
<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2021-08-26</date>
    <parliament.no>46</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>7</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
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          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;" />
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Thursday, 26 August 2021</a>
          </span>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Scott Ryan)</span> took the chair at 09:30, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
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          <span class="HPS-Line"> </span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics Legislation Committee, Economics References Committee</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Meeting</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) if consideration of the following bills has not concluded by 11.15 am, the questions on all remaining stages be put without debate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">i. Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ii. Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">iii. Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) paragraph (a) operate as a limitation of debate under standing order 142;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the routine of business from 3.30 pm be consideration of the following bills:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">i. Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ii. Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Governance and Other Measures) Bill 2021,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">iii. Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021, and Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) if consideration of the bills in paragraph (c) has not concluded by 4.30 pm, the questions on all remaining stages be put without debate;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) paragraph (d) operate as a limitation of debate under standing order 142;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) divisions may take place after 4.30 pm for the purposes of the bills listed in paragraph (c) only; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the Senate adjourn without debate after consideration of the bills has concluded, or on the motion of a minister, whichever is earlier.</para></quote>
<para>And I also move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the question be now put.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Can you please record the Greens' opposition?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's so recorded.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the motion moved by Senator Cash be agreed to. Senator Siewert, would you like the Greens' opposition recorded?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Siewert</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, please.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Patrick, would you like your opposition to that motion recorded?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Patrick</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Yes, please.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, you too?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Lambie</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Patrick and Senator Lambie join the Greens in having their opposition recorded.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021, Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021, Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <p>
              <a href="r6753" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6755" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6754" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>2</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>2</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">ELECTORAL LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (COUNTING, SCRUTINY AND OPERATIONAL EFFICIENCIES) BILL 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am pleased to introduce the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> to respond to the evolving electoral environment, with note to technological progress and changes in the scale and complexity of federal elections. These measures build on the Government's investment in assisting the AEC to stay at the forefront of electoral technology, whilst also helping to make the voting process more efficient for Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The measures in this Bill respond to recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters (JSCEM), as well as submissions by the Australian Electoral Commission (AEC) to support the continued modernisation of the AEC's operational processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Modernising postal voting procedures</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill enables postal voters outside Australia to complete certain procedural steps electronically if they are unable to comply with authorised witness requirements, for example where lockdown conditions are in place. This amendment does not allow a voter to submit their postal vote electronically.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also introduces a vote-saving provision for postal votes that are received outside a sealed postal vote certificate. This amendment prevents a postal vote from being excluded from the count solely because it was received alongside, rather than inside, the voter's postal vote certificate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Pre-polling period</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill introduces a fixed pre-poll voting period of up to 12 days prior to election day. The timeframe balances voters' opportunity to participate in elections with the benefits that a more clearly defined pre-poll period provides to the AEC and participants in the electoral process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Increased candidate scrutineers for Senate elections</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill increases the number of scrutineers permitted to observe the computerised scrutiny of Senate elections. The amendment will allow candidates to be represented by one scrutineer for every second tier data entry operator conducting exception checks, in addition to the existing entitlement to be represented by one scrutineer for every AEC officer present.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This promotes transparency and confidence in the integrity of electoral counting processes, whilst balancing this with the physical capacity limitations of counting centres.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Early opening and sorting of pre-poll ballot papers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will give the AEC the option to open and sort, but not count, ordinary pre-poll ballot papers for the House of Representatives from 4pm on election day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Given the significant increase in the number of pre-poll votes in elections, this will support the AEC in ascertaining a timely result on election day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Scrutineers will observe the initial sorting process, and their release of any information about opening and sorting prior to 6pm will be prevented by law. Counting and formality checks of ballot papers with the oversight of scrutineers will then occur from 6pm, as is currently the case.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Early extraction of declaration votes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill allows the AEC the option to extract declaration votes from their envelopes in the five days prior to polling day, and place them in a ballot-box by themselves for further scrutiny. Scrutineers will have the right to witness all aspects of the extraction process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment will assist the AEC in its processes to complete the initial count and deliver a timely result on election day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Technical operational efficiency measures</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also makes a number of changes to electoral processes that are necessary to keep pace with modern technology, and will contribute to the AEC's operational efficiency.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends how records of paper-based postal vote applications are managed. This recognises that the majority of the applications are now submitted online, and therefore do not require forwarding to the Divisional Returning Officer for the Division in which the applicant is enrolled.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill removes the requirements for pre-poll declaration envelopes to carry a distinguishing number, and for the name and address of printers who printed electoral matter to be included in electoral authorisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And finally, the Bill aligns the handling of envelopes containing 'spoilt' or 'discarded' ballot papers with broader ballot paper handling requirements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will assist the AEC in the responsibility of delivering efficient and timely elections, promoting continued public confidence in a key democratic institution.</para></quote>
<para>______</para>
<quote><para class="block">ELECTORAL LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (PARTY REGISTRATION INTEGRITY) BILL 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today I introduce the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> to strengthen the integrity of party registration by ensuring there exists a genuine base of community support for political parties, and reduce the risk of voter confusion.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill responds to reports of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters (JSCEM).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Political Party Membership Requirements</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends the Electoral Act to ensure that registered political parties are built on a genuine foundation of community support.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It does this by increasing the minimum membership requirements for non-parliamentary parties from 500 members to 1,500 members, as recommended by JSCEM's Report on the conduct of the 2013 federal election and matters related thereto.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This provision will apply from the date of Royal Assent for new political parties applying for registration.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Non-parliamentary parties that are already registered will be provided three months from the date of Royal Assent to demonstrate they have at least 1,500 members nationally.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill also clarifies the existing requirement that an individual who is a member of more than one party can only be counted once for purposes of demonstrating a party's minimum membership requirements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This in no way precludes candidates contesting elections as Independents.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Political parties with same words in names or logos</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends the Electoral Act to minimise the risk that a voter may be confused, or potentially misled, in the exercise of their choice at an election due to a political parties being registered with very similar names.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendment guards against this risk by requiring the Electoral Commissioner to refuse an application to register a political party if the applicant party's name replicates a word in the name of an existing registered party.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will include commonly accepted variants of a word, and will also apply to the proposed abbreviation of the applicant party's name.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Common sense exceptions will apply—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The provision will not apply to words that are collective nouns, like 'alliance' or 'party'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will not apply to country or place names, or their variations - like 'Australia' or 'Australian'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will also not apply to function words like 'the', 'for' and 'of'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further, where an applicant provides written consent from an existing registered party with a similar name, the Electoral</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Commissioner will be able to accept the applicant party's name even if it contains the same words as the existing registered party.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Electoral Commissioner may also refuse to register the logo of a political party on the grounds that it contains a word or abbreviation of an existing political party.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments are made to Section 134A of the Act to ensure consistent application to all existing registered political parties.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Electoral Commissioner's decisions in these matters will be reviewable by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Together, these provisions will enhance the integrity of the electoral process by reducing the likelihood of voters inadvertently associating or confusing political parties with similar sounding names.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment responds to a recommendation of the JSCEM in its<inline font-style="italic"> Report on the conduct of the 2019 federal election and matters related thereto</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>______</para>
<quote><para class="block">ELECTORAL LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (ELECTORAL OFFENCES AND PREVENTING MULTIPLE VOTING) BILL 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am pleased to introduce the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021. This Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> to strengthen the integrity of our electoral system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will help guard against instances of multiple voting and clarify circumstances that may constitute an offence of interference with political liberty under the Electoral Act. The amendment also increases the penalty associated with this offence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Designated electors</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While Australia is fortunate as a democratic nation to experience very few instances of voter fraud, this amendment will help strengthen our electoral system's defences against instances of multiple voting.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 to this Bill amends the Electoral Act to introduce the category of 'designated elector'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendment empowers the Electoral Commissioner to declare an elector a 'designated elector' if the Commissioner reasonably suspects that the elector has voted more than once in the same election. This conclusion could be drawn from data and investigations from previous electoral events.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If the Electoral Commissioner declares a person to be a designated elector, the Commissioner must give the elector written notice of the decision and set out the elector's rights of review. These rights include having the decision reviewed by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A designated elector will be protected in their entitlement to vote, only they will be required to cast a declaration vote. This means the elector will have to cast their vote through postal voting, pre-poll declaration voting, absent voting, or provisional voting.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments prohibit the disclosure of a person's status as a designated elector. This is to maintain the privacy of a person's status as a designated elector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A designated elector's declaration vote will not be withdrawn from its envelope until after the close of the poll. This provides a safeguard to ensure that, if the designated elector casts multiple votes in the election, only their declaration vote received first can be accepted into the count. This ensures that no voter is disenfranchised, but that nobody can vote more than once.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment strengthens the integrity of our electoral system and maintains voter confidence in elections. It also aligns with other state jurisdictions that have taken similar steps to overcome instances of multiple voting.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Interference with political liberty</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2 to the Bill amends the Electoral Act to clarify what may constitute interference with political liberty, which is an offence under the Electoral Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This clarification notes that violence, obscene or discriminatory abuse, property damage, and harassment or stalking with relevance to an election are examples of what can be considered interference with political liberty<inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further, the penalty for 'interference with political liberty' will be brought in line with the penalty in the Criminal Code for 'interference with political rights and duties'. The penalty will be increased from:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'Imprisonment for 6 months, or 10 penalty units, or both', to</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'Imprisonment for 3 years, or 100 penalty units, or both'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will promote continued public confidence in the electoral process and ensure voters can participate in the electoral process free from harassment and intimidation.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I speak on the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 and the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021. Labor supports this package of bills. They implement a number of recommendations of the multipartisan Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. They also make some efficiency and technical amendments, as requested by the Australian Electoral Commission. Labor always considers proposals for electoral reform thoughtfully because any changes directly affect our democracy. We have done that with these bills and believe that the amendments will strengthen our electoral system.</para>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 makes amendments aimed at streamlining the AEC's processes so that it can deliver a timely election result. Conducting an election is a massive exercise for the AEC. The commissioner described it as Australia's largest peacetime logistical event. It's made harder because we don't have fixed terms federally, despite every mainland state having them. So this bill will allow the early opening and sorting of prepoll House of Representatives ballot papers from 4 pm on election day, but, importantly, counting won't start until 6 pm. Declaration votes may be opened and placed in a secure ballot box up to five days before polling day.</para>
<para>These simple changes will save a huge amount of time for the AEC and lessen the time that Australians have to wait to find out the election result, which I confidently predict at this stage will be an Albanese Labor government. Scrutineers will be able to view all aspects of this process, and increased penalties will apply for anyone disclosing information prior to 6 pm on election night.</para>
<para>The other big change this bill makes is to limit the prepoll period to 12 days. The 2019 prepoll ran for nearly three weeks, increasing costs and staffing challenges for the AEC. This also has an impact on parties and candidates, and, it must be said, a significant impact on smaller parties and independents. While it provides flexibility for voters, it means that they're going to the polls before they're armed with all of the policy information needed to make an informed choice. More and more people are voting by prepoll at each election, but the majority do so in the week before polling day. In fact, in 2019, 50 per cent of prepoll votes were cast in the last five days, so this change will not affect the majority of prepoll voters.</para>
<para>Labor supports in principle the shortening of the prepoll period, but there must be some flexibility for the AEC while we're grappling with this terrible pandemic. If this government had done its job on vaccine and quarantine, we wouldn't be in the situation we're in now, with half the country in lockdown and experts predicting that cases in New South Wales could rise to 2,000 a day. Only about 25 per cent of the Australian population is fully vaccinated, so there's no way we can safely have an election now, yet one could be announced at any time. That's why we've sought assurances from the government that there will be further legislation to deal with the JSCEM's recommendations from its inquiry on the future conduct of elections operating in times of emergency situations.</para>
<para>The government has advised that the legislation will allow the commissioner to extend both the period of prepoll voting and the permissible reasons for voting early. It's important that the commissioner have the ability to make these changes if that becomes necessary. There are further technical and efficiency measures in the bill that I won't go into, except to say that Labor supports them, as they will assist the AEC to do its job in what will be very difficult circumstances.</para>
<para>The party registration integrity bill increases the minimum number of members a non-parliamentary party needs to be federally registered. Currently a party needs 500 members; this bill will increase that to 1,500. The federal jurisdiction is the easiest in which to register a party, when taking population into account. New South Wales, with a population of eight million, requires 750 members; Victoria, Queensland and Western Australia all require 500 members; in South Australia it's 200; and in Tasmania it's 100. In 1984, when party registrations were introduced, a minimum membership was set at 500. Our population was then 15½ million. We now have 26 million people, so 1,500 is a reasonable number and is intended to ensure a party has real community support.</para>
<para>Many minor parties already meet the proposed threshold: the Animal Justice Party; the Shooters, Fishers and Farmers Party; Pauline Hanson's One Nation; the Sustainable Australia Party; and the Liberal Democratic Party. Other parties will have three months to increase their membership. Party registration brings benefits. A registered party can run candidates in all 151 House of Representatives seats; it can have its name appearing underneath the names of its candidates on the ballot paper; and a registered party's name will appear above the line on the Senate ballot paper, increasing its chances of having a candidate elected. It is justifiable that, for registration, a party must show that it has national support. Requiring only a small number of members leaves the door open for people with deep pockets to run bogus campaigns, represented by nothing but their money—no real support; just dollars, influence and privilege.</para>
<para>I note that the member for Hughes, Craig Kelly, wanted the threshold reduced to 1,000. Mr Kelly says the bill will make it difficult for independent voices to be heard, but there is nothing to stop an Independent running for parliament. I suspect Mr Kelly is more worried that he will lose his seat at the next election and the United Australia Party won't be able to find enough members to retain their registration. Fundamentally, if you can't inspire 1,500 people across Australia to join your party, I fail to see how you can inspire the nation to vote for you.</para>
<para>This bill also prevents parties being registered with a name containing a word that is in the name of an earlier registered party. It also prevents similar logos from being used. A decision by the AEC under the provisions is reviewable by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. Voters deserve to have a clear choice at the next election, and the changes ensure that there is no confusion between different political parties. We know that some parties deliberately try to confuse voters by registering themselves with names sounding similar to those of parties already in existence. This bill seeks to address that and limit the influence of big money.</para>
<para>The last bill in this package, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021, makes it clear that the existing offence of interference with political liberty includes conduct such as stalking, harassment, violence, property damage and obscene or discriminatory abuse. Labor deplores any acts of violence, intimidation, or abuse in any context. We must never accept behaviour designed to intimidate or disrupt someone exercising their democratic rights. This amendment will help ensure the safety of participants in the process.</para>
<para>This bill also introduces the new category 'designated elector' to address multiple voting. Multiple voting is rare, it must be said. The Electoral Commissioner has described the number of multiple votes received as 'vanishingly small'; it's something like 0.01 per cent. When it does occur, it's usually older or infirm people who have simply forgotten that they have already voted. Nevertheless, this bill will address this. Designated electors will be able to vote only by declaration vote to ensure that only one vote is counted. To be placed on the register, the Electoral Commissioner must have a reasonable suspicion that the person has voted more than once, a decision that in itself is reviewable by the AAT. The person's status as a designated elector can't be disclosed to anyone, not even polling booth officials. Labor consistently fought against voter ID laws. Requiring people to provide identification discourages some people from voting [inaudible] democracy and something we should all be proud of. Because a polling official will be unable to identify a designated voter, they will have no cause to ask someone for ID. We have received assurances from the government and the commissioner that this change will not enable anyone to ask for voter ID. It is on this basis that Labor is supporting this amendment.</para>
<para>In closing, I must say that there's more work to be done on electoral reform. The Morrison-Joyce government needs to properly fund the AEC so that it can raise enrolment levels in the Northern Territory. I understand Senator McCarthy has a second reading amendment on that issue. We need real-time disclosure of political donations and a fixed disclosure threshold of $1,000 so that voters know who is donating to parties, how much and when. To level the playing field so elections aren't run on the basis of who has the deepest pockets, we need caps on electoral expenditure. We need truth-in-political-advertising laws to prevent the dangerous spread of disinformation—things spouted by the likes of Clive Palmer, Craig Kelly and George Christensen. But those changes, I suspect, will have to wait for the next Albanese Labor government. I would like to thank Carol Brown, who has carriage of this matter in anticipation, for her assistance in this matter. I thank Minister Morton for his consultation throughout this process.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to speak on not one, not two but three electoral bills that are being rammed through this parliament through a cosy relationship between the two big parties. The provisions of those bills will benefit and help shore up the flailing support for those two big parties.</para>
<para>I'm going to make some detailed comments on each of the bills, but I first want to start with the disgusting process that these bills have followed. They only just passed the House yesterday, and here they are. They were exempted from the cut-off, which normally would give private members' bills, or any bill, the appropriate time for scrutiny, deliberation, consideration, amendment and discussion. They were exempted from the cut-off order yesterday, such that in less than 24 hours these bills will now be rammed through both houses of parliament. That's not democracy and it's certainly not integrity or transparency. One has to think that an election is in the offing when the two big parties are ganging up to try to make sure that voters have fewer choices on who to vote for. They're ramming through these three bills in order to achieve that. The process of these bills passing the parliament is an example of how not to do democracy and really proves the point of why we need to break the back of the two-party system, so that we have a democracy that's functioning in the interests of the public rather than just a little power play thing for the two big parties.</para>
<para>I want to start by talking briefly about the first bill, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021. This bill essentially limits prepoll to approximately 12 days prior to election day and makes some other administrative changes. We won't be opposing this bill. We think these administrative changes are all fairly straightforward and sensible. I note that the vast majority of the prepoll votes in the 2019 election were cast in the final two weeks. I want to note that having a longer prepoll period does present some challenges: the compressed timetable for organising, printing and distributing how-to-vote cards, particularly in regional electorates; and the strain on volunteer resources, which of course advantages parties with larger supporter bases or parties that pay for people to hand out how-to-vote cards—this party shall remain nameless, but we all know which party I'm talking about. That longer prepoll period can have significant disadvantages.</para>
<para>We think the balance has been struck correctly with a two-week or, more precisely, 12-day prepoll period, although I do note that in legislation that has been foreshadowed by the government for elections in emergencies—perhaps such as the pandemic that we're currently in—there will be some discretion granted to the AEC as to the prepoll period. We will look forward to considering that bill once its provisions come forward to the house. That is the first bill.</para>
<para>I want to say that this first bill is an opportunity to address a concern that was raised before JSCEM, the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, after both the 2019 and 2016 elections, so it's a longstanding issue about the transparency of the ballot count. Whilst there's no suggestion that there are inaccuracies in the current count, we have seen international examples of a lack of transparency and doubt being weaponised to undermine confidence in election outcomes. We don't want that to happen here. Australia has an electoral system to be proud of, so greater transparency would protect our system against that criticism.</para>
<para>The time frames for these amendments were very condensed, so I believe I need leave to move what I hope will be a committee stage amendment which requires a routine statistical audit at the conclusion of each election undertaken by an independent reviewer into the process of scrutineers. It's essentially just to check that the electronic scanned versions of the ballot papers are appropriately reflective of their original paper versions. This was raised by numerous experts and people in the field as something that would help continue people's confidence in the accuracy of our voting systems. With leave, I will be moving that as a committee stage amendment. I note that the recent review of the ACT election recommended a similar audit to bolster confidence in the electoral process, and we agree. We think that adding this degree of transparency will provide assurances that our electoral processes are robust and best practice.</para>
<para>I want to move now to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021. There is no evidence to suggest that voter fraud is an issue in Australia, but I am pleased to see that some of the more outlandish suggestions in the chair's JSCEM report have not been taken up and have not made their way into this bill. We are very pleased that things like voter ID and stronger offences haven't seen the light of day. We don't oppose the proposal to allow the AEC to declare a voter who is suspected of multiple voting to be a 'designated elector'. There are provisions allowing a declaration to be challenged and for designated electors to continue to vote in subsequent elections, provided that the vote is cast by declaration. We think that's a fair enough approach and we are happy to support that.</para>
<para>On the proposed increase in the electoral interference offence, the Greens condemn any violence, destruction of political signs or abusive or intimidating behaviour towards candidates, volunteers and electoral staff. There's no evidence to suggest that the current offence provision in the act or the various offences under state laws are failing to deter or penalise bad behaviour, so we query the need for the offence penalty to be increased, but we will not be opposing the bill.</para>
<para>I want to move to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021, which has been made cognate with the other two bills. This is a real doozy. This bill makes it much harder for new political parties to put themselves forward to the voting public to be voted for at election times. It increases the number of members that a party needs in order to even be able to federally register as a party. The two big parties, which see their vote at record low levels, with a very large crossbench, want to deter competition for votes, so it's very convenient for them to bring forward a bill such as this. This is exactly why the bills have been made cognate and rammed through the parliament—these guys don't like a challenge. Well, I would suggest that, if you want to win more votes from the public, then you should earn them by listening to the public and by fixing your policy offerings so that you start delivering for the public rather than just delivering for your vested interests and big party donors. They're the ones who seem to be running the show, no matter which party we're talking about, whether it's the government or the so-called opposition. Rather than trying to shut out competition from smaller parties and from new parties in particular, why don't you provide a decent offering so that people want to vote for you? That's why they're not voting for you. They see that you're putting the interests of your donors ahead of the interest of the voting public—and nature, for that matter. Rather than trying to fix the system to boost your flailing stock, do better. Earn those votes.</para>
<para>I want to raise the point that this could have been a perfect opportunity to fix some of the real flaws in the system, rather than just fixing the system to help the two big parties in this duopoly of mediocrity that we have on show every day in the parliament. There are so many other issues that could have been addressed that would have improved the integrity of the electoral system and improved our democracy. We should have had rules coming in about donations and electoral spending caps, as the Greens have long proposed. We have private members' bills for these issues, and we routinely move amendments about them.</para>
<para>I flag that I will be moving a second reading amendment, on sheet 1416, to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021. That talks about the need to get big money out of politics. It talks about the need to cap private donations to political parties, because they have not only a corrupting influence on election outcomes but also an unseemly and inappropriate influence on policy positions and on decisions that actually influence people's daily lives. That second reading amendment calls for a cap on donations. It calls for a cap on electoral spending, because we've seen many millions spent by the likes of Mr Clive Palmer to influence election outcomes and to send text messages to every person and their dog. Big money is wrecking our democracy. It has no role in our democracy and shouldn't be allowed to continue to play a role. But, rather than actually addressing that problem, the government has turned its targets on the smaller and newer political parties, which is very telling. So that second reading amendment goes to donations and spending caps and tries to remove the influence of big money on our democracy.</para>
<para>Instead, we see the absence of that. There are no moves to have stronger rules to prevent Liberal Party campaigning being disguised as government advertising. Of course, there are no rules for truth in political advertising in any of these electoral reform bills. There are no rules about stopping grants from being used as election slush funds, as we've seen with sports rorts, 'pork and ride' and now the Beetaloo, which unfortunately failed to be disallowed yesterday, because once again the opposition forgot that they were the opposition and waved through the government's nefarious spending. Incumbents already have huge advantages in elections. They get to call when the election is. They have the brand recognition, the staff and the fundraising capacity. This government seems to think that they can also use public money for their own private party purposes, to spread around in marginal electorates to prop up their electoral fortunes.</para>
<para>Bills that make it even harder for other voices to be heard and that stop other parties from even having the chance to run weaken our democracy. I might point out that these bills won't affect the Greens. We have more than enough members to meet these criteria, and we have sitting members. It is not because of self-interest that we are making these comments. We are here to defend the democratic system, which should allow anyone who wants to run to put their hand up to run. The real test of whether there is support for a political party should be in how many votes they get at the ballot box, not in artificial limits that are set by the Liberal and Labor parties to try and lock out competitors. It's just a really embarrassing display of your own sense of inadequacy, frankly. If, because you don't think you can win those votes, you'd rather stop your competitors from even being in the race, it says an awful lot about what you really think about how much support you deserve to receive from voters.</para>
<para>I want to quote from one of the experts in this field, Professor Graeme Orr, who's made some specific comments about this third-party registration bill, particularly in relation to the restriction of the use of words like 'liberal' in the names of new rival parties. There are no prizes for guessing which new party this bill is aimed at. Professor Orr says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What is going on? Is this about democratic values, or is it a power play?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">People may differ about the bill's justification. But one thing is clear to a lawyer: as drafted, the bill is cooked. It overreaches and is not well drafted.</para></quote>
<para>Well, this bill is cooked and it is designed to prop up and to entrench the cosy duopoly of the two-party system: the duopoly of mediocrity. As I said before and will say again, as much as it breaks my heart, this is not a system that is delivering for the voters. It's certainly not a system that's delivering for nature or our climate. At the minute, the two-party system is delivering for the big donors to those two parties, which is exactly why we're moving that amendment to cap political donations and which is why for many years the Greens have opposed the influence of big money on politics. I know our amendment will fail, because you're hooked on the big money from your donors, but let the ballot box reflect the wishes of the Australian voters and bring on the election.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In respect of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 and at the request of Senator Waters, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate notes that robust disclosure laws, caps on donations to political parties and campaign spending limits are needed to curb the influence of political donations on electoral and policy outcomes".</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This legislation, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 and related bills, responds to the recommendations of the bipartisan Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, JSCEM, as part of their reviews of the 2016 and 2019 federal elections. It also responds to a number of recommendations raised by the Australian Electoral Commission in their submission to the 2019 inquiry.</para>
<para>Firstly, in relation to the prepoll voting period, this bill proposes a statutory limit on the length of the prepoll period from three weeks down to two weeks prior to election day. The government, recognising the bipartisan recommendation of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, proposed this change, noting the benefits of the shorter prepoll period. It will allow the AEC additional time to secure the best available prepoll facilities for disability access, security and voter convenience. Any voter unable to vote in person on election day has multiple options to cast their ballot. They can request a postal vote, they can cast an absentee vote if they are outside their home electorate or they will be able to prepoll vote on any one of the 12 days prior to the election at a prepoll voting centre open in their area.</para>
<para>This is a very important reform. I am sure everyone in this chamber would have been involved in elections for a long time and would know the tyranny of a three-week voting period. So I am very much welcoming this from an organisational point of view such that parties are able to get the volunteers that are necessary. The Liberal Party relies completely on volunteers. We don't have paid-up union members to send along to voting centres to be there by proxy. We rely very much on volunteers and are very grateful for the support that those volunteers provide. But the feedback that we get from volunteers out there on the voting booths is that those first few days and up to a week of the three-week prepoll voting period is very desolate in terms of the number of people who come through. That was certainly my experience. That is what I was experiencing at the last federal election and even at the last state election in WA. In those first five days or so, very few people were coming through. Of course we have seen an increased number of people take up that option of prepolling, but the bulk of those people are really coming through towards the end of the prepoll period heading up to election day.</para>
<para>So I asked the question of the AEC commissioner when we were last in estimates, 'That's what I've experienced, but can you let me know if the stats back that up?' I had an answer that came back on notice from the commissioner. He's a fantastic commissioner, indeed. He said that, by the last five days—so in the 10 days before that—54 per cent of people had voted. So the balance was 54 per cent voted over the first two weeks and 46 per cent voted in the last five days leading up to election day. That's showing you that the majority of people are coming in at that point and there are very few people coming in during that first week. So this reform recognises what is happening anyway. It's making it simpler for parties, particularly smaller parties. This is an opportunity for smaller parties who struggle to get the volunteers that the major parties get. They can't get the people out on the ground. So this is a very fair, important and good reform that is happening.</para>
<para>The other aspect of this bill that I certainly support is in relation to the sorting of prepoll votes. As more Australians choose to vote by prepoll or by post, the AEC faces unique challenges in ensuring that the speed of the count on election night meets community expectations. More and more people are voting early, be it prepoll or postal. We want to see a result on election night. As political tragics, we can't wait to see the numbers start to come in. It can be disappointing when you've got to wait for prepoll votes. With elections of late tending to be so close—except in my home state of WA, sadly—the earlier we can get that information from voting centres, the clearer it will be on election night, and that's a very good thing.</para>
<para>This bill proposes to open up the unfolding and sorting of prepoll votes between 4 pm and 6 pm on election night. This will assist the AEC to meet community expectations by delivering that result in a timely manner. It doesn't mean votes are going to be counted. This bill doesn't do anything to change that very important point. Votes will only be counted after 6 pm. But scrutineers will be invited in to watch the opening of envelopes and the sorting of ballots to ensure we have a secure, compliant and robust electoral system. That's very important. This bill will ensure scrutineers are able to do that. Having those votes sorted by 6 pm means they can be counted immediately and we can start to see the results come in.</para>
<para>We have an excellent electoral system. Arguably, it is the best in the world. Thank goodness we have such a great system. We saw the debacle surrounding the US elections in November last year—the allegations of fraud. We don't have that in Australia. We have an independent commission, and an excellent administration is being run there. It is independent of government and political interference. It is fantastic. Australians can be confident in our voting system. These reforms are good; they are important. They will help to ensure a more transparent system, a better system, that is clear and transparent.</para>
<para>This bill will address issues around overseas postal voting. Australia is a country with a proud democratic tradition. While voting is compulsory for those who live within our nation's borders, tens of thousands of Australians also take pride in taking up the opportunity to vote while living abroad. Australians abroad can request a postal vote just like any Australian at home who is unable to access a polling booth. Being outside of Australia can present unique challenges. This bill will expand the options of Australians abroad who cannot find another Australian citizen to act as a witness by expanding the current allowance for voters to provide a self-certified copy of their passport to allow the equivalent online identity check options administered by the AEC. This is an important reform and, should this bill be passed today, it will be enabled.</para>
<para>Another bill we are discussing is the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021. This bill will introduce a new term, 'designated elector'. This term will be applied to voters suspected by the Electoral Commission of previously having voting multiple times in the same election. While Australia, as a democratic nation, is fortunate to have experienced very few instances of voter fraud, this amendment will help strengthen our electoral system's defences against the rare instances of multiple voting. It is very important. It is an issue that came up at some point in estimates. I'm on the Finance and Public Administration Committee, and I recall the committee saying that the number of instances of voter fraud in Australia is, thankfully, very, very low. It doesn't make a material difference to the outcome, but we've got to make sure the system is the best it can possibly be. We've got to make sure it is almost impossible to skew a result by, in this case, voting multiple times. It's a very important reform that this bill is addressing.</para>
<para>There are a number of safeguards to protect the privacy of designated electors, including that the Australian Electoral Commission cannot disclose information about the person's status as a designated elector. So no-one's going to be named and shamed in this regard. It's just going to be an issue that will be dealt with in a discreet way. Those electors will appear on the electoral roll as silent electors for the purpose of elections, so this means that AEC polling staff will treat designated electors the same as a person who, for privacy reasons, has their address suppressed from the electoral roll. So, when someone walks in, if they're a designated elector, it's not going to be revealed. The person that's working there for the AEC won't understand the difference, so they won't know that they're listed as silent, just the same as someone who's voluntarily elected to be silent. There won't be any difference, so there's no reason for that person to be named or shamed at all.</para>
<para>What we want to also see through this bill is limiting the interference with political liberty. This amendment clarifies the existing offence of interference with political liberty under section 327 of the Electoral Act to note that interference may, for example, include 'violence, obscene or discriminatory abuse, property damage and harassment or stalking'. The amendment responds to recommendation 16 of JSCEM's report on the inquiry into the 2019 federal election. After hearing submissions and testimony from witnesses, it recommended the Electoral Act be amended to penalise such behaviour in the context of an election. It also increases the penalty for an interference with political liberty from imprisonment for six months or 10 penalty units or both to imprisonment for three years or 100 penalty units or both, to bring the offence in line with the existing offence provisions in the Criminal Code Act 1995 for interference with political rights and duties.</para>
<para>In the remaining time that I've got, I will talk about another element of this bill in relation to party registration integrity. I'm very pleased to see that there's going to be, through the passing of this legislation, some clarity given in the registration of political party names. There is often confusion out there on polling booths or even in a postal ballot situation where there are parties with similar names. It provides confusion for those electors when deciding. We saw it even at the last state election in Western Australia, where the Liberal Democratic Party even went so far as to get exactly the same colour T-shirt and exactly the same font and logo for the name of their candidate—and I saw it with my own eyes and witnessed it on a prepoll booth. A volunteer was even confused as to which organiser they were meant to go to on the day to get the right T-shirt. So these changes are important in dealing with the names of political parties and the logos that they're using and just making sure that it's completely clear for the Australian public as to who they're voting for, because we can't have situations where people are mistakenly voting for one party thinking they're voting for the party that they wanted to.</para>
