errors and aligns the legislation to long-standing policy and practice. It confirms who is responsible for the repayment of overpaid amounts of CCS subsidy and provides further clarity for providers and families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has worked swiftly to bring the Bill to the Parliament after the Minister for Education and the Minister for Early Childhood Education were advised of the issue last month, and it is important that the measures be enacted promptly to allow for the proper recovery of overpayments in the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department has consulted with the Early Childhood Education and Care Reference Group on the amendments and will shortly establish a process for the repayment of any amounts which have been recovered in a manner inconsistent with the current legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department will continue to work with Early Childhood Education and Care providers and any affected families to explain the process and answer any questions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The measures in this Bill are important for the integrity of the Child Care Subsidy system and ensuring that recovery of overpayments is made appropriately.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the Chamber.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">INFRASTRUCTURE AUSTRALIA AMENDMENT (INDEPENDENT REVIEW) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government makes substantial investments in infrastructure across the nation including in transport infrastructure, through the Infrastructure Investment Program; in communications infrastructure, through the National Broadband Network and mobile connectivity; in energy infrastructure, by supporting rebuilding the electricity grid; and in water infrastructure, to build essential water supplies across Australia. Good investment in infrastructure creates significant opportunities by creating jobs, building communities and unlocking economic growth and productivity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Infrastructure Australia was established by the current Prime Minister in the last Labor Government to provide independent, expert advice to the Australian Government on infrastructure investment that Australians need. Since then, Infrastructure Australia has been sidelined with a lack of genuine influence. It has been stretched too far and too thin without a proper focus. These amendments ensure that Infrastructure Australia is the adviser to the Australian Government and that it is evaluating proposals submitted by the Australian Government, States and Territories.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The infrastructure environment has also changed significantly since its establishment, which is why this Government commissioned an independent review to identify the changes needed to restore Infrastructure Australia and refocus its priorities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill responds to the recommendations of the independent review of Infrastructure Australia, conducted by Nicole Lockwood and Mike Mrdak AO.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government's response to the review recommendations will position Infrastructure Australia to achieve its core purpose—to provide quality, independent advice to the Australian Government on infrastructure that supports the economy, builds the nation and addresses the challenges and opportunities of the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill makes important changes to the Infrastructure Australia Act to provide the framework for implementing the government's response to the review's recommendations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill's amendments will provide for greater alignment between Infrastructure Australia's work program and the advice the government needs to make informed infrastructure investment decisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Government intends to clearly set out its infrastructure policy objectives, which will inform Infrastructure Australia in carrying out its work.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Infrastructure Australia's focus will continue to be on transport, water, energy, and communications infrastructure, the nationally-significant infrastructure that connects our cities and our regions, and is an enabler of the economy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Infrastructure Australia will be strengthened as an adviser on project merits and priorities, and will deliver a more refined and targeted infrastructure priority list linked to its audit, Government priorities and Australian needs. These changes will remove duplication and build on the strong relationships with the jurisdictions, harmonising processes and leading to better targeted advice to appropriately inform Australian Government decision-making.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Importantly, Infrastructure Australia will retain its statutory independence, which will ensure it continues to provide impartial advice to the Australian Government, particularly on infrastructure project selection and prioritisation, for investment in projects where it matters the most.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new governance model put forward for Infrastructure Australia, will ensure it has the eminence, authority and standing to be a national leader and coordinator among infrastructure advisory bodies. The three commissioners will collectively have strong and relevant expertise and be responsible for the delivery of Infrastructure Australia's functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government expects the commissioners will be engaged in delivering the work of Infrastructure Australia, rather than being merely an oversight body. Persons appointed to the Commissioner roles will have been identified through a merit-based process and will be highly experienced members of the infrastructure sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Infrastructure Australia is now providing advice on infrastructure proposals through the Budget process and will support the slimmed-down governance structure with an advisory council consisting of infrastructure sector experts and Commonwealth agency senior officials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The advisory council will provide strategic advice to the commissioners and help improve Infrastructure Australia's interactions with Government investment and decision-making processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Whilst the bill implements the recommendations of the independent review of Infrastructure Australia requiring legislative changes, a new Statement of Expectations will be issued to Infrastructure Australia to implement the remaining recommendations of the review.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Together, these changes will set Infrastructure Australia up to once again be the Commonwealth's expert adviser on infrastructure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">INSPECTOR-GENERAL OF LIVE ANIMAL EXPORTS AMENDMENT (ANIMAL WELFARE) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Animal welfare is important to the Australian community and they expect robust oversight, accountability and transparency of animal welfare in livestock exports. The Inspector-General of Live Animal Exports Amendment (Animal Welfare) Bill 2023 reinforces the government's commitment to strengthening animal welfare by expanding the current office of the Inspector-General of Live Animal Exports to provide enhanced focus on animal welfare. This Bill, together with the funding that we have already committed through the October 2022-23 Budget to expand this office, delivers on our 2022 election commitment. The additional objects and functions proposed in this Bill will help to increase oversight, accountability and transparency for animal welfare in exported livestock, and delivers on the government's commitment to strengthening animal welfare.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill provides for an expanded and independent office of the Inspector-General of Animal Welfare and Live Animal Exports. It does this by building on the established Inspector-General of Live Animal Exports role with a focus on expanded animal welfare objectives and functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government supports independent and transparent arrangements around the regulation of the livestock exports. Importantly, the central role of the Inspector-General of Animal Welfare and Live Animal Exports will continue to be reviewing the conduct of Commonwealth officials regulating livestock exports, as the current office of the Inspector-General of Live Animal Exports does.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill expands on that role to provide a new level of focus and assurance that Commonwealth legislation and standards are achieving good outcomes for animal welfare, through the objectives put forward in this Bill. These objectives include to:</para></quote>
<list>monitor, investigate, and report on how the Commonwealth implements animal welfare and live animal export legislation;</list>
<list>promote continual improvements in the regulatory practice, performance and culture of the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry in its role as the regulator of Australia's livestock exports, including improvements in the development of the Australian Standards for the Export of Livestock;</list>
<list>provide an additional layer of accountability and assurance over the regulation of Australia's livestock exports; and</list>
<list>ensure that livestock export officials, in performing functions and exercising powers, consider the welfare of animals in Australia's livestock exports.</list>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, the Inspector-General's functions, as outlined in this Bill, are to review the effectiveness of:</para></quote>
<list>the activities of livestock export officials under animal welfare and live animal export legislation and standards;</list>
<list>Commonwealth systems for the administration of livestock exports under such legislation and standards;</list>
<list>the Australian Standards for the Export of Livestock as part of such systems; and</list>
<list>Commonwealth reporting relating to animal welfare and livestock exports matters.</list>
<quote><para class="block">A focus on these four pillars of our regulatory system—activities, systems, standards, and reporting—will help to improve and assure the systems in place to achieve export animal welfare outcomes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the first time, the Inspector-General will provide an independent layer of oversight over our animal welfare export standards, to assure that Australia's livestock exports continue to be underpinned by high standards and the best available science.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Many of the objectives and functions have been shaped through a public consultation process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The consultations revealed broad concerns around how—and what—information is reported in relation to livestock exports. This includes whether current arrangements are appropriately considering and reporting on animal welfare outcomes, and whether the current reporting arrangements assure commercial information is appropriately managed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For this reason, the government has taken steps to substantially expand the role of the Inspector-General around reviewing the reporting arrangements that are currently in place, with a view to ensuring they are fit for purpose—or to recommend improvements as necessary. This encompasses what is currently reported to the Parliament under the <inline font-style="italic">Export Control Act 2020</inline>. Together, these new functions will help to inform the government on the best approach to public reporting of livestock export animal welfare outcomes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The independence of the Inspector-General was another central theme raised through consultation. This Bill responds by clarifying certain processes around how the Inspector-General conducts its reviews and publishes information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through this Bill, the government is providing for transparent arrangements around how the Inspector-General can engage consultants for specialised advice, as well as how the Inspector-General publishes information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Inspector-General must also prepare an annual work plan for each financial year, in consultation with the Minister. Annual work plans (and variations) must be published on the Inspector-General's website. The Inspector-General will also prepare and publish their work plan for the financial year ahead, setting out key outcomes and priorities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Inspector-General will not be subject to interference. This Bill provides for the Inspector-General to have complete discretion in the performance its functions and powers. While the Minister may direct the Inspector-General to conduct a review, importantly, the Inspector-General will not be subject to direction in the conduct of a review or the content of any report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Together, these enshrine the new Inspector-General's independence from the regulator of Australia's livestock exports.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In summary: the additional objects allow for the Inspector-General to monitor, investigate and report on implementation by the Australian Government of animal welfare and live animal export legislation and standards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The additional functions include conducting reviews into the effectiveness of Commonwealth systems for the administration of livestock exports under animal welfare and live animal export legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also provides for independence of the Inspector-General and provides a legislative basis for the Inspector-General to operate independently, impartially and transparently.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Together, the expanded role will increase accountability for—and transparency of—animal welfare in exported livestock.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill delivers on a commitment of the government to strengthen animal welfare and underlines our commitment to holding ourselves accountable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">JOBS AND SKILLS AUSTRALIA AMENDMENT BILL 2023</para></quote>
<list>Today I am introducing the Jobs and Skills Australia Amendment Bill 2023.</list>
<list>This Bill delivers on the Government's commitment to fully establish Jobs and Skills Australia as a statutory body to provide independent advice on the labour market, and the skills and training needs of workers and employers, now and in future.</list>
<list>Australia is facing skills shortages across many of our critical industries.</list>
<list>Meanwhile, our labour market is tight, with the unemployment rate sitting at 3.5% in February 2023, and job advertisements over the last 12 months to January 2023 having increased by 4.5%.</list>
<list>As at December 2022, 65 per cent of recruiting employers had difficulty finding staff (8 percentage points higher than a year ago)—meanwhile, the number of occupations in shortage doubled in 12 months from 153 occupations to 286, which really underlines the scale of the challenge.</list>
<list>Jobs and Skills Australia's Quarterly Labour Market Update, released in February, found employment continues to shift towards jobs that are commensurate with some level of post-secondary school qualification.</list>
<list>Over the past year, around 36% of total employment growth has been in occupations associated with university qualifications, and over 60% of total employment has been in occupations where VET qualifications are the primary pathway.</list>
<list>This demonstrates the importance of both the VET and higher education systems to growing a highly skilled Australian workforce, and importantly Jobs and Skills Australia's independent advice related to the labour market and education and training.</list>
<list>The Government is already taking action on these issues.</list>
<list>As at the October 2022-23 Budget, the Government is budgeting $6.3 billion for VET in the 2022-23 financial year. This is $451 million higher than estimated at the March 2022-23 Budget, in no small part due to new funding for 180,000 Fee Free TAFE and vocational education places in 2023.</list>
<list>We are investing $921.7 million over 5 years from 2022-23 to strengthen Australia's VET system and address skills shortages, providing 480,000 Fee Free TAFE and vocational education places, and $50 million to establish a TAFE Technology Fund to modernise IT infrastructure, workshops, laboratories, telehealth simulators, and other facilities at TAFEs across Australia.</list>
<list>The Government is committed to working collaboratively with States and Territories to deliver a new 5-year national skills agreement in accordance with the vision and guiding principles agreed by Skills Ministers and endorsed by National Cabinet in August 2022.</list>
<list>We are investing almost $100 million over the next decade to deliver 10,000 New Energy Apprenticeships.</list>
<list>Pertinently to the Bill before the Senate today, the 2022-23 October Budget also included funding for the establishment of Jobs and Skills Australia and building the body's capacity for tripartite partnerships and engagement.</list>
<list>We have provided funding for Jobs and Skills Australia to deliver a clean energy capacity study, to provide critical evidence and insights to support the workforce planning and policy development needed to build a strong and vibrant clean energy sector and contribute to the Australian Government's Powering Australia Plan.</list>
<list>Jobs and Skills Australia will also conduct a national study on Adult Literacy, Numeracy, and Digital Literacy Skills to provide an up-to-date evidence base on levels of these foundation skills among Australian adults. This will be the most comprehensive study ever undertaken in Australia. The results will inform the design of future programs and policies.</list>
<list>This Government committed to undertaking a genuine consultative approach with stakeholders in designing the permanent model of Jobs and Skills Australia, so that everyone could benefit.</list>
<list>Introducing the legislation in two stages, including this amendment Bill, has allowed the Government the time and opportunity to consult with key tripartite partners and stakeholders, like state and territory governments, business leaders, unions, training and education providers, and civil society representatives.</list>
<list>Taking into consideration what we heard, this Bill sets out the full range of functions and governance arrangements to establish the permanent model.</list>
<list>This Bill now establishes the permanent Jobs and Skills Australia, including its full range of functions and governance arrangements. The Government is committed to strengthening Jobs and Skills Australia as an independent advisory body, trusted to produce a robust evidence base on the critical issues facing Australia's labour market.</list>
<list>State and territory governments, industry leaders in unions and employer groups, local leaders, education providers and experts have provided their views to the Government about what is needed from Jobs and Skills Australia.</list>
<list>Such partners are essential in both influencing the design of Jobs and Skills Australia, and in providing advice to Government. They provide us with the understanding and expertise about skills and labour market issues, and those issues prevalent for their industries and regions. Consultation has been ongoing, including through the Government's Jobs and Skills Summit, through bilateral meetings and roundtables, and through a public discussion paper process.</list>
<list>Stakeholders have told the Government they want to see Jobs and Skills Australia maintain its independence through its analysis and advice to produce insights that will benefit everyone—from state and territory governments, unions and business, and education providers.</list>
<list>The advice provided by Jobs and Skills Australia will be independent—while the Minister for Skills and Training and the DEWR Secretary can request advice from Jobs and Skills Australia, the advice provided will be made independently by the JSA Commissioner and the Minister must not give direction about the content of any advice.</list>
<list>The Department's role is limited—as a statutory body Jobs and Skills Australia can leverage corporate resources from DEWR, including property, digital and operational infrastructure, and staff. It is common practice for independent bodies (both primary and secondary) to be resourced by Commonwealth public servants.</list>
<list>While independent, it will not have responsibility to direct funding at a Commonwealth or a state and territory level. Rather, Jobs and Skills Australia role is advisory and may inform and provide analysis on government responses to skills and workforce measures. States and territories and other agencies will retain autonomy and flexibility to make their own policy and program decisions.</list>
<list>I have committed to state and territory colleagues they will have a role in Jobs and Skills Australia to ensure it is working effectively to provide analysis and advice crucial for them to deliver their training needs in their respective jurisdictions.</list>
<list>This is reflected by the particular role they have with Jobs and Skills Australia—two representatives on the Ministerial Advisory Board, the requirement that the JSA Commissioner must engage with them on the work program, and the ability to collaborate and second experts.</list>
<list>I will work closely with my colleagues across the states and territories and ensure they contribute to development of Jobs and Skills Australia's advice.</list>
