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  <session.header>
    <date>2020-05-12</date>
    <parliament.no>46</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>3</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
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            <a type="" href="Chamber">Tuesday, 12 May 2020</a>
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            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Scott Ryan)</span> took the chair at 12:00, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Senate Procedure</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senators, welcome back again—this time hopefully for more than a single day. The Senate meets today in accordance with the request made by the Leader of the Government in the Senate, Senator Cormann, with the agreement of the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, Senator Wong, under the order of the Senate of 8 April. I notified senators of the time and date of the meeting on 28 April, and I table the correspondence.</para>
<para>On this occasion there are more senators in attendance than our previous two single-day sittings. As well as reminding all of minor procedural adjustments, some further changes have been made reflecting social-distancing requirements and other health advice. I urge all senators to familiarise themselves with the statement from the Speaker and myself, circulated yesterday, regarding the operations and facilities of the building.</para>
<para>As is obvious from looking around the chamber, seating arrangements have been changed to facilitate the greater number of senators attending. Seating plans will change during the course of the week in accordance with requests of the whips. Senators will continue to be able to speak from any seat to ensure distancing requirements are maintained. I ask senators to be flexible about their seating arrangements to facilitate others needing the call.</para>
<para>Those senators seated in the non-traditional seats against the walls of the chamber will also be able to speak from either of the lecterns placed behind the government and opposition whips. If a senator in one of those seats wishes to seek the attention of the chair for the call or to raise a point of order, I ask them to simply rise in their place and seek the attention of the chair, who will call them to a microphone to speak. I also ask senators and chairs to allow for a little extra time in calling senators to speak, to allow Broadcasting to facilitate these flexible arrangements.</para>
<para>Again, in lieu of calling a division, senators can request that their votes or the votes of their parties be recorded. If a division is required, senators may be counted if they are standing behind the bank of seats on the relevant side of the chamber, but I ask them to ensure whips have a clear view of those seated in the non-traditional seats as well. Divisions will be counted with the doors unlocked, with the usual rule that senators may not move from the seats they have taken or the places they are standing once tellers are appointed. If the Senate is required to resolve into the Committee of the Whole, the committee will be chaired from the President's chair. The doors to the chamber will remain open throughout proceedings.</para>
<para>With the concurrence of the Senate, it is so ordered that this is to apply for all sittings of the Senate until otherwise advised.</para>
</speech>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
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          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
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          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
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  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator. There being none, I call Senator Cormann.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Days and Hours of Meeting</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate meet on Wednesday, 13 May and Thursday, 14 May 2020.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a ministerial statement relating to the economy and seek leave to make a statement.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Senate.</para>
<para>Australia finds itself at war against a faceless and flagless enemy. The coronavirus has created a one-in-100-year event.</para>
<para>A health and economic shock the likes of which the world has never seen.</para>
<para>So many of our fellow Australians, through no fault of their own, are struggling and doing it tough.</para>
<para>Be they battling the virus, separated from friends and family or worried about their job security and economic future.</para>
<para>Tragically, 97 Australians have lost their lives with many more people, including in this parliament, directly affected.</para>
<para>Our thoughts are with the member for Cooper in the other chamber and all the other families across the country who have lost loved ones.</para>
<para>Many of the things we take for granted, visiting grandparents, taking the kids to weekend sport or having a beer at the pub, have been disrupted.</para>
<para>The Australian way of life has been put on hold.</para>
<para>But once again, Australia and its people are showing remarkable resilience and character.</para>
<para>Having withstood flood, fire and drought, there is a unity and purpose that should make us all proud.</para>
<para>Through strong and decisive action led by the Prime Minister, together with state premiers and chief ministers, Australia has avoided the fate of many other nations.</para>