<para>We know that this is statistically backed up, because, if you look at the history of results for both state and federal elections dating back to 2013, in all six instances that the Liberal Democratic Party has drawn to the left of the Liberals on the upper house ballot paper, whether it's the upper house in the state parliament or indeed in the Senate, their primary vote has exceeded two per cent. In all the other instances, the 11 times when they've been randomly drawn to be on the ballot paper to the right of the Liberal Party, their vote has tallied less than two per cent. Now, you could say that's just random, but hang on: if it were random, it would be like flipping a coin and getting 17 consecutive coin flips returning the same result—17 times and getting heads every single time. The odds of that are one in 131,072.</para>
<para>This change is very important. Parties need to stand up for what they believe in, their principles. They need to stand up for their own policies and not just ride on the coat-tails of another party. This does not just change it for the Liberal Party; it registers the important words that are used within the names of the Labor Party, the Greens and all other major parties. So it's a very significant, important and sensible reform. I support this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased to speak in this cognate debate on the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 and the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021. In doing so I foreshadow that I will move the second reading amendment standing in Senator McCarthy's name. Labor supports these bills. As noted, the counting, scrutiny and operational efficiencies bill introduces a range of measures designed to increase the efficiency of voting and counting. The party registration integrity bill increases the number of members required for registration of a political party. The bill also prevents parties from being registered if their name replicates a key word in the name of an earlier registered party, unless the earlier registered party consents. The electoral offences and preventing multiple voting bill creates a new category of designated elector in an attempt to address multiple voting and expands the existing offence relating to interference with political liberty.</para>
<para>These bills arise in part from the work coming out of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters inquiry into the 2019 federal election. This inquiry process follows every federal election and is an important opportunity for the parliament, in a cross-party manner, to examine all aspects of the conduct of an election and seek to make recommendations to improve transparency and efficiency and maximise the opportunity for all voters to have their say in our essential democratic processes. Of course, there are many areas in which those in this place disagree when it comes to potential reforms and improvements to our electoral processes. However, where we can find agreement, it is important that we progress those changes to continually enhance the efficiency of our national elections. It is in that spirit that the opposition is prepared to support these three bills before us today.</para>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 contains welcome measures to streamline the AEC's processes so we can have a smooth-running national election and a result as early as possible. We made it clear that Labor believe the Morrison government should be doing much more, but at least this bill will make things somewhat easier for the AEC. Running a national election is a much more difficult feat than running a state or territory election or local elections, even in ordinary times, particularly in an environment absent of fixed terms. However, running a national election during a pandemic and specifically in the situation the nation faces right now would be a very tall order indeed. In fact, as things stand, it could be next to impossible. Thanks to this Prime Minister's inability to do his job, with his failures on quarantine and on vaccination, this nation is now more fractured than ever before, with vastly different situations on the ground in terms of health orders between jurisdictions. The current situation would make it very difficult indeed, if not impossible, for the AEC to conduct a consistent and fair national election, certainly not without substantially increased resources, something this bill does not go far enough in addressing.</para>
<para>However, the bill does do some good things. It contains important savings provisions to reduce the number of wasted postal votes, and it allows greater opportunities for people voting overseas to be able to securely and efficiently participate in our elections. The bill also limits the prepoll period to 12 days. This is something the opposition supports. Lengthy prepoll periods are resource-consuming for the AEC and, of course, for political parties. The bill also allows for early sorting of prepoll votes, something that will enable a timelier result on election night. Amongst other efficiency changes, the bill also removes the requirement for the authorisation of electoral material to include the name and address of the printer of the material. This amendment will reduce the number of frivolous complaints to the AEC.</para>
<para>Then we come to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021. This bill increases the number of members required for registration of a political party. The bill also prevents parties from being registered if their name replicates a key word of the name of an earlier registered party, unless, as I've said previously, the earlier registered party consents.</para>
<para>In our dissenting report for the inquiry into the 2019 federal election, Labor members of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters recommended that the minimum number of members required for party membership be increased to 1,000. It is currently 500. Two previous JSCEM inquiries, into the 2013 election and the 2016 election, recommended this increase. The government is proposing a slightly higher minimum number of members for a non-parliamentary party—1,500. Party registration does come with privileges, and it is important that registered parties in our nation of more than 25 million people are able to demonstrate a reasonable level of community support. A 1,500 minimum is far from being an unreasonable proposition.</para>
<para>The bill also seeks to prevent a party from being registered if its name contains a word that is in the name or the abbreviation of the name of a registered political party. Quite rightly, there are a myriad of exemptions and appeal mechanisms included in the legislation. This amendment is intended to reduce voter confusion between established parties which have recognised names and parties which are subsequently registered. We know that some parties deliberately use words from the names of recognised parties for mischievous purposes. This amendment will address that issue, and the opposition supports it.</para>
<para>The final bill in this package, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021, creates a new category of 'designated elector', in an attempt to address multiple voting, and expands the existing offence relating to interference with political liberty. The New South Wales Electoral Act contains similar provisions. This will allow a person to cast a declaration vote if there is a reasonable suspicion they may have previously voted in the same election. The drafting of these provisions means that polling officials will be unable to identify a voter as a designated elector. Importantly, the government and the Electoral Commissioner have given assurances that these provisions will not be able to be used to require a voter to provide identification. Labor considers this reasonable. It is longstanding and unshakeable Labor policy that we oppose so-called voter ID laws, as these types of requirements lead to disenfranchising of vulnerable and disadvantaged electors. The bill also seeks to deal with violence, intimidation and abuse where it is used to interfere with legitimate democratic processes such as the right to cast a ballot in safety and secrecy. It does this by providing clarity in amending prescribed offences and penalties. The opposition supports these measures.</para>
<para>Briefly I want to touch on the opposition's second reading amendment. At the request of Senator McCarthy, I move the amendment:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add ", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that the Northern Territory's enrolment rate lags behind the rest of the country with only 85.6% of eligible electors enrolled to vote; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Morrison/Joyce Government to close the gap by providing more resources to the Australian Electoral Commission so that people living in disadvantaged, remote and regional communities can exercise their democratic right to vote".</para></quote>
<para>This is a matter that the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters has considered in detail, and the committee has, indeed, received many submissions concerning the lack of enfranchisement of voters in the Territory, particularly remote voters, a very high proportion of whom are First Nations people. This is something this nation should not tolerate. More must be done in this space, and it is disappointing to say the very least that the Morrison-Joyce government has consistently failed to address this matter. I ask the government to consider this issue for inclusion amongst the next set of issues it attempts to deal with as part of much-needed electoral legislation amendments.</para>
<para>I'd also like to put on record my appreciation of the work that has been done by Senator Farrell on behalf of the Labor Party in the negotiations on the bills before us today.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Here we are again with major reform being rushed through the parliament without proper scrutiny or debate and, yet again, Labor is totally complicit. This is such a predictable and shameless exercise of retaining power by the major parties. It is a reform with one simple purpose, and that purpose is to make it harder for the Australian people to elect one of their own to serve in this place rather than copping the product of some back-room factional deal. The electoral reform we really need in Australia is not restrictions on party names. It is not stricter membership rules. It is not even new rules to prevent multiple voting, which is truly a solution in search of a problem. What we need is transparency—absolute, real-time transparency—on donations.</para>
<para>Every Australian knows money buys access in this place; it buys influence. All big corporations and industry groups know this. I would rather we ban big donations entirely. But, if we can't ban them, we should at least make them public. We ought to know who is paying in real time and what they are getting in return. We ought to know who is buying $1,000 seats and $10,000 tables at fundraisers. We ought to know when these donors are getting face time with the minister or dinner with the Prime Minister, and we ought to know immediately. Real-time transparency and real-time honesty—that is the kind of reform we need in Australia. It's the kind of reform Australians want to see. It is the kind of reform that scares the major parties.</para>
<para>Major parties are afraid of transparency because they are afraid of what it will expose. Instead of giving us transparency, instead of giving us the reform Australians actually want, we get this piffle. These bills are a series of small tweaks, creating the illusion of reform and giving cover to a bigger change that will perpetuate the dominance of the major parties. Let's be clear about this: it is not for the benefit of democracy. If the Liberal and Labor parties were not just the parties of government but the parties of good government, they would not need to change the rules and give themselves a head start. In fact, they wouldn't have to worry about minor parties at all, as there would be little need for many. Voters look on and see the games, the stories of rorts and the cover-ups, and they are repulsed. They are repulsed and they want change, so many of them look for other options and other parties—someone who is actually worth voting for.</para>
<para>It's no coincidence that every crossbench senator supports greater transparency—every single crossbencher in this place and the other place. Every crossbench senator supports good governance. Every crossbench senator supports an end to rorts. That is not because we all have the same ideology or values—most of us are very different. It's because that is what the voters want. I'm sure the government know this and I'm sure the opposition know it, too. They know it, but they don't want to own it. They don't want to jeopardise their own sinecures, their own comfortable futures. They know the path to preselection is being a team player and not in any way rocking the boat. So they would rather change the rules and prevent the people from having their say than give the people what they want. It is shameful.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The first thing I'd like to do in relation to this contribution on these important bills is to respond to some of the issues Senator Waters, the Greens senator from my home state of Queensland, made during her contribution to the debate.</para>
<para>The first is that, supposedly, this legislation is being rammed through this place. I've heard this line so many times from Senator Waters. I always find it quite ironic when someone makes that claim after they have just given a 15-minute speech in relation to why they oppose the legislation. These bills are going through exactly the right process, the process that you would expect. Everyone in this chamber is providing views and different thoughts with respect to these bills. We've just heard Senator Griff, a senator from South Australia I greatly admire, give a crossbencher view. We've heard from Senator Waters, Senator Farrell, Senator Brown and my colleague Senator O'Sullivan, from Western Australia. Everyone's getting an opportunity to make a contribution on these bills, representing the whole gamut of philosophical views. This legislation is not being rammed through this place; that is simply incorrect.</para>
<para>The second point I want to make is to note that so many of the reforms contained in these bills went through the joint parliamentary committee process. We're now less than 12 months out from an election, and we're taking into account the reflections from the last election. So this is entirely appropriate. I'm not sure when Senator Waters would expect us to consider these bills. It would be highly inappropriate to consider them after the next election. We need to get this done, and there is some urgency in relation to it. I just want to place that on the record.</para>
<para>In that spirit, I do want to acknowledge the very good contributions—and I sat here and listened to them—from Senator Farrell and Senator Brown in relation to this debate. I think a lot of good points were made. I do respect the contributions that others have made, including those of Senator Griff.</para>
<para>The first bill is the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021, which deals with the number requirement for party membership and also party names and logos. I don't think it is unreasonable for the minimum number of members of a party, which was first set in 1984, to be adjusted in 2021. I think people listening to this debate would understand that the Australian population has grown and, therefore, the membership qualification for party registration—which does give privileges to the registered party, a point Senator Brown made—should change; it should be adjusted. That seems clear and obvious to me. It seems reasonable, proportionate and democratic. I think it is quite a reasonable proposition.</para>
<para>I would like to say to everyone listening to this debate: join a political party; get involved in the political process. I'd love to it be my party, but, if you don't agree with my views, join another political party. Get involved in the process. I say that to everyone—young people, older people, our multicultural community. Get involved in a political party.</para>
<para>This month is the 50th anniversary of Senator Neville Bonner being sworn in as a senator in this place. Senator Neville Bonner first got involved in the political process when he joined the One Mile branch of the Liberal Party in Ipswich. He got elected as a branch office bearer, then as a delegate to convention. He then ran for preselection. He was unsuccessful the first time, but he ran again and was successful. That's what party membership can lead to. So, everyone out there listening to this debate, get involved in a political party. Fight for your beliefs and values. Let your voice be heard. I'd love it to be my party, but I expect not everyone is going to join my political party. That's why we're a multiparty state. But get involved. It's extremely important.</para>
<para>The second aspect of the party registration integrity bill, the first bill I'm discussing, is this important point about party names and logos. I don't think there can be any reasonable counter to the proposition that there have been clear instances where voters have been confused because key words in party names have been similar, or the same, so, when voters go and cast their vote, they vote for one party, reasonably believing it's another party. That undermines the efficacy and integrity of our election process. So it is absolutely fair and reasonable that there are checks and balances in the system. And let me flip that over and say it would be a failure of this house, of this Senate, if we didn't have checks and balances in the system to prevent that.</para>
<para>I can remember sitting and watching the draw for the ballot paper on the Senate ticket in Queensland in the lead-up to the last federal election, hoping and praying—and I'll put this on the public record—that the Liberal National Party had a position on the 'tablecloth' Senate ballot which was to the left—physically speaking, not philosophically—of the Liberal Democratic Party. Why? Not because I wanted to do anything to prevent anyone who in good faith wanted to vote for the Liberal Democratic Party but because I know, and the statistics prove decisively—and Senator O'Sullivan, my colleague from Western Australia, spoke to this point—that, if the Liberal Democratic Party is to the left of the Liberal National Party or the Liberal Party, voters get confused. They see that word 'Liberal' and they assume it's referring to my party, and we can understand that. That issue is escalated especially in our multicultural communities.</para>
<para>This is a question of integrity. There needs to be a check and balance. If there is the same key word in the names of two competing political parties and there's a previously registered party that first uses that key word, it is fair and reasonable that a subsequent party be prevented from undertaking a course of action which will mislead the Australian voter or a goodly number of them. That is fair and reasonable.</para>
<para>Again, I'll flip it around and say we would not be discharging our obligation to this place, to the Australian voters, to maintaining the integrity of the election system, if we were not to support a proposition like this. People in this country have a right to vote for whatever party they want, but let's make sure, let's make it clear, that they know who they're voting for and they're not misled. That's what this reform achieves, so I commend this bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>The second bill is the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill, and it deals with three issues: the prepoll voting period, the sorting of prepoll voting ballots and postal voting. First I want to talk about the prepoll voting period. I'm going to give a big shout-out here to one of the leading academics in relation to the study of elections, Dr Paul Williams, from Griffith University, in my home state of Queensland. He is an outstanding academic and makes a considerable contribution to discussion with respect to election matters. He coined the phrase, following the last Queensland election, 'We don't have an election day anymore; we have an election period.' If you've got a three-week prepoll period, that means you've got a three-week election period, which just makes it logistically incredibly hard to actually do all the things you need to do as political parties—and voters, including consideration of policies and competing arguments. It makes it incredibly hard to get through and do all the things you need to do before the commencement of that election period. So this reform, this proposition, is reasonable, it is proportionate, and it is common sense that the prepoll period become a 12-day period.</para>
<para>I can remember, and Senator Brown probably remembers, the time when you could only vote prepoll if you couldn't make a polling booth on election day, and they would actually ask you when you went into the polling booth: 'Why do you need to vote today? Why can't you vote on election day?' But the world's changed. We are not going to change it; people like their convenience and that's fine. We should maximise the opportunity for people to vote, and a 12-day prepoll period is an appropriate and reasonable balance in providing people with that opportunity.</para>
<para>The second reform in this bill is the sorting of prepoll votes. It should be recognised that some prepoll voting centres at the last federal election took upwards of 25,000 votes—25,000 votes! I have never scrutineered at a booth that's taken 25,000 votes. I can't imagine what that is like. When they tip out the voting papers they would just about be submerged under the weight of ballot papers. The AEC need time to unfold and sort, and the two-hour period before the closing of polls provides an appropriate time for them to be able to do that. Bear in mind that at the last election there were 149 prepoll centres that took upwards of 10,000 votes. So this is an issue that has arisen in recent times and it is attached to that concept of an election period as opposed to an election date. Again, this is a commonsense reform—reasonable and proportionate.</para>
<para>The last issue dealt with in this bill is postal voting. Following the last Queensland election I was provided with the 'opportunity' by the Liberal National Party to do the review of the Queensland state election. I think it was, to some extent, a situation where they asked for volunteers and everyone else who was asked took one step backwards. When we went through that process, one of the issues we identified was that there were upwards of 50,000 postal votes declared invalid at the last Queensland state election. A lot of people were trying to vote using a postal vote because of the COVID-19 pandemic. One of the issues was that it was just too complicated for people to work out: 'I've got to fill out my ballot paper. I've got to put in it this envelope. I've got to sign that. I've got to put this envelope in that envelope, make sure I get all that right and then get it posted and pray that Australia Post delivers the thing.' It was just too complicated, and if people made a small error then their vote was discounted. They were disenfranchised for that small administrative error, and that should not be the case. People should not be disenfranchised for a small administrative error. So, again, this is a fair and reasonable reform which will enhance the opportunity for people to participate in our electoral process.</para>
<para>The third bill is the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021. I want to talk about this issue of intimidation because it is a really important one. I have seen the atmosphere on polling booths change in the 34 to 35 years I have been involved in the political process—and I have been involved since I was 17, so people can work out how old I am. We are at our best as a nation on election day, when people with competing views attend our polling booths to spruik their views, to represent their parties, to represent their values and to engage in courteous, polite discourse at the polling booth while respecting everyone's rights and liberties. That's when we're at our best and that is what we need to aspire to. We are at our worst when people attend polling booths and intentionally set about intimidating, stalking, using obscenities and interfering with the democratic process. The people who typically do that are the people who don't have confidence in their own views, because they can't win the argument without that intimidation. We need to protect Australia's voting system from that sort of base intimidation, so I support that part of the bill.</para>
<para>Lastly, the last element in the omnibus package that's being put up is the issue of a designated elector. These can be sad cases where someone has repeatedly tried to vote more than once, or they have voted more than once, and there's a process there, with appropriate rights of appeal, for them to be allowed to make a declaration vote. They can still participate, but there are checks and balances. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 introduces a range of measures designed to increase the efficiency of voting and counting. It supports the enormous work of the Australian Electoral Commission in planning and conducting federal elections.</para>
<para>In 2019 the AEC employed a temporary workforce of 90,000 people and provided over 500 prepoll or early voting locations right across Australia. It issued more than 1.5 million postal vote packages, had more than 550 mobile polling teams—visiting over 3,000 locations—and provided 6,571 polling places on election day. On top of that, the AEC deals with nominations and candidate eligibility, and complaints about electoral authorisations and election advertising. It maintains an accurate and secure electoral roll and regulates electoral expenditure and election-funding claims from candidates and political parties.</para>
<para>This bill contains welcome measures to streamline the AEC's processes so that we can have a smooth-running election and get a result as early as possible. While an efficient election is a good election, we must ensure that the process of enrolling and voting enfranchises all voters, no matter how remote. The Northern Territory has the lowest rate of voter enrolment in Australia, with estimates of more than 26,000 people from rural and remote areas not being enrolled to vote. It's no accident that, along with the low numbers of rural and remote enrolment in the Territory, the AEC is woefully understaffed, and that's thanks to cuts from the Morrison government. Under a federal government restructure in 2017, the Australian Electoral Commission office in Darwin was reduced from 16 staff to three, with five jobs axed in enrolment and four in Indigenous participation and voter education. It was an underhanded and effective way of reducing the democratic rights of people who are already some of the most disenfranchised in the country.</para>
<para>Before the cuts, the AEC had managed to increase the NT enrolment rate, over the two years to 2018, from 79.4 per cent to 84.1 per cent. However, this rate was still significantly lower than in other states and territories, where 96 per cent of people are on the roll. It's been estimated that up to 40 per cent of First Nations people in the Northern Territory may not be enrolled to vote. The underfunding of the AEC and the resulting denial of voting rights is an absolute scandal—it really is. In 1996, when the Howard government were elected, one of the first things they did was to get rid of the Aboriginal voter education and enrolment service in the Electoral Commission, limiting the capacity of the commission to go and enrol people and to educate them about their obligations and rights as citizens to exercise a vote.</para>
<para>I've spoken on numerous occasions in the Senate about the importance of language and of translation into First Nations languages. Here in the Northern Territory, we have around a hundred First Nations languages, so that kind of education was critical. The evidence shows that conservative governments have continued to passively—and actively—prevent the enrolment of First Nations people by continuing to cut funding to the AEC, restricting its ability to engage, educate and enrol remote voters. This is why Labor has introduced an amendment to the bill that calls on the Morrison-Joyce government to close the gap by providing more resources to the Australian Electoral Commission so that people living in disadvantaged, remote and regional communities can exercise their democratic right to vote.</para>
<para>The concern about the effective disenfranchising of thousands of remote and mainly First Nations voters has led to Territorians exploring legal channels to end what they see as discrimination in voting. On 15 June 2021 a complaint was made to the Australian Human Rights Commission about the maintenance of the electoral roll and the conduct of the Australian Electoral Commission in the 2019 federal election in respect of remote Aboriginal communities. The complaint was made by Matthew Ryan from Maningrida and Ross Mandi of Galiwinku. These Aboriginal communities in Arnhem Land are the sixth- and eighth-largest towns in the Northern Territory, with populations of 2,308 and 2,088 recorded in the 2016 census—an increase of over 40 per cent since 2001. Maningrida and Galiwinku are part of the federal electorate of Lingiari, which has an Indigenous population of 41.7 per cent—the highest in the nation, followed by Durack in Western Australia at 16.7 per cent.</para>
<para>As is common in remote Aboriginal communities, there are no enumerated street addresses or letterboxes and no Australia Post mail service directly to a residence. Instead, residents collect mail from the community post office or may use a private postbox. In 2012 the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 was amended to provide for Federal Direct Enrolment and Update to address an alarming drop in the number of eligible persons on the electoral roll—in 2009 enrolment was at 91.63 per cent and trending downwards. The amendments empower the AEC to directly enrol eligible persons who are not on the electoral roll or to update the contact details of persons on the roll, such as change of address, using electronic data from trusted agencies. These trusted agencies at present include Centrelink, vehicle registration and drivers licence agencies, and the Australian Taxation Office. The AEC simply gives written notice to the person that enrolment or an update of an existing enrolment is proposed. After 28 days, if there is no response, the AEC actions the enrolment or update.</para>
<para>Importantly, the amendments explicitly empower the AEC to give written notice to electors by electronic means—particularly email, SMS text messages and social media—as well as by ordinary mail and registered mail. Electronic notification is key to the success of the amendments. It resulted in a staggering 97 per cent enrolment for the 2019 federal election, which the Australian Electoral Commissioner Tom Rogers described as 'the best roll since Federation', a genuine piece of unalloyed good news and a stellar result, and a 'modern miracle' of which he was very proud. However, the good news does not extend to the electorates of Lingiari in the Northern Territory and Durack in Western Australia, which sit in the lowest enrolment rate band of 75 per cent to 80 per cent—substantially lower than 97 per cent. Nor does the achievement extend to remote Aboriginal communities in other federal electorates, or in electorates for the Northern Territory elections.</para>
<para>The primary reason the enrolment rate languishes in remote Aboriginal communities is that as a matter of policy the AEC does not apply the most effective tool at its disposal to address that deficiency—namely, direct enrolment and update. The AEC claims that direct enrolment and update cannot be used because there is no direct post to residences in Aboriginal communities. So there we have it. The AEC has explicit power to give notice solely by electronic means and regularly does so for other Australians and other Territorians. Exercise of that power is not reliant on the existence of a direct mail service.</para>
<para>On 4 June 2021 the NT Electoral Commission reported that the AEC's policy disadvantages Aboriginal electors in the Northern Territory and should be reviewed. As at 30 June 2020 it was estimated there were 52,847 voting age Aboriginal electors in the Northern Territory—16,527 of which were not enrolled to vote. The Northern Territory Electoral Commission said that the majority of Aboriginal Territorians live in regional and remote areas not covered by the Federal Direct Enrolment and Update program. So the AEC's policy here predominantly affects Aboriginal residents of remote communities and is discriminatory. The policy operates in practice as a form of voter suppression or gerrymander whereby the franchise for Aboriginal residents of remote communities is suppressed or inhibited in federal and NT elections compared to non-Aboriginal Australians and non-Aboriginal Territorians.</para>
<para>Mr Ryan and Mr Mandi also complained that the AEC does not accurately report electors' addresses in Aboriginal communities, which inhibits participation in the electoral process, and that in the 2019 federal election the AEC did not ensure equal provision of polling booths in Maningrida, Galiwinku and other sizeable Aboriginal communities compared to other towns in the Northern Territory. They argued that these instances of indirect discrimination also breach sections 9(1) and (1A) of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975. The Australian Human Rights Commission has been asked to conciliate the complaint and, if conciliation is unsuccessful, the argument will go to the Federal Court for decision.</para>
<para>It's not good enough that thousands of Territorians do not get to exercise their basic democratic right. It is a situation that this government could have alleviated with the stroke of a pen, but there is no political will. In fact, there often seems to be an active campaign from the conservatives to restrict and block First Nations Territorians from voting.</para>
<para>We've already successfully fought for the Northern Territory to keep its level of representation in the federal parliament. In July 2020 the AEC determined that the Northern Territory was entitled to only one seat in the House of Representatives. Dozens of groups across the Northern Territory—from the Central Land Council, the Northern Land Council and the remote children's parents association to the Chinese Literary Association on Christmas Island—supported my call for the Territory to retain two seats: Lingiari and Solomon. We passed legislation that was hailed across all sides of politics that ensured Territorians would be rightly and properly represented here in the national parliament. Now we need to ensure that all Territorians, no matter where they live—no matter how remote—get to be enrolled and get to have a vote.</para>
<para>It is going to be difficult in the upcoming election to ensure remote voters are enrolled and able to cast their votes. Trying to plan for an election during a pandemic is difficult enough, but the Morrison-Joyce government's failure to do its two jobs during this pandemic makes the AEC's job so much more difficult. The government should be doing so much more too. At least this legislation will make things, hopefully, a little easier for the AEC.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia, here we go again. Yet again the Labor Party are about to sit comfortably in the laps of the Liberals and Nationals to vote through measures that are in both of their own interests. Just yesterday I spoke of this parliament being dysfunctional to the point of being a crime scene. The very next day here we are watching the proof unfold again before our very eyes.</para>
<para>For those watching at home and wondering why One Nation did not use these electoral bills to introduce actual electoral reform, the answer is simple: the way these bills were written. There is one bill per topic and they include a long description that prevents One Nation from introducing amendments that move outside of that very narrow, restrictive scope. If the government and Labor wanted to join three bills together and vote in one line, they should have produced the three bills as an omnibus bill that One Nation and the crossbench could have amended—and the legislation badly needs amendment. Senators Wong and Birmingham are once again making a mockery of the democratic process—dodgy siblings doing another dirty deal behind closed doors. When are we going to start writing numbers on the perspex screens so we can distinguish between the Liberal-Nationals and Labor! The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters made 27 recommendations towards more fair and effective elections. The 'Lib-Lab duopoly' has again rushed legislation before the Senate to implement a grand total of three of those recommendations, none of which does anything to ensure the integrity of our electoral process.</para>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021 pretends to do something about multiple voting. In the last three elections, the Australian Electoral Commission reviewed thousands of case of multiple voting and referred a few hundred of those to the Australian Federal Police for prosecution, who made the decision to prosecute none of them. Not one person has been prosecuted as a result of the ordinary operations of the Electoral Act despite recommendations to do so and despite that law being on the books for a very long time. That may be why the government has chosen to abandon the legal system and refer multiple voting to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. Yesterday we saw cybercrime warrants being moved from the criminal court system to the administrative court system; today we have multiple voting moving over as well. One Nation is uncomfortable with the growing power of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and with the whole concept of having two court systems. Criminal courts are founded in biblical and common law; administrative courts have no such higher purpose to be called on for guidance.</para>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 is clearly an attempt by Lib-Lab to knock out smaller parties and entrench the power of the status quo. I hear the anger on social media over this measure, yet I have some questions in return. Should a multimillionaire be allowed to use his wealth to buy political influence through the United Australia Party? The requirement to have 500 supporters is not going to slow down a very wealthy individual, yet a requirement to have 1,500 supporters will—unless that party actually has grassroots support. This legislation is saying to Clive Palmer, 'Put your supporters where your mouth is, not where your money is.' There is criticism from some new parties who should be more worried about themselves. If you start fact-checking the memes you are spreading, and start offering voters evidence based policy, perhaps 1,500 may be more achievable. I understand that Senator Lambie too is in opposition to this bill. This raises a good question for the government—oops, the Lib-Labs—to answer: why is it 1,500 voters for registration in a populous state and 1,500 in Tasmania? Shouldn't it be some percentage of registered voters in that state?</para>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 makes a number of small changes to voting. These have been mentioned by other speakers and I will not review those here. How will all these changes affect the integrity of our elections? Well, we don't know. We don't know now and we won't know afterwards because our elections are not audited. My interest in election integrity started in January 2021, following the US presidential election. My office was inundated with people asking about whether election fraud, such as it was in the United States, could be happening in Australia. The problem is not whether election fraud is happening; the problem is that people think it is happening. Confidence in election outcomes is central to democracy.</para>
<para>The restrictions around COVID have people at boiling point. Small business closures, job losses, high-handed bureaucrats and politics have reduced many people to desperation. The next election will be a powder keg. It is essential to ensure that, whatever the result, the public can accept it and move on. Suspicion of the outcome can be easily fuelled and turned into violence by those who seek to manipulate the result for their own ends. We cannot let this happen. It is for this reason that New South Wales and Western Australia have provisions in their electoral acts to audit state elections. New South Wales conducts an audit before each election to ensure systems are fit for purpose and then audits again after each election to ensure integrity and to see what can be improved for next time. Western Australia audits after every election.</para>
<para>The Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 does not have audit provisions. In February, I started asking questions of the Australian Electoral Commission, the AEC. To be honest, I expected to hear that auditing was under control given the reputation the Australian Electoral Commission claims it has. That's not what I found. The Australian Electoral Commission told me in Senate estimates that the Australian Signals Directorate had conducted an audit of the Australian Electoral Commission's software. The next day in Senate estimates I asked the Australian Signals Directorate if they had done that audit and the answer was a clear no. The Australian Electoral Commission tried to conflate the security audit conducted by the Australian Signals Directorate with an audit of software and systems to pretend our software was being audited and, by extension, was fit for purpose. It has not been audited. The election software is not fit for purpose.</para>
<para>So why did the Australian Electoral Commission make a false statement or imply a false statement? The Australian Signals Directorate looked at potential intrusions into the system, both electronic and physical. Following the audit, the Australian Signals Directorate proceeded with an uplift program designed to harden the AEC network. I call that a fail. If your systems were audited for cybersecurity and the outcome was a comprehensive uplift program to improve your security then clearly the system failed the audit. What else would fail an audit at the Australian Electoral Commission?</para>
<para>In the May Senate estimates I asked the Australian Electoral Commission simple questions. When did the Australian Signals Directorate audit happen? The Australian Electoral Commission declined to answer. What was actually audited? The Australian Electoral Commission gave no useful response. What was the result of the audit? The Australian Electoral Commission declined to answer. What changes to the Australian Electoral Commission's systems have been made in the uplift program? The Australian Electoral Commission declined to answer. Could the Australian Electoral Commission guarantee that the uplift program would render the Australian Electoral Commission computer system fit for purpose? The Australian Electoral Commission responded that nobody could ever guarantee their systems are fit for purpose. Let that sink in. Nobody could ever guarantee their systems are fit for purpose—the Australian Electoral Commission admitted it.</para>
<para>It is disturbing that such an audit could happen behind closed doors without direction or without structure. It is more disturbing still that this program has no legal basis in the Australian Commonwealth Electoral Act. We should not have to rely on the admirable conscientiousness of the Australian Signals Directorate. We should be able to rely on the completeness of our legislation. We need it fixed. It must be fixed.</para>
<para>Then I looked at other issues around election integrity. First up was a simple question: is the electronic data file containing each vote ever compared back to the paper ballot after the vote has been adjudicated? That answer is no. At no time is the electronic record of a vote checked back against the paper ballot. Senator Birmingham and the Australian Electoral Commission have assured us that there is a check, yet when we peer through the veil of language deliberately calculated to obfuscate no such check is happening, contrary to the minister's response. The only time this happens is when a ballot is disputed and a paper ballot is pulled out for scrutiny. After the ballot is adjudicated, there is no further check. These votes are sitting for up to a month in a system that failed an Australian Signals Directorate security test. Data integrity requires that a final audit be conducted immediately before declaration of the poll by pulling paper ballots out at random and comparing them back to the electronic record and vice versa. It's one day's work for all the counting staff as they finish their regular counting. It will not delay the result. It will guarantee that the system has not been compromised accidentally or by a malicious party.</para>
<para>My second question was on the accuracy of the voter rolls. The Australian Electoral Commission used to check the accuracy of their rolls by conducting residency checks. Before this system was discontinued in 1995, those checks revealed a significant number of false registrations: people who had left the country, people who had died and people who had moved. Most of the incidences of multiple voting stem from people voting in their old location and their new location: double voting. This legislation does not address that problem. How can anyone say that the voter roll is accurate if they never check it?</para>
<para>My third question is on the software algorithm at the Senate scanning centre that allocates preferences. The Australian Electoral Commission publishes what is basically a data dump of the raw vote count. Leading cryptographers , led by Dr Vanessa Teague , from the Australian National University , have written a check routine to test the preference flow against the published result. Their finding was that the Senate preference flow was correct, so we know this this aspect of the Australian Electoral Commission software works. Why it is up to the university academics to write complicated software at their own expense and on their own time to audit our elections? Since when did the government decide to crowdsource its job? So, what next? A GoFundMe page to pay for it?</para>
<para>This is why next week I will introduce into the Senate the Commonwealth Electoral Amendment ( Integrity o f Elections ) Bill 2021. This bill requires a preaudit of the Australian Electoral Commission systems prior to each election to ensure the systems are fit for purpose. It requires an audit after the election, as New South Wales and Western Australia require and as the ACT proposes. We propose an audit of the electoral roll and voter ID , voter identification. In short, this bill will audit the elections and the voter. Then we will all have confiden ce in the next election result.</para>
<para>After decades of this Lib-Lab parliament, people are starting to see how parliament is failing our country. The Lib-Lab duopoly, though, is desperate to continue its hold on a parliament that has a record of decades of not serving t he people of Australia. We, though, are keen to restore parliamentary democracy. We have one flag, we are one community, we are one nation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to speak on the electoral legislation amendment bills. Well, what do you know! Here we go! You've just been chipping away, tryi ng to get rid of these micro parties for year s , haven't you? You 'd think you would have learnt your lesson back with preference deals and how you went into a double- D. That actually came back to bite you fair on the backside, let's be honest.</para>
<para>But, with n o more satisfaction from chipping away and trying to get rid of micros and normal people in the parliament , you're now coming in with the jackhammer. Here comes the jackhammer. How about that ! Heavy - handed. Here come the major parties trying to take out the little bloke. Here come the heavies. Can't stand competition. I can tell you, you people, if you had any idea just how diff icult it was out there as an I ndependent in the first place , and then making them get 1,500 signatures—it just goes to show how disconnected you really are from politics. I can tell you that right now.</para>
<para>What you are doing this morning is absolutely disgusting —a nd then rushing this through ! What, is there an election coming up? Did I miss something? Because I tell you what, it sure as hell does not help normal Australians and microparties out there to get into parliament. Every which way we turn, you want to put that brickwork up against us. Well, Australians are waking up to it ; I can tell you that right now. Whatever happened to elections being about voters choosing their politicians? Instead, no, this bill flips that around. This bill makes elections about politicians choosing their politicians. This bill gives every existing party an incredible amount of power and makes it harder for any other party to challenge them.</para>