<list>Likewise, I expect our partner industries, unions, business peaks, and education providers to play a strong role in informing the analysis and advice of Jobs and Skills Australia based on their deep networks and understanding of the system, and how it operates practically.</list>
<list>This Bill establishes the governance of Jobs and Skills Australia, with a Commissioner, Deputy Commissioners, and a Ministerial Advisory Board, who will provide critical leadership support, engaging widely to support the delivery of the work program of Jobs and Skills Australia.</list>
<list>Jobs and Skills Australia will be led by an independent Commissioner, who will be appointed in a long-term permanent capacity through a merit-based selection process.</list>
<list>The Commissioner will be supported by no more than two Deputy Commissioners—who will have broad ranging skills and experience in representing the views of stakeholders to assist the Government in addressing skilling, workforce, and labour market needs.</list>
<list>Experts may be engaged on a shorter, time-limited basis to lead some studies and to assist the Commissioner in the exercise of their functions. This will allow the work of Jobs and Skills Australia to be best supported by leadership where work is required on specific studies, or where work is required with other government agencies and key stakeholder groups, to ensure appropriate expertise, consideration and consultation is undertaken.</list>
<list>The Ministerial Advisory Board will be truly tripartite and representative. It will ensure Jobs and Skills Australia builds strong relationships and will provide the Government with expert advice on its workplan and other products.</list>
<list>Board members will be diverse in their skills and experience and consult with and represent the views of their respective sectors, industries, and cohorts. Relevant advice from the Ministerial Advisory Board must be considered by the JSA Commissioner when performing their functions.</list>
<list>The Ministerial Advisory Board will ensure advice is informed by a wide range of views, insights, and expertise, including experts representing the views of state and territories, tertiary education, employer groups and unions, data and analysis, workforce planning, and those representing priority cohorts and those most disadvantaged in the labour market.</list>
<list>The Bill legislates the requirement of two representatives for the State and Territories, with three members representing unions, balanced fairly and equitably with three members representing employers. Up to four other members can be appointed, but they must be from non-union and non-employer groups.</list>
<list>During consultation, we have heard from tripartite partners about the importance of workforce planning functions for strengthening the economy. This Bill clarifies the extra functions Jobs and Skills Australia will undertake to support the Government's objectives of maintaining full employment, cultivating positive labour market outcomes, and meeting our future workforce needs.</list>
<list>The Government is determined that the trend over the last decade towards more insecure, low-paid, and unskilled work, is turned around. To do this, we need to have the data and analysis, and the Bill establishes a requirement for Jobs and Skills Australia to give advice on the impact of workplace arrangements, including insecure work on economic and social outcomes, building an evidence base by analysing the experiences of affected Australians.</list>
<list>This complements the Government's moves to make secure work an object of the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline> with the passage of the <inline font-style="italic">Secure Jobs Better Pay Bill </inline>in December 2022.</list>
<list>Jobs and Skills Australia, as part of its expanded functions, will improve the identification of labour imbalances across the economy, and analyse the demand and supply of skills. During consultation, stakeholders have reminded us of the importance of having improved supply and demand analysis to better understand barriers to workforce participation.</list>
<list>We know that both the Vocational Education and Training and higher education systems are required to skill Australians for jobs both now and in the future. More than 9 out of 10 new jobs are projected to require post-school qualifications. Some of our critical industries, like the care workforce, have skills gaps across skill levels, requiring both VET and tertiary-level qualifications.</list>
<list>The advice provided by Jobs and Skills Australia will consider tertiary qualifications—both through the VET system, including apprenticeships, and higher education—to ensure there are flexible pathways to develop skills and knowledge for employment across the economy.</list>
<list>People living in regional, rural, and remote areas face unique challenges. The Bill will ensure Jobs and Skills Australia produces enhanced regional-level data and analysis of skills and workforce needs, to provide a greater understanding of jurisdictional differences, such as changing economic conditions, emerging, or growing industries, and where some regions are going through economic transition periods.</list>
<list>The Bill will also ensure Jobs and Skills Australia considers workforce and skills needs relating to migration. This will allow for Jobs and Skills Australia's role in the migration program to be embedded following further policy development by my colleagues the Minister for Home Affairs and the Minister for Immigration.</list>
<list>The Government has frequently heard through its consultation period about the need for more granular data to inform workforce planning and policy and funding decisions at the regional level. This enhanced function for Jobs and Skills Australia will include nowcasts and forecasts so that stakeholders can use this data to implement place-based solutions.</list>
<list>The Bill expands functions of Jobs and Skills Australia to undertake studies to improve the analysis and understanding of Australians that have historically experienced disadvantage and exclusion in the labour market.</list>
<list>Some of these groups are marginalised, by way of age, health, gender, or background. We need to do more for these groups, and work with stakeholders that can help the Government to understand labour market disadvantage and exclusion—like First Nations Australians, women, people aged over 55, people with disability, our cultural and linguistically diverse community, and young people.</list>
<list>Jobs and Skills Australia will also undertake comprehensive workforce and occupational capacity studies for government-funded services, like early childhood education.</list>
<list>As part of its functions, Jobs and Skills Australia will regularly contribute to industry consultation forums, to strengthen the national evidence base and industry-specific expertise. This function specifically includes collaborating with Jobs and Skills Councils to help facilitate their role in defining jobs roles, mapping pathways, determining sectoral workforce needs, and developing fit for purpose qualifications and micro-credentials.</list>
<list>I expect Jobs and Skills Australia will establish a sub-committee devoted to collaboration with Jobs and Skills Councils.</list>
<list>The Government is determined to continue to restore tripartite consultation and genuine partnerships. This Bill will legislate for the workplan of Jobs and Skills Australia, setting out the key outcomes and priorities for the JSA Commissioner to be established in consultation with all jurisdictions and tripartite partners, and it must invite public submissions.</list>
<list>This will ensure its workplan is supporting workforce shortages, and long-term capacity is built in Australia's workforce through shared solutions. This workplan will be published each financial year.</list>
<list>For Jobs and Skills Australia to operate as intended and for the benefit of all stakeholders, the Bill includes a requirement for a statutory review to begin within two years after commencement of this Bill.</list>
<list>The advice of Jobs and Skills Australia and its expanded functions will help build a better-trained workforce and a more productive economy. The Government supports the aspirations of all workers for secure work, meaningful work, and a better future. With work comes purpose and identity.</list>
<list>Australians who have the right skills have more job security, satisfaction, and more job choices. A skilled workforce is also a more productive workforce.</list>
<list>I firmly believe that Jobs and Skills Australia is—and will be understood widely as—one of Australia's essential social and economic agencies. If, as a nation, we are to improve productivity and wellbeing, then we need high-quality analysis regarding our human capital.</list>
<list>This is the task for Jobs and Skills Australia today and in the decades to come. Public policy will improve because of Jobs and Skills Australia's influence, and I want to note their work is of national significance and will help improve people's lives.</list>
<list>I commend this Bill to the chamber.</list>
<quote><para class="block">NATIONAL SECURITY LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (COMPREHENSIVE REVIEW AND OTHER MEASURES NO. 2) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In Australia, as in many other similar democracies, the powers of intelligence and security agencies have changed dramatically in recent years—the product of an increasingly complex and unpredictable security landscape.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the 1970s and 1980s, the Hope Royal Commissions developed a set of important principles to govern Australia's intelligence and security agencies. In his reports, Justice Robert Hope laid the foundations of a legal framework that ensures that agencies can operate effectively, in accordance with the rule of law and are appropriately oversighted and accountable. Those foundations remain just as relevant today as they did in the 1980s.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 30 May 2018, the then Government commissioned the <inline font-style="italic">Comprehensive Review of the Legal Framework of the National Intelligence Community</inline>, which was led by Dennis Richardson AC, an eminent Australian.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Review was delivered to the then Government in December 2019, and publicly released a year later in December 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Review affirmed the principles that Justice Hope delivered 40 years ago. This includes foundational principles that agencies must operate in accordance with the law, with propriety and political impartiality, in a manner that respects human rights and fundamental freedoms, and must be accountable for their conduct.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As Mr Richardson noted in his report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Our laws are not constraints or barriers to operational effectiveness... Rather, they are the guardians of valuable principles and enablers assisting agencies to perform their functions. </inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Richardson made 203 recommendations in his 2019 report. The former government implemented just 30 recommendations between December 2019 and May 2022.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The National Security Legislation Amendment (Comprehensive Review and Other Measures No. 2) Bill 2023 will implement a further 10 of the outstanding recommendations from the Review that fall within my portfolio responsibilities. This Parliament will see further legislation implementing other recommendations of the <inline font-style="italic">Comprehensive Review</inline> conducted by Mr Richardson in coming months.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Recommendations of the Comprehensive Review</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will address the following recommendations from Mr Richardson's report:</para></quote>
<list>Recommendation 18 would be addressed by amending the <inline font-style="italic">Law Officers Act 1964 </inline>to remove the ability of the Attorney-General to delegate his or her powers under the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979</inline>.</list>
<list>Recommendation 19 would be implemented through amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>, the ASIO Act, and the <inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications (Interc</inline><inline font-style="italic">eptions and Access) Act 1979 </inline>to prevent the powers of the Attorney-General relating to the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation being conferred on another minister through executive action, instead requiring legislative amendment. If the Prime Minister is satisfied that exceptional circumstances exist, the Governor-General would continue to make a substituted reference order.</list>
<list>Recommendation 66 would be addressed by providing for defences in the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code Act 1995</inline> for ASIO for four offences relating to tampering or interfering with telecommunications carrier facilities, unauthorised modification of data and unauthorised impairment of electronic communications.</list>
<list>Recommendation 136 would be addressed by inserting a new exclusion into the spent conviction scheme under the <inline font-style="italic">Crimes Act 1914</inline> to enable ASIO to use, record and disclose spent convictions information for the purpose of performing its functions.</list>
<list>Recommendation 145 would be implemented by amending the <inline font-style="italic">Inspector-General of Intelligence and Secu</inline><inline font-style="italic">rity Act 1986</inline> and the <inline font-style="italic">Public Interest Disclosure Act 2013 </inline>to require the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security to include details in their annual reports about public interest disclosures and complaints received each year to enhance transparency.</list>
<list>Recommendation 167 would be addressed through amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Ombudsman Act 1976</inline> to remove the Australian Secret Intelligence Service, Australian Geospatial-Intelligence Organisation, Australian Signals Directorate, Defence Intelligence Organisation, Office of National Intelligence, and ASIO from the jurisdiction of the Commonwealth Ombudsman. These agencies are already overseen by the IGIS.</list>
<list>Recommendation 186 would be addressed by removing the exemption under the <inline font-style="italic">Freedom of Information Act 1982</inline> regarding the non-intelligence functions of the Australian Hydrographic Office, within the Australian Geospatial-Intelligence Organisation.</list>
<list>Recommendation 188 would be implemented by expanding the exemption under the Freedom of Information Actfor documents relating to Suspicious Matter Reports and Suspicious Transaction Reports beyond just those in the possession of the Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre to ensure consistency in handling of sensitive information.</list>
<list>Recommendation 191 would be addressed by amending the <inline font-style="italic">Administrative Appeals Tribunal Act 1975 </inline>and the <inline font-style="italic">Archives Act 1983</inline> to ensure matters involving information that could reasonably be expected to cause damage to the security, defence or international relations of the Commonwealth arising under the Archives Act are heard in the Security Division of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal.</list>
<list>Recommendation 192 would be addressed by amendments to the Freedom of Information Actand the Archives Act to provide that the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security only be required to provide evidence before the Administrative Appeals Tribunal in relation to records that concern an agency within the Inspector-General's jurisdiction.</list>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Amendments to the Intelligence Services Act 2001</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also contains amendments to the <inline font-style="italic">Intelligence Services Act 2001</inline>. The first amendment would clarify the level of detail that the Minister for Foreign Affairs must describe in a direction under paragraph 6(1)(e) of that Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill would also make amendments to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The purpose of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security is to ensure <inline font-style="italic">parliamentary </inline>oversight of the intelligence and security agencies. It is the Parliament to which the agencies are accountable, and it is the Parliament's responsibility to oversight and ensure agencies meet the requirements and standards it sets.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, the Intelligence Services Act provides that the Committee is to comprise of 11 members and mandates a composition of six members of the House of Representatives and five Senators.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill would increase the number of members appointed to the Committee to 13 members and remove current constraints on the composition of the Committee. The Bill would provide that the Committee must comprise of at least two Government Members and Senators, and two Non-Government Members and Senators. The remaining 5 members can be drawn from either chamber.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill does not amend the requirement for the Government to hold a majority.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Speaker, the Government is committed to ensuring the legal framework of the National Intelligence Community remains fit for purpose. The principles developed by Justice Hope in the 1970s and 1980s—affirmed by Mr Richardson in 2019—are founded in history, practice and philosophy, and establish important delineations between, and limits on the roles and functions of, agencies. They are of enduring importance in their provision of safeguards, clarification of agency roles and responsibilities, and ensuring lines of accountability.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill I have introduced today affirms the Government's commitment to those foundational principles. The Government sees no reason to abandon them, and many good reasons to retain them.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the House.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SOCIAL SERVICES AND OTHER LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (STRENGTHENING THE SAFETY NET) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through our $14.6 billion cost-of-living plan in the Budget, the Government is providing broad-based support, to help millions of Australians in different settings and circumstances. Historic investment in Medicare, cheaper medicines, and help with power bills.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But we know that cost-of-living pressures have a disproportionate impact for those on the lowest incomes, and that is why the Government is providing targeted support to strengthen Australia's social safety net.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">Social Services and Other Legislat</inline><inline font-style="italic">ion Amendment—Strengthening the Safety Net—Bill 2023 </inline>will implement these measures—it includes amendments that will provide additional assistance to benefit around 2 million people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These are responsible changes, which are carefully calibrated to balance providing additional support to those on the lowest income support payments, without adding to inflation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The measures in the Bill deliver on our commitment to consider the rates of payments ahead of every Budget. They deliver on our commitment to provide additional assistance where we can, to those Australians doing it tough, particularly those on income support payments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will increase the rate of working-age and student payments by $40 per fortnight. This includes the JobSeeker Payment, Youth Allowance, Parenting Payment (Partnered), Austudy, ABSTUDY, Youth Disability Support Pension and Special Benefit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will provide additional support to 1.1 million people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While income support payments are regularly indexed to keep pace with changes in the cost of living, with this $40 increase, we are providing additional support that recognises the financial hardships and challenges faced by people on these payments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a result, the base rate of JobSeeker will increase to $733.10 per fortnight—and that's before regular indexation on 20 September is also applied.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This means that since the Albanese Labor Government came into power in May 2022, the base rate of JobSeeker will have increased by 14 per cent, up from $642.70. This is over $90 more in people's pockets each fortnight to help with cost of living pressures. It equates to over $2,300 in additional support each year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is a responsible increase. It bolsters our safety net, which is there for all Australians if they need support.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, the Bill includes amendments to expand eligibility for the higher single rate of JobSeeker to those aged 55 and over, who have been on payment for 9 continuous months or more. This currently applies from age 60.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over the past decade, the proportion of mature-aged recipients on JobSeeker has significantly increased. Older Australians find it harder to get back into work, often due to age discrimination or poorer health.