<para>Globally, more than four million people have contracted the virus.</para>
<para>More than 280,000 have died and much of the world has gone into lockdown. In the United States, 80,000 have died.</para>
<para>In the United Kingdom over 31,000, with Italy, Spain and France not far behind. In contrast Australia's mortality rate is one of the lowest in the OECD.</para>
<para>Early border restrictions, comprehensive and coordinated action by the national cabinet and a world-class health system have contributed to this result.</para>
<para>The pandemic is not just an enormous health challenge but an economic one as well. The IMF is forecasting the world economy to contract by three per cent this year.</para>
<para>In contrast, during the GFC, the global economy shrank by just 0.1 per cent in 2009. China's GDP fell in the March quarter by 9.8 per cent, their first quarterly fall on record. Italy, France and Spain all experienced their largest quarterly falls on record.</para>
<para>In the United States, 33 million jobless claims have been made in the last seven weeks, with the unemployment rate rising to 14.7 per cent.</para>
<para>In Australia, Treasury is forecasting GDP to fall by over 10 per cent in the June quarter which would represent our biggest fall on record. At $50 billion, this is a loss equivalent to the total combined quarterly production of South Australia, Tasmania, the Northern Territory and the ACT.</para>
<para>Treasury is forecasting the unemployment rate to reach around 10 per cent, or 1.4 million unemployed, in the June quarter. This five percentage point increase in the unemployment rate is expected to occur over three months compared to the three years it took the unemployment rate to rise by the same amount in that devastating period of the early 1990s.</para>
<para>Household consumption and business and dwelling investment are all forecast by Treasury to fall sharply in the June quarter. The combination of social distancing, lower incomes and increased uncertainty are weighing heavily on aggregate demand and flowing through to reduced cash flow. Household consumption is expected to be around 16 per cent lower. Business investment is expected to be around 18 per cent lower with falls concentrated in the non-mining sector. Dwelling investment is also expected to be around 18 per cent lower. Over the same period, household savings are expected to increase as a result of the restrictions that have been imposed and an understandably cautious approach by households to discretionary spending.</para>
<para>Overall, the economic data has been sobering. In March, business and consumer confidence saw the largest declines on record. The ASX200 lost more than a third of its value in just over four weeks. In April, surveys showed that job ads halved and activity in the construction, manufacturing and the services sector had their largest ever monthly falls. New motor vehicle sales fell by 48 per cent through the year, their largest ever fall. House sales fell by 40 per cent. Domestic and international air travel is down by more than 97 per cent, with nearly 40,000 passengers moving through Brisbane Airport on Easter Sunday last year, compared to just 31 passengers this year.</para>
<para>Against this backdrop, between 14 March and 18 April the number of jobs decreased by 7.5 per cent and the wages bill paid by businesses decreased by 8.2 per cent. During this period, accommodation and food services saw the largest fall in jobs at 33.4 percent, followed by the arts and recreation sector at 27 per cent.</para>
<para>The scale of the economic shock is hitting the budget bottom line. The monthly financial statements for March provide the most recent report on the budget position. To the end of March, the underlying cash deficit was $22.4 billion, $9.9 billion higher than forecast in MYEFO. Tax receipts were $11.3 billion lower than forecast in MYEFO. While payments to the end of March were still $1.4 billion lower than in the MYEFO profile, this will change from the next statement onwards as the measures we have implemented continue to ramp up. Since MYEFO, the total face value of Australian government securities on issue has increased by more than $50 billion from $560 billion to $618 billion as of 8 May 2020. An updated economic and fiscal outlook will be provided in June, following the release of the March quarter national accounts with the budget to be delivered in October.</para>
<para>In accordance with the requirements of the Charter of Budget Honesty, I am tabling this ministerial statement to set out the reason for the increase in borrowings. The unprecedented speed and scale of the government's economic response has driven a rapid increase in borrowings. While there will be a significant increase in government debt which will take many years to repay, our measures have been designed in a way that protect the structural integrity of the budget. Australians know there is no money tree. What we borrow today, we must repay in the future. Temporary and targeted, the new spending measures were not designed to go forever but to build a bridge to the recovery phase. As Standard & Poor's stated less than four weeks ago, while the government's fiscal measures will 'weigh heavily on public finances in the immediate future, they won't structurally weaken Australia's fiscal position'. With $320 billion, or 16.4 per cent of GDP, in financial support, our focus is getting the country through the crisis and positioning the economy to recover on the other side.</para>