<para>The justification for this bill is that some parties are using similar names to larger parties, and that that is confusing voters. Really? You think we're all that stupid ? How demeaning! My G od, what is wrong with you people? Who says that? The Australian Electoral Commission, which already checks new parties to make sure they're not designed to confuse voters, doesn't think any registered party is confusing voters. They say voters aren't stupid. The Liberals say that voters obviously are. Labor says that voters are. They say you can't tell the difference between the Liberal Party of Australia and the Liberal Democrats. Do you know what? You don't own the word 'liberal' just because it's in your name. You don't own that. You don't have the rights to it. Liberalism is a political philosophy. It describes what you stand for. Other people are allowed to stand for the same thing. You don't own this.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Lambie. Pursuant to the order adopted earlier today, the time allotted for debate on these bills has concluded. I'll now put the questions on the remaining stages of the bills. The question is that the second reading amendment to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021moved by Senator Hanson-Young on sheet 1416 be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Obviously, I would like it recorded that the Australian Greens support our amendment.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Siewert. It is so recorded. Is there anyone else asking for that? No. The question now is that the second reading amendment to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 circulated by the opposition on sheet 1408 be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [11:20]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bragg, AJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Davey, P</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received a request from Senator Patrick that his support for the previous question, on the Greens amendment on sheet 1416, be recorded in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>. I will note that. He wasn't available to be online at the time. The question now is that the bills be now read a second time, the bills being the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 and the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that the bills be put separately.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sure. The question is that the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 be read a second time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Could you please record the Greens opposition to the second reading.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So recorded.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 be read a second time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021 be read a second time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will now deal with the amendments to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 circulated by the Jacqui Lambie Network. The question is that the amendments on sheet 1414 circulated by the Jacqui Lambie network be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Jacqui Lambie Network's circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 20, page 7 (lines 28 to 29), omit paragraph (2)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if such application was made after this item commences.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 20, page 8 (lines 10 to 12), omit subitem (5), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) The amendments of section 134A of the Act made by this Schedule apply in relation to an application for the registration of a political party made after this item commences.</para></quote>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Can you please note that the Australian Greens supported Senator Lambie's amendments.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No worries. I will assume Senator Lambie supported her own, even though she couldn't vote remotely, as well. Senator Patrick, would you like your support for those amendments moved by Senator Lambie recorded?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Yes, please.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is so recorded. I will deal with the amendment from the Australian Greens to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021, on sheet 1415, which was circulated after the cut-off time for amendments.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">Australian Greens'</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> circulated amendment</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Page 8 (after line 10), at the end of the bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2 — Other scrutiny matters</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Subsection 4(1)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">formal preferences report</inline>: see section 273C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 After section 273B</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">273C Senate formal preferences report</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) For a Senate election, the Electoral Commissioner must prepare a report (a <inline font-style="italic">formal preferences report</inline>) that details, for each formal ballot paper:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) relevant identifying information, including but not limited to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Division; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) administrative markings on the ballot paper made under section 209B, such as a ballot paper number; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the preferences on the ballot paper.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Electoral Commissioner must publish the formal preferences report, on the Electoral Commission's website, within 30 days after the return of the writ for the election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">273D Auditing of computerised scrutiny of votes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Electoral Commission must, within 30 days after the return of the writ for a Senate election (the <inline font-style="italic">audited election</inline>), cause to be conducted an audit of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the scrutiny of votes at the audited election; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the use of computers under section 273A to conduct that scrutiny.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The audit must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) select, at random, a statistically significant number of ballot papers received by the Australian Electoral Officer at the audited election; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) assess the extent to which the details of the preferences on the selected ballot papers that have been stored in a computer accurately reflect the record of preferences on the selected ballot papers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The audit must be conducted in the presence of any scrutineer appointed under subsection (4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Scrutineers at the audit</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Scrutineers may be appointed by candidates from the audited election to represent them at the audit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Appointments of scrutineers shall be made by notice in writing addressed to a Returning Officer or presiding officer for the audited election, and such notice shall be signed by the candidate, and shall give the name and address of the scrutineer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Regulations</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) The regulations may provide for:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a method for the random selection of ballot papers; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) processes and requirements for retrieving ballot papers; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the appointment of scrutineers; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the rights and obligations of scrutineers; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any other matters to be included in the audit.</para></quote>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave being sought to deal with this amendment?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. Could you go to Senator Waters, please.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>First I will ask if leave is granted, because leave is sought by you here; it can't be sought remotely. Do you seek leave?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I beg your pardon. It's very confusing, because she can actually move her own amendments in committee; that is my understanding. So I seek leave.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So you're seeking leave. She doesn't have to move the amendment afterwards, because the guillotine's cut in.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Could you record our deep concern.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So recorded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>22</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is now that the remaining stages of the bills be agreed to and the bills be now passed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could we please deal with them separately?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You'd like to do them separately again? Sure. The question is that the remaining stages of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021 be agreed to and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Could you please record the Greens' opposition to that.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Patrick, your opposition is recorded as well.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] by leave—Yes, and can you also please record my opposition to the second reading stage of that bill?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is so recorded, and the third reading, as just done then, as well.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will deal with the other two bills together unless someone is asking for them to be separated. The question, for the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021 and the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021, is that the remaining stages of those bills be agreed to and the bills be now passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a third time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>22</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Pursuant to notice given yesterday on behalf of the Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Delegated Legislation, I withdraw business of the Senate Notice of Motion No. 1 for 10 sitting days after today, proposing the disallowance of the Bankruptcy Regulations 2021.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>23</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021, Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021, Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r6753" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6755" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6754" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>23</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] by leave—Mr President, I would just like to record my opposition to the last vote, please.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>To the last vote for two bills—so for all of the electoral bills?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, thank you.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Your opposition to all the electoral bills is recorded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>23</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Selection of Bills Committee</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>23</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the 10th report of 2021 of the Selection of Bills Committee, and I seek leave to have the report incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The report read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">REPORT NO. 10 OF 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">26 August 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Dean Smith (Government Whip, Chair)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Perin Davey (The Nationals Whip)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Stirling Griff (Centre Alliance Whip)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Pauline Hanson (Pauline Hanson's One Nation Whip)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Rachel Siewert (Australian Greens Whip)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Anne Urquhart (Opposition Whip)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Raff Ciccone</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Katy Gallagher</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Jacqui Lambie</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator the Hon James McGrath</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Rex Patrick</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator the Hon Anne Ruston</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Secretary: Tim Bryant Ph 6277 3020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1. The committee met in private session on Wednesday, 25 August 2021 at 8.01 pm.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. The committee recommends that—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Crimes Amendment (Remissions of Sentences) Bill 2021 be <inline font-style="italic">referred immediatel</inline>y to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 14 October 2021 (see appendix 1 for a statement of reasons for referral);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the provisions of the Corporations (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) Amendment Bill 2021 be <inline font-style="italic">referred immediatel</inline>y to the Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 14 October 2021 (see appendix 2 for a statement of reasons for referral);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the provisions of the Defence Legislation Amendment (Discipline Reform) Bill 2021 be <inline font-style="italic">referred immediatel</inline>y to the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 14 October 2021 (see appendix 3 for a statement of reasons for referral);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) contingent upon introduction in the House of Representatives, the provisions of the Territories Stolen Generations Redress Scheme (Facilitation) Bill 2021 and Territories Stolen Generations Redress Scheme (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021 be <inline font-style="italic">referred immediatel</inline>y to the Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 14 October 2021 (see appendix 4 for a statement of reasons for referral); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the provisions of the Treasury Laws Amendment (2021 Measures No. 7) Bill 2021 be <inline font-style="italic">referred immediatel</inline>y to the Economics Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 14 October 2021 (see appendix 5 for a statement of reasons for referral).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3. The committee recommends that the following bills not be referred to committees:</para></quote>
<list>Customs Tariff Amendment (Incorporation of Proposals) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Dental Benefits Amendment Bill 2021</list>
<list>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Counting, Scrutiny and Operational Efficiencies) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Offences and Preventing Multiple Voting) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Party Registration Integrity) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Political Campaigners) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Independent National Security Legislation Monitor Amendment Bill 2021</list>
<list>Paid Parental Leave Amendment (COVID-19 Work Test) Bill 2021.</list>
<quote><para class="block">4. The committee deferred consideration of the following bills to its next meeting:</para></quote>
<list>Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Amendment (Economic Empowerment) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Air Services Amendment Bill 2018</list>
<list>Biosecurity Amendment (No Crime to Return Home) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Corporations (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) Amendment Bill 2021</list>
<list>Crimes Amendment (Remissions of Sentences) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Defence Amendment (Parliamentary Approval of Overseas Service) Bill 2020</list>
<list>Defence Legislation Amendment (Discipline Reform) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Discrimination Free Schools Bill 2018</list>
<list>Electric Vehicles Accountability Bill 2021</list>
<list>Fair Work Amendment (Improving Paid Parental Leave for Parents of Stillborn Babies) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</list>
<list>Governor-General Amendment (Cessation of Allowances in the Public Interest) Bill 2019</list>
<list>Great Australian Bight Environment Protection Bill 2019</list>
<list>Health Insurance Amendment (Enhancing the Bonded Medical Program and Other Measures) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Human Rights (Targeted Sanctions) Bill 2021</list>
<list>International Human Rights and Corruption (Magnitsky Sanctions) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Investment Funds Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</list>
<list>Migration Amendment (New Maritime Crew Visas) Bill 2020</list>
<list>National Health Amendment (COVID-19) Bill 2021</list>
<list>National Health Amendment (Pharmaceutical Benefits Transparency and Cost Recovery) Bill 2021</list>
<list>National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse Amendment Bill 2021</list>
<list>Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Amendment (Improved Grants Reporting) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Ransomware Payments Bill 2021 (No. 2)</list>
<list>Regional Forest Agreements Legislation (Repeal) Bill 2017</list>
<list>Snowy Hydro Corporatisation Amendment (No New Fossil Fuels) Bill 2021</list>
<list>Social Security Amendment (COVID-19 Supplement) Bill 2020</list>
<list>Social Services Legislation Amendment (Better Targeting Student Payments) Bill 2019</list>
<list>Social Services Legislation Amendment (Payment Integrity) Bill 2019</list>
<list>Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Exempting Disability Payments from Income Testing and Other Measures) Bill 2021.</list>
<quote><para class="block">(Dean Smith)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Chair</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">26 August 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<list>Proposal to refer a bill to a committee:</list>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Crimes Legislation Amendment (Remissions of Sentences} Bill 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Impact of the Bill on the Australian community and individuals</para></quote>
<list>Possible submissions or evidence from:</list>
<quote><para class="block">Community Safety Organisations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Human Rights and Justice Groups</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal community</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Committee to which bill is to be referred:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To be determined by the committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14 October 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(signed)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Anne Urquhart</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Proposal to refer a bill to a committee:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Corporations (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander) Amendment Bill 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Impact of the Bill on the standards for ATSI corporations</para></quote>
<list>Possible submissions or evidence from:</list>
<quote><para class="block">First Nations community organisations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environmental advocates</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Legal Services</para></quote>
<list>Committee to which bill is to be referred:</list>
<quote><para class="block">Finance and Public Admin (or other if required)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To be determined by the committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14 October 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(signed)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Anne Urquhart</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Proposal to refer a bill to a committee:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Defence Legislation Amendment (Discipline Reform) Bill 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To ensure proper scrutiny and stakeholder consultation on the Bill, and that there would be no unintended consequences from the proposed amendments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible submissions or evidence from:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Department of Defence, Australia Defence Association, Defence Force Welfare Association</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Committee to which bill is to be referred:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This would be determined by the committee. However, subject to the second reading debate in the House of Representatives, a possible he g date could be September 2021, for example 14 or 21 September, during the parliamentary recess.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 October prior to the October sittings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(signed)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Anne Urquhart</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Whip/Selection of Bills Committee Member</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Proposal to refer a bill to a committee:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Territories Stolen Generations Redress Scheme (Facilitation) Bill 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Community consultation on design and scope of scheme</para></quote>
<list>Possible submissions or evidence from:</list>
<quote><para class="block">Stolen generations advocates</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Healing Foundation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Committee to which bill is to be referred:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Community Affairs - or other</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To be determined by the committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14 October 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(signed)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Anne Urquhart</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">BLANK LINE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Proposal to refer a bill to a committee:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:   Treasury Laws Amendment {2021 Measures No. 7) Bill 2021</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Consideration of whether the measures contained in Schedule 7 are adequate to deal with tax compliance issues in the gig economy</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible submissions or evidence from:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Gig economy firms, unions (TWU), ATO, tax experts</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Committee to which bill is to be referred:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senate Economics Legislation Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To be determined by the committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14 October 2021 (prior to next sitting fortnight)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(signed)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Anne Urquhart</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the report be adopted.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Thorpe, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"and, in respect of the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021, the provisions of the bill be referred immediately to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 19 October 2021".</para></quote>
<para>I think Senator Thorpe would like to speak to this.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to speak on my referral of the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee. I'm calling on the senators in this place to refer this bill to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee to allow for proper scrutiny by the parliament and the people.</para>
<para>The way this bill is being rammed through this chamber is remarkable. The Liberal Party always say that they're a broad church—so broad, in fact, that it seems that they also take in a big chunk of the Labor Party. This bill was referred to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, also known as the Lib-Lab closed shop, for a secret review and a final report by Friday 20 August 2021. That was done by the Minister for Home Affairs, the Hon. Karen Andrews MP. The PJCIS recommended the bill be passed—no surprises there—subject to two amendments, requiring reporting to the PJCIS in certain circumstances and review of provisions after five years. The bill and explanatory memorandum were referred on an embargoed basis, as the bill had not yet been tabled in parliament. The committee agreed to the government's request to consider this legislation quickly and in private. The committee held a classified briefing on Monday 23 August 2021 with officials from relevant agencies—again, another closed shop. Good old democracy in Canberra!</para>
<para>Now the two old parties want to tell us that the legislation is for our own good and so absolutely important to the running of this country and the alleged protection of the Commonwealth that we are just meant to pass it without reviewing it. You want us to pass something that we can't even review because your closed shop think it's all okay. Maybe my colleagues have forgotten that this chamber is a house of review. Correct me if I'm wrong. This is absolutely disgusting. It's in contempt of democracy and should not be allowed. If you're scared of proper debate and scrutiny of laws, maybe think about why you are here. Let's take this to a committee so that we can properly scrutinise this bill. I ask all of my fellow senators to support this referral so that the people have an opportunity to have real transparency and accountability from the so-called politicians in Canberra who are running this country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I will be supporting this referral on the basis that this particular bill, the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021, has been rushed, as has been described by Senator Thorpe, and it involves some quite extraordinary powers that allow our intelligence agencies to spy on Australians. That's something that has to be considered very carefully. It may be that there are circumstances in which doing so is justified. However, from my reading of the bill, the thresholds aren't well spelt out, and this does require some examination. So I would urge the Senate to support Senator Thorpe's referral.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise briefly to argue the case for a referral of the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. It is just unthinkable that a piece of legislation this serious and apparently so much needed was rushed into the other place only yesterday, with no notification of the full parliament, in a cosy deal between the Labor and Liberal parties. The crossbenchers were left out of this. The bulk of the parliament were left out of it, and we haven't heard from the government of the day as to why this is important. It seems that every time the government wants to get something rushed through, rammed through this place without scrutiny, they just have to write 'national security' in crayon and the Labor Party roll over. That's what happened here. It's happening before our very eyes, and why? It's because Mr Morrison is on the brink of calling an election and he wants every tool in the box.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—would you please record the Greens' support for the amendment that we moved.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, and that of Senator Patrick, reflecting his speech. I will now put the question on the motion to adopt the Selection of Bills Committee report, as moved by Senator Smith.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>27</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>27</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) government business orders of the day as shown on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline> be considered from 12.15 pm today;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) government business then be called on and considered till not later than 1.30 pm;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) general business order of the day no. 17 be considered during general business today; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the following bills be considered at the time for private senators' bills on Monday, 30 August 2021:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Fair Work Amendment (Improving Paid Parental Leave for Parents of Stillborn Babies) Bill 2021, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) Defence Amendment (Parliamentary Approval of Overseas Service) Bill 2020.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>28</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>28</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any of those proposals at the request of any senator. There being none, we will move on.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>28</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does any senator wish for the question to be put on this notification?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that the question be put separately on the postponement of general business notice of motion No. 1225.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 1225 be postponed.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [11:42]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>12</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Davey, P</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scarr, P</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Smith, DA (teller)</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>12</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>O'Neill, D</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names />
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The votes being equal, the question is resolved in the negative, so the motion remains for consideration today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>29</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee</title>
          <page.no>29</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>29</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Lambie, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, on 1 September 2021, after the publicly indicated completion of current rescue efforts at Kabul Airport, the following matters be referred to the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee for inquiry and interim report by 29 November 2021, and a final report by the first parliamentary sitting week in February 2022:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Australia's twenty-year military, diplomatic and development engagement in Afghanistan, with reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) our success in achieving the Australian Governments' stated objectives,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the collapse of the Afghan Government and Afghan National Army, and the Taliban's resurgence and takeover of Kabul, following the withdrawal of coalition troops from Afghanistan,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the costs of Australia's engagement in Afghanistan,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the Prime Minister's statement that Australian Government support will not reach 'all that it should' in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of coalition forces from the country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the adequacy of Australia's preparation for withdrawal from Afghanistan, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) closure of the embassy,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the evacuation of Australian citizens, permanent residents and visa holders, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) decisions relating to evacuation of at risk Afghan nationals and partners and family members of Australian citizens and permanent residents;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) how the Australian Government should respond to recent developments in Afghanistan in order to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) protect Australia's national security,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) prevent or mitigate damage to Australia's international reputation, if necessary,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) extend immediate mental health support to Australian defence force personnel and veterans while the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide remains ongoing, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) protect Australian citizens, visa holders, and Afghan nationals who supported Australian forces, where they remain in Afghanistan; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any related matters.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move an amendment to the motion.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Omit paragraph (a)(iv).</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion be amended in those terms—omitting paragraph (a)(iv).</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Could you please record the Greens' opposition to the removal of this term?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is so recorded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Steele-John, I seek leave to move an amendment to the motion.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Steele-John, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Omit sub-paragraph (a)(i), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) what the stated objectives of Australia's participation in Afghanistan were, whether these were met, and whether the strategies to achieve these objectives were effective,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ia) the effectiveness and accountability of political and military leadership in working to the stated aims of Australia's participation in the war,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit sub-paragraph (c)(iv), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) protect Australian citizens, visa holders, and Afghan nationals who supported Australian forces, where they remain in Afghanistan, and people left vulnerable to violent persecution due the circumstances of the withdrawal - this includes, but is not limited to, women, LGBTIQ+ people, children, members of ethnic groups, human rights advocates, Afghan Government officials, journalists, academics and alumni of Australian universities,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) protect and promote the human rights of people in Afghanistan and our ongoing humanitarian obligations, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) coordinate with ongoing investigations by the Office of the Special Investigator and the Australian Federal Police on the alleged war crimes committed by Australian Special Forces; and</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment moved by Senator Siewert, at the request of Senator Steele-John, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Obviously, I would like it recorded that we supported our own amendment.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion, as amended by Senator Ruston, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Financing Critical Infrastructure and Sovereign Capability Select Committee</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Appointment</title>
            <page.no>30</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Canavan, I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 1225 by omitting in paragraph (7) 'independent senators' and substituting 'any minority party or independent senator'.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Canavan, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That a select committee, to be known as the Select Committee on Financing Critical Infrastructure and Sovereign Capability, be established to inquire and report on the following matters:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the importance of sovereign capability and critical infrastructure;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the role domestic investment plays in enhancing Australia's sovereign capability and economic growth;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) efficient means to secure the financing of domestic investment in sovereign capability and critical infrastructure;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) regulatory reforms to encourage domestic investment in sovereign capability and critical infrastructure;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) relevant international approaches to securing domestic investment in sovereign capability and critical infrastructure; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) any related matters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) That the committee present its final report on or before the last sitting day in March 2022.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) That the committee consist of six senators, as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) three nominated by the Leader of the Government in the Senate;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) two nominated by the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) one nominated by any minority party or independent senator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) That:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) participating members may be appointed to the committee on the nomination of the Leader of the Government in the Senate, the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate or any minority party or independent senator; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) participating members may participate in hearings of evidence and deliberations of the committee and have all the rights of members of the committee, but may not vote on any questions before the committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) If a member of a committee is unable to attend a meeting of the committee, that member may in writing to the chair of the committee appoint a participating member to act as a substitute member of the committee at that meeting and, if the member is incapacitated or unavailable, a letter to the chair of a committee appointing a participating member to act as a substitute member of the committee may be signed on behalf of the member by the leader or whip of the party or group on whose nomination the member was appointed to the committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) That the committee may proceed to the dispatch of business notwithstanding that not all members have been duly nominated and appointed and notwithstanding any vacancy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) That the committee elect as chair one of the members nominated by the Leader of the Government in the Senate and as deputy chair one of the members nominated by independent senators.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) That the deputy chair shall act as chair when the chair is absent from a meeting of the committee or the position of chair is temporarily vacant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) That the chair, or the deputy chair when acting as chair, may appoint another member of the committee to act as chair during the temporary absence of both the chair and deputy chair at a meeting of the committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) That, in the event of an equally divided vote, the chair, or the deputy chair when acting as chair, has a casting vote.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) That the committee and any subcommittee have power to send for and examine persons and documents, to move from place to place, to sit in public or in private and have leave to report from time to time its proceedings and the evidence taken and such interim recommendations as it may deem fit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) That the committee have power to appoint subcommittees consisting of three or more of its members, and to refer to any such subcommittee any of the matters which the committee is empowered to consider.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) That the committee be provided with all necessary staff, facilities and resources and be empowered to appoint persons with specialist knowledge for the purposes of the committee with the approval of the President of the Senate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) That the committee be empowered to print from day to day such papers and evidence as may be ordered by it, and a daily Hansard be published of such proceedings as take place in public.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators, as I have in the past, of page 485 of <inline font-style="italic">Odgers</inline>, which says that back in 2009 'the Procedure Committee recommended an understanding that there should be no more than three select committees in existence at any time'. There are currently seven select committees. This motion will take it to eight. I point out that a stipend is paid by the public in relation to these committees. A chair receives an additional payment of $23,240 and the deputy chair receives $11,620. This is a cost to the taxpayer of $34,000. At the same time we're paying stipends to references committee chairs and deputy chairs, and those committees seem mostly unutilised. I won't support a select committee here, but I would support it going to a references committee.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation opposes this motion. Paragraph (1) is the key paragraph. Within that, in regard to clause (a), the answer is already known, but it's not surprising that members of the parliament are not aware. For clause (b), the core issue is decades of shoddy governance and lack of parliamentary accountability. Our inquiry into the use of taxpayer money on disaster recovery funding would start to address these issues. My dissenting report to the Northern Australia Agenda inquiry itemised many concerns, including the need for comprehensive tax reform for practical industrial relations reform to protect workers and small businesses. Clause (d) is largely known and understood. This would be a waste of money, and it is not sincere.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I have it recorded that the government obviously supported that motion.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>31</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy Security Board</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Waters, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction, by no later than 10 am on Monday, 30 August 2021, the final report of the Energy Security Board on post-2025 energy market design.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will be opposing this motion, as the final report of the Energy Security Board on post-2025 energy market design is publicly available on the Energy Security Board's website.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could you record the government's position as voting against that.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Collinsville Coal-Fired Power Station</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Chisholm, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction, by no later than 10 am on Monday, 30 August 2021, the feasibility study regarding Shine Energy's proposed coal-fired power station in Collinsville, prepared by Shine Energy and provided to the Department of Industry Science, Energy and Resources and/or the Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will not be supporting this motion, as the document requested does not yet exist. The government refer the Senate to our statements on the previous occasions when these documents were sought for further details.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that motion No. 1228 be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [11:56]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Davey, P</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, MA</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Rennick, G</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>32</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Watt, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction, by no later than 10 am on Monday, 30 August 2021, all documents generated in relation to Minister Angus Taylor's trip to the Northern Territory between 15 and 17 October 2020, including, but not limited to, correspondence, invitations, itineraries, briefing papers and meeting notes.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Beetaloo Cooperative Drilling Program's design guidelines, application process and approvals are the ministerial responsibility of the Minister of Water Resources and Water. The government is opposing this motion as it is nothing more than a cynical attempt to distract from the Labor Party's internal divisions on supporting Australia's gas industry. The government continues to cooperate with the ongoing Senate Environment and Communications References Committee's inquiry on this matter, having responded to over 20 additional questions from the committee to date. This motion is an unnecessary drain on the Senate's time and the resources of the Public Service in the middle of a pandemic.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that motion No. 1229 be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [12:00]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, D</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Davey, P</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, MA</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Rennick, G</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>33</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Membership</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received letters requesting changes in the membership of various committees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be appointed to committees, as set out in the document available in the chamber and listed on the Dynamic Red.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This motion includes committee membership changes contingent on the expected vacancy in the representation of Western Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia as a Technology and Financial Centre—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating members: Senators Faruqi, Hanson-Young, Rice, Steele-John, Thorpe, Waters and Whish-Wilson</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Autism—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating members: Senators Faruqi, Hanson-Young, McKim, Rice, Thorpe, Waters and Whish-Wilson</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Temporary Migration—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating members: Senators Faruqi, Hanson-Young, Rice, Steele-John, Thorpe, Waters and Whish-Wilson</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Contingent on the resignation of Senator Siewert as a senator</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Community Affairs Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Rice</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">COVID-19—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Steele-John</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Implementation of the National Redress Scheme—Joint Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator Rice</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Procedure—Standing Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senator McKim</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Contingent on Ms Dorinda Cox being chosen as a senator to fill the expected vacancy in the representation of Western Australia</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia as a Technology and Financial Centre—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Autism—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Community Affairs Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">COVID-19—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Economics Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Education and Employment Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environment and Communications Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finance and Public Administration Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Interference through Social Media—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Job Security—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Multi-Jurisdictional Management and Execution of the Murray Darling Basin Plan—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Temporary Migration—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Cox</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>34</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Disability Insurance Scheme Amendment (Improving Supports for At Risk Participants) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6725" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Disability Insurance Scheme Amendment (Improving Supports for At Risk Participants) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>34</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>34</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in Hansard.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">National Disability Insurance Scheme Act 2013 </inline>(the NDIS Act) provides a foundation for measures to support and protect NDIS participants. This Bill makes essential amendments to the NDIS Act to improve the support and protections provided to NDIS participants who may be at risk of harm.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also includes a number of minor amendments to strengthen existing measures and ensure the NDIS Quality and Safeguards Commission (the NDIS Commission) has clear legal authority to pursue providers or workers who infringe or fail to uphold the rights of people with disability.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Following recent cases of abuse, neglect and exploitation of NDIS participants, the Government has considered a number of inquiries into the effectiveness of NDIS safeguards in these cases, in addition to the Hon. Alan Robertson SC <inline font-style="italic">Independent Review of the adequacy of the regulation of the supports and services provided to Ms Ann- Marie Smith, an NDIS Participant, who died on 6 April 2020</inline> (the Robertson Review), commissioned by the NDIS Commissioner. These cases are a source of deep distress and concern to people with disability and to all Australians. Like many Australians, I continue to be deeply shocked and saddened by the death of Ms Smith. This Bill introduced today recognises the tragic circumstances of Ms Smith's death and provides comfort and assurance to participants, their family and friends, that this Government is taking action to better protect them and to reduce the risk that such distressing events occur again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Robertson Review made 10 recommendations to the NDIS Commissioner, some of which required legislative amendments to support implementation. The changes in this Bill build on the operational changes already made by the NDIS Commission and the National Disability Insurance Agency (NDIA) to better support at risk people with disability including better outreach and working with providers to ensure a participant is not cared for unsupervised by a single worker.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The NDIS Quality and Safeguarding Framework (the Framework) was released in February 2017, with the NDIS Commission beginning to operate in July 2018 in New South Wales and South Australia and gradually expanded to cover the other states and territories. From 1 December 2020, the NDIS Commission assumed responsibility for the national oversight of the NDIS quality and safeguards arrangements for the first time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a responsive regulator, the NDIS Commission continues to review and refine its approach based on experience and provider engagement. It is important we learn from implementation and, where necessary, amend legislation to strengthen the protection of NDIS participants. This Bill makes such amendments and is a part of the government's commitment to continuously improve the quality and safeguards in place to protect participants under the Framework.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Importantly, the Robertson Review did not identify significant failings in the way that the NDIS Commission performed its functions. It recognised the harm that has occurred and the importance of taking action not just against those responsible, but to ensure that it cannot happen again. This Government cannot state more whole-heartedly the commitment to taking the required action to implement change to better protect participants, especially those at most risk of harm.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The NDIS Commission and the NDIA have already taken available action to improve information sharing, including agreeing a Memorandum of Understanding and a set of operational protocols to govern information exchange.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill supports improved information sharing arrangements between these two agencies. It amends the information sharing powers in the NDIS Act to ensure the NDIS Commission and the NDIA have clear legal authority to release protected information to one another, for the purposes of carrying out the core legislated functions of both agencies under the NDIS Act and ensure the protection of NDIS participants.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Present clauses in the NDIS Act establish a high threshold for sharing information. They establish the disclosure can only be made if it is "necessary to prevent or lessen a serious threat to an individual's life, health or safety". The Robertson Review recommends, and this Bill enacts, a broadening of the conditions on which information can be shared.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It removes qualifiers like 'serious' and 'necessary' to ensure any threat to life, health or safety is sufficient grounds for the recording, use or disclosure of protected information between the NDIS Commission and the NDIA. This will better protect NDIS participants.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also amends provisions for disclosing information more broadly, including to ensure the NDIS Commission is able to disclose information to worker screening units and other agencies for quality and safeguards purposes and can also publish and maintain information about historical compliance and enforcement action on its provider register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Importantly, these changes to information sharing do not undermine or reduce the significant protections for personal information under the NDIS Act. Personal information held by the NDIA or the NDIS Commission will continue to be considered protected information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Personal information will still be handled in accordance with the limitations on use and disclosure established by the NDIS Act, the <inline font-style="italic">Privacy Act 1988</inline>, and any other applicable Commonwealth, State or Territory legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Information will only be shared where reasonably necessary for the fulfilment of the Commissioner's lawful and legitimate functions and the protection of people with disability.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also improves the reportable incidents function of the NDIS Commission. Registered NDIS providers are required to notify the NDIS Commission of serious incidents such as death and serious injury (including alleged incidents) that occur in connection with the services and supports they provide.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Robertson Review recommended reportable incidents be broadened and the NDIS Commission support the need to clarify incidents that may not have a direct causal link to the provision of services may also be reportable incidents. The Bill provides the NDIS Commission the scope to further define the circumstances surrounding reportable incidents and clarify reporting requirements, in the NDIS Commission's reportable incidents rules. By enabling definition via the Rules, the Commission will have the flexibility to respond quickly to arising circumstances and continue to protect participants. An exposure draft of these rules has been tabled alongside the Bill to assist in its consideration.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Another core function of the NDIS Commission is the registration of NDIS providers. Quality assurance of registered NDIS providers is undertaken by approved quality auditors who are engaged by providers directly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The market for quality auditors includes a wide range of experience levels and knowledge of the sector. The Bill will allow the Commissioner to place conditions on the approval of quality auditors and makes explicit the Commissioner's power to vary or revoke their approval. In line with best administrative practice, these decisions will be reviewable decisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will ensure the efficient operation of the auditor market and that approved quality auditors are suitable to assess the NDIS providers that engage them.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, the Bill makes a range of technical changes to support the effective operation of the NDIS Commission in relation to its powers. These include:</para></quote>