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The evidence shows older Australians are more likely to be long-term JobSeeker Payment recipients, with 81 per cent of people aged 55 and over on the payment for more than a year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over half of this cohort will spend more than 5 years on payment, compared to less than one-third of the general JobSeeker Payment population.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We also know that women over 55 are at the highest risk of homelessness in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government remains committed to tackling age-based discrimination, but this change recognises there is still work to be done and older Australians need more support.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As result of this change, 52,000 older Australian aged 55 to 59 years—55 per cent of whom are women—will benefit from an increase of at least $92.10 per fortnight.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Of course, the Government's priority is always to support people into work—with the dignity of work and the economic security it brings. But even with the low unemployment rate, over 75 per cent of people on the JobSeeker Payment do not report any earnings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is often due to complex barriers to employment, such as age discrimination, caring responsibilities, a partial capacity to work due to a physical, intellectual or psychiatric impairment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Employment White Paper will look across employment policies at what levers we can use to increase participation and support people into work.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But this measure, this increase to working-age and student payments, is focused on easing financial pressures for Australians who rely on the safety net and who are doing it tough.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will also support single parents, who are overwhelmingly women, to balance caring responsibilities and paid work. This balancing act doesn't end when the child turns 8.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is investing $1.9 billion to extend eligibility to Parenting Payment (Single) to single principal carers with a youngest child under 14 years of age. Currently when a recipient's youngest child turns 8 they are moved to a lower rate on JobSeeker Payment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As the Prime Minister has said, single parents carry the world on their back. He has also said that this would make a big and immediate difference for tens of thousands of mums, dads and children right across Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This means around 57,000 eligible single principal carers on JobSeeker Payment whose youngest child is under 14 years will be transferred to the higher Parenting Payment (Single) rate of $922.10 and receive an extra $176.90 per fortnight in their basic payment to help with the costs of raising children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These recipients will also benefit from additional supplementary payments and the more generous Parenting Payment (Single) income test arrangements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Single principal carers face many barriers to employment and financial security due to the costs associated with caring for young dependent children on their own.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new age limit of 14 for the youngest child will deliver more support until children have settled into high school and require less direct supervision from their parents.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This measure ensures that from 20 September 2023, Parenting Payment (Single) recipients remain on payment until their youngest child turns 14. Recipients will continue to receive the same payment rate and retain the same supplementary payments and mutual obligation they currently have.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This measure will benefit many women and First Nations recipients. We know that 95.5 per cent of the Parenting Payment (Single) population are women and around 19 per cent are First Nation recipients.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This measure helps single parents to balance caring responsibilities along with looking for work, and supports those parents to do the most important job—and that is raising their children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government understands access to secure and affordable housing has significant social, economic and personal benefits. We recognise many people are struggling with high rental costs, and renters on income support are at particular risk of rental stress and housing insecurity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That is why, as part of this Bill, the Government is increasing Commonwealth Rent Assistance maximum rates by 15 per cent, in addition to the usual indexation of payments, effective from 20 September 2023.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is the largest increase to Commonwealth Rent Assistance maximum rates in more than 30 years, equating to around $700 million a year extra, on top of the roughly $5 billion the Government spends on Rent Assistance each year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Around 1.1 million households who are paying rent high enough to receive maximum rent assistance will be better off by up to $31 per fortnight, depending on their household type.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This includes recipients of JobSeeker Payment and other working age payments, student payments, the Age Pension, Disability Support Pension, Family Tax Benefit and veteran payments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since the Albanese Labor Government came into power in May 2022, the maximum amount of rent assistance for a single person on JobSeeker who is living on their own will have increased by 24 per cent. This is $35 more in their pocket each fortnight to help pay their rent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Commonwealth Rent Assistance is the Government's most direct lever to quickly provide assistance to those payment recipients who are renting. Our Budget measure will help address the pressure associated with housing costs for a significant number of vulnerable households.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The income support measures reflected in this Bill will increase support to around 2 million Australians who are doing it tough.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a result of this Bill:</para></quote>
<list>A 20 year old student on Youth Allowance who is receiving the maximum rate of CRA while renting with flatmates, can receive more than an additional $55 per fortnight.</list>
<list>A single JobSeeker Payment recipient who is living alone and receiving the maximum rate of CRA, can receive more than an additional $63 per fortnight.</list>
<list>A single JobSeeker Payment recipient who is aged 56 and has been unemployed for 10 months, living alone, and receives the maximum rate of CRA, can receive more than an additional $115 per fortnight.</list>
<list>A single parent currently on JobSeeker Payment who has a youngest child under 14 years and is receiving the maximum rate of CRA, can receive more than an additional $204 per fortnight.</list>
<quote><para class="block">This is responsible, targeted cost of living relief to those who need it most.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill provides additional help to those who face significant barriers to work, even in an economy where the unemployment rate is very low.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It includes compassionate and evidence-based measures that strengthen Australia's safety net, providing the platform for single parents, people on income support and their families to get ahead and create a better future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Labor Government believes in a strong social security system, which doesn't demonise people for needing support. Australia's social safety net should be there for people when they need it. We will always do what we can to support people who are doing it tough and need assistance.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">TREASURY LAWS AMENDMENT (2023 MEASURES NO. 2) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedules 1, 3 and 4 of this Bill will amend our tax laws to provide targeted support to low-income households, primary producers, and small and medium businesses.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In line with our commitment to provide targeted cost of living relief in this year's Budget, the Bill increases the Medicare levy low-income thresholds for singles, families, seniors and pensioners by 3.9 per cent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This means that singles with a taxable income of up to $24,276 will not be liable for the Medicare levy—an increase of almost $1,000. Similarly, seniors and pensioners will now be able to earn up to $38,365 and families can earn up to $40,939 without being liable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The change to thresholds to reflect CPI increases is consistent with increases introduced by previous governments, and will support 1.1 million individuals.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also assists our primary producers to reduce their carbon emissions, by providing concessional tax treatment for Australian Carbon Credit Unit income.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes will allow more primary producers to access income averaging schemes that help to distribute uneven income across multiple financial years, and reduce their tax liabilities. Doing so will support primary producers to diversify their business into carbon abatement activities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">They will also change the taxing point for eligible primary producers holding ACCUs. Instead of being taxed as the value changes each year, they will be taxed in the year of sale. Doing so will support primary producer's cash flow by ensuring they are only taxed in years where they have received income, further incentivising the use of ACCUs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The final tax measure presented in the Bill reduces the GDP adjustment factor used to work out the amount of pay as you go and GST instalments payable for the 2023-24 income year from 12 per centto 6 per cent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Small businesses are the backbone of our nation's economy. They're at the heart of local communities, employ millions of Australians, and contribute more than $430 billion to our nation's economy every year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But the Albanese Government knows that deadly flooding, bushfires and the COVID-19 pandemic have hit our small businesses hard. That's why our Budget delivers for small business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There will be more small business measures passed in this place in the months to come—but these amendments will provide much needed cash flow relief for small and medium businesses from as early as 1 July.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The reduced GDP adjustment factor of 6 per cent strikes a balance: it will minimise cash flow impacts, while helping businesses avoid tax debts through the contribution of reasonable tax instalments through the year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedules 2 and 5 of the Bill amend access to government guarantees.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As part of the privatisation of the Commonwealth Bank, the Australian Government provided a guarantee to ensure that pre-privatisation members would not risk losing their superannuation following privatisation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill ensures that these members will continue to benefit from the existing guarantee following a planned merger involving CBA Group Super. This will enable the merger to go ahead, as a superannuation fund trustee can only transfer its members to another fund without their consent if it is satisfied that those members will enjoy 'equivalent rights' in the new fund.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government supports consolidation in the superannuation industry, where appropriate, as a driver of better member outcomes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, the Bill enables the National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation, soon to be renamed Housing Australia, to provide assistance to more Australians in need.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The previous government's failure to act seriously on housing has led to significant challenges across the country. It has meant home ownership is out of reach for many ordinary Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will expand assistance to those who have not held a property interest in Australia in the preceding 10 years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will allow those who have fallen out of homeownership, often due to financial hardship or a relationship breakdown, to re-enter the property market with government assistance.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It also expands eligibility for single parents to include single legal guardians of children, such as aunts, uncles and grandparents.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This change recognises the important role guardians play, and the importance that access to housing has for this group. It will help ensure families of different sanctuaries will have a safe and secure place to call home.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The expansion in eligibility recognises the importance of stable and secure housing in providing a foundation for social and economic wellbeing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measures are contained in the Explanatory Memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">VETERANS' AFFAIRS LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (MISCELLANEOUS MEASURES NO. 2) BILL 2023</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Speaker</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">One thing that all members of this house will agree on, no matter our differences, is the obligation of this country to those who have served this nation, or continue to serve this nation in the uniform of our armed forces.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is my privilege and duty as Minister for Veterans' Affairs and Defence Personnel to continue to uphold this obligation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Support for veterans and their families is a serious responsibility: that those who have served and sacrificed for our nation should be supported following their service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This nation, and this Parliament has a solemn responsibility to those who served.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The legislation that I am introducing today, the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures No. 2) Bill 2023 </inline>will enhance the support and services available to veterans and their families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government recognises the unique challenges faced by defence personnel, veterans and their families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Supporting them is one of our key priorities, and that's why the recent Budget had such a significant focus on rebuilding the Department of Veterans Affairs, in order to ensure the foundations are laid to improve access to services and supports for veterans and families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill enhances support for ADF firefighters who served prior to 2004.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill also extends the treatment of certain income from specified employment programs as "exempt income" for income support means testing, and it extends the availability of rent assistance for veterans and their partners who are overseas but are unable to return to Australia due to exceptional circumstances.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Additionally, this Bill expands eligibility for access to services under the Defence, Veterans' and Families' Acute Support Package, available for families of veterans in crisis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In December 2022, this Government passed the<inline font-style="italic"> Fair Work Legislation Amendment (Secure Jobs, Better Pay) Act 2022</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Among the many beneficial measures introduced by this Act was additional support for injured or ill federally employed civilian firefighters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Defence Force firefighters are subject to the same, or additional, threats and exposures as their civilian counterparts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a consequence, Schedule 1 of this Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation (Defence-related Claims) Act 1988</inline> to align with the relevant provisions for firefighters to those of their civilian counterparts as now contained in the <inline font-style="italic">Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation Act 1988</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment will reduce the qualifying period of employment as an ADF firefighter required to be presumptively taken to have made a significant contribution to oesophageal cancers from 25 years to 15 years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will also change the wording in the Act to no longer require that firefighting form a 'substantial' part of a person's duties, rather, that it only be 'not insubstantial' part of their duties for the deeming provisions to be applicable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes will provide a simpler basis for acceptance of these conditions for ADF firefighters than the current provisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will also, separately, through Regulations under the<inline font-style="italic"> Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation (Defence-related Claims) Act 1988 (D</inline><inline font-style="italic">RCA),</inline> introduce eight additional prescribed cancer conditions to be covered under these arrangements, after a 15 year period conditions like; malignant mesothelioma and primary site lung cancer, and after a 10 year period; primary site cervical cancer, primary site ovarian cancer and primary site pancreatic cancer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When an individual or family member encounters illness, the last thing they want to be doing is jumping through bureaucratic hoops.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This legislative change seeks to take some of the stress out of the equation, streamlining the access services and supports a veteran or family member would be entitled to.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Now, we know that one of the best supports for a veteran transitioning from service is getting them into fulfilling work, something with a sense of purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There's no doubt that following their service in the Australian Defence Force, veterans can go on to make a massive impact on the success of businesses in civilian life.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For many veterans, and indeed businesses, it's not always clear what skills from service apply to the civilian workplace, and veteran employment programs help bridge that gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2 of this Bill aligns provisions under the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans' Entitlements Act 1986</inline> with existing provisions under the <inline font-style="italic">Social Security Act 1991</inline> to allow amounts received from employment programs to not be considered as income for income support means testing purposes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will allow amounts received by veterans and their partners from specified employment programs under the <inline font-style="italic">Social Security Act</inline> to be considered as exempt from the income test under the<inline font-style="italic"> Veterans' Entitlements Act.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 3 of this Bill aligns provisions under the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans' Entitlements Act </inline>with existing provisions under the Social Security legislation, which will allow payment of rent assistance beyond 26 weeks for veterans and their partners when temporarily overseas and unable to return to Australia due to unforeseen circumstances, such as what occurred recently due to COVID-19.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes will remove the current existing discrepancy that may impact on veterans and their families receiving income support and rent assistance compared to the entitlements their civilian counterparts are now currently able to receive.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, Schedule 4 of this Bill delivers on our 2023-24 Budget measure to expand eligibility for the Defence, Veterans' and Families' Acute Support Package.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know that families look different all over the country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For many kids, grandparents are their primary carers, so we're expanding this Package to make sure that grandcarer veteran families are also supported if experiencing crisis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Acute Support Package, which commenced in October 2022, is available to working age veteran families, widowed partners and their children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Package is designed to support working age families who are experiencing new and challenging life circumstances that mean the family unit needs support to get back on track.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Services available include a range of wellbeing and skills-based support services for families in crisis, such as childcare, counselling for adults and children, household assistance, transport, and wellbeing, academic and extra-curricular support for children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The changes will extend eligibility for these services to a small but vulnerable group: children of veterans who are under the fulltime care of their grandparent carers—grandcarers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recognises that some grandparent carers may also require assistance when providing full-time care to their grandchildren who are the children of veterans.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will enable support and continuity of support in line with the intent of the Acute Support Package to support families in crisis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Albanese Labor government is committed to supporting veterans and their families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We're committed to establishing the strongest foundations of support for our service personnel, veterans and their families; a strong foundation for a better future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the House.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Ordered that the bills be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> as separate orders of the day.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Acts Interpretation Amendment (Aboriginality) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>101</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="s1378" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Acts Interpretation Amendment (Aboriginality) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Committee</title>