<para>This has only been possible because of the position of strength from which we entered the crisis. Growth had risen from 1.8 per cent to 2.2 per cent in the December quarter, and the IMF was forecasting the Australian economy to grow faster than the United States, United Kingdom, Japan, France and Germany in both 2020 and 2021. The unemployment rate fell in February to 5.1 per cent, with the participation rate at near record highs against the backdrop of 1.5 million new jobs being created over the last six years. After inheriting a budget deficit of $48.5 billion, the budget was back in balance for the first time in 11 years and, despite the adverse economic impacts from the global trade tensions, fires, floods and drought, we were on track for the first surplus in 12 years.</para>
<para>Our ability to handle this crisis has once again reminded Australians of the importance of a strong and stable financial position, which must always be a primary responsibility of government. The proven path for paying back debt is not through higher taxes, which curtails aspiration and investment, but by growing the economy through productivity enhancing reforms. Our focus will be on practical solutions to the most significant challenges which will be front and centre in the post-crisis world. Reskilling and upskilling the workforce, maintaining our $100 billion, 10-year infrastructure pipeline, cutting red tape to reduce the cost burden on businesses and the economy, and tax and industrial relations reform as a means of increasing our competitiveness.</para>
<para>The values and principles that have guided coalition reforms in the past must guide us again in the future: encouraging personal responsibility; maximising personal choice; rewarding effort; and risk-taking whilst ensuring a safety net which is underpinned by a sense of decency and fairness. Unleashing the power of dynamic, innovative and open markets must be central to the recovery, with the private sector leading job creation, not government.</para>
<para>We know that a strong economy is the foundation for everything else, and only with a strong economy can you provide the health, education, and essential services that Australians rely on.</para>
<para>The economic response to the crisis</para>
<para>Conscious of the extraordinary health and economic shock created by the coronavirus, the government was determined to act quickly and decisively. We were in a race against time to replenish our personal protective equipment stocks, increase the capacity of our intensive care units and secure a sufficient number of ventilators to deal with the expected surge in demand.</para>
<para>We provided additional funding to our scientists and medical researchers who are participating in a global mission to find a vaccine. We entered into an equal cost sharing arrangement with the states and territories to meet the extra burden on public hospitals. Non-urgent elective surgeries were suspended and we guaranteed the viability of private and not-for-profit hospitals to ensure over 30,000 beds and 105,000 healthcare professionals were available. We allocated more than $850 million to the aged-care sector to provide additional support and services at this difficult time.</para>
<para>On the economic front, in less than a three-week period, we announced three separate support packages, each complementary and building on the other. Combined, they represent the largest fiscal response in Australia's history. Over $25 billion of support has already flowed to households and businesses in recent weeks, with more than $30 billion to flow in the next month. This is the largest and fastest injection of economic support our country has ever seen.</para>
<para>Our economic measures fall into three categories: support for households; support for business and employment; and support for the financial system. For households, our actions are designed to 'cushion the blow' from the income shock and to support consumption across the economy. Given the level of uncertainty, our economic measures provide more than financial relief. They provide a psychological boost as well.</para>
<para>There are so many stories from across the nation about how our measures have provided an economic lifeline to people in their hour of need. Like Luke, the owner of a local restaurant and bar in Chapel Hill, Brisbane, who said JobKeeper 'saved our bacon'; and Adrian, owner of an auto business in Moonah, Hobart, who said JobKeeper has 'turned out to be a saviour'.</para>
<para>We effectively doubled unemployment benefits with the introduction of a temporary $550 coronavirus supplement for jobseekers. We waived the waiting period, adjusted mutual obligation requirements and expanded the partner income test to ensure it reached those in need. With over 1.4 million Australians now receiving the payment, it is providing critical support.</para>
<para>We announced two $750 cash payments. The first payment, totalling $5.2 billion, went out from 31 March to more than seven million income support recipients, including pensioners, carers, veterans, those receiving family tax benefits and Commonwealth seniors health card holders.</para>
<para>We provided tax-free early access to superannuation of up to $10,000 this financial year and up to $10,000 next financial year. To date, 1.29 million early release of super applications have been released by the ATO, equating to about $10.6 billion, with an average withdrawal of $8,000.</para>