<list>Ensuring key personnel, including the CEO and Board of Directors, are subject to the full range of regulatory action by the NDIS Commission including banning orders</list>
<list>Making provision for the NDIS Commission to provide further guidance around the definition of suitability for the purposes of delivering NDIS Services in rules</list>
<list>Refining the registration process, including clarifying the definitions around withdrawn applications.</list>
<quote><para class="block">In summary, the Bill will strengthen the protections for NDIS participants, including those who are at greater risk of harm, and will strengthen the operational effectiveness of the NDIS Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government will continue to remember the tragic circumstance of each NDIS participant who has suffered abuse, neglect and exploitation and take action to ensure the safety of participants at risk of harm. The Government is committed to ensuring the NDIS quality and safeguards arrangements are efficient and effective and the NDIS Commission has the legislative powers it needs to operate as a responsive regulator. The measures in this Bill are an essential part of this commitment and will better protect NDIS participants from harm, as well as support them in accessing quality and safe services under the NDIS.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the House.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Joint Select Committee on Road Safety</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>36</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6748" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>36</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>36</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a revised explanatory memorandum and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Introduction</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to ensuring our national security agencies have the powers they need to combat threats to national security. The Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 gives effect to this commitment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979</inline> (TIA Act) and <inline font-style="italic">Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979 </inline>(ASIO Act) to address two critical gaps in the foreign intelligence collection framework.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Intercepting a communication for foreign intelligence purposes</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The first reform is a necessary update in light of the modern communications environment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, intelligence agencies cannot intercept communications where there is even the smallest risk of incidentally collecting a domestic communication. This is a considerable constraint on the collection of foreign intelligence. There is a real risk that intelligence agencies are missing critical foreign intelligence. This could result in serious threats to Australians being missed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments in the Bill will allow the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) — for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence from foreign communications — to obtain a warrant that authorises the collection of a communication which may not have a clear geographic location.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments will restore the foreign communications warrant to its original intended function. Australia will have greater visibility of foreign threats; such as malicious cyber activity targeting Australian interests, terrorist communications, and indications of foreign interference. These amendments will also bring Australia's foreign intelligence framework in line with the legislative frameworks of our Five Eyes partners, which do not contain the same legislative constraints.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These reforms will be accompanied by robust safeguards to ensure the privacy of domestic communications. The Attorney-General must put in place a mandatory written procedure for screening communications in order to identify domestic communications incidentally collected. Importantly, the warrants are only for the purpose of foreign intelligence. Intelligence agencies will not be able to deliberately target domestic communications. If any domestic communications are identified, they must be destroyed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The existing thresholds and stringent safeguards that apply to the foreign communications warrant will also continue to apply, including robust oversight by the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Obtaining intelligence on an Australian person acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power </inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The second set of reforms will address a legal gap where foreign intelligence can be collected on an Australian working for a foreign power offshore, but that same intelligence cannot be collected on that Australian in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, this means that if an intelligence agency is collecting intelligence on an Australian working overseas for a foreign intelligence service, and the person returns to Australia, the intelligence agency must immediately cease its activities. These reforms will enable intelligence agencies to continue collecting that vital intelligence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Comprehensive Review of the Legal Framework of the National Intelligence Community led by Dennis Richardson AC recommended that the Government close this gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The gap costs the Government valuable foreign intelligence that has a direct bearing on Australia's national security, foreign relations and national economic well-being.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Robust safeguards will apply to these reforms to protect everyday Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Director-General of Security must provide details about the grounds on which a person is suspected to be acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Before issuing the warrant, the Attorney-General must also be satisfied that the person is, or is reasonably suspected by the Director-General of Security of acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The law will continue to prevent the request of a foreign intelligence warrant on Australian persons who are not acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All existing thresholds and stringent safeguards that apply to Australia's foreign intelligence warrants will also continue to apply, including robust oversight by the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Following review by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, the Government introduced two amendments to the Bill to enhance the Committee's oversight over the powers contained in the Bill. These amendments were agreed to by the House of Representatives.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Closing remarks</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I would like to take this moment to reaffirm the vital importance of adequately equipping our intelligence agencies to combat security threats to Australia and Australians. This Bill will ensure that intelligence agencies have the tools needed to deal with current and emerging threats.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is vital these amendments are made urgently. Each day these amendments are not in place risks our agencies missing critical foreign intelligence about threats to Australia and Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill demonstrates the Government's unwavering commitment to ensuring Australia's national security framework is, and continues to be, as robust and responsive as possible.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 and, at the outset, indicate that the opposition will be supporting this legislation. This bill responds to recommendations of the Richardson review of the national intelligence community and addresses gaps in the foreign intelligence warrant framework that arise from technological change. The bill introduces new safeguards and retains prohibitions on using foreign intelligence warrants for the purpose of collecting domestic communications. This bill has been the subject of an inquiry by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, and a report has been tabled in the parliament.</para>
<para>The Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill amends the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act to address gaps in Australia's foreign intelligence warrant framework. These gap, which have arisen from technological change, were considered by the Comprehensive Review of the Legal Framework of the National Intelligence Community, conducted by Dennis Richardson AC. As I've said, these legislative changes address and fix these gaps. 'Foreign intelligence' refers to the intelligence about the capabilities, intentions or activities of people or organisations outside of Australia. Without the proposed changes in the bill, gaps in foreign intelligence collection will continue to grow and Australia will not have visibility of possible threats to Australia and its security. The bill makes no changes to the existing safeguards for foreign communications warrants. These warrants cannot be issued for the purpose of intercepting domestic communications, and communications that are identified as domestic must be destroyed.</para>
<para>The Richardson review also recommended reforms to allow foreign intelligence to be collected on Australian citizens and permanent residents in Australia who are acting on behalf of foreign powers. The bill does continue the prohibition of collecting information concerning an Australian unless the ASIO director-general reasonably suspects the Australian is acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power.</para>
<para>The proposed changes in this legislation to the foreign communications warrant bring Australia into alignment with other Five Eyes partner countries. However, Australia will retain stronger safeguards than our Five Eyes partners when it comes to the use of foreign intelligence communication warrants, including the continuing prohibition on collecting domestic communication.</para>
<para>The ability for ASIO to obtain foreign intelligence warrants has a long history and arises out of the second Hope royal commission in 1986. Originally, the foreign intelligence warrant framework contained two warrants: a warrant under the TIA Act authorising interception of a single service, such as a single phone number; and a warrant under the ASIO Act authorising the use of ASIO's pre-existing special powers. In response to technological change, including the uptake of mobile phones and the development of the internet, the telecommunications warrant was updated in 2000 by introducing an amendment that permitted foreign communications warrants for a more expansive definition of telecommunication technologies and where it was not possible to identify a particular person or individual. That amendment still confined the warrants to foreign communications only.</para>
<para>The foreign communication warrants allow intelligence agencies to identify threats to Australia's national security, including malicious cyberactivity, terrorist communications and indications of foreign intelligence services threatening Australia's interests. The foreign communications warrant prohibits the interception of domestic communications that both start and end in Australia, even where the interception is inadvertent or unavoidable. Previously, it was rather straightforward to determine whether the point of interception of a communication was foreign or domestic—for example, the use of country codes on a fixed line. The challenge that now arises because of technological change, particularly the use of internet based communications and mobile applications, is that now it is not always possible to know at the point of interception whether a communication is foreign or domestic. And so, to avoid breaching the TIA Act, intelligence agencies do not intercept foreign communications where there is even the smallest risk of incidentally intercepting domestic communications. This places a considerable constraint on the collection of foreign intelligence. So the bill amends the TIA Act to overcome the difficulty agencies face in being able to distinguish between a foreign and a domestic communication at the point of interception.</para>
<para>The bill allows the ASIO director-general to apply for a warrant authorising the interception of a communication for the purpose of collecting foreign communication, including where the geographic locations of the sender and the recipient cannot be determined prior to interception. The bill also introduces strict safeguards to protect domestic communication if it's inadvertently collected. These safeguards protect domestic communication in the way the original prohibition intended, and include:</para>
<list>The proposed warrants can only be issued for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence from foreign communications …</list>
<list>The Attorney-General must issue a mandatory written procedure … to:</list>
<quote><para class="block">screen for domestic communications that may have been intercepted</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">destroy all records of any domestic communication so identified (unless the communication relates, or appears to relate, to activities that present a significant risk to a person's life), and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notify the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security (IGIS) of any identified domestic communication that relates, or appears to relate, to activities that present a significant risk to a person's life …</para></quote>
<list>Before issuing or varying the mandatory procedure, the Attorney-General must consult the Minister for Defence, Minister for Foreign Affairs, IGIS and the Director-General of Security …</list>
<list>The Attorney-General must review the mandatory procedure as soon as practicable within one year of it being issued, and then every 3 years.</list>
<para>The existing safeguards for foreign communication warrants will continue to apply—that is, that the Attorney-General must be satisfied, on the advice of the Minister for Defence and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the collection of foreign intelligence is in the interests of Australia's national security, Australia's foreign relations or Australia's economic wellbeing. The IGIS will continue to have oversight of the agencies' activities under these warrants and will oversee compliance with mandatory procedures issued by the Attorney-General. The IGIS has extensive powers akin to those of a standing royal commission.</para>
<para>The bill also enables the Attorney-General to issue foreign intelligence warrants to collect foreign intelligence on Australians in Australia who are acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. Currently, ASIO can collect foreign intelligence offshore on an Australian working for a foreign power, but that same intelligence cannot be collected inside Australia under a warrant. The Richardson review identified this gap in warrant powers and recommended this legislative change, noting:</para>
<quote><para class="block">An Australian serving the interests of a foreign government, for example, remains an agent of a foreign power whether they are onshore or offshore.</para></quote>
<para>'Foreign power' is defined under the ASIO Act as a foreign government, an entity that is directed or controlled by a foreign government or governments, or a foreign political organisation.</para>
<para>Safeguards will also accompany this change. The law will continue to prevent the request of a foreign intelligence warrant on Australian persons who are not acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. The ASIO director-general must include in the warrant the details about the ground on which he or she suspects the person is acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. The Attorney-General must not issue the warrants unless he or she is satisfied that the person is acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. The Attorney-General must be satisfied, on the advice of the Minister for Defence and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, that the collection of foreign intelligence is in the interests of Australia's national security, Australia's foreign relations or Australia's economic wellbeing. The IGIS will continue to have oversight of agencies' activities under these warrants. As I said, the IGIS has extensive powers akin to those of a standing royal commission.</para>
<para>As I stated at the outset, this bill has been the subject of a review by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, and the report of the PJCIS recommended, in a bipartisan fashion and in the national interest, two changes to the legislation. One was on the point of the mandatory written procedure that must be developed by the Attorney-General. The committee recommended that it is also provided with a briefing on the procedure, as soon as practicable, once it has been issued, and I note that the government has accepted this recommendation. The committee also made a recommendation that the bill be amended so that the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security may conduct a review of the amendments made by this legislation not less than five years from its royal assent. I note that the government has accepted this recommendation as well.</para>
<para>The changes recommended by the Richardson review are necessary. Labor supports these changes, noting that we take seriously the advice of the Richardson review and we also take seriously the advice of the ASIO director-general and our national security agencies. When considering changes such as these, Labor applies the following principles: Are the powers necessary? Are they proportionate? Do they have appropriate safeguards for Australian citizens, particularly for the rights of Australian citizens? Are the changes accompanied by appropriate oversight and review? It is my judgement and the judgement of the opposition that the changes proposed in the foreign intelligence legislation before us today are necessary, are proportionate, do have adequate safeguards and do retain the original provisions of the Hope royal commission that prohibit ASIO from using these warrants to collect information and communication on Australian citizens in Australia—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, I will have to ask you to resume your seat. It being 12.15, as per today's order of business, we now move to non-controversial legislation. We will come back to you for the last few minutes. You will be in continuation, with three minutes and 34 seconds on the clock.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Governance and Other Measures) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a href="r6726" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Governance and Other Measures) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>39</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Governance and Other Measures) Bill 2021 acts on the advice of Dr Mal Washer, chair of the Organ and Tissue Authority board, to enable the board to have a more strategic and advisory focus. The current governance structure, where the governance board is the accountable entity, is unusual and has apparently not delivered effective and efficient governance to the authority. That is why the entire board has agreed with the chair's recommendation to return to a more common governance structure with the CEO being the accountable entity and the board playing a strategic advisory role. It is not clear to Labor why the government chose the current governance structure in 2017. It is not the usual governance structure employed by non-corporate Commonwealth entities like the Organ and Tissue Authority. This decision resulted in the Organ and Tissue Authority becoming the first non-corporate Commonwealth entity to have a governance board as the accountable entity. Again, the reasons for this decision remain unclear to Labor.</para>
<para>However, it is good that the government is now choosing to act on the board's view about the governance of the Organ and Tissue Authority, as represented by advice provided by the chair. This advice conforms with Labor's view that non-corporate Commonwealth entities like the Organ and Tissue Authority should have a governance structure that allows for the CEO, who actually runs the organisation and is accountable for its functioning, to be the accountable entity in the legal sense, all the while being guided by an advisory board that focuses on the strategic direction of the authority. This conforms to the governance structure of almost all other non-corporate Commonwealth entities. This bill will transition the role of accountable authority from the board back to the CEO and replace the existing governance board with an advisory board under the Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Act 2008. These governance changes will revert the Organ and Tissue Authority to the approach first implemented by Labor in 2008. It is a sensible change, one that indicates that, unusually, the government has acknowledged that Labor got it right, and one that Labor supports.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority manages the implementation of the government's national reform program on organ and tissue donation and transplantation. In July 2020 the Organ and Tissue Authority governance board undertook an internal review, as required under the board's charter. The results indicated a clear consensus from board members on the need for increased time and capacity to contribute to the organisation's strategic direction and to provide advice and support to the chief executive officer. The board was established on 1 July 2017, following a review of the implementation of the national reform agenda on organ and tissue donation and transplantation conducted by Ernst & Young in 2016. Following the review, legislative changes established the board as the accountable authority of the Organ and Tissue Authority under the Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013. This resulted in the Organ and Tissue Authority becoming the first non-corporate Commonwealth entity to have a governance board as the accountable authority under the PGPA Act.</para>
<para>The Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Amendment (Governance and Other Measures) Bill 2021 will transition the role of accountable authority from the board back to the CEO and replace the existing governance board with an advisory board under the Australian Organ and Tissue Donation and Transplantation Authority Act 2008. There are no changes to the existing functions of the Organ and Tissue Authority. These governance changes will align the Organ and Tissue Authority with the governance structures of most other non-corporate Commonwealth entities. This bill will amend the functions of the CEO to include all functions of the accountable authority under the PGPA Act and establish the advisory board to provide advice and expertise to the CEO on organ and tissue donation and transplantation matters. The advisory board will have a skills based membership, harnessing expertise, experience and knowledge from a broad range of areas from within the organ and tissue sector. All advisory board members, except the chair, will be appointed by the minister responsible for organ and tissue donation and transplantation matters, in consultation with the jurisdictions. The chair will be appointed directly by the minister, without the requirement to consult.</para>
<para>These changes to the governance structure of the Organ and Tissue Authority will allow the board a greater strategic focus to provide expertise and advice to the work of the Organ and Tissue Authority. This will support the Organ and Tissue Authority to set the priorities for the future to improve organ and tissue donation, retrieval and transplantation outcomes. This will better support the authority to more effectively achieve its strategic goals: saving lives and improving the quality of lives for more Australians. I thank members for their contribution to the debate on this bill and commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>41</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No amendments have been circulated. Does any senator require a committee stage? If not, I shall call the minister to move the third reading.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021, Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <p>
              <a href="r6739" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6734" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>41</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to contribute to the debate on the Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021 and the Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021. I will say from the outset that Labor will support these bills.</para>
<para>The purpose of the Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021 is to amend the Customs Tariff Act 1995 to implement the outcomes of the World Customs Organization's sixth review of the Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System—the harmonised system—which is scheduled to commence internationally on 1 January 2022.</para>
<para>The parliament is also considering the Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021, which seeks specifically to amend the definition of tobacco products in the Customs Act 1901. This second bill is required because the first bill provides that e-cigarettes and vapes will have their own classification code under the international harmonised system. Consequently, one of the oldest acts of this Australian parliament, the Customs Act 1901, must be amended to reflect this change and the emergence of these new types of tobacco products. The amendments will ensure that these products continue to be subject to the existing regulatory requirements, such as tax and excise, that apply to tobacco products under the Customs Act.</para>
<para>Today I will speak primarily on the first bill, which deals with the Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System. The harmonised system allocates classifications and descriptions used to identify all tradable goods. The World Customs Organization maintains this system, and the organisation's members, including Australia, review it on a five-yearly basis. The coding system changes to reflect emerging technologies and changing trade patterns. It also seeks to monitor trade in dangerous and lethal components and products. The system plays an important role in helping to monitor goods that can be exploited to the detriment of their country of origin. Essentially, as the world changes and technology advantages, so do classifications of the goods we trade. Codes for new goods are added, some goods are reclassified and other goods' codes drop off the list altogether. For example, some products have been given a separate code because they are increasingly present in international trade. These include 3D printers, smartphones and electric vehicles.</para>
<para>The harmonised system is also used in the monitoring of trade patterns to help conservation efforts. For example, in this review the potential impact of the overexploitation of the African cherry tree in the wild because of the growing use of its bark in the pharmaceutical industry will be monitored by the application of a dedicated code for this product. Many would be unaware that these new codes will also help facilitate the monitoring and control of substances controlled under the chemical weapons convention and of goods required for the production and use of improvised explosive devices. Adjustment of the harmonised system also monitors substances controlled by virtue of the Kigali amendments to the Montreal Protocol on Substances that Deplete the Ozone Layer.</para>
<para>As we can see from these examples, the harmonised system works to do much in international trade. I believe it is important that we recognise the good work done in the global interests by institutions such as the World Customs Organization and all the nation-states that are active in negotiations. The coded harmonised system is an important and wholly undervalued tool in the global effort to curb the development of chemical weapons and improvised explosive devices and the re-emergence of products that endanger the ozone layer. These are just three examples.</para>
<para>With this background, Labor will support both of these bills. We commend them to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021 and the Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021 will amend the Customs Tariff Act 1995 and the Customs Act 1901, respectively. Together these two bills will implement the changes agreed to in the sixth review of the Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System. The measures in the tariff amendment bill will ensure that Australia's customs tariffs, which are based on the harmonised system, reflect the changing patterns of international trade, the emergence of new technologies and the international will to regulate certain goods of concern.</para>
<para>The World Customs Organization developed the harmonised system to strengthen and support trade between countries with different trade regulatory arrangements. Australia is one of more than 200 countries and economies that use the harmonised system. The harmonised system is of critical importance to Australian traders and industry. Ensuring that Australia's tariffs are consistent with the international harmonised system used by our trading partners is an important part of the government's support for our importers and exporters.</para>
<para>The customs amendment bill is consequential to the amendments that will be made to the Customs Tariff Act 1995 by the Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021. One of the amendments made by the tariff amendment bill creates a new tariff subheading for products such as e-cigarettes. Consequentially, the definition of tobacco products in the Customs Act 1901 needs to be amended to ensure that e-cigarettes remain subject to the same treatment as other imported products that contain tobacco. The customs amendment bill will amend this definition.</para>
<para>I thank senators for their contributions to the debate. I commend both the Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021 and the Customs Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Bill 2021 to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>42</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No amendments to the bills have been circulated. Does any senator require a committee stage? If not, I call the minister to move the third reading.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a href="r6748" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>42</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was wrapping up my remarks earlier. I'll just conclude by saying that Labor does judge that the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 presents changes that are necessary, are proportionate, protect the rights of Australian citizens, retain the prohibition in the Hope royal commission on using foreign intelligence warrants to collect domestic communication and have appropriate oversight. Particularly this bill is improved by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security's review and recommendations.</para>
<para>In closing, I would like to acknowledge the chair of the PJCIS, Senator Paterson, and thank him and the Minister for Home Affairs, Karen Andrews, for the constructive way they worked with the opposition in a bipartisan fashion and in the national interest to see the changes needed that were identified by the Richardson review and to address the gaps in our foreign intelligence communication warrant. The gaps that Mr Richardson recommended that this parliament address are being addressed to improve the safety and security of our nation by this legislation. Labor will support it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator THORPE</name>
    <name.id>280304</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to speak on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. This is yet another spectacular example of how the two major parties team up with each other to just ram through legislation in this chamber without respect for due process. The Liberal Party always say that they are a broad church. They're so broad in fact it seems they also take a big chunk of the Labor Party, too. This bill was referred to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, also known as the Lib-Lab closed shop, for a secret review and a final report by Friday 20 August 2021. The PJCIS recommended the bill be passed—no surprises there. They have locked out every crossbencher and made these decisions on their own, as the Labor Party and the Liberal Party do so often, without having any regard for anybody else in this place.</para>
<para>This is subject to two amendments: requiring reporting to PJCIS in certain circumstances and a review of the provisions after five years. The bill and explanatory memorandum were referred on an embargoed basis as the bill had not yet been tabled in parliament. The committee agreed to the government's request to consider this legislation quickly and in private. The government wants to do business quickly and in private. The committee held a classified briefing on Monday 23 August 2021 with officials from relevant agencies—again, a closed shop. We as senators in this place all have responsibilities to represent the people that have put us here. The two major parties—Labor and Liberal—have created this closed shop that disallows other senators from having input on behalf of their constituents. That's great for democracy! It's closed shops, secrecy and privacy.</para>
<para>Now the two old parties want to tell us that this legislation is for our own good and so absolutely important to the running of the country and the alleged protection of the Commonwealth that we are just meant to pass it without review. This is serious legislation. How can we not be reviewing it and allowing other senators to have input and hear those briefings so they can make an informed decision and be part of the decision-making? But, no, it's the closed shop of Labor and Liberal. Maybe my colleagues in there have forgotten that this chamber is a house of review. This is absolutely disgusting. It's a contempt for democracy and should not be allowed.</para>
<para>We will not be voting for this bill at this stage, not until you come back to this house to allow proper debate and scrutiny. That's what we're paid to do, right? We have tried to refer this bill to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee to allow for proper scrutiny by the parliament and the people. That's what we're meant to do. If you're scared of proper debate and scrutiny of laws, which I thought was what we were meant to be doing, then maybe you should think about why you're here. If you're just forming your own private club, then be open and transparent about that. I'm sure the people out there don't want closed shops in this place, which don't allow us a say. Labor and Liberal, you should be ashamed of yourselves for teaming up like this, doing a dirty little deal and rushing it through in the way you have.</para>
<para>Until you actually live by your so-called values of democracy and do your job as senators, rather than having closed-shop committees, we have to think about why you're here. Why are you here? I know why I'm here. Come back here once you've considered why you're here and how bad this is for the Australian people—for you all to lock out other senators from having a say, scrutinising this bill and taking it through a review process. Tell the Australian people that you two have joined forces and are blocking a review of a piece of legislation that's going to have an effect on ordinary Australians. Until that time, we can't support the bill. You're blocking democracy. You're not acting in good faith. You're not representing the people, and your little PJCIS fiefdom is wrong. We shouldn't be operating like that, as elected officials in a place where we're meant to be scrutinising legislation that affects the Australian population. I think you need to have a good hard look at yourselves—dig deep—and allow us to properly review this legislation to ensure free, prior and informed consent. Don't rant about free, prior and conformed consent when you don't allow it to happen in this place. Open it up. Let us review it, and let's do the right thing. I call on all senators with any integrity to do the same. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. I'm grateful to have the opportunity to do so on the legislation itself, as, when the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security tabled its report on the bill last night, I didn't have the opportunity to contribute, given the other disruptions to the program. I'm going to confine my contribution to a couple of key areas. Firstly, I want to discuss the conduct of the inquiry by the Intelligence and Security Committee, particularly in light of the comments made by Senator Thorpe. I'll do my best not to take the personal reflections too personally. I also want to discuss the threat environment that Australia is operating in, which illustrates the need for this legislation. I will then speak about the key provisions of the bill and the safeguards, and, if I have time, I'll talk about some of the case studies that are relevant to this bill. I'll also canvass the committee's recommendations.</para>
<para>Firstly, to address the comments made by Senator Thorpe about the PJCIS's conduct of this inquiry, it's certainly not the preference of the PJCIS to complete its inquiries in private, nor to do so quickly. It is rare for us to do so, although it is not without precedent. In 2018, when considering ASIS amendment bills, we conducted a similarly swift inquiry. It is usually the preference of the committee to conduct our inquiries in public and over a lengthy period of time. Indeed, some of our inquiries are so lengthy that they go for many months, if not years. However, there were unique circumstances in this bill which required the committee to do this and were why, after careful consideration, the committee unanimously and on a bipartisan basis agreed to do so.</para>
<para>Those unique circumstances related, firstly, to the sensitive nature of the legislation and the capability concerned by the legislation and, secondly, to the unusual operating environment that we're all in, which really should be self-evident, as a result of the COVID outbreak not just in New South Wales and Victoria but also here in the ACT. It is not possible to be absolutely certain about the sitting calendar going forward, and it would be unfortunate if the parliament began consideration of a sensitive bill like this but was not able to conclude its consideration of the bill due to a COVID outbreak. That necessitated a quick and private inquiry. I want to assure all senators and, indeed, all members of parliament that, despite the constrained circumstances the committee was operating under in the conduct of this review, we nonetheless fulfilled all of our responsibilities to the parliament and, through the parliament, to the Australian people to test robustly the rationale for this bill, the need for this bill; to test the individual provisions of the bill; to test the safeguards of the bill; and ultimately to make a number of recommendations about the bill, which I will briefly explain.</para>
<para>The committee has made three recommendations, one of which is that the bill be passed. Prior to the bill being passed, we've also recommended that if the mandatory procedure inserted by clause 11C(6) were to be issued or varied by the Attorney-General the committee be notified of that immediately and then briefed on it. I will come in a moment, when I talk about the provisions of the bill, to why the mandatory procedures are important and why it's important that there is parliamentary scrutiny of those procedures. I'm pleased that the government has accepted that amendment to ensure that the committee will be able to fulfil that scrutiny function on behalf of the parliament. The second recommendation that we made was that the bill be reviewed by the committee not less than five years from when the bill receives royal assent. That does not mean that the committee has to wait for five years to commence the bill; it means that before the end of five years the committee must consider its right to do an inquiry. It is not uncommon for the committee to occasionally launch inquiries prior to that time. For example, the committee has two statutory reviews that it is currently undertaking. One of them is of the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme. That was due to commence later this year, but the committee decided to bring it forward and open it up now so that we could conduct our statutory responsibilities. The same would apply to this bill. The wording is that 'not less than five years from when the bill receives royal assent' the committee may conduct an inquiry. I'm pleased that the government has also accepted that recommendation.</para>
<para>It's important that national security legislation, including legislation of this nature that amends the Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance and Access) Act, not be a set-and-forget, that it not be passed and left on the books and never examined again in the future. That's why the committee made its second recommendation, and it's why a significant workload of the committee is reviewing existing legislation that has been previously passed. Sometimes I reflect that legislation in other areas of government which is not subject to that kind of robust re-examination and review would benefit from it, frankly. Some of the economic regulation that this parliament agrees to is passed and then very rarely ever reviewed again, at least in a parliamentary sense, and, frankly, I think it would benefit from it. But it's quite often the case with national security legislation, as is appropriate, that it have a higher degree of scrutiny.</para>
<para>I want to turn now to the threat environment that we are operating in, which is a very serious one. It illustrates the need for legislation like this to ensure that our foreign intelligence collection capabilities are up to date, that they keep pace with modern technology and that they're not unduly limited by technological change or legislative loopholes that are not functioning as intended. The director-general of ASIO, Mike Burgess, in his annual threat assessment earlier this year spoke about the range of challenges that ASIO faces, including and especially terrorism, which has been a very strong focus of ASIO since September 11. In that threat assessment he also forecast that it won't be too far in the future, given current trends, that foreign interference, espionage and related offences will become one of the largest focuses of ASIO's work. That is because we are operating in a very different security environment from the one we were operating in just five years ago. Foreign interference and espionage is at unprecedented levels—higher than they have ever been at, including at the height of the Cold War. Mr Burgess's predecessors, such as Duncan Lewis, have publicly confirmed that the overwhelming driver of that is activity from and on behalf of China.</para>