            <page.no>101</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Acts Interpretation Amendment (Aboriginality) Bill 2023 be referred to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 4 September 2023.</para></quote>
<para>We all know why Labor, the Greens, the crossbench and 'Labor light' Liberals refused to support the introduction of my legislation. Their ideology precludes questioning the claims of anyone who, in their twisted view, can legitimately claim to be a victim. Labor senators did this with the unproven claims of Brittany Higgins. It's coming back to bite them now that it has become clear that Higgins shamelessly used them like they shamelessly used her in a transparent but serious attempt to attack the coalition. And they are incapable of doubting or questioning any individual who claims to be an Aborigine or Torres Strait Islander. They see a blackfella, and they see a victim. It's pure racism: assigning a sweeping characteristic to an individual based on their race. And it's unjust because most Indigenous Australians are not victims any more than anyone else. We saw this unfold in South Australia, where the Labor Attorney-General's claim of Indigenous heritage was proven false. His Premier said he'd accept a statutory declaration from his Attorney-General as acceptable proof of his Indigenous heritage—no actual proof; just a statement and a signature.</para>
<para>Here lies the problem my legislation would fix. It would provide a legal definition of an Indigenous Australian. It would require any claim of Aboriginality to meet the same minimum requirements as a native title claim. I had to introduce this to stop fraudulent claims on taxpayers' dollars intended for Indigenous people. However, in principle, we should determine support based not on race but on need. It's time to end the gravy train and treat all Australians equally regardless of race. South Australia's Attorney-General would not meet the definition in my bill, and neither would many others who claim Indigenous heritage.</para>
<para>Many Australians believe a claim of Aboriginal ancestry relies on proof of descent—that to be legitimately considered Indigenous you must have a percentage of Indigenous blood in your veins. That's not the case. They might be surprised that for much of the government the definition is much more relaxed. The three qualifications established by the courts are: you have to be descended from someone who lived here before 1788; you have to be accepted by elders in Indigenous communities; you self-identify as Indigenous. But these days you need only self-identify because it's too time consuming for government departments to prove the other qualifications and any such effort is fraught with potential accusations of racism and discrimination if they don't accept a claim. It's a deliberately broad and very vague definition. It allows many people who are most definitely not Indigenous to claim otherwise. It creates a climate ripe for fraud.</para>
<para>I've noted in recent media interviews that it's not the only thing creating a climate ripe for fraud. Recent reports by the Australian National Audit Office have revealed the National Indigenous Australians Agency and land councils in the Northern Territory are not meeting legislative requirements in managing the risk of fraud and noncompliance. The NIAA is an agency with an annual budget of almost $4.5 billion, and it comes under the Prime Minister and Cabinet portfolio. Indigenous organisations are receiving hundreds of millions of dollars. These same land councils were prominent in the media recently for a declaration urging Australians to support the racist Voice to Parliament at the referendum. One leader urged crowds to 'think with your heart and support us by voting yes'. The thing is that people don't think with their hearts; people think with their brains—and that is what is needed in this referendum debate: a rational assessment of what is being proposed and evidence that the Voice will address disadvantage and close the gaps. Labor will not provide the information or the evidence. Labor won't provide an exposure draft of legislation establishing the Voice to inform the Australian people's vote at the referendum. They say: 'Trust us; just vote yes and, after that, we'll give you legislation that can never be changed. Yes, trust us; come on down—believe us.' Labor knows its planned legislation would very likely drive Australians, or at least those thinking with their brains, to the 'no' camp. Labor will not provide any evidence that the Voice will close the gaps. That's because all the evidence in Australia is to the contrary. For decades, Australia has thrown hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars at Indigenous disadvantage, but the gaps have not closed for people in remote communities. Let me just inform you that 80 per cent of Indigenous people live in the cities and urban areas. Only 20 per cent live in rural and remote areas.</para>
<para>This money has gone to programs designed and delivered by Indigenous organisations. In fact, there are over 3,000 Aboriginal corporations and land councils, which puts the lie to Labor's claim that Indigenous Australia is not consulted or involved in developing legislation and programs affecting them. Remember: the NIAA comes under Prime Minister and Cabinet. Is no-one listening? They're an advisory body. It's apparent that some of this money has gone to people who have falsely claimed Indigenous heritage.</para>
<para>Labor doesn't care that many Indigenous Australians are appalled at non-Indigenous people, through deceptive means, getting a share of the money intended for them. Labor doesn't care that this risks the goodwill of the Australian people, who are always wanting to help their fellow Australians in need. Labor ignored some damning statistical evidence in the census. Do you remember the 1967 referendum? That was to actually bring the Aboriginal people onto the census. They were included in the census in the states but not nationally. That was the reason why we had the 1967 referendum, and the 1971 was the first census that was held after that. Going on 116,000 people claimed to be Aboriginal. By 1991, it increased by 129 per cent, to 265,000 people. But there's more. From 1971 to now, it has risen by 700 per cent. Between 2016 and 2021, the number of people claiming Aboriginality rose 25.2 per cent, while the national population rose only eight per cent, and that figure includes immigration. So it was: 'Let's jump on the bandwagon and claim that we're Aboriginal—tick the box—and we'll actually get this funding.'</para>
<para>So where's your answer to all of this? We hear constantly about Aboriginal mortality rates and the problems with Aboriginals—but not by the census figures. So then the other question is: are people ticking the box to get the funding, the money? Remember: there's over $30 billion spent a year, the NIAA gets $4.5 billion—plus $11½ billion for the other departments—and 19,000 claims were made. This is all wonderful!</para>
<para>There was one fellow in Australia who was claiming for all of his family—millions of dollars—and it turned out he was a Sri Lankan. Another fellow wrote to my office and said: 'I couldn't get a job in Australia, so I claimed Aboriginality. I actually got a job. Don't you like the claims: Aboriginals only need apply.' You get that all the time. And why not? You just have to tick a box on a form or sign a stat dec, and you can be a blackfella victim and get all the taxpayer support, employment advantages and victimhood virtue that you can lay your hands on. Labor didn't care that this issue would fester during the referendum period and that it will long afterwards, until it is resolved.</para>
<para>That's what my legislation will do. It's an elegant and effective solution. Native title claimants must have proven descent from someone who lived in Australia before 1788. It's why only about 400,000 people basically qualify. Today I'm arguing that my bill be referred for inquiry because this Senate—with two honourable exceptions in Senator Malcolm Roberts and Senator Ralph Babet—voted it down before it could be debated. You didn't even get a senator's bill up on the floor of parliament before you voted it down. What are you all so scared of? Why won't you be accountable to the Australian people? Why are you terrified that a person has to claim their Aboriginality? What is your problem? What could the senators who voted it down be afraid of, in denying Australians the opportunity to have their say on this vital matter ahead of the Voice referendum?</para>
<para>Why shouldn't Australians hear Labor, the Greens, the coalition and the crossbench give their justification for not caring about non-Indigenous people falsely claiming Indigenous heritage for personal financial gain? Is it more of this Voice to Parliament nonsense about feelings being more important than facts? Is that why the government allocated more than $10 million to support Aboriginal mental health during the referendum period while slashing mental health support for everyone else by half?</para>
<para>My bill will prevent non-Indigenous Australians from claiming that money too. Why would anyone want to prevent that? Why should the children of people claiming to be Indigenous get subsidised meals at school and subsidised access to elite boarding schools when other children in need don't? Especially when we have the Smith Family telling us two million Australian kids are living in poverty. They may not be Aboriginal, but they are children. Some of these privileged Indigenous kids claiming Indigenous heritage and benefits come from families who are as white as I am. Why are Indigenous Australians getting racially exclusive benefits not means tested like pensioners? This is institutionalised racism and unless Australians think with their brains before the referendum, it will become constitutionally enshrined racism.</para>
<para>Ultimately, we are all human beings, all Australians and should be treated equally. It was the No. 1 issue in 1996 and I stood for election. I was thrown out of the Liberal Party for standing up for equality for all Australians. The Liberal Party were terrified of being called racists. There was nothing racist in that. It was calling for equality for all Australians, and I haven't stopped since then. I still call for it to this day. And if you actually talk about this referendum that you're going to line Australians up for, that is racist. Pure and simple. I actually won my seat with public support, with the biggest swing in the nation of all the seats. That's how the public felt about my being elected to the parliament to represent them in Oxley.</para>
<para>Half of Australia is under native title. Three per cent of the population own or control half of this country. No-one claiming to be Indigenous has more right to this land, water or sky than I or any other Australian. We are living in this land, here and now. Stop playing the victim. Stop dividing us as a nation. What this referendum is doing is wrong, and you have not been upfront with the people.</para>
<para>If you're going to actually pursue this referendum, which you are, there are going to be 24 people not elected, not democratically, that you want to appoint to the body. So what are we going to do if these people aren't truly Indigenous? Why are they going to be appointed? Are we going to actually—how about you pick up Bruce Pascoe. That's right, he wrote <inline font-style="italic">Dark Emu</inline>, but a lot of his stuff has been proven to not be true. Will he be on the board? He's not Indigenous. We know that. Who else could possibly go on this board? If you want an Indigenous Voice, why don't you have the guts to pass this bill so that people have to prove they are Indigenous? Why not make them prove that they have a right to taxpayer funded dollars like every other Australian? In fact, let's just get rid of the whole thing altogether and let's treat everyone equally.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition's view is that this bill raises important questions that do warrant public scrutiny. However, given the bill that is noted in the business of the Senate notice of motion has already been negatived by the Senate, it is no longer appropriate that it be referred to a legislation committee for inquiry. Instead, it's the view of opposition senators the appropriate course is to refer the substantive issue to a references committee for careful consideration.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COX</name>
    <name.id>296215</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens will not be supporting the referral of this bill to the committee. First and foremost, under Australian law, aboriginality is well understood, so this bill is actually seeking to solve an issue that doesn't even exist. In the historic 1992 Mabo v Queensland (No. 2) case, Justice Brennan stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Membership of the Indigenous people depends on biological descent from the Indigenous people and on mutual recognition of a particular person's membership by that person and by the elders or other persons enjoying traditional authority among those people.</para></quote>
<para>It is very clear, and this criteria is widely accepted within our community. And there has been no identified need to change this by our community.</para>
<para>Our Aboriginality as sovereign people is not up for debate by white people in this place. No-one in this place can tell me whether I'm Aboriginal or not. Linking Aboriginality to native title will not prevent fraud; it will simply strengthen the colonial abuses of Aboriginal rights by attempting to erase our identity, our culture and our existence. Linking someone's status as an Aboriginal person to their membership of a native title claim links their right as sovereign people to a flawed system that was set up by the government and was badged as being self-determined. It's not self-determination at all. This bill ignores the areas of Australia that have competing native title claims, that have claims that have failed, and it ignores the areas of this country where native title rights have been extinguished. They've been extinguished under whitefella law, which is what the argument is here. It's still Aboriginal land; it always was and always will be.</para>
<para>Not only is this bill unnecessary and, frankly, stupid; this bill perpetuates the racist stereotype that Aboriginal people are handed free stuff—'Oh, they're handed free houses, free education, free land', and whatever other conspiracy theorist argument they have cooked up over there—and it's because we apparently get so much free stuff that there are a huge amount of people running around out there who are claiming to be Aboriginal, so they can get free stuff. I'll tell you what being black in this country gets you. I'll give you a list: overcrowded housing; lower life expectancy rates; higher rates of preventable disease; having your children removed; being racially profiled and thrown into jail; having your land and culture destroyed; and, on top of that, intergenerational trauma. Statistically, my kids are more likely to go to prison than they are to university in this country.</para>
<para>If Senator Hanson is truly serious about protecting the identity of First Nations people, I invite Senator Hanson to come here and speak in support of cultural protections, education in language, culturally and environmentally sound housing and health programs, and getting our kids out on country. There is nothing absolutely more shameful in this place than racist dog-whistling. This deserves no more airtime.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that business of the Senate notice of motion No. 2, as moved by Senator Hanson, be agreed to. A division is required, but it will be deferred until tomorrow because it is after 6.30 pm.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>104</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>104</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>104</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend business of the Senate notice of motion No. 3.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Cadell, move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Environment and Communications References Committee for inquiry and report by 1 December 2023:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The adequacy and fairness of process and compensation to acquire compulsory access to agricultural land, Indigenous land and marine environments for the development of major renewable infrastructure, including wind farms, solar farms and transmission lines, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) power imbalances between Traditional Owners, farmers and fishers with governments and energy companies seeking to compulsorily acquire or access their land or fishing grounds, to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) ensure community benefits are delivered with ongoing supports for communities, including First Peoples.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) ensuring proponents and governments obtain Free, Prior and Informed Consent of First Peoples and the protection of cultural heritage.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) protection of flora and fauna, with particular emphasis on threatened species and habitat corridors.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) terms and conditions for compulsory access and acquisition;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) fairness of compensation;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) options for the development of a fair national approach to access and acquisition;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) options to maintain and the ensure the rights of farmers and fishers to maintain and ensure productivity of agriculture and fisheries; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) any other matter.</para></quote>
<para>This is the coalition's fourth attempt to have an investigation into what I have to say I don't regard as controversial circumstances. We are seeing in this country a significant, required change in land use as a result of the government's proposals for significant investments in renewable energies, and those land use changes and the requirements of that are having a significant effect. Farmers don't often down tools and come to Canberra, but they're here in the gallery today because they are grumpy, and deservedly. I don't blame them. I've sat down on farms where large proportions of the farms are now unusable because of new powerlines going through their property and their centre pivot irrigator will only be able to be used on half the paddock, and these are significant investments. They're investing hundreds of thousands of dollars in their centre pivot irrigators and their equipment, and their properties are becoming unusable. We're seeing this right across the country, and it's not just on agricultural land, as we see from the farmers who are here today to put their case. I congratulate them on the work that they have done in this place today to get a motion agreed that might have some chance of success on its fourth attempt.</para>
<para>Why is it controversial to understand the power imbalance between traditional owners, farmers and fishers and big power companies and big governments? Why is it controversial to consider that? Why is it controversial that there should be fair terms and conditions consistent across the country for that compulsory access? Why is that controversial? Why should this chamber, this Senate, not investigate that? Why is it controversial that there should be fairness of compensation? It's not. That's what these communities who've come here today are seeking. That's what they're asking for. That's all they're asking for, yet, three times now, this government with the Greens have voted against it. There's another chance today.</para>
<para>We know that the minister for agriculture met a cow in the last few days. I hear it didn't go too well!</para>