<para>In this environment, it's vital that all of our intelligence agencies—our intelligence community—are well equipped to counter those threats, and the collection of foreign intelligence helps them to do that task. It helps them to identify potential threats to not just Australian's lives but also our way of life, and to identify the way in which foreign governments may attempt to intervene in our democratic systems. It also enables them to keep appropriate tabs on Australians who may be involved with foreign terrorist organisations. So it's really crucial, given that serious threat environment and given the rapid change in that threat environment, that those powers be adequate for their intended purpose.</para>
<para>Turning now to the schedules of the bill, I want to comment on the two key schedules of the bill, on why they are necessary and on why the committee, in its examination of the bill, agreed with the government's proposition that they are necessary. From the committee's report:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 is designed to restore the foreign communications warrant to its original scope and function. The removal of the strict prohibition is accompanied by robust safeguards to protect domestic communications in the same way the original prohibition intended.</para></quote>
<para>I'll come to more detail of that in a moment. Secondly, the report states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2 of the Bill enables the Attorney‑General to issue foreign intelligence warrants to collect foreign intelligence on Australians in Australia who are acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power. Currently, requesting a warrant for the purpose of collecting information concerning an Australian citizen or permanent resident is prohibited …</para></quote>
<para>Schedule 1, which relates to amendment of clause 11C, the foreign communications warrant, currently authorises the interception of foreign communications for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence about the matter specified in the warrant. The challenge that arises here with the existing foreign communications warrant is that, if an agency inadvertently intercepts domestic communications—that is, a communication that both starts and ends within Australia—that is prohibited and is a breach of the law, even when that interception is entirely inadvertent or unavoidable.</para>
<para>That made sense in an earlier technological era when it was very easy to identify where communications originated and where they concluded. Where it was very obvious that they originated and concluded completely outside of Australia, that was captured within the scope of the legislation. Because we had things such as reliable geographic identifiers and indicators such as a country code, a city code or an exchange code, a foreign telephone number was readily identifiable as a foreign telephone number and was therefore permitted for this type of collection activity. That, obviously, has radically changed due to advances in technology, particularly internet based communications and mobile applications. That means that it's extremely difficult for that communication to be clearly identified at the point of interception as being either foreign or domestic, because of the way in which some of our technology companies choose to route the communications of their applications.</para>
<para>For our intelligence agencies to avoid breaching the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act, they understandably do not want to take any risk of breaching the law, because they take compliance with the law very seriously. They therefore have to constrain their collection of foreign intelligence to avoid even that inadvertent attempt, and that means that, essentially, the picture that Australia is getting of the world is severely constrained and does not have the full benefit of what would be lawful, permitted collection if we were able to overcome this technical issue.</para>
<para>The changes to the legislation will allow intelligence agencies to intercept communications, including where the geographic location of the sender or recipient is unclear prior to their being intercepted, but there will be robust safeguards to ensure that, if there are any inadvertently collected domestic communications, they will be quickly screened and quickly destroyed. That relates to the mandatory written procedure under section 11C(6). The Attorney-General will mandate a procedure for what the intelligence agencies are to do when they may inadvertently collect Australian sourced communications and for how they must treat those and destroy them. It's for that reason that that is a very important mandatory procedure, and the committee have asked that we have the opportunity to be notified and briefed on that so we can consider it and, if we have any concerns, have an opportunity to address them, and that's why it's important that the government has agreed to that.</para>
<para>The second schedule in the bill relates to Australians and permanent residents acting on or behalf of a foreign power. Currently, it's lawful for our intelligence agencies to monitor these people when they're operating overseas. If an Australian citizen is in the employ of a foreign government and acting on their behalf, it is lawful to intercept their communications overseas. It's not lawful, for that purpose, for them to continue to be collected upon when they enter Australia. That is a really arbitrary distinction. If you are an agent of a foreign government and are operating either in Australia or overseas, you pose an equally serious threat to our national security. Arguably, someone operating on behalf of a foreign power within Australia may pose a greater threat to Australia's national security because of their potential access to information here onshore, but currently legislation prevents our intelligence agencies from adequately collecting on those Australians when they are onshore.</para>
<para>The legislation proposes that they should be able to do so. This responds to our recommendation from Dennis Richardson in his comprehensive review of the intelligence community and it is a sensible change that deals with a loophole. It is really an arbitrary distinction. If someone acts on behalf of a foreign power, wherever they are in the world, it is of legitimate interest to Australia that they be able to be surveilled appropriately. The safeguards are very robust; they include all the usual oversights that you would expect of intelligence powers, including the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security and, through the IGIS, ultimately the committee and the parliament. We intend to fulfil our responsibilities robustly in relation to that.</para>
<para>I think it's worth drawing the attention of senators and members to an appendix in the committee's report that includes a table of comparative powers in Five Eyes countries and comparative protections and safeguards. What that table illustrates is that the proposed protections included in this legislation are equal to or greater than every one of our Five Eyes partners. Australia will have much more robust protections than, for example, Canada and New Zealand. Australians can take comfort from the fact that, although we're permitting our agencies to engage in this important collection activity, we will do so with really robust and adequate safeguards to ensure that the privacy, freedom and rights of Australians are protected, as they should be, by our intelligence agencies.</para>
<para>I don't think I'll have time to go into the case studies; perhaps other senators will have the opportunity to do that. I want to conclude by thanking all members of the PJCIS for the very collegiate way in which they engaged in this inquiry. As I alluded to, it was a challenge to complete the inquiry under the conditions we were subject to, but committee members very diligently applied themselves to that task. I would like to recognise in particular the deputy chair of the committee, Mr Byrne, and the two Labor shadow ministers on the committee, Senator Keneally and Mr Dreyfus, who diligently considered this legislation in a bipartisan and constructive way in the national interest. And I want to thank the government for anticipating the constraints to be imposed upon the committee in its conduct of this inquiry and its early engagement with the committee and with members of the committee to ensure that we were adequately informed and comprehensively briefed so that we could form an informed opinion about this legislation and could report in the required time frame for the parliament. If we have to engage in inquiries in this way, this was an exemplar. I commend the government for that. If we ever face these circumstances again, I encourage the government to replicate the way in which this inquiry was conducted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to speak on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. I want to comment initially on the short notice we've been dealing with here. This bill was introduced into the House yesterday, at the same time a very short PJCIS committee report was being handed down, and we find it in the Senate today. We are also seeing a gag motion applied to it. My great fear is that we won't get to the committee stage. There are a lot of questions that need to be answered in relation to this bill.</para>
<para>I want to point out something that everyone who is watching ought to note, and that is that, when this bill was introduced in the House, in the second reader the minister basically said it's not possible to identify why it's so urgent. I'm going to presume that there's an operation going on at the moment that requires some of these restrictions to be overcome—an important national security operation, no doubt. But, to all of those who've been watching this morning, you'll note that this really important national security bill was so important that it got put behind the electoral bills. So just understand where the coalition and the opposition sit on this. Electoral reform bills must go through the parliament before urgent national security bills. I think that ought to be noted by everyone who is watching.</para>
<para>I have some concerns about this bill. People will know I come from a Defence background. I am very supportive of our intelligence services, but we know that they make mistakes. We look at the IGIS reporting every year and see that mistakes are made. We've seen some shockers from the intelligence services in the past—spying on the East Timorese, hotel raids for training purposes going wrong, a whole range of different instances where the intelligence services haven't done as well as they might. That's the reason why we always need to have the right checks and balances in place.</para>
<para>I'll come to the amendment that I intend to move if we get to the committee stage, otherwise I won't get to speak to it, but where I want to go immediately—and maybe the minister will be able to address this in her response to the other speeches on the second reading—is that schedule 2 allows the intelligence services to spy on an Australian, and the threshold for doing that is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the Attorney-General must not issue the warrant unless the Attorney-General is satisfied that the person is, or is reasonably suspected by the Director-General of, acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power.</para></quote>
<para>We've seen those words used before, in relation to our Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme. I just went and had a quick look at that scheme and some of the people on that list who would meet the criteria, in my view, for a warrant to be issued. One of the persons on that list is one Tony Abbott. He is registered from 6 October 2020 as an unpaid adviser to the UK Board of Trade. I wonder if the minister at some stage could answer whether or not Mr Abbott is going to be spied on by our intelligence services just because he meets the criteria as being an unpaid adviser for the UK Board of Trade.</para>
<para>Another name on that list is Kevin Rudd. I wonder if Senator Keneally has rung Mr Rudd, because, if you go on the foreign influence transparency register and have a look, there's quite a scathing letter that he has put on the register. He is a very, very unhappy person in relation to the requirement to be put on that list. I reckon he's going to be even more unhappy now that he understands that, under this bill, he can also be spied upon by our intelligence services. I wonder if Senator Keneally has actually rung Mr Rudd and said: 'Do you know this is happening? We're going to let this happen. We haven't really dealt with this sort of issue, because it's just being rushed through the parliament.'</para>
<para>The best one—this one I actually like; this is a good one—is another person on the list: Mr Alexander Downer. He's been on the list for the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme since 27 August 2020, as he supports the government of Gibraltar. This is the one exception to the rule. I think there would be great irony in our intelligence services spying on Alexander Downer. After I've finished this speech on the second reading, I'm going to ring up Mr Bernard Collaery and let him know, because that might make him feel just a little bit better as he is being persecuted for allegedly revealing what Mr Downer did back in 2004. There are some genuine questions to be answered about that, because, in my view, these gentlemen, these former prime ministers and foreign ministers, actually fit the criteria that would allow a warrant to be issued and spying and interception to occur. So I'll leave my commentary on the bill at that.</para>
<para>I'll go now to the amendment that I would normally talk about in the committee stage. That is, an amendment to the Intelligence Services Act. Every time we increase the powers of our intelligence services—again, I don't necessarily begrudge the intelligence services; I want our intelligence services to have the right tools available, but—whenever you give anyone a power to be exercised in secret, you have to put the right checks and balances in place.</para>
<para>I just listened to Senator Paterson talking about the comparison between our Five Eyes colleagues. I've looked at the PJCIS report, and at the back of it there's a table that talks about all of the current laws used in all of the different Five Eyes jurisdictions. What Senator Paterson didn't indicate was that these other jurisdictions have parliamentary oversight of their intelligence services. That is a fundamental difference between us and the rest of our Five Eyes partners. So I invite the government and, indeed, the opposition to support my amendment, which I've moved on several occasions, but particularly the Labor Party, noting that their own party position is to have the PJCIS be able to examine the operations of our intelligence services. That's in a private member's bill. I think Senator Wong has carriage of it, or it might actually be Senator McAllister—I can't recall. But that is the position of the Labor Party. I find it mind-boggling that every time I bring this particular amendment to the chamber to effectively attach Labor policy to a government bill, the Labor Party reject it. So I'm going to have another crack today, and I'll have another crack on every intelligence bill that comes through. This is about making sure that whenever we give these powers—again, powers exercised in secret—that we have the right checks and balances in place.</para>
<para>I think a few phone calls need to be made. Perhaps Senator Cash might ring Tony Abbott and give him the bad news, and Senator Keneally can ring Kevin Rudd, and I don't care if anyone rings Alexander Downer or not, but I'll be ringing Bernard Collaery.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I too want to speak to the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. I'd like to talk a little bit about the scope of the bill. I'd like to talk a bit about some of the comments from Senators Patrick and Thorpe about the role of parliamentary oversight in the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, which I am a member of. I think it's important, given the comments that have been made about these being new powers, to actually look at the history of these powers and the role of our agencies in protecting Australians and our national interests, to have a look at what the schedules are actually outlining, the problems that they are seeking to solve and what they are proposing, and the safeguards that are in place as well as some of the case studies that are there. Lastly, I'll say a few words about Senator Patrick's proposed amendments, which, as he points out, he brings up on a regular basis. I would be happy to address those.</para>
<para>As colleagues have indicated, this bill does amend the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979 and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979 and is looking to address gaps that have arisen in our foreign intelligence warrant framework. 'Foreign intelligence' means the intelligence about the intentions or capabilities of people or organisations outside of Australia, and that can include terrorist organisations or it can include state actors.</para>
<para>I think it's important to note concerns that have been raised by the director-general of ASIO, who points out that foreign state activities in Australia are at a level we haven't seen since the Cold War. T his is not some hypothetical threat that Australia is facing; it's a threat that is very real. He has spoken to that in his annual threat assessment, as well as publicly through the PJCIS hearings process on several occasions. Likewise, terror groups continue to be active. We all hoped that , after actions after the Bali bomb ing s and some of the other things — those global networks reaching out that impacted Australians — we had seen those wind down to the point where they would not be a risk to Australia. But what we do see in the plots that are uncovered by our intelligence agencies and our law enforcement agencies is that Australians, often young Australians, are influenced by communications from people overseas to motivate them to be engaged in acts of terror, and so the ability to intercept those communications is an important part of protecting Australia and Australia's national interests.</para>
<para>It's important to understand, when people talk about the fact that these are new powers, that in actual fact the powers have been around for some time. The powers actually go back to earlier acts and, in particular, to the Hope royal commission, where the need for these powers was identified. What has changed is not the need for the powers—the fact that we are seeking to give our agencies the ability, under appropriate supervision, to monitor, intercept and understand what has been communicated by a foreign entity that affects Australians and Australia's interests—but the technology. Many people may know that my professional background before this place was as an experimental test pilot for the military . So I've seen frequently that the mission doesn't change and the principles don't change , but, as technology changes, both the platforms we use and the regulations and rules around their use have to adapt and have to be modified to make sure that we are on at least an even footing, if not having an edge over our adversaries.</para>
<para>What this bill is seeking to do is recognise the fact that, since those powers were first introduced, we have moved from the days of landlines and faxes , where it was very easy to trace and identify whether a call or communication was coming from overseas or was purely between two domestic player s , to the days of smartphones and the internet, where particularly over-the-top applications mean that it is possible for people — organised crime around the world , as we've seen recently with the large sting that Australia was involved in, is using encrypted devices. If organised crime can do it, then it's very clear that state actors representing foreign governments as well as terrorist groups have access to, and in fact often develop, some of the same technology and capabilities. So it's important that our laws and regulations keep up with the changing technology so that the agencies can keep doing the role that they have had legally and done effectively for some time.</para>
<para>It's important to go back and understand that the Inspector - General of Intelligence and Security Act 1986 was amended in response to a recommendation of the Royal Commission on Australia's Security and Intelligence Agencies, known as the second Hope royal commission. Justice Hope said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I am satisfied that Australia has a need to collect foreign intelligence which relates to its national security and its other national interests. Considerations of the national interest, national independence, costs, and practical difficulties have led me to conclude that it would be highly advantageous for Australia to be able to collect foreign intelligence within its own territory where this is possible.</para></quote>
<para>What Justice Hope highlighted after his review has been backed up again by Mr Dennis Richardson in his more recent review around the powers that our agencies have: that that is a valid need for our agencies ; it's a valid power . So our laws and regulations need to change with technology so that those capabilities are not reduced as technology changes.</para>
<para>My last comment before I go to the details of the bill is about the role of the parliament in the PJCIS. Senator Thorpe was calling for this to be referred for a broader review. One of the things that I've noted in my time in this place is that there are many issues dealing with national security where transparency is possible and it should be there. I note Senator Patrick's long campaign around FOIs and transparency, and I think that in principle he is absolutely correct: where it is possible, there should be transparency. That's the very essence of a plural democracy where government is accountable to the people. But, as Senator Patrick and others who've been involved in our defence forces, law enforcement and intelligence agencies know, there are also areas where it's appropriate for the government and its agencies to have information which is not made public.</para>
<para>One of the ways that a balance has been struck, through the Intelligence Services Act, to have oversight by the Australian people through their parliament is to create a committee within that parliament where the members are able to be briefed with classified information. As people have recognised, and as I've stated previously, it does have some limitations, but those limitations don't prevent agencies being able to brief the committee with classified information that goes to past operations, to the nature of current threats and to examples of the kind of harm that would come to Australia if these provisions weren't updated so that the powers that were envisaged by the Hope royal commission could continue. It's important to understand that having a bipartisan committee, such as the PJCIS, that is able to work on behalf of the parliament—and, by extension, on behalf of the Australian people—gives us the ability to hear information that can't be made public. It balances the rights of Australians to have their freedom of expression, freedom of association and all the things that characterise an open and plural society and, at the same time, giving the agencies the powers they need.</para>
<para>The committee has raised various issues with the government in terms of how we could improve the work of the committee, but I don't believe that tacking amendments onto another piece of legislation is the appropriate way to raise those issues. I commend Senator Patrick for his tenacity in continuing to look to bring about some of those reforms, but this is not the appropriate method.</para>
<para>This bill, as former speakers have highlighted, is all about highlighting the fact that, at the moment, the law prohibits our agencies from intercepting domestic communications—communications that start and end within Australia. Previous speakers have outlined the problem: as technology has moved on, it has become incredibly difficult and, in many cases, impossible to identify the physical location of the originator or the receiver of information. Because our agencies are governed by the rule of law—as opposed to some totalitarian regimes where they operate under the rule of law, ruling by law and imposing law on people—they are diligent. They are overseen by the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security and the PJCIS to make sure they follow the law. Where, inadvertently, they don't follow the law, investigations and corrective measures are put in place. But a section 11 warrant means that they can't use one of those when there's a possibility that it could be two domestic parties. That is a problem in that, in the example of a terrorist group, we don't know whether communication is coming from overseas to people to incite, to equip, to enable or to give them technical details as to how to conduct a terrorist activity or from a foreign power soliciting information or seeking to influence, blackmail or extract information from an Australian citizen.</para>
<para>So where it's reasonably suspected, these changes give the ability for the agencies to seek a warrant with a set of guidelines that will actually demonstrate how they will protect Australian citizens and, where communication is legitimately domestic-to-domestic, how they will not be able to use those communications. It also addresses a gap in the area where an Australian citizen is overseas and agencies can monitor that citizen in terms of their engagement with a foreign power. But if that person comes back to Australia, it seems nonsensical that all of a sudden the ability for the agencies to do their job to protect Australians and Australia's interests should cease because the person has changed location, so it changes the laws to provide an ability for that to occur.</para>
<para>There are things that don't change, though. ASIO is still responsible for obtaining foreign intelligence inside Australia, and it's the only agency that can apply for or obtain foreign intelligence warrants, including section 11C warrants. Section 11C warrants don't allow for the bulk collection of foreign communications. They don't now and they won't into the future. The law requires that the collection of foreign intelligence under 11C warrants has to be highly targeted, and this will not change. The act and these amendments do not permit indiscriminate collection, and I think that is an important point for people to know.</para>
<para>As I said, the history of these foreign communication warrants has shown that they have been a critical part of our foreign intelligence framework for more than 20 years, originally enacted in 2000. The warrants have to be issued by the Attorney-General, at the request of the Director-General of Security and on the advice of the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Foreign Affairs. So the circumstances in which these warrants can be exercised and the conditions that apply to them are approved by the Attorney-General, and they remain under the stringent oversight of IGIS. If the agencies actually covered a piece of communication that turned out to be between two Australian citizens, in the event that somebody's life is at risk, they can report that to IGIS. But in all other circumstances, any inadvertent collection that's not foreign intelligence related does need to be destroyed. Importantly, the section 11C warrants are only available where service or device based warrants under sections 11A or 11B would be ineffective, so these are a warrant of last resort.</para>
<para>In concluding my remarks, I just want to highlight these are not new powers; they're adapting the law so that powers remain effective in the light of new technology. The balance that is provided by oversight and by the authorisation process will continue to be effective, and it is in Australia's national interest for this legislation to pass.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Here we go again, the major parties jamming legislation through this place without adequate scrutiny, which fundamentally erodes the rights and freedoms of Australian citizens and other people who live in and visit our country. I want to be clear about how we find ourselves here yet again today. Australia's intelligence and security apparatus decides that it wants more powers. Let's be frank, they always want more powers. It's in their very nature to want more powers. For more insight into this, just read two speeches from probably Australia's most powerful and influential public servant, the secretary of the home affairs department, Mr Michael Pezzullo. Check out his hobbit speech from 2017 and check out what I call 'Pezzullo's panopticon speech' from last year. They'll tell you everything you need to know about the eternal grasping for yet more surveillance and control powers that our security and intelligence agencies engage in.</para>
<para>They decide they want more powers and they go to the government. The government says: 'Yes, of course, you can have any more powers you want because it plays well for us politically. We'll use the threat of terrorists to scare voters and that will help us win the next election because frightened people don't want to change government.' So then the legislation goes to cabinet, it's tabled in the parliament and then off it goes into the closed shop of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, where only the two major party groups in this place are represented. The crossbench, except in exceptional circumstances, is locked out of any inquiry the PJCIS conducts. The inquiry, as usual, gets out the rasp and rasps off a couple of the absolute roughest edges of the legislation, leaving the bulk of the new powers and functions completely intact.</para>
<para>The legislation then passes the other place, with both government and opposition support, and then comes to the Senate. The crossbench attempts to refer the legislation for a proper, public, thorough Senate inquiry. This is refused, of course, by the major party duopoly. The bill is then passed through the Senate, with only the Australian Greens and sometimes other crossbench senators opposing. Rinse and repeat and off we go again. The intelligence agencies think they deserve more powers and the cycle begins over. Colleagues, this is how fascism starts—a relentless, creeping frogmarch down the dark path to a police state, a surveillance state, towards authoritarianism, totalitarianism and ultimately fascism. Don't say you weren't warned, because you have been warned repeatedly.</para>
<para>We've heard a lot in this debate about how there are all these safeguards around warrants that are actually ultimately issued by the Attorney-General. Well, given the former Attorney-General's decision to authorise the prosecution of Bernard Collaery and Witness K, Australian patriots who we should be thanking rather than prosecuting, it can hardly be said to comfort Australians that the Attorney-General ultimately has sign-off powers on the relevant warrants.</para>
<para>Let's not forget that the hundreds of pieces of counterterror and antiterror legislation that have passed through state, territory and Commonwealth parliaments in this country in the past two decades—and I do mean hundreds of pieces—they were sold to the Australian people as necessary to protect us from the scourge of terrorism. When those pieces of legislation pass, what happens? That's right: they are used for other purposes than for which they were sold to us. For example, the metadata retention laws opposed and campaigned against strongly by the Australian Greens were sold to the Australian people as necessary to protect us from terrorists. Those laws now enable local governments in Australia, without a warrant, to use people's metadata to prosecute them for having unregistered dogs. I've heard of scope creep, but that is on another level.</para>
<para>These laws effectively allow some of Australia's intelligence and security agencies, in some circumstances, to spy on Australians in ways that are currently unlawful. They should not be jammed through this Senate without a proper, thorough, rigorous and public inquiry. Yet here we find ourselves today with the major party duopoly, the Coles and Woolworths of Australian politics, once again coming together to remove fundamental rights and freedoms from the Australian people. That is why we need a charter of rights in this country. Australia is the only liberal democracy in the world that does not have some form of charter or bill of rights, whether that be legislatively enshrined or constitutionally enshrined. Such a charter or bill of rights would not mean that bills like this could not pass, and it would not mean that intelligence agencies and security agencies could not have the powers that they need to a reasonable level to keep people safe. But what it would mean is that there would be extra scrutiny, extra accountability and perhaps a check on this relentless, creeping frogmarch that we are engaged in as a country.</para>
<para>This is a dangerous, dangerous path that we are on and, at some stage, we're going to need to pause, we're going to need to take a breath and we're going to need to re-evaluate this direction because, if we don't, the danger is that we will end up in an authoritarian, totalitarian and—horrendously and potentially—a fascist state.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Time stands still for no-one, nor does technological advancement. In the lives of each of us, we've witnessed technological advancements that people would not have dreamt of a generation ago. We are all beneficiaries of these advances; they have been of untold good. From communications to farming to medical procedures, all aspects of our lives are impacted, and for the good. Just as with everything we humans have developed, we can use our advances for good or for bad. That brings us to this bill, which rejoices in the name of the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill, which amends the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979 and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979, just in case people were wondering. The simple fact is that our legislative framework has not kept pace, allowing those who would seek to do Australia harm a potential advantage which needs to be closed as a matter of urgency. I therefore would urge all honourable senators to pass this bill as soon as possible.</para>
<para>This bill addresses two critical gaps in our foreign intelligence collection framework—gaps that need to be removed. First of all, the reforms will update the foreign communications warrant provisions in the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act to reflect changes in communications technologies. Intelligence agencies will be able to intercept a communication to determine whether the communication is a foreign communication. Second, the bill allows the collection of foreign intelligence on Australians in Australia who are acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. These amendments will close the current legislative gap where foreign intelligence can be collected on an Australian working for a foreign power offshore, but the same intelligence cannot be collected under a warrant on that Australian onshore. An Australian serving the interests of a foreign government remains an agent of a foreign power, whether they are onshore or offshore.</para>
<para>The reforms include robust oversight and safeguards, which I note our Greens friends studiously avoid mentioning. The reforms will help intelligence agencies protect Australians and will make it easier to uncover terrorist plots and other serious threats to Australia's national interests. Without the proposed changes, gaps in foreign intelligence collection will continue to grow, and Australia will not have visibility of possible threats creating such risks.</para>
<para>These amendments are required urgently. Every day that they are not in place risks our agencies missing critical foreign intelligence about threats to Australia and Australians. The plugging of these gaps is urgent, and it is necessary that they be done now, while work continues on the more substantial reforms which have also been identified.</para>
<para>In an ideal world, legislation of this nature would of course not be necessary. There would be no attempts at sabotaging our national interest, no terrorism and no cyberattacks. But we live in a flawed world where elements, with malevolence, seek to do us harm.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Abetz. You will be in continuation when debate resumes. It being 1.30, I will move to two-minute statements.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>51</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Morrison Government</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] The Morrison government's growing list of scandals highlights the need for a powerful national anticorruption commission. So far we have had robodebt, sports rorts, car park rorts, water rorts, the Paladin contract, the au pair scandal, forgery of documents, the Leppington Triangle deal, the AWU raid tip-off and cover-up—the list just goes on and on. Mr Morrison was dragged kicking and screaming to announcing the establishment of an anticorruption commission and, almost 1,000 days later, he is yet to deliver on that promise. Even if he does deliver, the proposed body would be so weak as to be ineffective.</para>
<para>The Morrison government's proposed anticorruption watchdog cannot initiate its own inquiries and cannot hold public meetings. Its threshold for an investigation—suspicion of a criminal offence—is way, way too high, and the body won't be able to investigate the government's numerous past scandals. Legal experts have described it as a body designed not to expose scandals but to cover them up. The government's foot-dragging on establishing even a weak and ineffective body begs the question: what have they got to hide? The answer is in the long list of scandals I mentioned earlier, and, for all we know, that's just the tip of the iceberg.</para>
<para>Every state and territory in Australia has an anticorruption commission. That leaves the Commonwealth government as the only jurisdiction without a body dedicated to uncovering and stamping out corruption by public officials. Australians trust in government is at an all-time low, and Labor intends to restore that trust. Establishing a powerful national anticorruption commission, a tough cop on the beat, is an important first step, and that is what an Albanese Labor government will do.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Visa</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McDONALD</name>
    <name.id>123072</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to highlight the successful collaboration between the agricultural industry and the Morrison government to implement the new agriculture visa announced with much fanfare this week. This visa has been welcomed by every major agricultural body in the country, but for some reason Labor have still managed to criticise it. They don't understand agriculture and they only give a token nod to the sector when there's an election coming.</para>
<para>This negativity only serves to distract from the lack of urgency shown by the Queensland Labor government in speeding up its processing of some of the 25,000 Pacific islanders with visas preapproved by the federal government. Growcom reports that Queensland is still 9,000 workers short, and the painfully slow processing of Pacific islanders resulted in $42 million worth of crops—Queensland crops—being left to rot.</para>
<para>In Queensland, only six properties are permitted to facilitate on-farm quarantining at any time. Even then, other farmers have gone to [inaudible], some at great expense, to set up on-farm quarantine, and the Queensland government has knocked them back. Farmers have been crying out for Annastacia Palaszczuk to speed things up and investigate a regional quarantine centre in North Queensland, which would be especially helpful for smaller producers, and much needed, considering hotel quarantine places in Brisbane and Cairns are at capacity. State LNP member for Burdekin, Dale Last, must be congratulated for being especially active in this endeavour. He has identified a mining camp south-west of Mackay that is fully capable of taking scores of quarantining workers at this time.</para>
<para>The new visa expands the scope of workers to include skilled and qualified people to undertake more technical jobs. This means we can bring in not only labourers but also people qualified in heavy machinery operation, animal husbandry, logistics management and stock work. I congratulate agriculture minister David Littleproud.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Afghanistan</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Our 20-year war on Afghanistan is coming to a close, and the reality on the ground is that the country is now at the mercy of the Taliban. Australia entered this war at the behest of the United States, not as a result of any decision made by the Australian parliament.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens call on the government to apologise to the people of Afghanistan for contributing to the destabilisation of their country. The government also bears responsibility for putting and keeping Australian service personnel in harm's way without any clearly defined mission goals. We thank Australian service personnel for their service and call on the government to apologise to them for continuing a war without clear objectives.</para>
<para>We must also note that there are credible allegations of war crimes committed by Australian special forces that have caused immeasurable grief to families and communities, as well as to the victims themselves. There is significant damage to the integrity and reputation of our defence forces because of this.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens call on the government to rethink our alliance with the United States and pave the way for an independent foreign policy and defence policy for Australia that does not bind us to taking military action alongside powerful and aggressive states. This parliament must now pass war-powers legislation which will require each member of parliament to vote before any commitment to send Australian forces to war is made.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Indigenous Health</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] As the chair of the First Nations caucus committee, I'd like to bring to the Senate our concerns for the First Nations communities in western New South Wales, who are facing a COVID nightmare. This morning, Deputy Premier John Barilaro said that regional New South Wales is 'sitting on a knife's edge. He said, 'It is a tinderbox waiting to explode.' In December, Scott Morrison stood up and said that First Nations people were 'a clearly defined vulnerable community'. The Prime Minister went on to say, 'This is a key issue to be addressed in the strategy and in the rollout plans.' Well, what empty rhetoric that's turned out to be, unsurprisingly.</para>
<para>As of Wednesday, there have been 448 confirmed COVID-19 infections in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in New South Wales since mid-June. Just 6.3 per cent of the Aboriginal population in western New South Wales is fully vaccinated, compared to 26 per cent of the non-Indigenous population in the region. There is fear, anger and confusion.</para>
<para>In Wilcannia, where, as of yesterday, 44 people had tested positive, community members are now facing a food crisis. The snap closure of the town's only grocery store due to COVID deep cleaning is seeing people go hungry. They're 200 kilometres away from the nearest big community, Broken Hill, and are relying on food donations to get fed.</para>
<para>I'd certainly like to acknowledge the work of First Nations journalists, particularly NITV, for keeping us and the whole of the country informed about the people in western New South Wales. Labor's First Nations caucus committee has been trying to get answers from the Morrison-Joyce government on this crisis for months. The Commonwealth and New South Wales governments are not managing the challenges of rising infections and hospitalisations. This needs to change urgently. Last week Labor outlined the need for a nationally consistent plan to address the unfolding First Nations COVID crisis.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bonner, Mr Neville, AO</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make some remarks about the 50th anniversary of the election to this place of Neville Bonner, who was the first Indigenous person to become a federal parliamentarian. Bonner became involved with politics from the 1967 referendum, which Harold Holt conducted successfully. He was handing out how-to-vote cards on referendum day when he was asked by Bill Hayden why he was helping out with the Liberals. I think that annoyed him, so he subsequently decided that he would become a Liberal parliamentarian. Good on him.</para>
<para>He was a great historical figure, and he served in the Senate for 12 years. In his first speech, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Less than 200 years ago the white man came … my people were shot, poisoned, hanged and broken in spirit until they became refugees in their own land. But that is history and we take care now of the present while … we look to the future.</para></quote>
<para>I think that is a very fine sentiment as we reflect upon the 50th anniversary of Bonner's contribution. To their great credit, an organisation called Uphold & Recognise worked with Bonner's family to produce a video they released last week, which was funded by Mr Greg O'Neill of the La Trobe Financial foundation. It is a very good summary of Bonner's political contributions.</para>
<para>Finally, I thank everyone involved—Ben Morton, Nola Marino and some other people in the government—for putting in place a statue of Bonner that will be unveiled next year. It is very much overdue. A journalist from the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline><inline font-style="italic">,</inline> Rob Harris, has been running a campaign on this since it emerged that there were more statues of dogs in Canberra than there were of women and Indigenous people. So we look forward to seeing the statue of Bonner, and I hope that in the future we can also see people like Charles Perkins and Eddie Mabo recognised here in Canberra.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gender and Sexual Orientation</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] The Morrison-Joyce government has yet again dragged Australia into the misguided and dangerous United Nations parallel universe. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade has signed Australia up to a communique from the UN Human Rights Council that endorses radical intersectional gender theory. This is the theory that gender is a social construct and that one's decision about gender is based not on biology but on feelings. There is no agreement in Australia that gender is a social construct. There is no agreement that minors should be able to nominate their gender based on self-identification alone. Worldwide, the momentum is shifting back the other way, towards greater caution, especially on the use of experimental treatments and irreversible surgeries. The youngest child in Australia to undergo transition surgery—in this case a double mastectomy—was 15 years old. How can a child of 15 know their mind? The vast majority of minors sort out their gender identity by adolescence. Gender fluidity is easily dispensed as nonsense. If gender is fluid, then no-one can be trapped in the wrong body, because fluidity dictates that person's views of their gender could change with their next mood.</para>
<para>One Nation agrees that pink and blue do not define gender and that biology need not confine us to traditional gender norms. Nonetheless, children growing up must have certainties to hang onto. Telling children there is a plethora of genders they can pick from exacerbates confusion and anxiety and weakens their sense of self. I was surprised to learn that Australia has an international ambassador for gender equality, who is employed to advance these agendas. The decision by Minister Payne was not an aberration. It was deliberate government policy. Our supposedly Christian Prime Minister and this entire parliament are out of touch with everyday Australians. We have one flag, we are one community, we are one nation and we want our children protected from UN lunatics.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Women's Health</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] My office met recently with Professor Helena Teede, the director of Monash University's Monash Centre for Health Research and Implementation. Professor Teede has an impressive resume in women's health research. She currently leads a team of 150 staff and students which focuses on women's and children's health, and her passion is translating the evidence in order to produce better health outcomes.</para>
<para>There is a lot of alignment between the work of Professor Teede and the health issues I have sought to advance during my time in the Senate—issues such as IVF; foetal alcohol spectrum disorder and alcohol labelling; improved access to cancer clinical trials; data transparency; and the better use of data to improve health outcomes. So I take great interest in what she is now proposing: a national institute of women's public health and wellbeing. This institute would harness existing funding and existing data and would leverage knowledge and expertise across researchers, health services, the community and women themselves. It would deliver a holistic approach to women's health and wellbeing across all stages of life. The aim is to work in partnership to deliver co-designed research, training and healthcare improvement. The national institute would be led by women, work for women and be delivered by women.</para>
<para>The proposal aligns very much with the 10-year National Preventive Health Strategy the federal government is currently developing and perfectly fits with the stated aims of the National Women's Health Strategy 2022-2030. That strategy also recognises the importance of collaboration and cooperation between governments, the health sector, community and industry organisations, communities and women themselves. If we want to improve health outcomes, we need to move with this proposal. I understand the government is currently looking at this, and I sincerely hope it will give it serious consideration.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Vaccination</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GREEN</name>
    <name.id>259819</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Over the last couple of days we've seen a concerted effort from Scott Morrison to push off blame for this bungled vaccine rollout. Over the last couple of days we've seen an attempt from Scott Morrison to blame Queenslanders for his slow rollout, and it's just not on. Queenslanders have done everything that has been asked of them, and because of Scott Morrison's failures we now have a slow vaccine rollout that is not keeping up with the lockdowns created by a lack of national quarantine facilities. This is absolutely unacceptable from our Prime Minister. He is trying to blame Queenslanders when, in fact, he himself is the one to blame.</para>
<para>But this is very on-brand for our Prime Minister. He doesn't hold a hose. It's a states issue. It's not his job. These are the things that he has told people throughout this crisis. What we've learned throughout this crisis is that we have a prime minister who is a mediocre middle-management marketing man who doesn't care about Queensland; he only cares about himself.</para>
<para>Today we've seen the stark difference in the two leaders of Queensland. On one hand we have Scott Morrison, who refuses to do his job and has refused to build national quarantine facilities; on the other hand we have Annastacia Palaszczuk, who is building a quarantine facility. She is going ahead and building the Wellcamp facility in Toowoomba because Scott Morrison refused to do his job. That's what Queenslanders want to see. They want to see leaders who get stuff done. Instead, we have a Prime Minister who just keeps stuffing up. It is time for Queenslanders to see this man for what he is, an absolute impostor who has led us down the path of being behind the rest of the world. We should be opening up already, but we're not, because Scott Morrison didn't do his job.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Afghanistan</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] All of you who know me know that I'm not shy about the reality that sometimes Australia has to go to war. Sometimes we have to take hard measures to protect our country and put our national security first. I understand that, and I understand that that was the thinking when we first declared war on Afghanistan. But just because I stand by those values doesn't mean I won't ask questions about what happened in the 20 years Australian soldiers spent in Afghanistan. It doesn't mean that we shouldn't look at our political and military leadership and ask them why they made the decisions they did and whether they got the results that they promised they would deliver. That's what my motion, which passed the Senate today, will do.</para>
<para>This is the chance for the Senate to take a good hard look at what Australia was doing in Afghanistan—what we could have done better and what we did well—because, while there's a lot for us to be proud of, it's clear that we didn't get an outcome that any of us wanted in Afghanistan. No-one wanted to see the Taliban come rushing back into Kabul. No-one wanted to see thousands of people flee the country with the withdrawal of coalition troops, and the people who are most disappointed are the people who fought in that war. Those soldiers gave everything to protect a country that's now crumbling to pieces minutes after they've left. They deserve a chance to say their piece, look at what has gone on and tell us what we need to do better in the future.</para>
<para>I'd like to thank everyone—Labor, the government, the Greens and the crossbench—for supporting my motion today. I look forward very much to working with you all to give these soldiers, and millions of Australians and Afghanis, answers to the many questions that are going to come forward.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Victoria: Community Services</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] The Victorian parliamentary inquiry into the I Cook Foods affair has revealed more disturbing evidence, inviting a conclusion that the food-processing firm I Cook Foods was illegally closed by the Victorian government in a conspiracy with Dandenong city council, the purpose being to remove I Cook Foods as a commercial competitor to Community Chef, a heavy-loss-making business set up by the Victorian government and owned by local councils. Significantly, Community Chef's establishment in 2009 relied heavily on a $9 million grant from the federal department of infrastructure, a bizarre way for the Commonwealth to provide such funding. The relevant ministers at the time were Mr Albanese and Mr Andrews.</para>
<para>Recently, I asked the department of infrastructure for all documents relevant to this $9 million grant. The department replied that the relevant documentation held by the department cannot be disclosed to any other party without prior consent in writing. Why this secrecy? Who is this unnamed party or parties? I call on him, or them, to urgently provide this consent. Today, I am writing to Mr Albanese in the event that he is one of these unnamed parties, asking him to consent to the release of these documents. Given the serious criminal and corruption implications of the evidence emerging in Victoria, it is imperative that full transparency exists. I call on the Labor leader to support my request so that the people of Australia can be confident that the Commonwealth was not involved in this apparent conspiracy.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentary Process</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to talk about parliamentary process—bad parliamentary process. The Foreign Intelligence Legislative Amendment Bill 2021 was introduced to the House of Representatives only yesterday, 25 August. Five days earlier, on 20 August, the draft bill had been referred by the Minister for Home Affairs, Karen Andrews MP, to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security. The minister made a public statement. The PJCIS issued no media release. That committee, of coalition and Labor MPs, conducted a secret pro-forma inquiry that lasted just five days. No submissions were sought, and just one meeting was held—a secret briefing with the intelligence agencies. Yesterday, the PJCIS tabled its rubber stamped report and the coalition and Labor opposition voted the bill through the House of Representatives with the briefest of debates. The explanatory memorandum was only tabled after the debate.</para>
<para>It's worth noting the subsequent comments of the independent member for Indi, Dr Haines, who yesterday evening said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This bill was introduced this morning. It has just gone through the House this evening. Members of the crossbench were not given any briefing on this bill. We did not get an explanatory memorandum. I note that the minister has just tabled one. I just want to put on Hansard that we've had no opportunity to consider this. Clearly, the opposition has. This is an urgent bill, according to the speeches that I've just heard, late into the evening, just now, and I want to make it very clear that, as a member of this parliament, I've had no opportunity to consider it at all.</para></quote>
<para>The bill is now before the Senate. It was rushed in and it will be rushed out. National security is no reason for the Senate to abandon its responsibilities.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporate Governance</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to shed a little light on what's been described in the AFR as the worst IPO of the decade. The Nuix IPO released rivers of gold to those in the know, namely Macquarie Bank, $565 million; Nuix's founder Tony Castagna, $80 million; and Rod Vawdrey, the former Nuix CEO, $28 million. But it devastated many retail investors, as $3 billion was wiped off the market capitalisation. Now Nuix is under ASIC, AFP and criminal investigations. Nuix CFO, Stephen Doyle, is facing insider-trading charges as well as alleged breaches of the Corporations Law in relation to financial disclosures in the prospectus. Several senior staff have left in the midst of chaos and confusion.</para>
<para>This coming Monday Nuix's preliminary—not final—results will be released on the last day of the reporting season, and I'm advised that on the same day, Monday 30 August 2021, the current escrow arrangements surrounding 37.9 per cent of Nuix shares will end. That's 120 million shares currently worth over $320 million. That event will allow the transfer of millions of dollars in shares to those who are currently under investigation for this catastrophe.</para>
<para>I recommend in the strongest term possible that ASIC act to freeze this transfer of shares. It's only prudent to wait until the investigations reach their natural conclusion before allowing Macquarie Bank's Tony Castagna, sacked CEO Stephen Doyle and the Nuix CEO to cash out their shares. The choice by ASIC to act or roll over sends an important message to others who would model Nuix IPO behaviours. ASIC must be proactive and use its considerable powers, such as those it holds under section 1323 of the act, to protect investors in Nuix. They cannot surely let those with serious questions walk away from this scandal with the loot.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Anderson, Mrs Roselynne</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Today I'd like to pay tribute to Roselynne Anderson, long-term chair of the national women's alliance economic Security4Women, who, sadly, passed away suddenly on 15 August 2021. I had the pleasure and honour of working with Roselynne for many years, in my role as co-convener of the Parliamentary Friends of Women and Work group.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Abetz</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] That's quite a change for—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh! Senator Abetz keeps interjecting on my two minutes.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Abetz</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] So let them know that I—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Find the mute button or have the clock stopped, please.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Waters! Senator Abetz, you may not be on mute. Senator Waters, please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Impeccable timing!</para>
<para>For two decades, Roselynne championed women's economic security and leadership through collaborations with frontline staff, researchers and key decision-makers. As an educator, Roselynne was a passionate advocate for education as a key factor in girls achieving long-term financial confidence. She appeared before countless Senate inquiries, contributed to papers and mentored many young women. Throughout it all, Roselynne remained kind, enthusiastic and encouraging, a truly buoyant force for change. She lifted and supported others, she listened eagerly to new ideas and she never backed away from a challenge. Roselynne's work helped to highlight the systems and [inaudible] driving the gender pay gap, huge superannuation shortfalls, the workforce participation impacts of unaffordable childcare and inflexible working hours, low wages in female dominated industries, the lack of women in leadership roles and society's failure to properly value unpaid care work. A rigorous analysis done by eS4W has put those issues on the agenda. Last week the Workplace Gender Equality Agency confirmed that the gender pay gap in Australia has gone backwards over the past six months. Closing that gap is unfinished business, and, as Roselynne would, I will keep working until we get it done. My condolences go out to Roselynne's husband, Trevor; her daughter, Nikki; and all her colleagues at economic Security4Women. Roselynne will be greatly missed but never forgotten.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Visas</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak about the recently announced agriculture visa—announced this week, in fact, by my colleague Minister David Littleproud. I congratulate him and everyone who has worked on this. This visa, which is to be in place by 30 September, is something that has been a long-held CLP policy and something that I have advocated for since coming to this place.</para>
<para>We in the Northern Territory rely heavily on seasonal workers and struggle to get agricultural workers. We have used the Pacific labour solution and will continue to do so—it is a very, very important part of our seasonal workforce—but this visa will give us much more flexibility for our farmers and producers who cannot get the skilled Australian labour that they need. We, on this side, care about agriculture. We look after our farmers and our producers and those in the regions, while those on the other side, and their cronies in the Northern Territory Labor government, do not care about agriculture at all. What have they done for agriculture? I'll tell you: they have done absolutely nothing for agriculture.</para>
<para>Why do we need this visa? We need it because we have a lot of unique agricultural enterprises in the Northern Territory, such as crocodile farming. This occurs in the Northern Territory and nowhere else in Australia, so we have no access to labourers who are used to working with crocodiles. Let me tell you: if you're not used to working with crocodiles and you suddenly start to try to farm them, accidents will happen and digits will be lost.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Quarantine</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As we have so often said in this chamber, this Prime Minister has had two jobs this year: to get the vaccine rollout working and to build purpose-built quarantine stations. We've talked a lot about his failures on the vaccine. Let's have a talk about his failure on quarantine. This is a federal responsibility; it is in the Constitution, if you care to take a look at it. But, throughout this pandemic, this Prime Minister has not taken responsibility for quarantine. He has had 18 months to build one quarantine station, and how many has he built? Not one. Zero. Eighteen months in, yet again we see this Prime Minister being slow to act to protect Australians. The result of that has been 27 leaks from hotel quarantine, causing lockdowns and putting Australians at risk.</para>
<para>The Queensland government have been pleading with the Prime Minister to build a quarantine station since January this year. They have a proposed site at Toowoomba Wellcamp Airport, and they have a willing owner prepared to do it, as well. But all the Prime Minister will do is put up excuse after excuse about why it can't be done. Thankfully, today, the Palaszczuk government is taking responsibility and going it alone. They're doing your job while you do nothing, while you're slow to act and while you put the country in a lockdown—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Watt. It's 2 pm, time for questions.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>56</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Children</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Health and Aged Care, Senator Colbeck. Yesterday, in question time, the minister was unable to say what advice the Morrison-Joyce government had received about the prevalence and impact of long COVID, including in relation to children and infants. Last night, he sought advice and clarified: 'Longer-term impacts of COVID-19 on children under 16 years are emerging.' Will the minister admit to Australian parents that the Morrison-Joyce government can't tell them what the impacts of long COVID are on their children?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have to say that it is really very disturbing that the Labor party continue to try and frighten Australians about the impacts of this virus. This virus has been with us for a little over 18 months. We are still learning about this virus. As we learn about the virus and as the advice comes to us, we are very comfortable with providing that information to the Australian people so that they can understand it too. But it is changing all the time. As information emerges, we work with health agencies around the world to better understand the impacts of the virus. Of course, as different variants of the virus emerge, they also have different impacts.</para>
<para>I did respond to the chamber, as I said I would in question time yesterday, and I indicated that we are all still learning about the syndrome. But it also indicates the importance of the other measures that we have in place to support Australians in dealing with the virus, including the process of vaccination of the broader population. We know that, when we vaccinate the broader population and we get those rates up, that protects everyone because it limits the transmission of the virus through the community. So we will continue to work to understand the virus, working with the health professionals. There are some symptoms of this that will continue to emerge—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Colbeck. Senator McAllister, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Israel, which has fully vaccinated 78 per cent of people aged 12 years and over, has predicted that, by September, half of new COVID cases will be in children. How many Australian children are projected to contract COVID when Australia reaches the 70 and 80 per cent vaccination targets for those aged over 16?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Those figures will depend on the amount of virus being transmitted through the community. I think it's a ridiculous thing for the senator to state across the chamber, because the information will be dependent on the amount of virus being transmitted through the community and on the various variants of the virus that might be being transmitted at that point in time. We know that the delta variant, for example, is much more transmissible than the alpha variant was. The virus continues to mutate, and the effects of that are being felt and learnt in respect of the way that the virus moves through the community. But we do know one thing. There are a range of principles we can follow to protect ourselves: social distancing; processes that we're working on with the states with respect to the restriction of movement; and, of course, vaccination.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McAllister, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Morrison-Joyce government was responsible for the tragic deaths of 685 older Australians in residential aged care last year and has failed First Nations children in western New South Wales, who account for more than 40 per cent of new cases. How can Australian parents possibly trust that this government will protect their kids?</para>
<para>An opposition senator: That's right!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If we could stop the interjections before the minister has started answering the question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I reject entirely that characterisation that Senator McAllister puts in her question. It's quite clear that despite—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>some members of the Labor Party indicating—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, across the chamber! I can't hear the minister. Don't interject and don't take the bait is the easiest way to remain silent. I wouldn't laugh too loudly, Senator Watt.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's quite clear that, despite some members of the opposition indicating that they support the national plan to emerge from COVID, there are quite a few on that side that do not. And it's about time they got on board, because I can tell you that the Australian people are on board. They want to take up vaccinations. They want their freedoms back.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator McAllister interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Polley interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator McAllister and Senator Polley!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's about time the Labor Party did other than undermine the national plan for us to recover from COVID and got on board with the rest of us.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I will call Senator Dean Smith when there's silence.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Afghanistan</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator Payne. Can the minister update the Senate on the evacuation operation in Kabul?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Smith for his question. So far we have evacuated approximately 4,000 people—Australian citizens, permanent residents, visa holders and others—on 29 flights over the past eight days. I offer my profound thanks to the many Australian officials who have worked and are working on this operation, particularly my own Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Department of Home Affairs and Defence. Our cooperation with other countries, including New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States, has been vital in achieving this outcome, and we thank our partners for that important cooperation. Last night and this morning we evacuated around 1,200 people from Kabul on six ADF flights and one NZDF flight. I can also confirm that since 18 August we have brought 639 evacuees back to Australia, following a flight into Brisbane early this morning carrying 220 people. This has followed previous flights to Perth, Melbourne and Adelaide.</para>
<para>To those Afghans who've already arrived in Australia, we say welcome back to the Australians and permanent residents and welcome to your new home to our visa holders. To those soon to travel here, we look forward to your arrival. We can only imagine the challenges that you have been dealing with in recent times. We thank the states and territories for their support in this important evacuation. As I said, we understand this is an extremely distressing time for Australians in Kabul and others, such as visa holders and visa applicants. For those in Australia who still have family and friends in Afghanistan, we do understand that distress. We are fully aligned with our international partners to insist that the Taliban hold to international standards of human rights and protections. We do remain focused on the safe evacuation from Afghanistan of as many Australians and visa holders as possible for as long as possible.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister update the Senate on the changes to Australia's travel advice to Afghanistan?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The security situation in Kabul was already dangerous and volatile and it has deteriorated further. Early this morning we changed our travel advice. For Australians and Australian visa holders in Afghanistan, the new advice is: do not travel to Hamid Karzai International Airport. It is not safe to do so. If you are in the immediate area of the airport, leave now and move to a safe location to await further advice. There is the potential for violence and security threats with large crowds. There is an ongoing and very high threat of terrorist attack.</para>
<para>Our partners, including New Zealand and the UK, have taken similar steps to our own, and others, including the US and Canada, have amended their travel advice equivalents. The government's priority throughout this operation has been the safety of Australians, their families and visa holders, and that remains the case.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister update the Senate on the government's continued support for Australians and visa holders in Afghanistan?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian government notes the Taliban has made undertakings about foreign nationals seeking to leave Afghanistan. We continue to seek that they observe those undertakings, including to uphold human rights and to allow our citizens and Australian visa holders to depart safely if they wish to do so.</para>
<para>For Australians who remain in Afghanistan: please register with the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade if you have not done so already. The Department of Home Affairs will proactively contact those who have been granted temporary safe haven (subclass 449) visas but remain in Afghanistan, with advice about what they should do when it is safe. We will continue to process visa applications from Afghans seeking protection. The government will work with the International Organization for Migration, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Afghan community leaders in Australia and leading refugee advocates and service providers to welcome people from Afghanistan.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Education and Youth, Senator Reynolds. Reports suggest around 30 per cent of COVID-19 cases in New South Wales and 40 per cent of cases in Victoria are in those who are 19 and younger. How many children have contracted COVID-19 in New South Wales and Victoria during the current delta outbreak?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for the question. I don't have those statistics to hand, but I will see if I can get them and reply to you as soon as I can.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Neill, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister is taking it on notice. As of last week, 40 per cent of COVID-19 cases in western New South Wales were in First Nations children. How many First Nations children have contracted COVID-19 in the current delta outbreaks in New South Wales, and how many in Victoria?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for that question. I will also have to take that on notice, given that this is a health question. I'll take it on notice and get back to you.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Watt interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Watt, the minister is treating the Senate with courtesy. The minister answering should be allowed to take it on notice, in order. Senator O'Neill.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, in your capacity representing the Minister for Education and Youth, how many children across Australia are currently battling COVID-19, and does the Prime Minister still believe it's not a race?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will also have to take that one on notice. Again, it's the Department of Health that keeps those statistics, and I am the Minister for the NDIS.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Climate Change</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction. Minister, the world has witnessed and experienced extreme weather in the last few months. We've had flooding, bushfires and heatwaves across Europe, the US, China and India. We, of course, had our own climate fires here in Australia as well. We are facing code red when it comes to our climate and the health of our planet. So why, in this climate crisis, is the Morrison government—and the Labor Party—spending millions of public dollars propping up and opening up new gas fields, like in the Beetaloo basin, which will only increase emissions by six per cent and make climate change worse?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson-Young for the question. In terms of part of the question, as to why the Labor Party supported the government, I can't answer for the Labor Party, except to perhaps say that they had a temporary dose of common sense in supporting the coalition government when it comes to energy policy. But, when it comes to our support for unlocking gas in the Beetaloo basin, this is about a gas led recovery and our strategy to make sure that we have reliable and affordable energy as we embark on a process of ensuring our economy continues to reduce its emissions and that we are able to play our part in an international effort to reduce emissions without killing our economy. By supporting gas, we are actually supporting a whole range of energy sources. If you want to see the massive uptake in renewables that we have seen in this country at a record rate, you need to make sure that you have the firming power, the base-load energy, that enables our economy to continue.</para>
<para>The question that needs to be asked of the Greens is: which base-load energy source do they support? I have never actually heard the Greens indicate which base-load energy they support. They don't support gas. They don't support coal. They don't support hydro. Which particular source of base-load energy that would support renewables—solar energy and wind—do the Greens support? This government supports renewable energy but we also support affordable and reliable energy for our economy. That's what we are doing, and that's why we're supporting the Beetaloo basin and the opening up— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. What bumbling fools—I mean, honestly! Your coal and gas subsidy announced today will force householders and businesses to pay more for their power bills. You talk about not wanting to kill the economy. Well, this 'whack and attack' on the renewable energy industry announced today is foolish. How much are Australians going to have to pay on their power bills because of your 'CoalKeeper' plan?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson-Young for the question. What she has demonstrated again with that question is that she wants to bring national the experiment by the former South Australia Labor government. That is what the Greens would like to see. They would like to see the Australian people not having the energy they need to support jobs, to support the economy and to support their ability to live in the kind of comfort that many of us have come to expect, including the Greens. I am always interested in the lecturing tone from the Greens, who never lead by example. I am reminded of a local Green who said, 'We want to take you back to the caves, just not yet.' They are prepared to enjoy all of the abundant energy sources we have. We're bringing down energy prices; that's what we've been doing. We're not going to take advice from the Greens which would destroy our economy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The intellectual prowess represented on the front bench! Energy market analysts have estimated that your 'CoalKeeper' plan is going to cost householders from $180 to $430. Will the government tell us how much householders' power bills will be because of your dodgy plan to prop up coal today?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I reject the premise of the question from Senator Hanson-Young. What we have seen under this government is that our policies have seen energy prices coming down. And this is how you get energy prices down in this country: you get investment in new technologies. You get investment in renewables, which we've seen at record levels—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you—relevance. I asked whether the government could confirm how much householders' power bills would cost under this plan.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, your question had a great deal of commentary. It commenced with what I assume was a sarcastic barb. Frankly, if questions are phrased in that way, ministers have a great deal of discretion in how they can answer them. It wasn't as simple as you outlined. Senator Seselja.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. Clearly Senator Hanson-Young is in a very bad mood this afternoon. I don't know what's caused that. She's clearly got some of the angry pills today. But what I would say in response to Senator Hanson-Young is that our policies have been bringing energy prices down and we are not going to take advice from the Greens about getting rid of base-load energy and not investing in gas. We will continue to invest in gas because it is a critically important part of our energy mix that will support the economy, and support our efforts to reduce emissions.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I didn't quite catch everything said there due to interjections, but I will remind senators not to make reflections that are personal or directed at other individual senators when they are addressing the chamber.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Vaccination</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Government Services. In the three weeks since I highlighted the impending utilisation of vaccine certificates and pointed out the flaws in the government's own solutions in respect of forgery, we have had Western Australia and Queensland announce access to their states will require a vaccination status check and we have had employers announcing that vaccinations will soon become [inaudible]—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm going to ask Senator Patrick to log off and then log on. When the system is running all day, it does tend to come under strain. Senator Patrick, can you log off and log on, and I will come to you for the next question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Economy</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Birmingham. Can the minister advise the Senate how the Liberal and Nationals government is delivering its economic recovery plan and supporting Australians to chart our way back from the COVID-19 pandemic, including through the national plan agreed to by the national cabinet?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I thank Senator Askew for her question. It's a very important question about Australia's performance through this once-in-a-century global pandemic and our pathway through to the other side of it. Australians have much to be proud of in the way they have responded to this pandemic. The responses of Australians, with the work of their governments, businesses and others, have seen an estimated 30,000 lives saved around Australia, compared with the type of devastation we have seen in so many other countries. Although parts of the country are doing it tough right now, we should never underestimate the success we as a nation have had in responding in world-leading ways, saving those 30,000 lives and saving, as well, close to one million jobs during the course of this pandemic as a result of effective policy measures.</para>
<para>Right from the start of the pandemic, the closure of our international borders managed to keep so successfully through the pandemic, in so many different ways, what would have been a flood and a wave of COVID cases from coming into the country and spreading throughout the country. Equally, there have been the economic supports, from JobKeeper through to the coronavirus supplement, the cash-flow boost, temporary full-expensing measures, targeted support to sectors like tourism and aviation, business payments now being delivered directly with the states and disaster assistance payments being paid directly to affected individuals. Our economy has demonstrated resilience again and again, and we should have confidence that it will do so once more when current lockdowns and restrictions ease, particularly with the growing confidence we see as vaccination numbers set new records. More than 335,000 vaccinations were achieved yesterday, helping Australia surge towards the scientifically based targets of the Doherty institute of 70 per cent and 80 per cent full vaccination rates that can give confidence, safety and hope to Australians that we will be able to achieve a greater sense of normality in the future and, through that, help to get our country— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Askew, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, despite the COVID-19 challenges Australia is currently facing, what does recent data demonstrate about the resilience of our economy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There continues to be significant support in terms of our economy and, from that support, significant strength in our economy. The jobs market has shown great resilience, coming back strongly from different lockdowns and shutdowns and holding up very strongly. Last week we saw real wages data continuing to remain above prepandemic levels. These things are in contrast to so much of the rest of the world.</para>
<para>Indeed, the Future Fund, a hugely important asset for our nation, has delivered its strongest ever investment earnings through the 2020-21 year. Earnings have grown by 22.2 per cent, up some $35.7 billion, tripling the initial investments made in the Future Fund and ensuring that net debt for our nation's future is as strong as possible. These all demonstrate resilience, strength and capability across the Australian economy and should give people confidence for the future.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Askew, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that answer. Minister, what can all Australians do to help deliver the national plan and build further confidence in our recovery from COVID-19 for all Australian households and businesses?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] The national plan is about giving Australians confidence in the safety of themselves and their families as well as confidence in the reopening of our economy—that they will be able to get their businesses back on a stable footing, their jobs even more secure, and that we can resume the type of growth that our country has seen in recent years, with strong growth in jobs numbers, providing strong opportunities for all Australians. To support this plan, Australians need to—as they currently are—turn out in record numbers to get vaccinated. Some 86-plus per cent of over 70s have now had their first dose of vaccine. Fifty-nine point nine per cent of them have had their second dose. Across the whole population aged 16-plus, 55.2 per cent have now had their first dose. As we see the ATAGI advice being received in relation to children, continued increase in supply and growth in the more than 8,900 centres where people can get a vaccine, all should have confidence that we can deliver this plan. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Vaccination</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] My question is to the Minister for Government Services. In the three weeks since I highlighted the impending utilisation of vaccination certificates and the fact that the government's solution is easily forged, we've had the Western Australian and Queensland governments announce that access to their states will rely on vaccination status and we've had employers announce that vaccination will become compulsory. In the same time, the vaccination program has delivered over 4.4 million doses, and it adds almost 290,000 doses a day. The value in proof of vaccination is climbing. The problem is getting bigger. The system is flawed, relying on a solution that could possibly undermine attempts to stop the virus spreading. Can the minister explain what the solution to this mess is?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First of all, I would totally reject the assertions from Senator Patrick. That is simply not the case. Let me explain why. The national plan our government has developed and agreed to is our pathway to living with this virus. That is our goal—to live with this virus, not to live in fear of it. The government—and in fact all ministers in this place—are working in our various areas with states and territories, including on this matter, and we are looking for a pathway forward. Vaccination is clearly the key to keeping Australians safe and to getting our lives back in a COVID world. Medicare's longstanding and reliable system underpins the Australian Immunisation Register, otherwise called AIR, which plays a central role today in recording COVID-19 vaccinations. The AIR was established in 1996 and has a longstanding and very trusted reputation and history. Many parents are familiar with its record keeping and proof of childhood immunisations. It's only logical that this database is used to capture COVID-19 vaccinations in a secure, reliable and trusted way. Privacy and security considerations are of course among the top priorities for any digital solution the government develops, and this digital certificate is absolutely no exception. Contemporary cybersecurity is in place to protect people's personal information, and COVID-19 digital certificates do have features to safeguard against fraudulent activity, consistent with all other official government documents such as birth certificates and citizenship certificates. We are, however, continually evolving our security technology to meet contemporary and emerging threats, and we are very confident in the robust monitoring and fraud detection mechanisms in place to protect Medicare details. Since mandating the recording of COVID-19 vaccinations on the AIR, the Commonwealth has further boosted proof-of-vaccination certificate security measures, and the government continues to do so. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Patrick, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] Respectfully, Minister, we don't have a system where someone can present easily to a cinema or airline operator and do so with the confidence required for the verification. We need to have a simple solution. What is the schedule to get a robust working solution? When are we going to see a solution—a forge-proof solution that is easy to use—that can be deployed?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Patrick. As I said in response to the first question, the federal government, including Services Australia, continues to work on evolving these certificates for a variety of purposes. The digital vaccination certificate is now available through myGov. The Commonwealth has provided Australians with a quick and reliable way to access their proof of COVID-19 vaccination when they need it, including in response to public health settings imposed by states and territories, where proof of vaccination may be required. More than 2.5 million people have now accessed their digital vaccination certificate. It has been and will continue to be an individual's responsibility to provide proof of vaccination, should it be required by states and territories. The Commonwealth and state and territory governments are currently in consideration of a number of options for how to progress and evolve the proof of vaccination and possibly how it could be integrated into state and territory— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Biosecurity</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister representing the Minister for Agriculture and Northern Australia, Senator McKenzie. The Inspector-General of Biosecurity found that officials from the federal department of agriculture made crucial errors in relation to the <inline font-style="italic">Ruby Princess</inline>. Federal officials did not administer travellers with an illness checklist, did not review the ship's medical log and therefore did not contact New South Wales Health to raise concerns about sick passengers and crew. The inspector-general told ABC, 'If the department had done what it agreed to do, then the chances of a <inline font-style="italic">Ruby Princess</inline> incident happening would have been significantly reduced.' Does the Morrison-Joyce government accept this finding?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I must apologise to the chamber and Senator Patrick, because my scribble meant I missed his second supplementary. I am sorry, Senator Patrick; please accept my sincere apologies. My intention is to move on with Senator Brown's question because Senator Patrick just texted me then. I will own up to that: that's the first time I've done that in my time in the chair. I owe you one, Senator Patrick. I will give you an extra one sometime.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for her question. My advice from the Minister for Agriculture and Northern Australia on this particular issue is that the Australian government is committed to protecting the lives and livelihoods of Australians from COVID-19 and takes the matter of the <inline font-style="italic">Ruby Princess</inline> incident very seriously. The New South Wales Special Commission of Inquiry into the Ruby Princess found the incident was primarily a failing of NSW Health. At Minister Littleproud's request, the Inspector-General of Biosecurity reviewed matters relating to the <inline font-style="italic">Ruby Princess</inline> and made 42 recommendations.</para>
<para>Minister Littleproud asked the department to implement all recommendations from both the inspector-general's review and the Walker inquiry as a matter of priority, and significant progress has been made. In the article published by the ABC on 24 August 2021, the Inspector-General of Biosecurity said many other improvements were also being made. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I'm dramatically more positive about the ability of the department to deal with these things today, than I would have been at the same time last year.</para></quote>
<para>Minister Littleproud has said that the department could improve but that it is not ultimately responsible for the human health assessment. In response to the New South Wales commission and the review by the inspector-general, a series of actions have already been taken to improve the department's capability to respond to human biosecurity risks. New arrangements for communicating with human biosecurity officers and port stakeholders about human health issues are working well.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brown, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>New South Wales special commissioner Bret Walker SC told the ABC:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There must be a real chance, a sensible possibility, that if the Commonwealth had done a better job on the Ruby Princess, that the state officers may not have made the mistakes they did.</para></quote>
<para>The Morrison-Joyce government did not permit federal officials to appear as witnesses before Mr Walker and the New South Wales commission of inquiry. Why?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As part of the new arrangements, commercial vessels continue to arrive in Australia. When COVID-19 is confirmed or suspected in the crew, state health authorities have been effectively managing the risk in consultation with the Commonwealth—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Keneally</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On relevance. I realise the minister has been speaking for only 15 seconds but her answer seems to be in no way relevant to the question. The question was: why weren't federal agriculture officials allowed to appear before the New South Wales special commission of inquiry? This answer seems to be completely irrelevant.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said before, there was a quotation and a preamble to it. A minister is entitled to address that part of the question, not just the part at the end. Short, specific questions give much less discretion to those answering them. The minister is entitled to address the quotation that was made before the part of the question that you mentioned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Legislation with changes that were recommended by both the New South Wales commission and the inspector-general's review will be introduced to parliament. Since the <inline font-style="italic">Ruby Princess</inline> incident, the government invested a further $400 million in biosecurity in the 2021-22 budget on top of record spending in 2020-21. This will see a funding boost for, among other matters, staff at the front line and helping to modernise some of those border systems. The Department of Agriculture, Water and the Environment continues to work with states, territories and port stakeholders to further adjust systems and processes to better manage human health and biosecurity. They've established formal protocols— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brown, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The <inline font-style="italic">Ruby Princess</inline> resulted in 600 cases of COVID-19 and 28 deaths in Australia. Will the Morrison-Joyce government now apologise for failing to stop the one boat that mattered?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> (—) (): Of course, every single life lost through this global pandemic here at home is a tragedy. There has been an inquiry by the New South Wales commission and there has been an inquiry commissioned by our own Minister for Agriculture and Northern Australia, David Littleproud, through the Inspector-General of Biosecurity. Those recommendations have been handed down and our government is committed to progressing and addressing those issues—every single matter. The minister has also sought additional funding to ensure that our officers at the front line of biosecurity here in this country—whether at ports, like the one mentioned, or in airports—have the very best technology and processes available to keep Australia safe. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Vaccination</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUGHES</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for the National Disability Insurance Scheme, Senator Reynolds. Can the minister advise the Senate why the national plan, agreed by the national cabinet, is critical to charting our way back from the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly for our most vulnerable Australians?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hughes for her question and for her tireless advocacy in this area. All first ministers through the national cabinet have agreed in principle to our national plan to chart our path out of COVID-19 and the targets we need to reach to get there. It is built on a very clear premise: if you get vaccinated, we can make lockdowns, border closures and restrictions a thing of the past. Millions of Australians are playing their part to get to the next step on this pathway to living with the virus.</para>
<para>There is no better example of that than our wonderful disability support workers, who are working so hard throughout this pandemic to protect those they care for. As a measure of that, since early July more than 60,000 disability workers have voluntarily been vaccinated, and I thank each and every one of them for putting themselves forward to receive the vaccination. A total of 95,500, or just under 60 per cent, disability workers have now received a first dose and 40 per cent have received two doses. I encourage all disability workers to step forward to protect themselves and to protect those they support and care for. On behalf of all Australians—and I'm sure all in this chamber—I thank and extend my appreciation to our wonderful disability care and support workers, who are doing such a magnificent job in a very difficult time.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hughes, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUGHES</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, how does Australia compare to other nations, such as the United Kingdom, in protecting people with disability from COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again I thank Senator Hughes. I note her comments in the chamber yesterday on this very subject, which is close to her heart. Australia's experience in the COVID-19 pandemic has varied significantly to the rest of the world, including the United Kingdom, which Senator Hughes asked about. I find it almost unbelievably irresponsible to unnecessarily alarm Australians with disabilities and those who love them with alarmist and totally and utterly irrelevant assumptions and international comparisons.</para>