<para>An opposition senator: Did he know what it was?</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure he knew which end stuff goes in and which end stuff comes out. I'm not sure he understands that. I did suggest they should take him down to see the member for Braddon's Angus bull—he's a beauty. I'm not sure that the minister would want to get in the same paddock. I'd be happy to, but I'm not sure the minister would. But what's clear is the minister doesn't have what it takes to stand up to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. He's the Minister for Climate Change and Energy's doormat. Every time we bring this up, there is lots of cooing from people on the other side who have some sympathy for the agriculture sector but the Minister for Climate Change and Energy says: 'I don't want to know. I don't care about the farmers. I don't care about the fishers. I don't care about Indigenous owners. We're not doing this.'</para>
<para>It's interesting that in another committee that I sit on we had evidence from Indigenous owners around the country who came to say they have an interest or control 54 per cent of Australia's landmass. They came to the committee to express their concern about these developments. Indigenous landowners in this country came to give evidence, and their evidence was that, in Queensland, there are different rates for pastoralists than there are for traditional owners. Why is it controversial that we should inquire into that? That's the evidence that was given to the Joint Standing Committee on Trade and Investment Growth in their inquiry into making Australia a green energy export superpower.</para>
<para>Off the south-east coast of Victoria, South East Trawl Fishing Industry Association says in their submission to Mr Bowen and Minister Watt that the South East Trawl Fishery lands more than 20,000 tonnes of fish and are, by far, the largest supplier of local fish to consumers between Melbourne and Sydney. These fisheries are likely to be subject to more than 90 per cent of the marine wind farm impacts on the commercial fishing in Gippsland. Why is it controversial that this chamber should look into that? Clearly, the Minister for Climate Change and Energy doesn't care about farmers, and you have to question whether the minister for farmers actually cares himself because he hasn't got what it takes to stand up to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. He doesn't care about the impacts on fishers and their businesses and industry, and clearly he's not interested in the impact on Indigenous Australians, who've also come to this place, just like the farmers and the landholders in the gallery tonight, to express their concerns. Why is it controversial? Why should it take four attempts to look at what is not a controversial issue but is a matter of fairness for growers, for fishers and for Indigenous Australians around this country? Why is it controversial, and why won't the Labor Party support, for the fourth time, what is a reasonable request for us to make?</para>
<para>They're uncontroversial terms of reference. They're not saying we don't want to see the development; we just want to look at the power imbalance. We want to look at the terms and conditions. We want to make sure they're fair and equitable across Australia. And we just want fishers, farmers and First Nations people to get a fair go. That's why those people are sitting in the gallery this afternoon. That's why they've come to Canberra. That's why they've put their lives on hold and their farm activities on hold. They don't come here lightly. But they're here tonight. They've sat in the gallery for ages. they want to see some fairness, and they want the opportunity to have their say before a Senate inquiry, and those opposite should support them.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to give a big shout-out to primary producers from my home state of Victoria and the state of New South Wales. Some have been up since 1 am. They got on buses and travelled thousands of kilometres to make sure this place knows what they are going through in areas far, far away, in areas that many in this chamber and the other won't have ever heard of, places like Boort, Rupanyup, Saint Arnaud, Charlton, Donald—I could go on and on, but I know there's limited time. I just want to give a huge shout-out. There are 60 farmers—and I can see the next generation of primary producers in the pram in the gallery!—here representing thousands that could not actually take the time off property to come up. Thank you. We hear you. And we know that you are making your presence felt right across the parliament today.</para>
<para>The big hoax is that net zero was going to be net zero pain. The reality is that certain people and certain industries are going to do much more of the heavy lifting than others in Australia, and those opposite didn't want to have that conversation. It was the coalition—the Liberal Party and particularly the National Party—who said: 'It's not going to be net zero pain. There are going to be certain communities and certain industries that are going to be more heavily impacted—high energy-intensive industries such as manufacturing, agriculture and the like.' That's why we put forward, along with our plan for net zero by 2050, a plan to support these communities, to seize and harness the opportunities that that transition will bring and to overcome the challenges. This is support that the Labor Party cut in their first budget, in October.</para>
<para>We now know the communities that have come to Canberra today are just the first tranche of 28,000 kilometres of transmission lines crisscrossing this country as we electrify everything from our cars to our cooktops. We pull wind farms and solar farms right across our beautiful prime agricultural land, and no-one is talking about what that's going to do for food production and what that's actually going to do for food security not just for us—we explore 80 per cent of what we grow—but for the countries that purchase it. We are not against renewables. We are not against a net zero by 2050 position, but it has to be fair, and there has to be an acknowledgement that the impact is going to be felt differently for some people.</para>
<para>I just want to go to the former chief scientist's view of the future:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Think forests of wind farms carpeting hills and cliffs from sea to sky. Think endless arrays of solar panels disappearing like a mirage in the desert.</para></quote>
<para>This is Finkel, who's no stranger to transition to net zero, telling people of the reality of what that will actually look like, which is something that this parliament hasn't wanted to actually grapple with. What are we going to do with prime agricultural land? What are we going to do with private property rights? What about biodiversity and the impact of these transmission lines, not just on primary producers and their communities but on the water tables, on the ecology of systems where they're being put? What is the social licence?</para>
<para>You on that other side can sneer, but do you know what is actually happening? You are purchasing land. You are absolutely not giving landholders the right to appeal. There is not fair consultation or compensation. That is actually what's happening. These are sensible questions that a house of review in a liberal democracy like ours should be able to ask.</para>
<para>We've sat here for two hours and listened to all the reports the Senate has delivered today on a vast variety of topics of interest to people here and outside in the community. But the nine million of us who do not live in capital cities deserve to have the interests of our communities investigated by this place. And for the fourth time we come to the Senate and we say: 'Please hear us. We're on the renewable journey. We want sustainable communities and a sustainable future. Why don't you just let us have the conversation and let people come and put their views forward?'</para>
<para>So to Barry, Batters, Bill, Glenda, Jason, Marcia and all the others, thank you so much. These are the faces and places that actually have to deal with the impact of the decisions that are made in this chamber, because we're not carpeting Brunswick with solar panels and wind farms and we're not carpeting Kooyong. No, no: they can afford their $60,000 electric vehicles, but the people that produce our food and the people that back our capacity as a nation to do stuff are the ones left picking up the pieces. All they're asking is that this chamber agree to hold an inquiry so we can understand the impacts and make some recommendations to government that will mean the next tranche of rolling out these transmission lines across this country will be better than what's happening now. I commend this motion to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia, I want to acknowledge the people in the gallery. My brothers and sisters in Queensland amongst the rural sector were at a property rights conference just last Friday. The stories about the so-called green power—wind and solar—are well and truly horrific.</para>
<para>People are just starting to wake up to the blight that is coming upon this country. And it's not just the city people paying for power; it's rural landholders and farmers losing their land, losing their livelihoods and losing their health. The social, economic and moral impacts are enormous and devastating. And the anti-human Greens are responsible.</para>
<para>I want to compliment the farmers who have come here today. Thank you so much, because what you're showing is democracy in action. You're putting pressure on the people down here in this chamber. We are paid by these people. We serve them.</para>
<para>Recently I was in the wonderful Widgee community to listen to people about the Queensland government's plan to destroy their national park and communities in order to build a high voltage powerline. Electricity transmission has become a controversial topic in recent years. The UN's 2050 net zero—next to zero—needs a huge spend on wind turbines and solar panels, inevitably located in the bush and requiring tens of thousands of kilometres of transmission lines to bring the power all the way to the cities.</para>
<para>Long transmission lines were not needed when coal power kept lights on and fridges running, lifting our beautiful country into a period of prosperity and stability.</para>
<para>The woke Left—the socialist Left—are destroying what works and replacing it with a short-lived, unscientific exercise in feelings. Net zero will need $50 billion spent just on transmission lines, every cent of which will come out of the pockets of everyday Australians and electricity users, including manufacturers.</para>
<para>Queensland Premier Palaszczuk's plan for a big battery in the Pioneer Valley calls for peak generation of five million kilowatts of electricity to be delivered into a 275-kilovolt transmission line. It's absolute insanity, deceit and arrogance. Premier, where's the costing on the several thousand kilometres of additional lines necessary to carry that amount of power into the grid without melting the wires? Are you forgetting that melted wires is exactly what happened when the Kennedy renewables project was connected to the grid, and that was less than one per cent of the Pioneer project?</para>
<para>It's a fact that Katherine Myers from Victoria addressed the Property Rights conference in Gympie on the weekend. She told us that 80 per cent of solar and wind in western Victoria is not connected to the grid. You guys have blown that money and now you're wanting to tear up farms to get it to the cities. Once wind and solar wear out, which takes only 12 years—and that's the reason they're called renewables, by the way—and taxpayers become jack of this ruinous drain on public finances the bush will be left a wasteland of glass, toxic chemicals, rusted steel towers, concrete and fallen wind turbines full of oil and dangerous chemicals. Do you know why they're called renewables? Because you have to renew the bloody things every 12 years. In the space of building one power station you need to build four generations of solar and wind. That's why they're renewables.</para>
<para>Wires melting is exactly what happened when the Kennedy renewables project was connected to the grid, and that's less than one per cent of the Pioneer project. Nothing stacks up—nothing. Their owners are Bahamian shelf companies and Chinese shelf companies, which have no intention of remediating this inevitable environmental disaster. Who will be left with this legacy of blown toxic panels and wind turbines? You will be. That's why we need this inquiry to explore this issue.</para>
<para>One Nation stands opposed to green vandalism underway in rural Australians' backyards just so that wealthy, ignorant and uncaring inner-city anti-human Greens and teals can feel better about their inhuman energy consumption myths. Why do the Greens hate nature? Let's look at their track record. They chop down trees to make way for steel and fibreglass monuments to the sky god of warming, who is celebrated with religious fervour by people who think themselves too clever for religion. Tens of thousands of hectares have been cleared and devastated for electricity interconnector easements. It's a permanent scar across the landscape for no reason.</para>
<para>The seabed is marked with two new interconnectors to get hydropower from Tasmania to energy deficient Victoria. Suicide is what's going on with the Victorian government. They're suiciding their state. Productive farmland and native grasses are covered in a carpet of glass and silicon reflectors. The sea is supposed to shine, not the countryside. Productive land is dug up as a graveyard for expired wind turbine blades. There's strip mining of the seabed for rare earth minerals to make EVs and big batteries. Beautiful natural lakes in China are polluted with toxic chemical run-off from the processing of rare earths. The Greens look the other way with this environmental vandalism because ignoring environmental standards is essential to bring the price of solar down so that they can claim the price of solar is falling.</para>
<para>This is the stuff that comes out of the south end of a northbound bull. So there's China's environmental standards and the health of the locals, but who cares about children being devastated? Our beautiful bird life is sliced and diced in wind turbines across the country. If oil were the culprit, they would never shut up about birds. But with wind turbines: 'Shoosh. No-one mention the dead birds.'</para>
<para>I make this offer to the Greens: come camping with me. Let me show you the beauty of this amazing countryside and then perhaps then you will be less likely to chop it down; cover it in glass, steel and concrete; pollute it; and lock it away so nobody but a chosen few can appreciate the beauty. One Nation is now the party of the environment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too acknowledge the people in the gallery. Thank you so much for driving up here and showing your commitment to your landscape and to your environment. As Senator Roberts said, this issue is not limited to Victoria and New South Wales. I've also received letters from regional Queenslanders objecting to power lines going through the Borumba national park and the catastrophic effects that such lines will have on wildlife and plant life—all in the name of connecting an as yet unbuilt $14 billion pumped hydro project that itself has minimal community support.</para>
<para>I want to note the importance of what you're doing today—because sometimes people listen. In 2021, Transgrid was forced to have an independent review of the footprint that its proposed HumeLink was going to have and the route that it was going to take. This review found that Transgrid's projects and processes did not meet best practice, and they got sent back to the drawing board. What has come out since does not satisfy everyone's needs but it is certainly a far better proposal than the original one. Had it not been for the work of the communities—the HumeLink Action Group and others—that project would have a 150-kilometre larger corridor than it now proposes.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What we are asking for, Senator Grogan, is that these people have the opportunity to be heard. You won't even listen to them.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You are riding roughshod over those people and their concerns. You won't even listen to them.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>287062</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Davey, please take your seat. I've called the Senate to order. I know that we're getting very close to the end of the time for this debate, but I remind all senators that interjections are always disorderly and ask those senators with the call to please direct their remarks through the chair. Senator Davey, you have the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much. I also want to refer to a report from April this year by former Powerlink COO Simon Bartlett and the Victorian Energy Policy Centre's Bruce Mountain, where they slammed AEMO's VNI West transmission line project, which will go across a lot of the areas that these farmers are from, as a 'monumental mistake'. Their report says there are other options, including using existing corridors. These people from these communities would like those other options explored, and that is what we are proposing by this Senate inquiry. We are not saying absolutely no to transition lines, but we are saying we need to review the processes that have been put in place. We need to understand and we need to let these people be heard so that we can ensure, unlike the first iteration of Transgrid, that best practice is followed.</para>
<para>The minister refused to meet with these farmers today. Shame on the minister. We are saying: let the Senate chamber listen to the concerns of the communities and the people who are going to be impacted. The people are going bear the burden and the brunt of this race to net zero before we have in place a proper pathway or even considered the option of nuclear power. We see the price of copper going through the roof and a worldwide shortage of copper, but somehow we're going to miraculously criss-cross copper right across this country. I commend this inquiry to the Senate.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CADELL</name>
    <name.id>300134</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If we were talking about covering an island like Tonga in something, there'd be outrage, with people looking into it and calls for the Australian government to act. But we are talking about stages 1 and 2 of this transmission line, which is 10,000 kilometres long and 77,000 hectares in area—it is the size of Tonga. It is the size of Singapore; it is the size of Bahrain. But, because it's on our land and because it affects these poor people up in the gallery, we don't care. We don't care about our own backyard. We don't want to talk about it or investigate it or look at options. We're just going to tell them to do the right thing and shut up. This is not why this place is here. That is not why we should be here. We aren't talking about legislation that will change something; we're talking about any inquiry to hear something. These people have not gone away. They were in the gallery at five o'clock to hear this debate. They hoped it would go longer. They hear all these things go on. I've got about 15 seconds left, so I say to these people who were here today: we have heard you, we have seen you and we will fight for you. If they shut this down today and if they do not vote for this tomorrow, we will be back. We won't go away. We will stay here and business of the senate on Tuesday will be known as 'transmission Tuesday' until this bill passes.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Cadell, the debate is adjourned and you will be in continuation.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>109</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Migration Amendment (Australia's Engagement in the Pacific and Other Measures) Bill 2023, Migration (Visa Pre-application Process) Charge Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r6977" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Migration Amendment (Australia's Engagement in the Pacific and Other Measures) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6978" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Migration (Visa Pre-application Process) Charge Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Committee</title>
            <page.no>109</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of the Chair of the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee I present the report on the Migration Amendment (Australia’s Engagement in the Pacific and Other Measures) Bill 2023 and the Migration (Visa Pre-application Process) Charge Bill 2023 together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Excise Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023, Customs Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7032" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Excise Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7031" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Customs Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Committee</title>
            <page.no>109</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of the Chair of the Environment and Communications Legislation Committee I present the report on the Excise Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023 and the Customs Tariff Amendment (Product Stewardship for Oil) Bill 2023 together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>109</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Ulverston Police and Community Youth Club</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In April this year I visited the Ulverstone PCYC. The club was started in 2019 and it has over 30 members. The ages of these young people are from 12 years old and upwards. The club is there to support these people. If they can't afford the costs of joining the club or participating in an event, then the club helps them to pay for it or pays the costs for them.</para>
<para>I met Corey there, who has ASD—autism spectrum disorder. He has been attending the club for over a year. He does not speak to people very often, and he often does not look people in the eye, but he told me, as he looked me in the eye, that his confidence has grown and that this has helped his schoolwork and helps him to manage his anger. His mum drives him from Devonport every Tuesday and Thursday night to attend.</para>
<para>The message that I took from my visit was that the club is all about the community, helping young people and providing a safe haven for those who are going through a difficult time. Ross Coppleman and Craig Aitken have been instrumental in getting the club to become the success that it now is. Troy Dean is the senior constable who supports the PCYC. Craig and I worked together many years ago at the Simplot factory as process workers. He then went on to teaching, and for many years worked with vulnerable young people. A big shout out to him for his support to our Braddon youth. Craig and his family have now moved to Queensland. Our loss is certainly their gain, but the PCYC is still going strong and is a fantastic club in my home town providing support to young people and their parents when they need it. They are serious about discipline and operating as a team, and the young people respect that by their actions when they attend the club.</para>
<para>I want to congratulate all those involved, and I hope that the club continues to go from strength to strength, which I'm sure it will under the guidance and leadership of Ross.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Air Safety: Torres Strait</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I rise with a heavy heart, because three weeks ago I raised with CASA the very serious situation of no passenger air services to Darnley and Marweeba ag islands as a result of CASA regulation. Despite there being no incidents reported on the airstrips on those islands, CASA closed the strips to commercial flights and withdrew the ability for these community members to affordably travel by air between islands.</para>
<para>Instead, residents were forced into dinghies—dinghies!—on notoriously dangerous waters inhabited by crocodiles and sharks. On 19 April the Torres Strait Islander Regional Council met with CASA and asked them to allow an exemption for the airline to land of these strips—island strips that this company had been landing on for the past 20 years without incident. As usual, CASA gave a bureaucratic response that did not identify what the problem actually was that it was solving. Nor did they offer a solution for the remote community to continue accessing commercial air travel, leaving people to traverse these treacherous waters in boats. No pathway was undertaken for the airline to receive an approval. Instead, they are undertaking landing trials with weights, which CASA may or may not consider.</para>
<para>Underscoring the confusion of CASA's conduct is the fact that the same planes being banned from commercial operations on the islands could still use the strips in a private capacity. Just take a moment to comprehend that. Commercial rules are understandably stricter than private rules, but you can see how industry participants and passengers get frustrated: the same planes and the same airstrips, but different rules.</para>
<para>Three weeks ago, I asked the representing minister, Assistant Minister Anthony Chisholm: do you think that, for the two islands that have no passenger service going into them, this is a good outcome? His response was that the islands could apply for some funding for the airstrips to be upgraded. I asked the CEO of CASA to make sure the minister was briefed on the issue of there being no passenger service for these two islands. I wonder if that has happened, because the very worst news has been advised. Yesterday, after a four-day search for Wendy Richardson, the search was called off. I knew Wendy. The last time we met, we discussed her father, Sir Robert Norman, the acclaimed pioneer of regional aviation in the cape. Sir Robert saw the importance of providing an aerial service in the north for isolated communities at a time when aviation was overseen by the Civil Aviation Authority.</para>
<para>Wendy's loss is the exclamation point on years of conduct by CASA which has my phone running hot with complaints every single week. I grew up in a time when aviation was easily accessible and was a reliable way to conquer the tyranny of distance we experience in this country, especially in northern Australia. I remember local shows and events having not just automobiles in the car park but dozens of light planes. It seemed that everyone in North Queensland flew or knew someone who flew. Now flying is reserved for people who have a lot of money or who have the patience and fortitude to navigate the mountains of regulation imposed on them by CASA—regulations which many participants point out make no improvements to safety but discourage flying and cruelly punish minor indiscretions and which the big players can afford to implement but which force smaller carriers to pay to retrain staff, replace equipment that is functioning perfectly and change work operations they've used for years without incident.</para>
<para>No-one is blaming CASA for Wendy Richardson's death, but I want assurances that air travel will be restored to these islands immediately. In the meantime, flight companies should be provided with exemptions that will allow them to continue operations until more permanent fixtures are in place. I say that because no-one—and I mean no-one—in Australia should be forced to cross open sea in a dinghy because our air safety regulations force them out of the sky and into an open boat.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I'm sharing a story from JobSeeker recipient Zach, who has firsthand experience of the harms of mutual obligations. Instead of having access to the disability support pension because of his poor mental health, Zach is forced to survive on a poverty payment and to comply with punitive mutual obligations. Zach is forced to rely on a rolling series of medical exemptions, continuously navigating a complex bureaucracy, rather than being able to access the support that he needs. Zach shared with me how painful he has found the process and how heartbreaking he has found Labor's callous inaction. This is Zach's story in his own words:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In 1949, Labor Prime Minister, Ben Chifley, spoke of a "light on the hill." A glorious aspiration that he believed could be obtained through the "betterment of mankind."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Growing up, despite my life being dogged and plagued by increasingly diminishing mental health, due to no fault of my own, I was a big believer in this strong Labor principle. A concept that actually transcends political affiliation, which could be seen as something that all Australians could strive for. To me it represented hope, hope that no matter how bad things got, there was still a "light on the hill," a reason to persevere. That my poor mental health wouldn't be a hindrance forever. Things would get better.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am honoured to have my testimony heard in our nation's Senate chamber. It is a unique privilege. But so many who have suffered from poor mental health have never had the chance to have had their voices heard. Instead, they were given only a failed and severely underfunded system that didn't have the capacity to provide what could have been a life-saving intervention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">One such person, who our underfunded and under-staffed system couldn't save, was the love of my life, Lily.</para></quote>
<para>We have changed Zach's partners name for privacy reasons. Zach continues:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Lily was a pure light in my world, the most empathetic and talented person I have ever had the privilege of knowing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">She loved musical theatre and acting. She was brilliant at it, in fact. The two of us were expecting a child, she would have been a brilliant mother. Lily was also the victim of life-long abuse and suffered from crippling mental health. All her life, just like myself, she actively sought help from our mental health services, but they simply did not have the resources necessary to lead her onto a path of recovery. In February of 2022, her pain had become unbearable. To her, death seemed preferable than continuing to seek help from a system that couldn't save her and probably didn't care to either.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For a brief moment in 2021, I saw again that "light on the hill." The chance to start a young family, a way out of the black abyss I had been living in. But now, I have no child and I have no Lily.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Because when our politicians actively choose not to do this, people like Lily are denied a chance to live out their dreams of musical theatre or be a mother. People like Lily die.</para></quote>
<para>Zach wanted to share his powerful, painful account of the loss of a loved one not just to highlight how underfunded and underresourced our mental health system is but to underline how our income support system is also dangerously failing people with poor mental health. Zach said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I am an incredibly stubborn and persistent person. I don't want to lose this fight against my own poor mental health. But I am tired. I scream out for help, putting in applications to our public systems that exist supposedly to help us recover, but it's like I'm screaming into a void where the help never comes. Our bureaucracy seemingly has other priorities. The Albanese government in fact, has removed what could be lifesaving healthcare from its national party platform.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mental health doesn't discriminate on the basis of political affiliation or identity. Our Labor Government, in the midst of a cost of living crisis, has a chance to unite our increasingly divided nation by lifting people out of destitution, and fixing our impoverished mental health care system …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… For me and many others that 'light on the hill' feels unobtainable and for people like Lily, that light has been permanently extinguished. But it doesn't have to continue being this way.</para></quote>
<para>You are absolutely right, Zach: it doesn't have to continue being this way. The Greens and I will keep on campaigning alongside you to achieve change in our mental health system and our income support system until you and the others who are suffering like you receive justice—those who are suffering too much, living in poverty while trying to survive on income support.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>111</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First of all, I want to give a shout-out to the Young Liberal Movement of Western Australia and in particular their current president, Jacob Fowler, who has developed an internship program for the Young Liberals. I've had a chance now to have a couple of interns through my office. The contribution I'll make tonight is based on the work from the latest of those interns, Nathan Cuthbertson, an outstanding young man, currently a university student and also working for a Western Australian research organisation. It has been a great joy to have him in my office and have his contribution.</para>
<para>I asked Nathan to have a look at one of the key issues that's facing us at the moment. The issue that we sat down and discussed was inflation. Inflation is a scourge. Inflation in our society today is unacceptably high. In fact, we now have the real danger of inflation becoming entrenched. There has been a recent decision to increase the minimum wage by 5.75 per cent. We have seen a number of calls from the union movement right across Australia for wage increases in the order of 10, 15 and 20 per cent and higher. All of this has combined to cement and entrench that scourge of inflation in our economy. It also makes the job of the RBA that much harder. It makes the problem likely to persist longer than it needs to. That's why we must be very aware of this phenomenon of a wage-price spiral.</para>
<para>The RBA governor, Philip Lowe, spoke about it at the annual CEDA address in November last year. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I know it's very difficult for people to accept the idea that wages don't rise with inflation … and people are experiencing a decline in real wages. That's tough. The alternative, though, is more difficult.</para></quote>
<para>And this is a really key point from Philip Lowe. It is hard to see the rises in inflation that we are seeing at the moment and the declines in real wages that this Labor government has overseen. But what the RBA is doing is necessary in order to fight this ugly scourge of inflation that risks becoming entrenched in our economy.</para>
<para>If wages were to rise in line with inflation we could actually expect only more economic misery. This is because inflation increases expectations. If employers have higher wage costs they pass this on in price rises, which of course leads to more inflation. This is the wage-price spiral. Lowe reiterated this when speaking at the Morgan Stanley Sydney summit, stating:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If we accept that premise, inflation at 7% and wage rises match that, what do you think inflation will be next year? It will be higher again and then we will have to have higher wage increases again.</para></quote>
<para>The important question is, then, how can we improve wages? We all in this place want to see wage rises. We all want to see Australians better off; we want to see Australian families better off. The way we do that is to improve productivity. We need to see those corresponding rises in productivity. Without that, wage rises are inflationary.</para>
<para>We've seen the Prime Minister being very slow and very late coming to the party in understanding the importance of productivity increases in the economy. Yet at the same time that he claims to recognise the importance of productivity increases we also see the 'same job, same pay' legislation that Labor is planning to introduce, which can only make the situation worse. We've already seen round one of Labor's changes to the IR system, which introduces less flexibility. It reduces flexibility in our labour market and reintroduces inflexibility, and the second tranche of IR reforms that the government is proposing will only add to that.</para>
<para>This inflexibility in the labour market places downward pressure on productivity. For experienced workers, where is the reward for their years of service? For new workers, where is the incentive to work harder for more pay? If we want to boost productivity we need a system that motivates people, a system that promotes a dynamic and productive workplace. These workplace reforms are dangerous. No two businesses are the same, no two jobs are the same and no two workers are the same, and they shouldn't be treated as such. They shouldn't be treated as if they're some sort of automatons, some sort of robots, that can just go from one job to another. Experience matters. Competence matters. Getting to know your boss matters. Being in a workplace for a period of time matters and should be able to be rewarded. Labour markets should be flexible and adaptable to meet the needs of a dynamic economy. Centralised reforms like the ones we've seen in the past and the ones that are foreshadowed will only dampen our ability to recover and grow and see that scourge of inflation dealt with in a sensible way.</para>
<para>When employers and their employees reach a mutual decision at the business level, this is the best outcome for all. It means fair reward and it means, potentially, increases in productivity. Businesses should be free to reward experience and effort. Centralised decision-making in the way that is foreshadowed will only hinder productivity growth. And when productivity does not rise, what is the end result of that? It means wages will not rise. We actually saw, over the last period of Liberal government, real wage rises. Contrary to the myths spread by those opposite, real wages rose in the period of the last coalition government. What have we seen under Labor? We've seen real wages plummeting in the face of inflation.</para>
<para>The claim that wage rises do not lead to inflation is simply not true. How can one expect inflation to fall below five per cent when the price of labour has been increasing above five per cent? Wage rises will only make further interest rate rises much more likely. Wage rises, especially now, when not linked to productivity, are inflationary. The RBA knows this. Mr Lowe has said this a number of times. Every economist knows that. Real wages will actually continue to fall until inflation is addressed. Until inflation is addressed, Australian families and Australian employers will suffer.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call you, Senator Lambie, I will just explain what is happening. Even though we are currently in the 10-minute speeches, the standing orders give precedence to five-minute speeches over 10-minute speeches, so we will now go back to the five-minute speeches.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Anti-Corruption Commission</title>
          <page.no>112</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When this government was elected, it promised the Australian people a national anticorruption commission—the NACC, as we call it in this place. 'Yay,' we all said. 'Finally we've got what we want. Beautiful.' Thank you to all those people in here and all those people out there who campaigned for this for a lot longer than I did—that's for sure.</para>
<para>For all Australians to have faith in our NACC, it is critical that the first person to lead our first National Anti-Corruption Commission be a person with a clean skin. Australians need to know that, when they come forward to blow the whistle, they are doing so to an organisation that is led by someone who is both beyond reproach and free of any real, apparent or potential conflicts of interest. Remember that: real, apparent or potential conflicts of interest.</para>
<para>The job ad for this role, which, by the way, pays about 730,000 bucks a year—beautiful; that's more than our top judges and almost double what our Prime Minister gets—said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Commission will be a central pillar in the Government's broader federal integrity framework and will work closely with heads of other integrity agencies across the Commonwealth to strengthen the integrity of the Commonwealth public sector</para></quote>
<para>The ad also says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">During their term the Commissioner will be restricted from undertaking outside employment.</para></quote>
<para>I'll come back to that.</para>
<para>What a lot of Australians may not know is that the new head of the NACC isn't a cleanskin. He is a judge and a general who has been the special investigator for the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force, and I found out today he's retaining his role as a general in the Army. Brereton will be conflicted on any defence related matter from day one. We've already seen it. We've seen it with the war crimes, and here we go again. We have ADF personnel right now who do not trust the Inspector-General of the ADF, the Afghanistan inquiry or the Office of the Special Investigator, and neither do I. I'll call it in that call. They have time and time again proved that they are not interested in pursuing senior commanders for their role or their lack of action in alleged wrongdoings. All they show interest in is throwing the book at diggers, without any consequences for senior command. The new head of the National Anti-Corruption Commission, Justice Paul Brereton—who I remind you is also a major general—has been at the heart of both inquiries. How can he or the commission possibly consider any defence related referrals while he is on the ADF payroll?</para>
<para>I really have to ask the Attorney-General: what were you thinking, mate? Personally, I am so disappointed. I tell you I've been waiting and waiting. I'm just so disappointed. Seriously, maybe you just didn't read your own job ad. Have a look at it, because you didn't abide by it. How disappointing! How can Australians who have served in defence possibly be confident that this man will pursue the interests of justice and fairness, when he has failed them before? The Commonwealth Ombudsman, the person responsible for defence matters, listed real, apparent and potential conflicts of interest as having the capacity to influence a decision-maker. The guidelines say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A conflict of interest exists when it appears likely that an employee could be influenced … by a personal interest in carrying out their duty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conflicts of interests may be real, apparent or potential …</para></quote>
<para>Here is a little more from the Commonwealth Ombudsman that is especially for the Attorney-General and about conflicts of interests under section 13(7) of the Public Service Act 1999:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… an actual or apparent conflict of interest is a form of bias and can therefore breach one of the requirements of procedural fairness, affecting the lawfulness of any decision made.</para></quote>
<para>I repeat: 'the lawfulness of any decision made'. Major General Brereton meets the criteria for a conflict of interest. Open your eyes, please, Attorney!</para>