<para>The facts matter in this, and they matter a great deal. Those opposite are fond of quoting the UK statistics, so let's have a look at the facts. To date the UK has reported 6½ million COVID infections while Australia, with 40 per cent of the population, has less than 50,000. In the UK 132 of these cases have been amongst those with disability, and in Australia it is 250 cases. Again, using alarmist information from overseas is irresponsible. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hughes, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUGHES</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This morning I secured an appointment for my gorgeous 12-year-old's first and second Pfizer shots. Thank you for opening it up to all 12-year-old-plus NDIS participants. Minister, why is the acceleration in the vaccine rollout so important to ensuring the delivery of the national plan and Australia's recovery from COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is indeed good news, Senator Hughes. Nationally we have seen a significant acceleration of the vaccine rollout, with now more than 17.7 million doses administered. We are vaccinating just under two million each week—one million in the last three days alone. There has been a concerted effort across government and the disability sector to communicate the importance of vaccination and to provide information on the over 8,000 channels now available.</para>
<para>The rate of NDIS participants, like the national rollout, has accelerated significantly over the last few months. Since early June, more than 95,000 NDIS participants have been vaccinated. Nearly half of all participants over 16 years of age have now had one dose. Pleasingly, the vaccination rate for NDIS participants in shared accommodation has tripled since the beginning of June, with 68 per cent now having received their first dose. As Senator Hughes says, all participants over 12 years of age are now eligible for vaccination. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Vaccination</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Birmingham. Yesterday, instead of taking responsibility for his slow and bungled vaccine rollout, which is causing the current COVID outbreaks, Mr Morrison blamed Queenslanders for their vaccination numbers. Why is Mr Morrison shifting blame to Queenslanders instead of taking responsibility for his failures to roll out the vaccine which have left Queenslanders vulnerable to COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] It must be another day ending in Y because Senator Watt is seeking to peddle mistruths in the chamber. That is not at all what the Prime Minister has done or said. Indeed, I can really think of only two Queenslanders who stand out in terms of being unhelpful with the vaccine rollout. That would be the Premier and the chief health officer, both of whom seemed to do their utmost to dent confidence in it early on. I'm thrilled to note that Queenslanders have overcome those theatrics from their leaders and that Queenslanders are actually responding in strong numbers to the vaccine rollout, as indeed are all Australians. That's the crucial thing. The job is getting done and Australians are turning out in record numbers. More than 330,000 did so yesterday. It's driving our country's rate of people getting vaccinated faster on a per capita basis than the US or the UK ever achieved, and we would encourage Australians to do so. We completely reject the type of negativity we get from Senator Watt.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today the Queensland government has announced that, after months of the Morrison government failing to deliver, Queensland will go it alone and build a dedicated quarantine facility at Wellcamp airport, near Toowoomba. Eighteen months into the COVID crisis, why is the Morrison-Joyce government still failing to take responsibility for delivering safe national quarantine?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] We're grateful for all the states and territories that have worked with us in the delivery of quarantine, which has overwhelmingly been safe and effective in the return of hundreds of thousands of people from overseas. Contrary to what Senator Watt is saying, we're also getting on with building quarantine facilities, with construction underway in Melbourne; commitment and indeed contracting in place for Western Australia; and, similarly, in Brisbane we're building a facility that is actually proximate to the airport, proximate to major hospitals and able to meet quarantine needs. If Queensland want to build one that's a long way away from the international airport, that's their decision. I hope they're doing it for the right reasons, not political ones.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This week, Mr Morrison blamed Queenslanders for his own vaccine rollout failures and left Queensland to build and fund safe quarantine without federal support. Why is Mr Morrison more interested in blaming Queenslanders than taking responsibility for keeping them safe from COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I completely reject the premise of those questions. The real question, of course, should be: why does Senator Watt—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Watt interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Birmingham, I'm going to ask you to cease and will let you start again, because Senator Watt is interjecting so loudly that I can't hear your answer.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Watt interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Maybe if you ask a question you might want to listen to the answer yourself.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I was saying, I completely reject the premise of the questions from Senator Watt. Frankly, the only question really is: why does Senator Watt feel the need to misrepresent any statement and to continually play politics with these matters? We're proud of the government and of the fact that Australians are turning out in record numbers to get vaccinated. We now have volumes of additional vaccine coming into the country in record numbers. We have nearly 9,000 distribution points across the country. We've seen the 70-plus age group charge through, with more than 86 per cent of them getting their first dose. Right across the whole population, more than 55 per cent of 16-pluses have. We're soon to receive the ATAGI advice in relation to 12- to 15-year-olds, and we'll be bringing them, along with every other eligible Australian, into this record-breaking vaccine rollout to get the job done, despite the negativity of the Labor Party.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport and Regional Development, Senator McKenzie. Can the minister inform the Senate how the Liberal and Nationals government's record $110 billion—that's a lot of money—infrastructure investment plan is helping to connect communities, create jobs and support our economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator McMahon, for your question and your tireless efforts to represent the Territory here in this place. As you said, our government is investing more in infrastructure—a total of $110 billion—than any other government in our nation's history. Since 2013, we've committed over $50 billion in infrastructure to our regions because we believe in the capacity of our regions. And we believe in their capacity if you just add water. That is why we've committed $1.6 billion to co-fund the construction of 30 water infrastructure projects, which will actually provide water into the future and unlock the economic potential for new and expanded agriculture for regional Australians. We're driving investments in infrastructure that are enabling Northern Territory industries to grow and prosper—not just the croc industry, Senator McMahon! By doing, so we're charting a strong course to ensure the recovery from COVID-19.</para>
<para>The Liberal and Nationals government has committed $3.2 billion to infrastructure projects in the Northern Territory since 2013, and in this budget $323.9 million was committed to projects in the Territory that are expected to support more than 900 local jobs. We're upgrading vital road infrastructure, with $150 million for phase 2 of the NT national network highway upgrades and just over $173 million for the sixth corridor under the Roads of Strategic Importance initiative. This will support the development of the gas industry in the Beetaloo subbasin, which I know you're incredibly passionate about, which will increase our gas supply, create more jobs and provide significant economic growth not just for the NT but for the whole nation. Delivering improvements to roads used by rural communities within the Beetaloo will benefit the residents, workers and visitors. It's clear from the investment that it's the Liberal and Nationals government that's committed to delivering the infrastructure our nation needs to economically recover.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McMahon, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is indeed excellent news, Minister. Can you inform us what infrastructure programs will improve safety and support growth and recovery in Northern Territory communities?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm sure you will be pleased to hear that the town of Katherine, the gateway to the region, has a strong tourism sector, schools and health facilities that will all benefit from the investments that we're making. We haven't just stopped with expenditure on the projects I mentioned earlier. We've committed $139 million to upgrades to the Outback Way. We've got upgrades to roads that tourists use in some of the most spectacular parts of our beautiful nation, including the town of Alice. We have 26 projects under construction, and on those, together with the 12 we've completed, we've committed more than $395 million. We've also committed more than $30 million to build the Tiger Brennan Drive and Berrimah Road overpass to ensure a safer commute for the 20,000 motorists that use it. The project will see up to 155 jobs at the peak of the works, and it will take nearly two years to complete.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McMahon, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's great news for the Northern Territory. What investments is the government making in other critical projects, particularly in regional Australia, to chart our way back from COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator McMahon. Since 2013 our government has committed more than $2.8 billion to support community infrastructure that promotes stable, secure and viable regional economies and builds on the resilience of our communities as we recover from the pandemic. More than $247 million has been committed through the Regional Growth Fund for projects for the construction of the Katherine flood mitigation and headworks project in the NT. For projects that help grow regional economies and provide sustainable employment, we've committed $206 million to the Regional Jobs and Investment Packages and $145 million to the Stronger Communities Program, which has funded around 12,000 projects since 2015, because we believe in recovery from COVID-19 that will be led by regional Australia.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Quarantine</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Birmingham. A week ago the Prime Minister promised to build a new quarantine facility at Jandakot Airport in Western Australia after the Department of Finance recommended that site after a feasibility study. So why has Mr Morrison already broken that promise, announcing the quarantine station will now be moved to a new site near a contaminated RAAF base?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] If Senator Pratt had bothered to look at any of the detail of what was said when the Jandakot site was announced as a preferred location a little over a week ago, she would have known that at the time I spoke very publicly about the fact that terms in relation to access to that site weren't settled, that contingency and back-up plans looking at other sites were underway and that the government was receiving advice. Indeed, the memorandum of understanding that we signed with the Western Australian government, who are clearly far more mature on these issues than Senator Pratt or the Anthony Albanese opposition, acknowledged the fact that there were contingency sites underway. The WA government has been engaged in that and is aware of that. What we've done is we've moved to the Bullsbrook site, the defence training centre there, on the basis of it being the site that will enable us to most efficiently, in terms of time and money, get the project built and delivered. That's why we're going there. It's that simple.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The proposed quarantine facility still has no budget, no contractor and no time line and will not take quarantine out of Perth CBD hotels, and it won't even open until two years after the start of this pandemic. Why is Mr Morrison so slow to act in keeping Western Australians safe?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I note Senator Pratt there claiming that there's no contractor. If she'd bothered to read her home-town newspaper, the <inline font-style="italic">West Australian</inline>, today, she would see that we announced the contractor for construction on the Bullsbrook site yesterday. I thank Multiplex for the work they're doing on that site, as they are elsewhere around the country. They're in a position where they're going to get the designs and approvals finalised and construction underway the month after next.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Morrison has called Western Australians cave dwellers and has now delayed construction of a new quarantine facility, all after siding with Clive Palmer against Western Australian's border restrictions. Why does Mr Morrison continually show such contempt for Western Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> (—) (): [by video link] That's strike 3 from Senator Pratt—three questions, three failures and three statements that are completely false, incorrect or failing facts. As I made clear yesterday when Senator Pratt tried this on, the Prime Minister said no such thing. We're grateful for the fact that Western Australians, like all Australians, are turning out in record numbers to get vaccinated. We're confident that Western Australians want us to stick to a plan that gives them back the opportunity to engage with the rest of Australia and with the rest of the world. That's what our national plan is all about: driving the vaccination numbers for Australians to points where we can all get back those freedoms and liberties. Whether you live in Western Australia, Queensland, New South Wales, South Australia, Victoria, Tasmania, or the territories, we want every single Australian to have the chance to get back those freedoms. Listening to those opposite, despite their saying they back the plan, it's clear they speak with forked tongue. It's perfectly clear they don't. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tokyo Paralympic Games</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator VAN</name>
    <name.id>283601</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, my question is to the minister for Families and Social Services, Senator Ruston. Minister, with the Tokyo Paralympics underway, can you outline how the Paralympics and our Australian para-athletes are inspiring people with disability to follow their dreams and to pursue new opportunities, particularly in the face of the challenges presented by COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Van for his question. A few weeks ago, I think, Australia felt the Olympic spirit as we watched the Olympic Games, and once again this week we feel the Olympic spirit as we watch our Paralympians compete in the Paralympic Games. It's another opportunity for us all to celebrate and unite around our incredible sporting achievements. It is so good to see the Australian team leading the medal tally already after an amazing 10 medals yesterday. Resilience, determination and strength underpin our Olympic team, and we have to understand that so many of our athletes have overcome extraordinary adversity to be in Tokyo. This, importantly, reminds us how much more can be achieved when we focus on what people's ability is instead of focusing on their disability. This year, our team in Tokyo is the largest team that we've ever sent overseas. It is second only to the Sydney 2000 team, with 178 athletes performing across 18 sports. The Aussies have always finished in the top five, and I can see no reason why that won't happen again this time.</para>
<para>To the whole team: we are watching you. We're cheering you on. You are an inspiration to us all, but you are a special inspiration to Australians who live with disability. So big congratulations to Paige Greco and Emily Petricola, for winning gold on the cycling track, and to Rowan Crothers, Ben Popham, William Martin and Lakeisha Patterson, for winning gold in the pool. Just getting to the Paralympic Games has been an extraordinary challenge given the circumstances we find ourselves in and the challenges of COVID to compete on the world stage. I hope everybody in Tokyo reaches whatever goal they sought to go there for, whether it's a personal best, winning a gold or, in the case of my mate Dylan Alcott, hopefully achieving an extremely difficult golden grand slam. To our Paralympians: good luck. Australia is proudly watching you compete in our green and gold.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Van, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator VAN</name>
    <name.id>283601</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, as we work to deliver the national plan agreed by national cabinet, how is the Liberal and Nationals government ensuring that people with disability can fully participate in the workforce and take part in our economic recovery from COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We know that a lack of information and support can be an extraordinary barrier to participation and independence. Throughout this pandemic, especially as we move through the national plan, we want to make sure that we support people to get access to the supports that they need to look after themselves during the lockdown and to know what's on the other side. That's why we've invested in the national Disability Gateway, to assist people with disability, their families and their carers to access information and a range of supports in a range of different areas, from health and employment services to support to keep them connected to their communities during this really difficult time. In particular, the 'leisure' function on the Disability Gateway website can connect budding athletes with sporting centres near them so that they can, hopefully, find a sporting club that is right for them. That's why we've partnered with Get Skilled Access to develop an online platform, so that they can do exactly that.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Van, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator VAN</name>
    <name.id>283601</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, how is the government also supporting people with a disability in other endeavours, including to take up sport in their local community?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We know how sport can be a powerful tool in breaking down barriers and eliminating stigmas, but unfortunately it's something that not everyone is able to do right now, given the current COVID restrictions. But we know that sport can play an incredibly important role in helping people feel both included and valued. The Sport4All program is designed to help. It works through 500 schools and local clubs to provide accessibility to sport for people with disability in remote communities and for our culturally and linguistically diverse people. It might be passing a basketball or having a rally at tennis. It's all about providing every Australian with the opportunity to participate in sport. This program has been developed by our world-class Olympian Dylan Alcott through his organisation Get Skilled Access, which has got years of experience. But, most particularly, these are programs that are designed by people with disability for people with disability.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Ruston.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>68</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by the Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services (Senator Colbeck), the Minister for Government Services (Senator Reynolds) and the Leader of the Government in the Senate (Senator Birmingham) to questions without notice asked by Senators McAllister, O'Neill, Pratt and Watt today relating to the COVID-19 pandemic.</para></quote>
<para>Today we saw a very important announcement by the Queensland government, and that is that they will go it alone on the building and funding of a new purpose-built quarantine station in Queensland. There can be no doubt whatsoever that quarantine is a federal responsibility. It is crystal clear in the Australian Constitution. But throughout this pandemic we have seen this Prime Minister and this government shirk their constitutional responsibility to build quarantine facilities to keep Australians safe from COVID-19. In the 18 months since this pandemic began, we have seen not one quarantine facility built by this Prime Minister, despite it being his constitutional responsibility to do so. Yet again we have seen the Prime Minister being slow to act and failing to take responsibility, even when something is set out in the Constitution for all to see.</para>
<para>The result of this government and this Prime Minister's failure to act is that we have now seen 27 leaks of COVID-19 from hotel quarantine, which have caused all sorts of outbreaks across the country, including the most recent, disastrous outbreak in Sydney, which is now recording national record COVID infection numbers. It is that failure from this government to act and build quarantine facilities, along with its failure to deliver the vaccine rollout, that is causing the lockdowns across the country that are causing so much misery and that is putting the remainder of the country at risk.</para>
<para>So I congratulate the Queensland government on its announcement today that it will go it alone and build this quarantine station near Toowoomba in Queensland. We cannot wait any longer for a federal government that refuses to take responsibility and do its job and that is completely slow to act to protect Australians. This proposal is something that was first raised by the Queensland government in January this year. They have had a proposed site since that time and a willing owner, but throughout the process the Prime Minister, rather than taking responsibility, has just made excuse after excuse for why he wouldn't support this quarantine station. First, he said that it doesn't have a suitable hospital, but we established at Senate estimates that the federal Department of Health has never even assessed Toowoomba base hospital to establish whether it is suitable to support a quarantine facility. His other excuse is, of course, that it doesn't have an international airport. That's despite the fact that Toowoomba Wellcamp Airport currently receives international freight flights on many, many occasions, shipping fruit, vegetables and many other products in and out of this country.</para>
<para>So it does have an international airport and it does have a hospital. What it doesn't have is a Prime Minister who's actually prepared to take responsibility and build the quarantine station that Queenslanders need. In fact, the Prime Minister's ignorance of Queensland is so great that he also said that one of the reasons he opposed building a quarantine station near Toowoomba is that we shouldn't have quarantine stations near the desert. How ignorant of Queensland's geography do you have to be to claim that Toowoomba is near the desert? I invite the Prime Minister to get in a car and see how many hours it takes him to get from Toowoomba to the desert so that he actually has some understanding of the state of Queensland.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister has had an absolute shocker of a week bagging Queensland. First, he called us cave dwellers, despite the fact that we have actually managed COVID-19 better than almost any state around Australia, and certainly better than his preferred Liberal state of New South Wales, which he described as being the gold standard and which he praised for their late lockdown. But it's us in Queensland who are the cave dwellers, according to the Prime Minister. Then he went on to blame Queenslanders for our vaccination rates, despite the fact that the vaccine rollout is his job. What is it with this bloke? Every time he has a job, he can't do it, and then he blames someone else for it. Apparently it's Queenslanders' fault for not having enough vaccines put in their arms, even though it's his job, as Prime Minister, to get those vaccinations happening.</para>
<para>Of course, now we see that he's leaving it to Queensland to go it alone in building the quarantine stations that are his job and his responsibility under the Australian Constitution. In fact, he has even had one of his own senators, Senator Canavan, go public today, saying that, in response to the Queensland government's announcement, the federal government should pull Defence Force troops off the Queensland borders. That's the kind of support that Queensland is getting from this government. They have a Prime Minister who just wants to bag us continually and leave us to ourselves, and they even have senators from Queensland who want to rip Defence Force troops off our borders. This government have a problem with Queensland, and it's about time they started delivering.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That was a very sad contribution from Senator Watt. It was a sad contribution from a sad opposition. We had a moment of hope last year, 18 months ago, that those opposite would take seriously their responsibilities as an alternative government and actually work together with the government—and we are the government; the Australian people elected us—to get through a global pandemic the likes of which the world has not seen for a hundred years. Instead, that moment of hope, that moment of light that the opposition would actually take this seriously and not delve into the politics of it, lasted such a brief period of time.</para>
<para>Luckily, we still have the national cabinet, where states and territories are still working together to find a path out of this pandemic. That path has been mapped by the national cabinet, led by the Morrison government. That path is clear to people, and that path is based on an accelerating vaccine rollout. And guess what, Senator Watt? Guess what, those opposite? The vaccine rollout is accelerating. Did it have some issues? It absolutely did.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Polley interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It absolutely had some issues, Senator Polley, and we have admitted those issues and confronted those issues. The age recommendation on AstraZeneca changed, and that did cause a lot of hesitancy in regard to AstraZeneca. However, that has largely flowed through now, and we see that people are embracing AstraZeneca as a very good, very effective vaccine against this pandemic, along with Pfizer and, soon, along with the Moderna vaccine. And we see it every day. Do those opposite actually look at the numbers that are coming out every day? There were 335,000 vaccines administered yesterday; the day before, 307,000. It's accelerating every day. In the last 28 days—and I'm sure Senator O'Sullivan knows the answer to this and I'm sure Senator Askew knows the answer—how many vaccines have we seen administered? It's 6.16 million—six million plus vaccinations administered in the last 28 days.</para>
<para>And now, from medical advice, we're starting to talk about younger Australians. The medical advice on 12- to 15-year-olds is starting to come through from ATAGI. We've had preliminary advice so far—it's going to be considered by the National Security Committee of cabinet—and final advice, hopefully, will be available very, very soon. Do we know how many people are in that category in Australia, in that 12 to 15 age group? I suspect those on this side do. I bet those on that side wouldn't have a clue. There are 1.2 million. Senator O'Sullivan and Senator Askew could do the numbers easily on 1.2 million, if you're doing six million doses approximately every 30 days. Obviously, you've got to wait that period between administering the two doses. But that age group will be incorporated into what is now an accelerating and very successful vaccine rollout. I remind those listening to this today just how quick that acceleration has been. In March, 770,000 vaccines were administered. By June, that had risen to 3.5 million; in July, it rose to 4.5 million; and, in the last 28 days, it's risen to 6.16 million doses.</para>
<para>Those opposite want to carp, they want to criticise, they want to cast a political lens on this as we head towards an election, and that is just very sad. And I think the Australian people will cast judgement on the Labor Party's response to this pandemic very harshly indeed. I think the Australian people will judge your response to this pandemic very harshly indeed, because this was an opportunity for Australians to pull together. Australians want a pathway out of this. Australians are embracing a pathway out of this. We only need to look at these vaccination rates to know that Australians have embraced the Morrison government's pathway out of this pandemic. They want the freedoms, they want the liberties, that will come with a successful vaccine program, and that is what the Morrison government is delivering.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This government takes Western Australians for mugs. That's the approach this government has taken when it comes to negotiating with the state government about quarantine facilities. We had been promised a new quarantine facility at Jandakot Airport. That's what the Prime Minister promised. And yet, about a week later, that facility has now moved to near the RAAF air base.</para>
<para>In Minister Birmingham's response today, he tried to imply that the state government had somehow insisted on the announcement. Well, I can assure you and I can assume that of course Premier Mark McGowan is going to go, 'If you want Western Australia to sign up to some kind of pathway out of our lockdowns then this Commonwealth government has to take responsibility for quarantine and it has to make public that responsibility.' I'm damn sure that that's what happened. Mark McGowan said, 'Yes, you've got to get out and announce this; otherwise, there's no way that we're going to sign up to your pathway out of lockdowns.'</para>
<para>So what happens is that the government has to rush out and announce this because it hasn't yet done a proper assessment. It hasn't actually done the work yet. All this demonstrates is that this government is extremely late to the party when it comes to taking responsibility for quarantine. These facilities are not even going to be finished until March next year. When you hear these announcements, they say: 'We're still designing them. We're still looking at how they're going to be laid out and what's going to happen.'</para>
<para>All that demonstrates is that this government has done two-fifths of whatever to get this underway before Mark McGowan said, 'Come on, I've been asking you about this for months and months.' Last April Mark McGowan asked, 'When are you going to take your quarantine facility responsibilities seriously?' Last year Mark McGowan was asking, 'Why isn't the Commonwealth taking responsibility for quarantine?' It's only now that the Prime Minister wants to be the champion of freedom and cover up for his mistakes in New South Wales. Of course all Western Australians—and all Australians—want to be free. They want to be out from under lockdowns. But we have had a sure and true path to freedom in Western Australia, which has been to act quickly when we've needed to with short, sharp lockdowns—the kinds of lockdowns that New South Wales required and didn't deliver. It didn't deliver at all in terms of a pathway out of COVID.</para>
<para>So here we are at this point in the pandemic, 18 months after it started, and only now does the Commonwealth government come out and say, 'Oh yeah, we'll build some quarantine facilities for you in Western Australia.' It doesn't seem like the government wants to build any for Queensland. This is all about the negotiations that have happened in national cabinet, I'm quite sure. It's all about how Mark McGowan said, 'Come on, you've got to live up to your quarantine responsibilities, and we're not going to sign up until you make good on taking up your responsibilities.' It's not because this government took proactive responsibility. It's not because this government said, 'We really understand that for Australia to open up'—as the Prime Minister has said he wants it to—'we have to have purpose-built quarantine facilities.' We absolutely have to, yet it appears we're not going to get them until March next year.</para>
<para>These are not complicated facilities. They're not all that difficult to build. The difficulty comes in with staffing them and running them and doing all of that properly. These are not all that difficult to build. This government has finally said, 'Yes, we'll build quarantine facilities,' but they're not even going to be ready until March next year, because they're still being planned and designed. It's very clear that this government has done nothing until this point in time. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt, I remind you to refer to the Premier by his correct title.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Where do these questions come from? The opposition are repeatedly coming in here to try to twist commentary made elsewhere to suit their political agenda or, as we've seen today, raise anxiety in parents about their children if they contract COVID-19. Taking comments out of context is misleading, and raising concerns by spreading fear throughout the community is not worthy of those opposite.</para>
<para>It has been a very difficult week in this place. With minimal numbers in the building and here in the chamber, we've managed to ensure that the parliament of our great nation continues to function. Yet, once again, those opposite choose to come in here and rehash the same questions and the same themes, attacking the vaccine rollout and trying to belittle the Prime Minister for standing up for and committing to a policy that has been agreed to by national cabinet. The national cabinet's policy is not just the federal coalition's policy. It has been agreed by every state and territory leader across the country: Mark McGowan in Western Australia, Steven Marshall in South Australia, Gladys Berejiklian in New South Wales, Annastacia Palaszczuk in Queensland, Peter Gutwein in my home state of Tasmania, Daniel Andrews in Victoria, Michael Gunner in the Northern Territory and Andrew Barr here the ACT. They have all committed to this plan not just once but regularly over recent weeks during their national cabinet meetings.</para>
<para>The Australian people want their politicians to be held to account and to deliver the relaxed restrictions and greater freedoms they have been promised for when vaccination rates reach the agreed levels of 70 per cent and 80 per cent. That's why so many Australians are doing the right thing and turning out in record numbers to be vaccinated. While those opposite continue to spread lies and mistruths, our government is focused on getting on with the job and keeping Australians safe.</para>
<para>In relation to the vaccine rollout, it's exciting to see the more reluctant premiers finally engaged in the conversation and encouraging all Australians to be vaccinated. Just a few hours ago I heard Premier Andrews urging all Victorians to go out and get vaccinated so that their latest lockdown can end, highlighting the hundreds of thousands of appointments available across Victoria. It is good to see their vaccination numbers are increasing, with over 52 per cent of eligible residents in Victoria having received their first dose. Similarly, in New South Wales, where their rollout continues to gain speed and record vaccinations are being recorded daily, they now have over 61 per cent having had their first dose and 33 per cent having had both doses. That's a massive improvement, and it's great to see New South Wales residents coming forward in their droves to be vaccinated. Well done and thank you to each and every person who has come forward.</para>
<para>While the opposition continues to undermine this national rollout, our government continues to deliver record numbers of vaccinations daily, with over 307,000 recorded in the last 24 hours. In the course of the last seven days over 1.8 million doses have been delivered and 17.7 million doses have been delivered to date. In my home state of Tasmania, nearly 420,000 doses have been administered so far, with just under 57 per cent having had one dose and over 38 per cent fully vaccinated with their second dose. It is disappointing to note, however, that there are still two states where less than 50 per cent of their population aged over 16 have had their first dose. Perhaps not surprisingly they are Queensland, as highlighted by Senator Watt in his question to Senator Birmingham today, and Western Australia. At a federal level we are getting on with the job. The Australian government has secured more than 280 million COVID-19 vaccine doses, including 125 million Pfizer BioNTech vaccine doses. It is time those states that have been left behind also get on with the job of delivering the vaccinations available to them.</para>
<para>Furthermore, the ramped-up rollout is just the start. Not only will the vaccination of Australians help save lives; it will also help us to relax restrictions as we progress through the four stages of the national plan. Our government is taking a balanced approach to this plan, listening to the scientific and medical evidence and taking into consideration the economic advice and impact to set out a clear plan that will return Australia to some semblance of a normal lifestyle. By sticking to this plan, we will give hope and confidence to all Australians and give businesses the confidence to turn the lights back on and reopen and perhaps borrow from their banks to do so and employ more Australians. It will also give Australians confidence in relation to their health that the hospitals will be able to cope and doctors will be available to assist them should they contract COVID-19 even if vaccinated. In relation to the plan, and as you are— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Askew, I remind you to refer to state premiers by their correct title.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, just to clarify the accusations by the government senators in this debate today that it's us on this side who are out campaigning against the rollout of the vaccine, there couldn't be anything further from the truth. They sit with colleagues on the backbench here in this chamber who have gone out and campaigned against the vaccine. Their own backbench in the other House have been out campaigning against the vaccine. So don't come into this chamber lecturing us. We have been out promoting, very strongly, the rollout of the vaccine. In fact, it was their own Liberal state minister in Tasmania, the Minister for Health, Jeremy Rockliff, who said today that the Tasmanian borders will not open until there is full vaccination, including of children. That's what he said.</para>
<para>What have we heard in this chamber today, particularly about First Nations children in western New South Wales? Forty per cent of our First Nations children have not been vaccinated. We know they're the largest cohort of young people in this country contracting COVID-19, the delta variant, but could any minister give us any figures when we asked today? No, they couldn't. After three strikes in softball, you're out. After three strikes of breaking the law in some states in the US, you go to jail. We have a minister here who is responsible for youth, and she failed on three occasions. After strike 3, she should be out. Not only should she be off the frontbench; so too should Senator Colbeck, representing the Minister for Health and Aged Care. In any other time, the Prime Minister of the day would have sacked the minister for health for a failing such as being unable to roll out a vaccine in a timely manner.</para>
<para>It really gets my goat when I listen to the people on that side of the chamber. They're almost bragging about the number of vaccines that are rolling out now. I'm sorry to allude to this, but the fact is that you're way behind the times. Then we have the Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services, representing the minister for health, coming in here and saying, 'We're still learning about what the vaccine's going to do to young people.' I have no confidence whatsoever in that minister or in Scott Morrison. We know that, internationally, COVID-19 hit the United States and Europe before it came here. Did we learn anything from that? No, we didn't. This Prime Minister was so cocky that he didn't even go out and do his first job, which was to secure enough vaccine to keep safe every Australian in this country. Now they're telling us, 'We're still waiting to learn.'</para>
<para>You need to have a plan. I have children. I have grandchildren. So does almost everyone else in this chamber, and I truly believe that everyone in this chamber cares about rolling out this vaccine in a timely way. But we've had a crisis that the Prime Minister has not been able to address. He's had the job of ensuring the health of all Australians, and here we are today, with not one minister in this chamber able to reassure us and the Australian people that they have a plan to address the crisis that is hitting young people in this country. The delta variant is targeting our young people, and we've got a Prime Minister who is not addressing that most recent crisis. He's failed to protect the health of all Australians. He's failed to build the appropriate quarantine facilities that we need in this country. And we have government senators coming in here with—I have to say—quite a lacklustre performance of trying to defend their government for the failings that they have had. I know—as my colleagues do—from the calls and emails I'm getting to my office, that, for every death that has occurred in this country under the Prime Minister's watch, the government will be judged, and they will be judged very harshly, along with the Prime Minister of the day— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Climate Change</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for International Development and the Pacific (Senator Seselja) to a question without notice asked by Senator Hanson-Young today relating to climate change.</para></quote>
<para>Clearly, Senator Seselja was not across his brief today. I asked a question about his government's energy policy. He couldn't answer it, and, instead of trying his best, he turned around and decided to accuse me of being angry. This sums up this government and the Morrison men in this government—sexist, patronising and not across their brief. Look, mate, it's not my fault if you don't have the answers to the questions you're being asked. It's question time. Come here briefed; be prepared to answer. Women in this country are all sick and tired of the sexist, patronising dismissal of men like you in suits.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6748" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>72</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] It's one of the duties of government to protect us all from the nefarious activities of those who would seek to terrorise and disrupt our society. To do so we have established authorities and bodies to provide such protection. Bodies such as ASIO need to be properly resourced and enabled. We enable them through legislation which strictly corrals their activities in a very strict set of parameters. The legislation under which they operate dates back to 2000, the turn of the millennium. In those days, we busily used phones and faxes. I'm reliably informed that it was easier to track the source of communications in those days, domestic or overseas. Now we deal in emails, mobile phones and messaging apps—you name it. With these types of communications, it becomes more difficult to ascertain whether the communication is foreign or domestic. With this comes the issue of our agencies being denied access to critical foreign intelligence which may be vital to our national wellbeing.</para>
<para>The changes proposed simply update the law and don't grant agencies new powers. Nevertheless, for those who, like me, have an instinctive wariness about Big Brother government, there are reassuring safeguards and they are robust. Allow me to deal with them. First of all, foreign communications warrants can only be issued for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence from foreign communications—for example, relating to foreign terrorists or cyberthreats. The warrant request must specify how the risk of the incidental interception of domestic communications will be minimised. The Attorney-General will issue a mandatory written procedure to identify domestic communications that may have been incidentally intercepted; to destroy any domestic communication that is so identified, unless it appears to relate to activities that present a significant risk to life; to notify the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security, or IGIS, of any identified communication not destroyed because it appears to relate to activities that present a significant risk to life; and to deal with any other matters relating to intercepted communications. A warrant cannot be issued unless the mandatory procedure is in place.</para>
<para>Before issuing the mandatory procedure, the Attorney-General must consult the ministers for defence and foreign affairs, the IGIS and the Director-General of Security, and the procedure must be reviewed at least every three years. The IGIS has extensive powers akin to those of a standing royal commission and is an essential safeguard. The law requires that the collection of foreign intelligence under section 11C warrants must be highly targeted, and this will not change.</para>
<para>Having read all that out, one really wonders how the Australian Greens, in their contributions, can satisfy themselves that they spoke with any integrity in relation to these measures. We were harangued about this leading to a fascist state or a police state. It's clearly not. The safeguards embedded in this legislation ensure that the right balance is provided in protecting the community whilst also protecting civil liberties. With these things, there is always a balanced, moderate and sensible approach. Of course, as soon as you mention the words 'balanced', 'moderate' and 'sensible', you lose the Australian Greens in the public debate, because, for them, everything is perfectly black or perfectly white; there is no sense of exercising a judgement which can both protect civil liberties and protect our nation as much as possible from cyberattacks and terrorism. So I would really invite the Australian Greens to reconsider their approach to matters of public security generally and to this bill especially.</para>
<para>The comments of Senator Thorpe, if I might say so, were also unfortunate and regrettable. Her contribution did defy any analysis. There was a lot of hyperbole—well done on that score—but, when it came to fact, detail or reality, all those elements were, sadly, absent.</para>
<para>Using incidentally intercepted domestic communications that relate to activities that present a significant risk to life will allow agencies to share life-saving intelligence. I would have thought that is something anybody in a civilised society would seek for their people. That is what this government seeks for its people, for the Australian people, who we seek to serve in this place. We are seeking to get the balance right. It is good to see that the Australian Labor Party, which is in fact potentially a party of government, unlike the Greens, understands these issues as well.</para>
<para>To summarise, in this age of ever-increasing technological sophistication, especially in the area of communications, we need to allow our security agency to keep pace. While some of the issues may be complex, one thing is pretty simple: an Australian who serves the interests of foreign governments is an agent of such a foreign power, whether they are onshore or offshore, and Australians deserve protection from such nefarious activities and such nefarious actors. The bill, with its safeguards, will do exactly that, which is why it enjoys my support and, I trust, the chamber's support. This is a bill worthy of quick resolution by the Senate, because it is important our agency, ASIO, be clothed with the appropriate power and authority to keep us safe and to ensure that the legislation under which it acts and operates is legislation that allows it and empowers it to act in this modern age of telecommunications and that brings it forward from the 2000-era turn of the millennium some 20 years ago, where the communications methodologies were so different from what they are today. The bill is well crafted, well focused and well moderated by the various safeguards, and I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator VAN</name>
    <name.id>283601</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The threat landscape that we as a nation are confronted with today is vastly different from that of five, 10 and 20 years ago. It's important to note that next month marks the 20-year anniversary of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. The events in Afghanistan this week brought back the dark memories of that attack on the US people by foreign nationals. Those attacks changed the world and the way in which liberal democracies protect their citizens.</para>