<para>How can Australians be confident that this man can fulfil his role in a fair and balanced way? I can't. Isn't this a betrayal of all the people in this place and out there who fought for years for a national anti-corruption commission, only to have him put in that seat? It is the biggest shame of the Labor Party so far; I can assure you. This is a man who will decide if NACC hearings are held behind closed doors or in public. I bet I know where defence hearings are going to be, and they won't be out in the public! They're going right behind those closed doors, aren't they, Mr Brereton? I say that the Attorney-General needs to go back to the drawing board and find someone else—someone that is free from influence and conflict, that isn't on the payroll of the ADF and that does not carry the negative baggage that Brereton right now is carrying.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Ukraine</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On 24 February 2022, Russian troops launched an assault on Ukraine with a view to completely undermine the sovereign and democratic rule of that nation. The war has now been waged for almost 16 months, with countless lives lost on both Ukrainian and Russian sides. Last week, Russian forces blew up a dam that supplied drinking water to thousands of Ukrainians, ruining nearby agricultural land. Incredible loss of life has followed. This is a heartless attack on human rights. The war itself is an attack on the concept of state sovereignty and an attack on a democratic government.</para>
<para>Here in Australia, we're blessed to be a nation with strong democratic rule and clear geographic borders. Unlike our counterparts in Ukraine, most Australians have never known what it's like to live through a war or live in fear of our lives. But many of us—immigrants or the children of immigrants—have at least some connection with the displacement, the turmoil and the horror of war. Whilst Australia's history is far from perfect, our nation is one to be proud of and one worth protecting. The stories of Ukrainian civilians fighting on the front line to protect their nation fills me with the same sense of pride I get from the stories of our Anzac heroes. Ukraine, too, is a nation worth protecting. I commend the advocacy of Ukraine's Ambassador to Australia, Vasyl Myroshnychenko, and his efforts to ensure that the war in Ukraine remains at the forefront of Australia's mind. It cannot be left to the Ukrainian people to fight alone. Russia's continuous attack on Ukraine is an attack on democracy and therefore an attack on all democratic states. As a fellow democratic nation, Australia has already done so much, but there is much more to do, to assist the Ukrainian people in any way we can in their fight to protect democratic self-governance.</para>
<para>Over the weekend I attended the National Labor Women's Conference in Fremantle, which adopted a motion circulated in my name and that of my fellow Labor colleague from Western Australia Tatyana Igonina to continue to support the women of Ukraine. Tatyana is of Ukrainian heritage but was raised in Uzbekistan. Her son Temur is an international chess grandmaster and is close friends with Ukrainian grandmaster Igor Kovalenko, who now spends his days fighting to protect his country. Tatyana told me of a call her son had with Mr Kovalenko, in which they could hear from bomb sirens outside his house. This is a stark reminder that the conflict in Ukraine is not a distant problem.</para>
<para>The motion at the conference this weekend promised Labor's continued support for Ukrainian women, through humanitarian aid and assistance with the recovery after this awful war is over. Women and children have especially been targeted by Russian troops. I'm sure we all recall the horrific images of the bombed maternity hospital in Mariupol early last year, with women in labour being removed from the ruins of bombed hospitals and day-old babies being pulled from under the rubble. Russia's indiscriminate attacks are in complete contravention of the law of war and the Geneva conventions. This motion passed over the weekend by Labor women is a symbolic gesture of Australian Labor women standing in solidarity with the women of Ukraine.</para>
<para>Another way we can support the effort in Ukraine is by improving bilateral relationships with Ukraine's neighbouring states. On Thursday, Senator Paterson and I will be hosting the inaugural combined event for the Parliamentary Friends of Estonia, the Parliamentary Friends of Latvia and the Parliamentary Friends of Lithuania. Their excellencies Kersti Eesmaa, the Estonian Ambassador to Australia; Margers Krams, the Latvian Ambassador to Australia and New Zealand; and Darius Degutis, the Lithuania Ambassador to Australia, will be in attendance to discuss improving the bilateral relations between Australia and their respective countries. This event and these friendship groups have been formed with the express intention of improving Australia's relationship in the area and enhancing strategic cooperation. Through this, Australia can have a stronger presence in north-western Europe and better placed to provide and support and gain a stronger grassroots understanding of regional issues like the war in Ukraine.</para>
<para>It's through democratic cooperation, including improving relationships with foreign embassies and ambassadors, that Australia can strengthen and support democracies around the world. In a time where dictatorial governments and international polarisation are still on the rise, democracy is more important than ever. By supporting the success of Ukraine in the war effort, Australia is ensuring the success and resilience of a democratic government, an ultimate ally. Australia has always been referred to as the lucky country, and I truly believe we are. We have our own challenges, but we have enough bounty and blessing to ensure we never abandon our democratic friends in their time of trial. Ukraine, we stand with you. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The State of Israel continues to deny the Palestinian people their right to self-determination. It continues to dispossess them of their land. We in the Australian Greens are proud to be in solidarity with the Palestinian people and to commit ourselves to working with them to rectify this injustice and, indeed, to work with progressive Jews, progressive Palestinians and all people of faith and goodwill globally to achieve these goals, to achieve a justice that will allow both Palestinians and Israelis to live in peace, security and equality, exercising self-determination, as described by the UN charter. In committing ourselves to this work, we do so in a context, a context which the Australian Greens are willing to grapple with and to recognise.</para>
<para>That context is this: 700,000 Israelis are living in settlements in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem. This is an occupation which the United Nations special raconteur has found 'not merely to be belligerent, but settler colonial in nature in pursuit of a de-Palestinisation of the occupied territory.' Despite the West Bank and the Gaza Strip remaining under Israeli military occupation, roughly five million Palestinians who live in the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, cannot participate in Israeli elections. Despite the Israeli government controlling large areas of life in the occupied territories, including borders and the freedom of movement, Palestinians are subject to special requirements and visa passes that are Israeli issued, which control their travel between and beyond the occupied territories and their ability to exit abroad. Israelis operate a complex system of state laws to expropriate land, a state managed system which sees massive transfers of Palestinian lands from the Palestinians to the Israeli settler systems.</para>
<para>There is a name for such policies. There is a name for such practices. When one group seeks to dominate another based upon race, when one group seeks to perpetuate and entrench and dispossess systemically, there is a word for it, and that word is apartheid. And it is a crime against humanity. The Australian Greens believe that the state of Israel is guilty of practising the crime of apartheid. In this belief, we are supported by reports from very many human rights organisations and legal organisations which have come together year after year to state this reality to the world. Israeli organisations such as Yesh Din and B'Tselem, Palestinian organisations such as al-Haq and, indeed, some of the world's most-renowned human rights organisations—Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International among them—all agree this crime is being committed. This crime must be confronted.</para>
<para>The administrators of this system of apartheid are currently some of the most right-wing members of an Israeli government ever to be elected. Ministers Smotrich and Gvir embody a racist hate which should be left to found no favour in the world. Tonight, the Australian Greens call on the Australian government to place targeted sanctions and boycotts upon both ministers. When you have members of a government calling for the extermination of peoples and villages, this must be condemned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Global Population, Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party</title>
          <page.no>115</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As a servant to the many different people of our Queensland community, my comments tonight celebrate humanity. New data shows the world has been saved from the population apocalypse. Even more surprising, the data has come from the Club of Rome. Before I excite the chamber with the wonderful news that the Australia we know and some of us love is safe from green grinches, here's some background.</para>
<para>For many years the Club of Rome maintained the world population was out of control and would exceed nine billion, most likely 10 billion and possibly 15 billion. This was being used to justify onerous antihuman restrictions in how we live. The antihuman green lobby has decided that, because of population growth, everyday Australians should eat less, travel less, have fewer children, live in hive homes stacked on top of each other and leave nothing to their children. The antihuman green lobby decided private interests should not own and develop natural resources—or, as they prefer to call it, the commons. Instead, a Soviet style elite, who in practice would be the world's richest individuals, should own all resources. Even homes, cars, refrigerators and brown goods would be rented, not owned. Aboriginal and native title would be over land they occupy yet continue to not own; in fact, no-one would own it.</para>
<para>To make sure this happens, the antihuman green lobby will implement measures to force all physical goods to be repairable and recyclable, to include a very high percentage of recycled materials and to operate on such a low electricity rating that they may not work at all. This huge increase in cost would price household goods out of the reach of everyday Australians. This absurd wonder of Soviet central planning is called the circular economy, which is another way of saying everyday Australians will never own anything new. Wealthy investment funds and superannuation funds will own everything.</para>
<para>I'm sure you've heard the campaign slogan: 'You will own nothing and be happy.' This is what the antihuman green grinches serve. The party of the trees has turned into the party of the tall poppies. Recently they voted against my motion to investigate in vitro lab meat because they know the countryside will be locked up and food will be mass produced as bug burgers or, worse, fake meat grown in bioreactors in the same way cancer cells are grown.</para>
<para>Antihuman greens and teals openly promote this reduction in living standards. They say it's necessary because there will be too many people in the world to sustain the old way of doing things. By 'the old way', I mean Australians having the freedom to work harder, accumulating wealth and assets, enjoying a comfortable retirement and then passing their wealth on to their children to give them a head start in life. There's no room for that in the Soviet republic of Greensland! All this is based on a lie that the world's population is expanding so rapidly that we must, today, start to destroy the wealth of everyday Australians and to lock up the sea and the countryside—which they call the commons—to save it from overproduction.</para>
<para>We can now call off the population apocalypse. Here's the good news for human beings the world over. Recently the Club of Rome released a follow-up to its infamous limits of growth study, which has caused 50 years of shivering bedwetting from the green lobby. This is a significant document as the first major review to the limits of growthin 50 years. Who conducted these new calculations? The Earth4All collective of leading environmental science and economic institutions, including the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, the Stockholm Resilience Centre and the Norwegian Business School.</para>
<para>The Club of Rome modelled two scenarios. If we do nothing, the world's population will top out at 8.9 billion—it's already eight billion—in 2050 before falling to 7.3 billion in 2100. Or, if we work hard on improving the living standards of developing nations, as One Nation supports, the world's population will top out at 8.6 billion—remember it's only eight billion now—in 2040 and then fall to just six billion in 2100. Six billion: that's it!</para>
<para>This clearly shows that we do not need to lock up the commons in order to protect it. Over time our natural environment will be used less, not more. We don't need to reduce everyone's share down to subsistence levels. The reduction in population will make current consumption easily sustainable. We do need to provide sensible stewardship of the natural environment and reuse, recycle and introduce new materials like hemp plastics, of course. This is wonderful news.</para>
<para>What will the anti-human green grinches use now to generate fear, to generate their own bizarre brand of environmental self-flagellation? Soviet style? Without a doubt the answer is: they will do whatever it takes—whatever lie and whatever twisting of the data it takes to keep the fear campaign going. It's time to take another look at the fundamental assumptions of the climate campaign. The emperor has no clothes. One Nation enjoys truth. One Nation shares the truth.</para>
<para>I want to turn my attention to another topic. In 1996 Pauline Hanson named her new party 'One Nation' as an expression of her heartfelt belief that this beautiful nation must include all Australians, fairly and equally. She and I serve the people of Queensland and Australia. No single group should be favoured over another and no-one should be denied opportunity. One Nation is committed to the belief that we must give all Australians the same opportunity to lift themselves up through their own hard work and endeavour. And we must provide a safety net for those who can't provide for themselves. Where one group in our community is trailing behind, then the solution is not arbitrary or forced inclusion. That didn't work in the Soviet Union and it will not work in Prime Minister Albanese's soviet republic of Australia. Why? Because it doesn't actually solve the problem of why people have fallen behind in the first place. It does, though, let politicians and compliant community leaders off the hook. 'See here,' they go. 'Look at this thing we are doing. Aren't we wonderful, vote for us and you too can feel good.' Not solve anything, just feel good, look good. Not do good, just paper over the problems and pretend to do good.</para>
<para>One Nation stands for solutions not feelings. We will build the east-west corridor across the Top End, bringing power, water, rail transport and the internet to remote Aboriginal communities, opening up markets, expanding job opportunities, educational opportunities and tourism, which we know exposes the world to Aboriginal culture. And that's a good thing. One Nation will build the Great Dividing Range project to bring environmentally responsible hydropower—cheap power—and water to North Queensland to drive agriculture and tertiary processing, adding tens of billions to our national wealth. One Nation will build the Hughenden Irrigation Project, the Urannah dam and hydro project, the Emu Swamp dam and the Big Buffalo dam in Victoria. All of these will make more productive use of land already in use for agriculture so as to grow more food and fibre to feed and clothe the world. This is the difference between One Nation and the parties of feelings. We offer Australians natural wholesome food and natural fibres, while the tired old parties in this place offer you bugs and used clothes.</para>
<para>What I don't understand is the black armband view of prosperity that permeates the policies of the old parties in this place. Abundance is not a dirty word. Abundance is not mutuality exclusive with environmental responsibility. The attack on the food and manufacturing sectors is one of ideology, not environmentalism. It's about controlling us using deliberately created scarcities. Food scarcities and energy scarcity are deliberately created and can be easily corrected by a One Nation government. Soviet politics of oppression are not the Australian way.</para>
<para>Australia is a place where a coalminer born in India can become a senator, where the daughter of a migrant from a war-torn country can come to Australia and find not only peace and prosperity but a place amongst the leaders of our beautiful country and where a refugee from the fall of Saigon can come to Australia stateless and take her place in the House of Representatives. There are so many examples just in this parliament of how Australia's proud history of equality of opportunity has lifted up those who have chosen to embrace the opportunity given to them.</para>
<para>Equality of opportunity though does not mean equality of outcome. I remember a story about a wise old Russian, just a regular citizen of the Soviet Union, and the Soviet approach to mandatory equality. The wise old Russian drew a series of stick figures of different heights on a piece of paper, and then he said, 'In the Soviet Union everyone is equal,' and proceeded to draw a line across the page to the height of the smallest figure. The heads of the successful were chopped off to bring everyone down to the height of the worst performing. That's, indeed, how socialism works. That's why the Soviet Union failed, and it's why left-wing ideology permeating this government is failing and will fail.</para>
<para>What people do with the opportunity they're given is their own business. Governments cannot provide an equality of outcome, because governments cannot control how people handle the opportunity we are all given. As a government, we can only ensure every Australian has access to a breadwinner job, a home that suits their needs, a safe community, transport, education, health care and, of course, a safety net. The rest is up to the individual. But mark my words: depriving Australians of these core government functions, no matter the geography or the background, will not be tolerated.</para>
<para>Sadly, deprivation is exactly what is happening not just in remote Australia but in our cities as well. After attending public forums across Queensland in the last few weeks, it's obvious there is a failure to deliver basic government services by Premier Palaszczuk and by successive federal governments. Feelings will not fix failure—they just lead people into false security. Ideas, vision and hard work will fix Australia. One Nation is ready to take up the challenge. We have the policies, and Senator Hanson stands ready to lead. I must say the fire burns as strongly as ever in the heart of Australia's favourite redhead.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Women in Sport</title>
          <page.no>116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHANDLER</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Another week and there's another case of an Australian sporting body treating female athletes like second-class citizens. We all know that women's sport exists to provide fair competition for female athletes. World Athletics recognise this. World Aquatics recognise this. World Rugby recognise this. The overwhelming majority of people, especially female athletes, recognise this. But Tennis Australia apparently can't bear the thought of female tennis players being guaranteed single-sex women's tennis competitions.</para>
<para>Last week, Tennis Australia CEO, Craig Tiley, told media that they were attempting to stop the world governing bodies from endorsing a policy which would prevent males from playing women's tennis. Tiley said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are trying to influence the decision now. We're an organisation that believes in inclusivity, in diversity and in equality, so any decision made will need to be in line with our core values.</para></quote>
<para>The core value he refers to of course is that women aren't important enough to be entitled to single-sex competition, especially in community sport where 99.9 per cent of women and girls play.</para>
<para>If a male wants to play women's tennis in Australia, Tennis Australia says that this must be actively encouraged. Their policies say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">An individual player should be able to nominate their gender identity at the time of nomination for any upcoming competition, tournament or term of play.</para></quote>
<para>This is despite the fact that it is unequivocally proven that male tennis players have huge physical advantage over female players, advantages which cannot be removed by testosterone reduction. It's those advantages that Serena Williams was referring to when she said: 'If I were to play Andy Murray, I would lose, 6-0, 6-0, in … 10 minutes.'</para>
<para>The only logical, scientific, fair outcome for women is that women's tennis must be a single-sex category. But Tennis Australia is campaigning for the opposite position, one which defies the science and tells female players that fairness isn't a priority for them. They say that a mediocre male should be able to identify in a women's competition and deny female players the right to play in a fair competition against members of their own sex.</para>
<para>You only have to look at what's happening in cycling right now to see how unfair it is to women once sporting bodies open that door. As the great Martina Navratilova said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">By including trans identified males in female category, biological females lose a spot. It's that simple. Seems to me Craig Tilley doesn't understand that concept.</para></quote>
<para>It's telling that in Tennis Australia's explanation for trying to influence the ITF and WTA policies they didn't say let's follow the science and they didn't say fairness for female athletes is the top priority, because those aren't the values that Australia's major sporting codes are talking about when they're talking about diversity and inclusion. They don't mean inclusion for women. They are simply trying to stop the international governing bodies from exposing Tennis Australia for selling out women. Let's remember that Tennis Australia last year ordered spectators to remove T-shirts asking, 'Where is Peng Shuai?' What does that tell you about an organisation that sees more value in sucking up to people with power than looking out for women's wellbeing?</para>
<para>When the Prime Minister or the Minister for Sport are asked about this topic, as the Minister for Sport was just last week, their media lines are: 'Let's leave it to the sporting codes. They know how to manage this.' Well, Tennis Australia has shown us what Australian sporting codes will do to women when you leave it to them: throw them under the bus, ignore the science and lobby against single-sex women's sport. The Prime Minister and the Minister for Sport know that, because we've seen Australian sporting codes doing this for years. World Rugby told Rugby Australia that it is incredibly dangerous for males to be playing women's rugby. Rugby Australia ignored them and allows it to happen. The AFL and Football Australia do the same.</para>
<para>Of course, they'll hesitate if the sporting competition is going to be on television, at an elite level, but only because they don't want Australians to actually see how unfair it is for males to be in women's competitions. But at a community level, where female players have no voice and are punished and silenced if they dare to complain, all of these sporting bodies are actively encouraging males to play in women's competitions. For years they've gotten away with it by silencing women who try to speak out. Female athletes have been threatened that their careers will suffer or told that they'll lose sponsorships or selection.</para>
<para>Those of us who have spoken out publicly on their behalf have had the authorities coming for us and threatening us with legal action. Almost four years ago, I was told by the Tasmanian Anti-Discrimination Commissioner that I was under investigation and ordered to attend a compulsory conciliation because I said that women's sport is for females. Authorities in this country will try to punish you for saying publicly that eligibility for female sport should be restricted to females, yet that is exactly the position of World Athletics, World Aquatics and World Rugby. But Australians aren't allowed to say it. Why? Because men like the Prime Minister and Craig Tiley have decreed that it's not a discussion us ordinary people are qualified to have. Leave it to the experts, they say, by which they mean the very same people who decided it was a good idea to let males play women's sport in the first place. As Orwell once said, 'One has to belong to the intelligentsia to believe things like that: no ordinary man could be such a fool.'</para>
<para>The most ridiculous thing about all of this is that guaranteeing single-sex categories for women and girls does not prevent anyone from playing sport. I'm going to call out the media here tonight for constantly and deliberately misreporting to cause division and for seeking to cast women as the villains in this story. How many times have you heard the media say something like, 'World Athletics have banned transgender athletes'? It is rubbish, and the media knows it. Nobody has been banned from playing sport. People have been asked to follow the same rules as everybody else. A single-sex category for women and girls does not ban anyone from playing sport, including trans people. Single-sex women's categories simply acknowledge that, in the vast majority of sports, it is unfair to expect women to compete against males. That's why women's sport was established in the first place. There is absolutely nothing wrong in having a single-sex women's category. That doesn't stop trans people from competing in their own sex category, in an open division or, at a social level, in a mixed team.</para>
<para>The most inclusive thing that Tennis Australia, the ITF and the WTA could do is commit to a single-sex category for women and girls in addition to an open category. Nobody will be banned from playing, there will be a place for everyone in sport, but women and girls will be guaranteed fair competition. It's win-win. But they don't want to do that, because, to them, inclusion means women moving aside and putting someone else's desires above their own right to compete fairly. In the Orwellian world we're living in now, when Tennis Australia lobbies internationally for males to be able to play women's tennis, that's inclusive and that's equality. But, when Australians say, 'Wait a minute; that's not fair,' suddenly that's a culture war. It is just one of the many silencing tactics employed against us for speaking up in defence of women's rights—women's rights which the likes of Tennis Australia are happily campaigning against on the international stage with this government's blessing.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aboriginal And Torres Strait Islander Voice</title>
          <page.no>118</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Acting Deputy President Pratt, before I commence, I would like to just acknowledge the wonderful, great personal event in your life recently. I am so pleased for you and wish you all the best.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for acknowledging my marriage. That's very lovely. Thank you, Senator Scarr. You have the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in relation to a very important issue—namely, the revelation today that Rio Tinto, a dual-listed company with head offices in both London and Australia, listed on both the London Stock Exchange and the Australian Stock Exchange, has made an extraordinary donation of $2 million to the 'yes' campaign, in terms of the proposed constitutional referendum which will provide for an enshrined voice to both parliament and the executive government. I was alerted to this in an article by Paige Taylor in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> today entitled 'Indigenous voice to parliament yes campaigners told to stick to positive message'. There's a reference in a paragraph in that article to:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Yes23 has tens of millions of dollars in donations from the approximately 500 corporations and philanthropic organisations that support an Indigenous voice in the Constitution.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On Friday, Rio Tinto announced it would contribute $2m.</para></quote>
<para>I actually then went to Rio Tinto's website to verify whether or not that was correct, and, sure enough, their position with respect to the Voice includes the following statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are donating A$2 million in support of the "Yes23" campaign.</para></quote>
<para>Such an extraordinarily large donation by a multinational company in relation to a referendum dealing with Australia's Constitution and how its system of government will be established or may be changed for all time warrants serious consideration and careful analysis.</para>
<para>Prior to formulating my thoughts in relation to this, I went back and read perhaps one of the more serious speeches or articles of thought in relation to the social responsibility of business. That was Milton Friedman's quite seminal article entitled 'A Friedman doctrine: the social responsibility of business is to increase its profits'. It was written by Milton Friedman, the Nobel laureate, and published in the <inline font-style="italic">New York Times</inline> on 13 September 1970. In that article, he made a point with respect to the obligations of companies, which, after all, were established to take advantage of limited liability and are nothing more than an investment vehicle for the shareholders who invest in them. He wrote: 'In either case, the key point is that, in his capacity as a corporate executive, the manager is the agent of the individuals who own the corporation or establish the not-for-profit institution, and his primary responsibility is to them.' He goes on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Of course, the corporate executive is also a person in his own right. As a person, he may have many other responsibilities that he recognizes or assumes voluntarily—to his family, his conscience, his feelings of charity, his church, his clubs, his city, his country. He may feel impelled by these responsibilities to devote part of his income …</para></quote>
<para>But, as Milton Friedman says, that's up to the executive.</para>
<para>So we have this extraordinary situation where Rio Tinto is making a donation of $2 million. First, I want to look at Rio Tinto's own policies and see whether or not that donation actually complies with their own published policies. In relation to political engagement and participation in industry associations, they write:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We do not favour any political party, group or individual, or involve ourselves in party political matters. We prohibit the use of funds to support political candidates or parties.</para></quote>
<para>In their code of conduct, entitled 'The Way We Work' and published in February 2023, they write on page 20:</para>
<list>We respect every country's political process and do not get involved in political matters. We do not make any type of payments to political parties or political candidates.</list>
<para>Did the board of Rio Tinto actually consider whether or not it was appropriate to make a $2 million donation in relation to a proposed change to Australia's Constitution which is the subject of vigorous debate, where good and reasonable people are on both sides of the debate and which is clearly occurring largely on party political lines, where the Labor Party and the Greens have adopted a position, the federal Liberal Party and the National Party have adopted a contrary position and most of the minor parties in Australia have adopted their own position? How is this referendum, referring to Rio Tinto's own statement, not a matter which relates to a country's political process and political matters? How did the board of Rio Tinto come to that conclusion? It is astounding that Rio Tinto would decide to make a donation in the context of a referendum which is being hotly contested, which is deeply political and which concerns the future structure of Australia's Constitution. This is a matter for Australians. It is not a matter for multinational corporations.</para>
<para>When one looks at Rio Tinto's latest annual report, from 2022, who are their three largest shareholders? One is BlackRock Inc., an entity which is headquartered in the UK. One is Shining Prospect PTE LTD, which is the holding company of Chinalco's shareholding in Rio Tinto. Chinalco is a Chinese state owned enterprise. They are the largest shareholder of Rio Tinto, with 14.02 per cent. One is another entity referred to as the Capital Group Companies Inc., which clearly, again, is not an Australian entity. So there you have the top three shareholders, constituting approximately 26 per cent—all foreign owned corporations and the largest of them a state owned enterprise. How is it appropriate that such a multinational is engaging in such a partisan way with respect to the debate over Australia's Constitution? It's totally inappropriate. What universe were the board of directors of Rio Tinto in when they made this decision? If the managers of Rio Tinto wanted to make their own contributions and donations from their own money, that's one thing, but to do it with shareholders' money is entirely another.</para>
<para>If one looks at their remuneration report, the chief executive officer has a package which is worth 4.8 million pounds a year. If the CEO wanted to make his own donation, he could have, as could every employee. In fact, when one looks at the different shareholders in Rio Tinto in terms of their Australian shareholding base, there are 178,997 shareholders in Rio Tinto Limited with fewer than 5,000 shares. If one was conservative and said one assumes that they are Australian shareholders—and there'll be a mix—to the extent they're shareholders with a shareholding in the Australian entity and one assumes that, say, 40 per cent would vote no on the constitutional referendum that's coming up, that means approximately 70,000 shareholders have effectively had their investment in Rio Tinto mobilised to enter into a partisan political debate. It's completely unacceptable.</para>
<para>What universe were the board of directors of Rio Tinto Limited in when they made this consideration? Did they consult their own policy? Did they do any due diligence in relation to how divisive this debate has become and how partisan it is? How did they consider that appropriate? Would they do it in any other country in which they invest? I was absolutely gobsmacked when I saw that donation of $2 million. Their three largest shareholders are foreign entities—the largest is a state owned enterprise—and they consider it appropriate to donate $2 million to one side of a campaign in a very divisive constitutional referendum debate, which is hyperpolitical and hyperpartisan. I think this donation by Rio Tinto will be the subject of further, very deep analysis.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rail</title>
          <page.no>119</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak tonight on shocking revelations from the rail industry that this Labor government, through the Office of the National Rail Safety Regulator, is proposing to increase fees on smaller rail operators by some 700 per cent from July. These fee increases will have a significant impact on the affected businesses, who will have no recourse but to pass the costs on to Australian consumers.</para>
<para>Last Friday, I visited the Ettamogah Rail Hub, just north of Albury. I met the owner, Mr Colin Rees, who runs the hub, which helps manage the movement of freight on and off rail and trucks. These intermodal hubs play an important role in ensuring that freight can travel in the most economic and efficient way. Mr Rees explained that his annual accreditation fees to the regulator are set to go from $16½ thousand a year to $140,000 a year from July 2023. These changes are simply unfair and punitive. The Ettamogah Rail Hub is not the only business affected by significant fee increases. Southern Shorthaul Railroad is facing similar increases, with fees rising from $119,000 per year in 2020-21 to $700,000 a year from July this year. It is understood that other rail operators such as Qube, SCT Logistics and Watco are also looking at steep increases of between 400 and 600 per cent.</para>
<para>These fee increases are not something that the minister has been up-front about with the Australian public. A train tax is not something that was disclosed in the May budget, unlike Labor's truckie tax and farmer tax. The impact of these cost increases will be more trucks on our roads transporting products which should be moving by rail, as businesses look to the most cost-effective means of transporting goods. This will also mean higher emissions, as moving goods by trucks rather than rail actually impacts our emissions profile. These changes will further distort the logistics sector, place increased pressure on road infrastructure, increase congestion in our cities and suburbs and increase fuel emissions.</para>
<para>Why is the Labor government doing this? How did we actually get here? Our railways have long been symbolic of the failure of colonial governments to plan for the future infrastructure needs of our continent. Different rail gauges in different colonies—now states—resulted in trains coming to a stop, literally, at borders. More than 110 years after Federation, as rail gauges still plague the nation, we maintained a system of different rail regulators in each state. COAG agreed to establish one national rail safety regulator, replacing these state regulators, in 2011. The Office of the National Rail Safety Regulator was established in 2013 as a new national regulatory authority to focus on addressing rail safety risks, replacing the state based regulators. Since then, it has been funded by a mix of direct government contribution and cost-recovery industry contributions from rail infrastructure managers and rolling-stock operators.</para>
<para>The current cost-recovery arrangements are based on annual fixed fees, annual variable track and train kilometre fees, application fees and major project fees. These fees have varied in each state, reflecting the cost of regulation in each jurisdiction prior to the establishment of the national regulator. Since this time, the regulator has worked towards a nationally consistent cost-recovery model, and governments of all colours, at the state, territory and national levels, have supported the delivery of that agreement in the years since.</para>
<para>As part of this cost-recovery reform, the states have still been contributing, including New South Wales, which contributed $7.6 million in 2021, and Victoria, which contributed $5.1 million in the same year. They were to cease those payments in 2023. In total, the withdrawal of state funding will see a reduction of $12.9 million from the regulator, which has a budget of $40 million. Inevitably, the removal of these state contributions will result in higher costs to our rail industry.</para>
<para>Industry understands the reality of this position. Cost recovery is not the complaint of industry. What industry is concerned about is the bungled and patently unfair implementation by this Labor government. After years of engaging with experts, the government was prepared to approve a cost-recovery model that punishes small private sector operators with massively higher fees, such as the Ettamogah Rail Hub, and I'm advised rewards large state owned public transport networks and state rail infrastructure managers with reduced fees. Allegedly, the proposed cost-recovery model to tax the small private freight rail operators and reward the large state owned entities is determined on risk based calculations.</para>
<para>But that claim fails to pass even the most cursory of pub tests when we assess the regulatory activities undertaken by the office of rail safety. If we look at the recent prosecutions and compliance activities undertaken by the regulator listed on their website, the overwhelming majority of these prosecutions aren't for privately owned operators but are actually for government owned rail entities: the V/Line passenger service had a near miss at Seymour in 2021; a Queensland Rail collision that actually resulted in the death of a loco driver near Rockhampton; the New South Wales TrainLink XPT and Australian Rail Track Corporation derailment of a passenger train near the Wallan Loop in February 2020; the Sydney Trains passenger rail fatally hit a rail maintenance worker at Clyde in June 2016; the Metro Trains Melbourne incident; the ARTC with a train hitting scaffolding erected over a rail line; Queensland Rail with two near miss events. By comparison, there are only two incidents for freight operations: four carriages breaking loose from a train west of Parkes, New South Wales, and a collision of freight and grain trains in Western Australia in 2019.</para>
<para>The regulator's own annual report in 2021-22 reports 'significant regulatory activities', with 12 for passenger rail compared with six for freight. Responding to incidents shows there were nine cases concerning passenger rail and level crossings, and nine in relation to freight operations. These examples of incidents and activities which the regulator itself has had to respond to demonstrates the significant risk arising from state owned passenger rail services—not freight operators. It is not a fair response to these incidents, detailed in the regulator's own website and annual report, to massively increase the fees on small private rail operators and reduce the fees paid by large Labor government-owned train services and networks.</para>
<para>The regulator has been developing the new cost-recovery model for some years; however, I understand the regulator provided industry with only vague indications about possible cost increases through consultations around the time of the 2022 election. These estimates appear to have been around 50 per cent in some cases. I'm advised the regulator only advised businesses in March this year what their actual fees would be when they come into effect months later in July. Industry has sought to engage with Minister King on massive fee increases. The Ettamogah Rail Hub logically hoped that ministers would see the increases and ask for an urgent rethink. Unfortunately, in her letter of response dated 27 April 2023, Minister King was locking in the massive fee increases. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">New annual fee categories have now been calculated by ONSR and the Ettamogah Rail Hub was advised of the indicative changes to their regulatory costs on 22 March 2023.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I recognise that these fee increases will be impactful on some operators. I understand that ONSR is prepared to enter into an agreed instalment/payment plan with the Ettamogah Rail Hub so that the fee payments are spread over the financial year.</para></quote>
<para>It's hard to imagine a less compassionate response for the fee increases actually outlined by the changes. It is only by being on the ground in the Ettamogah Rail Hub with the operator and the media, pressing and raising this issue, that ministers have now actually chosen to review this particular issue. This is not the end of the fight. We need to get more freight off rail— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 20:45</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>