<para>A lot has changed in those 20 years, but the need to protect Australia from attacks and interference by foreign actors has not. Technology has changed how the world works, and the massive rise of cyberattacks has created challenges which have seen the need to significantly increase the size of our intelligence agencies. The technology and geopolitics driving these changes can have serious ramifications on the effective functioning of our democracy if not properly acknowledged and addressed. Information is now more important to world affairs than at any previous point in history, as a result of those advances in data driven technology. Information is now the world's most consequential and contested geopolitical resource. It is a growing source of state power, where we have seen undoubtable evidence that many of our adversaries are expending more time, energy and resources to build and utilise this capability.</para>
<para>There are a variety of reasons for which states conduct intelligence, however, the foremost of these being to increase understanding and knowledge. The timely acquisition of intelligence can improve the quality of decision-making by reducing ignorance of the situation faced and enabling actions or decisions to be optimised. In order to keep Australians safe from foreign adversaries, we must be able to effectively inhibit external actors' ability to collect intelligence on Australia and our communities. This is a national security priority. As the methodologies of intelligence collection develop and change with the rapidly evolving technologies, so must our national security laws. The Richardson review was conducted as a response to this changing threat landscape to ensure that the legislative framework that we have in place effectively addresses the threat at hand. The Richardson review's examination of the legislative framework underpinning the national intelligence community is the first and largest since the Hope royal commissions considered the Australian intelligence community in the 1970s and 1980s. I would like to thank Mr Richardson for the important work he did on this. He has been, over his career, one of Australia's best public servants. That is no mean feat, especially when you see the calibre of our current bureaucrats, including the Director-General of Security and the Secretary of the Department of Home Affairs.</para>
<para>The Morrison government is committed to ensuring our national security agencies have the right tools and powers to combat national security threats. The Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 amends the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979, otherwise known as the TIA Act, and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Act 1979, or the ASIO Act, to address critical gaps in the foreign intelligence collection framework.</para>
<para>Firstly, the reforms will update the foreign communications warrant provisions in the TIA Act to reflect changes in communications technologies. This means that intelligence agencies will be able to intercept a communication to determine whether a communication is a foreign communication. Foreign communications warrants have been a critical part of Australia's foreign intelligence legislative framework for more than 20 years. Currently, the TIA Act prohibits the interception of domestic communications. This made sense 20 years ago, when the technology available was a lot simpler and it was easier for our intelligence services to identify whether a type of communication was from a foreign source. Now, however, due to technological advances in communication and encryption technology, the source of a communication can be impossible to find out. As a result of this, our intelligence services have been avoiding the collection of foreign communication where there may be a risk of collecting domestic communication. This means, under the current act, we are effectively telling our intelligence services to turn a blind eye to what could be vital life-or-death information. The warrants enable intelligence agencies to identify threats to Australia's national security, including malicious cyberactivity targeting Australian interests and terrorist communications. Without the proposed changes, gaps in foreign intelligence collection will continue to grow and we will not have visibility of possible threats to Australia and its national security. I don't know about any of you, but the thought of that vital intelligence being missed, which could lead to devastating outcomes in our communities, makes me extremely uncomfortable, as I'm sure it does all Australians. This is why these reforms are absolutely vital, and they reflect the Morrison government's commitment to keeping our nation safe.</para>
<para>These reforms will allow intelligence agencies to intercept communications for the purpose of foreign intelligence where the geographic location of the sender and recipient cannot be determined prior to interception. This does not mean that we are granting the intelligence agencies more power. These reforms are simply amending the current act to properly reflect the change in how we communicate and to ensure our intelligence agencies are able to effectively deal with the growing threats we face. The nature and scope of foreign communications warrants remain unchanged. ASIO will remain the responsible agency for obtaining foreign intelligence inside Australia and the only agency that may apply for or obtain foreign intelligence warrants. These warrants do not allow the bulk collection of foreign communications now or in future. It is actually a requirement that these warrants are to be use for highly targeted operations only. Of course, robust safeguards will accompany these reforms to ensure that powers are used for the right purposes. Foreign communications warrants can only be issued for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence from foreign communications, such as those relating to foreign terrorists or cyberthreats. The warrant request must also specify how the risk of the incidental interception of domestic communications will be minimised.</para>
<para>It is important to note that ASIO's sole function is to protect Australia and Australians from threats to our security. ASIO's functions include obtaining, correlating and evaluating intelligence relevant to security. This means that they are responsible for the protection of Australia from espionage, sabotage, politically motivated and communal violence, attacks on Australia's defence system, and acts of foreign interference whether directed from or committed within Australia or not; the protection of Australia's territorial and border integrity; and Australian security responsibilities to other countries. Without these amendments, ASIO would be unable to complete their duties to the best of their ability, and therefore may be unable to effectively protect Australia and Australian citizens. That's something I'm sure everyone here agrees we cannot let happen.</para>
<para>The second set of reforms will close the current loophole on Australians working for a foreign power. Currently, foreign intelligence can be collected on an Australian working offshore for a foreign power, but that same intelligence cannot be collected on that Australian if they are in Australia. This means that, if there are people in Australia acting in a manner which could lead to the harm of other Australian citizens, our intelligence agencies are unable to collect intelligence on them, due to a legal loophole. For example, if an Australian citizen is working with a foreign power or terrorist organisation overseas and our intelligence agencies are collecting intelligence on them, our agencies must stop all activities on them once they return to Australia. If an Australian is working for a foreign power overseas, they are a threat to Australia and other Australians. Just because they return to our shores does not mean that this threat dissipates and our intelligence services should cease their work. It is vital that our intelligence agencies can continue to obtain information on individuals who threaten our society so that they can continue to protect and promote Australia's national security and national and economic wellbeing.</para>
<para>It is also important to highlight that these amendments come with a robust set of safeguards. The law will continue to prevent the request of a foreign intelligence warrant on Australian persons who are not acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. The Director-General of Security will be required to provide the Attorney-General with the detailed justification of the grounds upon which the director-general suspects the person is acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. The Attorney-General cannot issue a warrant unless satisfied the person is, or is reasonably suspected by the director-general of, acting for or on behalf of a foreign power.</para>
<para>When it comes to protecting our national security, the Morrison government is steadfast in its approach and in its commitment to ensuring that our national security framework is as robust and responsive as possible. It is of vital importance that these amendments are made without delay, and every day that we wait is a day that crucial intelligence may be missed. In Australia we have world-class intelligence agencies filled with some of our most capable men and women. It is our job to ensure that they have the right legislative framework in place so that they can continue to protect Australia and keep our communities safe from harm. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 addresses serious gaps in Australia's foreign intelligence capability. In these uncertain times it is more important than ever that Australia's intelligence services have the capacity to detect any potential threats and are not trying to do so with one hand tied behind their back. This legislation simply brings Australian foreign intelligence interception laws in line with our Five Eyes partners, as the inquiry of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security has found. It is underpinned, of course, by robust safeguards and oversight, which I will talk to in a moment.</para>
<para>The first of these reforms will allow intelligence agencies to intercept communications for the purpose of foreign intelligence where the geographical location of the sender and recipient cannot be determined prior to interception. This reform itself does not grant intelligence agencies new powers. It simply updates the law to reflect the reality of modern communications and to ensure existing powers can continue to be used. That's an important point to make, and I stress it. It was much easier to determine the origin of communications 20 years ago. These days it's increasingly difficult to do so.</para>
<para>But the nature and scope of foreign communications warrants remain unchanged. ASIO is responsible for obtaining foreign intelligence inside Australia and is the only agency that may apply for or obtain foreign intelligence warrants, including section 11C warrants. Section 11C warrants do not allow bulk collection of foreign communications now or in the future. The law requires that the collection of foreign intelligence under section 11C warrants be highly targeted, and this will not change. The act and the amendments do not permit indiscriminate collection.</para>
<para>Foreign communication warrants have been a critical part of Australia's foreign intelligence legislative framework for more than 20 years. These warrants are issued by the Attorney-General at the request of the Director-General of Security and on the advice of the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The circumstances in which the warrants may be exercised and the conditions that apply to them are approved by the Attorney-General and remain under the stringent oversight of the IGIS. These warrants authorise the interception of foreign communications for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence.</para>
<para>The other major reform in the bill closes the loophole on those in Australia working for a foreign power. The Richardson review recommended reforms to allow foreign intelligence to be collected on onshore Australian citizens and permanent residents who are acting for or on behalf of foreign powers. It's an illogical situation where foreign intelligence can be collected on an Australian working for a foreign power offshore but that same intelligence cannot be collected under a warrant on that same Australian onshore.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, there are circumstances where Australian citizens and permanent residents are of legitimate foreign intelligence interest—for example, where an Australian citizen is recruited for foreign espionage purposes. As the Richardson review observed, an Australian serving the interests of a foreign government remains an agent of a foreign power whether they are onshore or offshore. It is important that our intelligence agencies can obtain information to protect and promote Australia's national security foreign relations.</para>
<para>Now I would like to address some attempts made earlier in this debate to conflate the foreign intelligence reforms in this bill with the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme. There is no connection between the two. The Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme provides the public with visibility of the nature, level and extent of foreign influence on Australia's government and politics. The scheme is not in any way related to the legal framework governing the collection of foreign intelligence by Australia's intelligence agencies. It does not in any way suggest that an individual is engaged in espionage.</para>
<para>In contrast, this bill enables the Director-General of Security to seek a warrant to collect foreign intelligence on Australians acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. There is a strenuous process and safeguards in place. The Attorney-General cannot issue a warrant unless satisfied the person is, or is reasonably suspected by the director-general to be, acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. The safeguards contained within the broader foreign intelligence warrant framework will continue to apply. These include, first, that collection activities are conducted by specifically approved personnel; second, that the Attorney-General may approve a foreign intelligence warrant only when satisfied on advice from either the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Foreign Affairs that the collection is in the interests of Australia's national security, foreign relations or economic wellbeing; third, that warrants must not exceed a six-month duration. The IGIS will also continue to have oversight of agencies' activities under these warrants. The IGIS has extensive powers akin to those of a standing royal commission, and is an essential safeguard.</para>
<para>I point out that the term 'foreign intelligence', defined in section 5 of the TIA Act, means 'intelligence about the capabilities, intentions or activities of people or organisations outside Australia'. The term 'foreign power' is defined in section 4 of the ASIO Act:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a ) a foreign government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) an entity that is directed or controlled by a foreign government or governments; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a foreign political organisation.</para></quote>
<para>It's absurd to suggest, as Senator Patrick has tried to today, that the bill would permit the Director-General of Security to seek a warrant for any Australian acting for or on behalf of a foreign power merely because they are on the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme Public Register. The existing warrant thresholds must still be met, in addition to the requirement to be acting for or on behalf of a foreign power, before a warrant can be obtained to collect foreign intelligence. There are robust safeguards around the issuing of these warrants. To conflate this bill with the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme is irresponsible and, frankly, shows a lack of understanding about both the bill and our current foreign intelligence framework.</para>
<para>In conclusion, our national security laws must continue to keep pace with the evolving operational environment and changes in technology. The Comprehensive Review of the Legal Framework of the National Intelligence Community, known as the Richardson review, made clear that the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979 has not kept up with the modern communications environment and that both targeted and substantive reforms are required. The reforms in this bill include robust oversight and safeguards, and the crucial bottom line is that this bill will help intelligence agencies protect Australians. It will make it easier to uncover terrorist plots and other serious threats to Australia's national interests now and into the future. Without the proposed changes, gaps in foreign intelligence collection will continue to grow and Australia will not have visibility of possible threats, creating serious risks. This bill is required with urgency.</para>
<para>I really caution senators who have been critical of the fact that we are working to ensure the passage of this bill this week—today. Given the situation with COVID-19 and state lockdowns, we simply don't know with any degree of certainty how long the parliament will be able to sit and deliberate. The fact is that each day these reforms are not in place is a day that Australians are put at risk, that our agencies miss critical foreign intelligence about threats to Australia and Australians, and that harms our national interests. Our government makes no apology for putting the safety and security of every Australian first.</para>
<para>I recognise and commend the Australian Labor Party at this particular point in time for their recognition of the vital importance of this bill and their constructive work through the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, chaired ably by Senator James Paterson. The bill has had oversight by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, and it's worth noting that the recommendations from their inquiry have been adopted in full by the government. These strengthen even further the robust safeguards and oversight that the government has provided with this bill, and it is commended to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's always a delight to follow my good friend Senator Smith, who's going out of the chamber as I pay him a compliment. I'm obviously not reflecting on your leaving the chamber; I'm reflecting on what you said in the chamber and doing so in a complimentary fashion. I'm very pleased to rise to speak on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. At the outset I'll pick up on one of the themes that Senator Smith brought to the debate, and that is that it is pleasing that the coalition, my party, and the Labor Party are on the same page when it comes to these critical policy issues with respect to national security. It is important that the governing parties in our political system are on the same page when it comes to national security issues. There's a lot of heritage and tradition in that regard as we look at our history, and from my perspective it's something we should always seek to maintain. I'd like to make three preliminary points with respect to the context in which this bill is being considered.</para>
<para>First, the No. 1 priority of the Commonwealth government is to protect the citizens of Australia. That has to be the No. 1 priority of our Commonwealth government, and that's the context in which we have this discussion with respect to this bill, the Commonwealth government protecting the lives and liberties of our Australian citizens and everyone who is in this country. Second, I want to pay tribute to all of those in our defence forces, our intelligence agencies, our police forces and everyone who supports them because they help to achieve the objective of keeping us safe. I really want to pay tribute to them and I salute them, especially on this day when so many people are doing so much to make others safe in an international context. I want to salute each and every one of the people who keep us safe whilst we sleep at night. Third, in order to keep our country safe and in order to have an appropriate system of governance to keep our citizens and everyone who is residing in our country safe, we must be adaptable. We must be prepared to consider reasonable and proportionate legislative changes to reflect the changing environment, and the changing environment includes technology. It includes technology because, as we all know, it's moving at an incredibly fast pace. It should be recognised that the act that is being amended in this case was first introduced in 1979. A lot has happened since 1979. I see Senator Cash nodding wisely, sagely, as she does. Senator Cash, I'm sure you weren't born at the time, but I was 10 years old, and a lot has changed in terms of telecommunications since that point in time. It is important that our security legislation keeps up to date with those technological changes, and that's what this bill seeks to do.</para>
<para>In relation to the specifics of this bill, it deals with a particular gap in our national defences. I must say that, before this bill was presented, I wasn't aware of this gap in our national defences, so this bill has been somewhat of an education for me with respect to this area of intelligence gathering. The gap is that you potentially have situations where foreign intelligence needs to be collected with respect to particular Australians who might be thought to be acting for foreign powers, but that foreign intelligence needs to be collected in a domestic context. It needs to be collected onshore, and therefore you have a situation which evolves where there can be a mix of foreign intelligence and domestic telecommunications information, and the collection of one, the domestic, can taint the other, the foreign. That's an unacceptable set of circumstances. That needs to be addressed so that foreign intelligence can be gathered, even with respect—especially, perhaps, with respect—to Australians within our own borders who are acting in the interests of a foreign power and whose activities need to be scrutinised by our intelligence agencies. That's the gap which this bill seeks to and does address effectively.</para>
<para>One of the matters we need to always consider with respect to intelligence arrangements is whether or not there are effective checks and balances. This is extraordinarily important. It goes to the heart of our Westminster system. It goes to the heart of our democratic processes. It goes to the heart of our rights and freedoms as individuals in this nation. I'm very pleased that this bill is being proposed in the context of appropriate checks and balances to protect the rights and liberties of every Australian.</para>
<para>Firstly, the Director-General of Security is required to provide the Attorney-General with a detailed justification of the grounds on which the Director-General suspects a person is acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. That's an important point. Before these powers can be exercised, the Director-General needs to provide the Attorney-General—and I'll say a bit about the context of the Attorney-General—with a case as to why the Director-General suspects that these powers need to be invoked. It's important to note—as Senator Cash would know very well, and my friend Senator Watt, from Queensland, would know very well, given his background—that the Attorney-General in our system of government is not just a member of the executive. The Attorney-General is the first law officer of the nation. With that status come special responsibilities and special expectations, including an obligation to the rule of law; an obligation to stand up for our independent judiciary and our court system; and an obligation, in terms of discharging this particular power, to scrutinise the request for the exercise of intelligence powers such as these. So that's the first check and balance—the Director-General of Security being required to provide the Attorney-General with a detailed justification for the exercise of the powers.</para>
<para>When we move on to the next step in the process, the second check and balance is that the Attorney-General has to be satisfied that the person who is the subject of the application is 'reasonably suspected' by the Director-General to be acting for or on behalf of a foreign power. That standard of reasonableness is extremely important and it contains an objective component. When the Attorney-General is considering an application with respect to the operation of these powers, the Attorney has an obligation to scrutinise the basis of the application and consider whether or not, in all the facts and circumstances, the application is reasonable. And the Attorney-General, as the first law officer of the nation, is responsible for the decision that the Attorney comes to in that respect.</para>
<para>So the first element is the fact that there is a reference to the Attorney-General; the second is the standard to which the Attorney-General has to satisfy—in our case—herself with respect to the power of the application; and then there is the third element of the suite of protections, the checks and balances, that apply in the context of this bill, and they are the broader protections which apply with respect to the exercise of powers relating to security and intelligence. In that context, the first point is that these powers can only be exercised by appropriately trained personnel. There are three elements to that. The first is the actual training. That's the mechanics in terms of the process and what steps need to be gone through, including navigating through the checks and balances, before the powers can be exercised and the relevant procedures activated. That's the first element—the training. The second element is the culture of the organisation in which the personnel are embedded. It is extraordinarily important that the culture of that organisation is appropriate, that they understand the serious nature of these powers and the need to protect the rights and liberties of all Australians. So you've got the training and the culture of the organisation. The third element is the character of each individual staff member or officer who is exercising these powers. That's the third limb, from my perspective, the character of the people, each and every one of them who is exercising these powers. I think you need to get all three right—the specific training, the culture of the organisation and the character of the individual who is exercising those powers—and, first and foremost, is understanding the serious nature of the powers.</para>
<para>The second check and balance in terms of the overall scheme of checks and balances in the intelligence and security space in our nation is that the Attorney-General only approves a foreign intelligence warrant when satisfied, on advice of the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Again, that's appropriate; that's a further check and balance within the executive of our Westminster system of government. And the third check and balance is to satisfy that the collection is in the interests of Australia's national security. That is extremely important as well—that it has to be in the interests of our overall national security. And that comes back to the first point I made at the start of this contribution to this debate—that the first priority of the Commonwealth government is to protect its citizens.</para>
<para>The fourth check and balance in terms of the overall security and intelligence regime is the oversight from the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security. Again, that is an extremely important oversight function. It should also be noted that part of that function is interaction with the relevant joint parliamentary committee. All of us in this chamber have the opportunity and duty to serve on various oversight committees with respect to the exercise of powers by the executive. And, in the exercise of those oversight powers, we have the benefit of independent reports from people such as the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security to inform us as to whether there are any issues with respect to the exercise of powers such as this. That also is an important check and balance.</para>
<para>I've taken some time talking about the checks and balances in the context in which this bill is presented, but that should provide to everyone listening to this debate comfort that there is a broad array of checks and balances in terms of the exercise of these powers.</para>
<para>In summary, we have a bill which takes into account the changing circumstances from a technology point of view—from when I was a 10-year-old working with those clunky phones that we all remember; some of us remember! It also fills a definite gap in our intelligence collection regime with respect to that particular circumstance where an Australian is potentially acting for foreign interests within our own border and you are trying to collect foreign intelligence. You potentially can trip up, because you can also uncover domestic information or domestic intelligence and it's very hard to differentiate one from the other. Thirdly, there's a whole suite of appropriate checks and balances. That provides the context in which this bill is presented. On that basis, I'm very happy to commend the bill to the chamber.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I rise to speak on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. It is important that our national security laws continue to keep pace with the evolving operational environment and changes in technology. I have spoken regularly over the years about these issues and most especially regarding issues surrounding foreign interference and foreign influence in Australia. The Comprehensive Review of the Legal Framework of the National Intelligence Community, the Richardson review, made clear that the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979, the T(IA) Act, has not kept up with modern communication. Accordingly, targeted and substantive reforms are required. The bill rectifies two critical gaps in the foreign intelligence collection framework. Without the proposed changes, gaps in foreign intelligence collection will continue to grow and Australia will not have visibility of critical intelligence and possible threats, creating serious risks.</para>
<para>Addressing urgent operational amendments ahead of more substantive reform was recommended by the review. Firstly, the reforms will update the foreign communications warrants provision in the T(IA) Act to reflect changes in communications technology. This bill will enable agencies to intercept a communication to determine whether the communication is a foreign one. Currently foreign intelligence can be collected on an Australian working for a foreign power offshore, but that same intelligence cannot be collected under a warrant on that Australian onshore. As the review observed, an Australian serving the interests of a foreign government remains an agent of a foreign power whether they are onshore or offshore. Hence, secondly, the bill allows for the collection of foreign intelligence on Australians in Australia who are acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power. The bill will help intelligence agencies protect Australians. It will make it easier to uncover terrorist plots and other serious threats to Australia's national interests.</para>
<para>Having said that, the bill does include robust oversights and safeguards. The T(IA) Act prohibits the interception of domestic communications, communications that both start and end within Australia, under a section 11 warrant even where that interception is incidental or unavoidable. When section 11C was introduced in 2000 this made sense. At that time the primary communications technologies were telephone and fax and it was simpler for agencies to determine whether a communication was foreign prior to interception based on country and area codes. With the advent of advances in technology, such as mobile phones, messaging apps and the internet, it may be impossible at the point of interception to ascertain if communications are foreign or domestic. Currently, to avoid breaching 11C, agencies do not intercept foreign communications where there is a risk of incidentally intercepting domestic communications. So there's a real risk that agencies are missing critical foreign intelligence. The bill will allow intelligence agencies to intercept communications for the purposes of foreign intelligence where the geographic location of the sender and the recipient cannot be determined prior to interception.</para>
<para>I note the bill will not grant intelligence agencies new powers. It will simply update the law to reflect the reality of modern communications and ensure existing powers can continue to be used. As I indicated earlier, robust safeguards will accompany these changes. Foreign communications warrants can only be used for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence from foreign communications—for example, relating to foreign terrorists or cyberthreats. The warrant request must specify how the risk of the incidental interception of domestic communications will be minimised. The Attorney-General will ensure a mandatory written procedure pertaining to the warrant: to identify domestic communications that may have been incidentally intercepted; to destroy any domestic communications that are so advised unless it appears to relate to activities that present a significant risk to life; to notify the IGIS, the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security, of any identified communications not destroyed; and to deal with any other matter relating to intercepted communications. I stress that a warrant cannot be issued unless the mandatory procedure is in place. Before issuing this procedure the Attorney-General must consult with the ministers for defence and foreign affairs, the IGIS and the Director-General of Security, and the procedure must be reviewed at least every three years. There is no doubt that using incidentally intercepted domestic communications that relate to activities that present a significant risk to life will allow agencies to share life-saving intelligence.</para>
<para>ASIO is responsible for obtaining foreign intelligence inside Australia and is the only agency that may apply for, or obtain, foreign intelligence warrants, including section 11C warrants. Section 11C warrants do not allow bulk collection of foreign communications. They must be highly targeted, and this will not change. The act and these amendments do not permit indiscriminate collection. Foreign communications warrants have been a critical part of Australia's foreign intelligence legislative framework for more than 20 years. These warrants are issued by the Attorney-General at the request of the D-G of Security and on the advice of the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The circumstances in which the warrants may be exercised and the conditions that apply to them are approved by the A-G and remain under the stringent oversight of the IGIS. These warrants authorise the interception of foreign communications for the purpose of obtaining foreign intelligence, enabling agencies to identify threats to our national security, including malicious cyberactivity targeting Australian interests and terrorist communications. Under the TIA Act, 11C warrants are only available where service or device based warrants under 11A or 11B would be ineffective. So this is a warrant of last resort. In all cases, the use of foreign communications warrants is proportionate and highly targeted.</para>
<para>One of the recommendations of the review was to allow foreign intelligence to be collected on Australian citizens and permanent residents onshore who are acting for, or on behalf of, foreign powers. These amendments will close the current legislative gap where foreign intelligence can be collected on an Australian working for a foreign power offshore but that same intelligence cannot be collected under a warrant on that Australian onshore. There are circumstances where Australian citizens and permanent residents are of legitimate foreign intelligence interest—for example, where an Australian citizen is recruited for foreign espionage purposes. It is important that our agencies can obtain information to protect and promote Australia's national and economic security and our foreign relations.</para>
<para>As I have previously mentioned in this place, we live in a society characterised by extreme activism and perhaps ecoterrorism. We have seen vocal minorities disregard the rule of law in pursuit of their objectives, sometimes in conjunction with like-minded overseas players. I have used the example of 2015 satellite analysis of bushfires confirming that 40 per cent of fires were deliberately lit, 47 per cent were accidental and only 13 per cent were caused by lightning strikes. Are such people lone actors or part of a sinister collective conducting international ecoterrorism? Of those recent bushfires in the Northern Hemisphere, arson was recorded in Turkey, Greece, Sicily and Algeria. The actions of such operatives caused loss of life and properties, and damage to economies and economic security.</para>
<para>Robust safeguards will accompany reforms to allow foreign intelligence to be collected on Australians acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power. The law will continue to prevent the request of a foreign intelligence warrant on Australian persons who are not acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power. The D-G of Security will be required to provide the Attorney-General with a detailed justification of the grounds on which there is a suspicion that the person is acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power. The Attorney-General cannot issue a warrant unless satisfied the person is, or is reasonably suspected by the D-G, of acting for, or on behalf of, a foreign power.</para>
<para>The safeguards contained within the broader foreign intelligence warrant framework will continue to apply. Collection activities are conducted by specifically approved personnel. The A-G may only approve a foreign intelligence warrant when satisfied on the advice from either the Minister for Defence or the Minister for Foreign Affairs that the collection is in the interests of Australia's national security, foreign relations or economic wellbeing. Warrants must not exceed six months duration. The IGIS will also continue to have oversight of agencies' activities in relation to the act and the amendments—noting that IGIS has extensive powers akin to those of a royal commission. IGIS remains an essential safeguard.</para>
<para>What are some practical examples of how this legislation will be vitally important? Are we protecting Australians from terrorist threats? Intelligence agencies look for foreign terrorist groups that are inciting violence against Australians. One way that intelligence agencies can do this is by looking for foreign terrorist organisations that are sharing instructional material, such as their bomb-making videos, with their members and other potential terrorists. Agencies can develop highly targeted techniques to collect foreign communications that match the digital fingerprint of instructional material known to be produced by foreign terrorist organisations. At present, 11C warrants cannot be relied on in these circumstances, because of the possibility that intelligence agencies may inadvertently collect a domestic communication—for example, two people in Australia sharing the same bomb-making video. These amendments will enable intelligence agencies to better protect Australians by identifying these types of threats from foreign terrorist organisations.</para>
<para>To protect Australians from terrorist threats, agencies analyse communications from offshore terrorist groups to find previously unknown associates. The objective is to identify offshore terrorists who are targeting Australia or Australians, or who are communicating with terrorists inside Australia. There have been instances where agencies have identified that a group based overseas is using a special messaging app to communicate exclusively with its members. A technique was developed to uniquely identify these communications. A section 11C warrant could not be relied upon, again, because of the risk that terrorists based in Australia could be using the same app to communicate between themselves. Amending the law will enable intelligence agencies to better protect Australians by identifying threats from foreign organisations.</para>
<para>Agencies collect intelligence on how other countries and their agents might be acting in ways that are contrary to our interests. Sometimes agents of a foreign power are Australians but acting in ways that are contrary to our national interests—for example, they might be a foreign citizen who also has Australian residency who is assisting a foreign government to procure military or sensitive dual-use technology or materials. Indeed, I have raised concerns about this very circumstance in speeches in this place, especially in relation to the acquisition of strategic assets and, most especially, by entities under the control or associated with foreign totalitarian regimes. In this role, they are effectively conducting business on behalf of a foreign power.</para>
<para>Agencies can collect foreign intelligence on agents of foreign powers outside of Australia. However, if the agent of a foreign power is an Australian citizen or holds Australian residency, there is no legal mechanism to collect foreign intelligence in Australia, where their activities may be of greatest concern to us. This leads to an intelligence gap, given that an Australian serving the interests of a foreign government is the agent of a foreign power—as I said, regardless of whether they are in Australia or overseas.</para>
<para>This bill will enable agencies to collect vital foreign intelligence that is important to secure our national interest in an increasingly competitive global environment. The techniques used by foreign cyberactors often have unique features that stand out on the telecommunications network and that can be specifically targeted for detection—for example, intelligence agencies can detect foreign hackers concealing their attacks to look like normal, harmless network communications between two computers. In reality, they contain commands to launch destructive ransomware attacks. But in some cases hackers, including hackers based in Australia, also hide secret communications using the same techniques—for example, two hackers might use these techniques to share ransomware victim details. As the two hackers could be based in Australia, 11C warrants cannot be used in these circumstances, given the possibility that intelligence agencies may inadvertently collect secret communications between two Australian based hackers. Amending the law will enable intelligence agencies to better protect Australians from foreign hackers. And, as I've said, the safeguards in the bill will require the destruction of any domestic communications inadvertently collected, other than those which appear to reveal a significant risk to a person's life.</para>
<para>So if I may, in closing: this is an important bill so that our national security laws can continue to keep pace with the evolving operational environment and changing technology. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Fierravanti-Wells. I call the minister.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to sum up the debate on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. I would like to thank all senators for their contributions to the bill. These urgent reforms will address critical challenges facing Australia's intelligence agencies. As a result, Australia will have greater visibility of foreign threats such as malicious cyberactivity, terrorist communications and foreign interference, and I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The timing of Bradman there, Senator Cash. It being 4.30, the time allotted for debate on the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 has expired. In accordance with the resolution agreed to this morning, I will now put the questions on the remaining stages of the bill. The question is that the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 be read a second time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:34]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>24</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Askew, W</name>
                  <name>Bragg, AJ</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Chandler, C</name>
                  <name>Davey, P (teller)</name>
                  <name>Hughes, H</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>McMahon, S</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, MA</name>
                  <name>Rennick, G</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scarr, P</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Small, B</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Van, D</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>2</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the amendments on sheet 1417, circulated by Senator Patrick, be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Senator Patrick's circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Page 11 (after line 14), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 4 — Oversight of intelligence agencies</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Intelligence Services Act 2001</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Paragraph 29(1)(a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "to review the", insert "activities,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 Subsection 29(3)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The functions of the Committee do not include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) reviewing information provided by, or by an agency of, a foreign government where that government does not consent to the disclosure of the information; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) conducting inquiries into individual complaints about the activities of ASIO, ASIS, AGO, DIO, ASD, ONI, AFP or the Immigration and Border Protection Department.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 After section 29</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">29A Ceasing or suspending review of agency activities</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) If:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Committee undertakes a review under section 29 of an activity by ASIO, ASIS, AGO, DIO, ASD or ONI; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the relevant responsible Minister is of the opinion that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the activity is an ongoing operation; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the review would interfere with the proper performance by the relevant body of its functions or otherwise prejudice Australia's national security or the conduct of Australia's foreign relations;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Minister may give to the Committee a certificate in relation to the matter stating the Minister's opinion and the reasons for it.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A decision of the Minister under subsection (1) must not be questioned in any court or tribunal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Where the Minister gives a certificate under subsection (1) in relation to a review, the Committee must cease or suspend the review.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) If the Minister:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) becomes aware that the activity is no longer ongoing; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is no longer of the opinion that the review would interfere with the proper performance by the relevant body of its functions or otherwise prejudice Australia's national security or the conduct of Australia's foreign relations;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Minister must, within 28 days after becoming aware of the fact or forming the view:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) revoke the certificate; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) inform the Committee in writing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) If the Minister revokes a certificate in accordance with subsection (4), the Committee may proceed with the review, or commence a new review into the activity.</para></quote>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Could you please record the Greens' support for that amendment?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. I assume that Senator Patrick would also like to record his support of his own amendment. It is so recorded in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the remaining stages of the Foreign Intelligence Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 be agreed to and the bill be now passed.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I would like to record the Greens' position opposing the third reading of the bill.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>83</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Research Council, Beetaloo Cooperative Drilling Program, JobKeeper Payment</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>83</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I table documents relating to three orders for the production of documents due today and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the documents be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> for consideration.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>83</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19, COVID-19: Vaccination</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I table a response to a question taken on notice during question time yesterday asked by Senator McAllister relating to the impact of COVID-19 on children and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the document be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> for consideration.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>83</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Unproclaimed Legislation</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Tabling</title>
            <page.no>83</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the documents be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> for consideration.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their understanding and cooperation during the unique sitting arrangements we have.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 16 : 38</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>