<para>We reduced the pension deeming rates, both the lower and upper levels, to 0.25 per cent and 2.25 per cent, at a cost of $876 million. We reduced the superannuation minimum drawdown rates by 50 per cent for 2019-20 and 2020-21 to give those in retirement more control over their savings. We worked with the banks and the prudential regulator to ensure households could get much-needed temporary relief from loan repayments. With repayments on $200 billion of loans deferred, the majority of which are residential mortgages, the financial pressure on many households has been lowered.</para>
<para>An early childhood and education relief package of over $1.6 billion will see over one million families receiving free child care. This has allowed our child-care sector to remain open to support working families and vulnerable children through the pandemic period.</para>
<para>The second set of economic measures has been directed at business and employment. The motivation has been to encourage investment, boost cash flow, maintain the connection between employer and employee and provide a regulatory shield and more workplace flexibility while preserving as much capacity across the economy as we build a bridge to the recovery phase.</para>
<para>At $130 billion the JobKeeper program provides for a fortnightly $1,500 payment to part­time and full-time employees, long-term casuals, sole traders and those working in the not­for-profit sector. The payment is equivalent to 70 per cent of the median wage and is close to a replacement wage for many working in those sectors most affected, like hospitality and retail. Payments began last week for the period beginning 30 March, which was the date the program was announced.</para>
<para>There are now more than 835,000 businesses, employing more than 5.5 million workers, who are formally enrolled in the program. This is in addition to temporary cash flow support to help small and medium-sized businesses keep operating, pay their bills and retain staff. Over 450,000 small and medium-sized businesses have now received over $8 billion under our cash flow boost program. Linked to the size of the payroll, this program will provide between $20,000 and $100,000 to SMEs to help them retain staff and meet their fixed costs. This measure uses the existing payroll systems, so that no new forms need to be filled in, businesses do not need to apply and payments are made automatically in the most efficient way possible. We also introduced a separate 50 per cent wage subsidy for 117,000 apprentices, helping to keep the local apprentice baker and hairdresser in work.</para>
<para>In addition to the financial support we have provided business, we amended the bankruptcy and solvency laws to provide temporary protection for distressed businesses during this period.</para>
<para>In the first package we announced two measures to support business investment. An extended instant asset write-off of up to $150,000 which can be used any number of times for any eligible asset and a 50 per cent accelerated depreciation allowance for businesses up to $500 million in turnover.</para>
<para>Other measures included a $500 million loan facility to support exporters recapturing market share and a $1 billion relief and recovery fund with over $500 million already committed. This fund is supporting regional airlines and airports, air freight for essential agriculture, levy relief for Commonwealth fisheries, tourism businesses in Commonwealth national parks, a funding boost for Australia's zoos and aquariums and Indigenous and regional arts programs.</para>
<para>To assist commercial tenants with rent relief during this difficult period we worked with the states and territories on a mandatory code of conduct to govern their relationship with landlords.</para>
<para>In total, there has been more than 80 regulatory changes that the federal government has made to provide greater flexibility and support to those affected by this crisis. This includes significant temporary industrial relations changes to allow employees and employers to vary work arrangements in order to keep people employed.</para>
<para>A great strength of the Australian economy during this crisis has been the resilience of our financial system which has benefited from many reforms under this government, commencing with the financial systems inquiry which led to our banks being required to hold more capital so as to be 'unquestionably strong'.</para>
<para>Global and domestic markets have experienced significant stress during this period, and the government moved quickly to inject liquidity into the system.</para>
<para>The Reserve Bank of Australia and the Australian Office of Financial Management have made $105 billion available to support lending to businesses from both bank and nonbank lenders.</para>
<para>Government has also partnered with the banks in a $40 billion SME loan guarantee scheme, which to date has already seen over $1 billion in loans approved to more than 11,000 businesses.</para>
<para>Regulatory relief has included the clarification of responsible lending laws to help credit flow faster to SMEs as well as changes made to facilitate the rapid recapitalisation of ASX-listed companies.</para>
<para>In recognition of the unprecedented and volatile market environment, the government has also temporarily reduced the FIRB assessment thresholds to zero to safeguard the national interest and to ensure confidence in the foreign investment framework is maintained.</para>
<para>It has been encouraging that, through the combination of our economic measures and flattening the curve, we have seen gradual signs of improvement in sentiment.</para>
<para>Consumer confidence has risen for six consecutive weeks, and key sectors like mining, agriculture and manufacturing have continued to be resilient and contributed to a record trade surplus of $10.6 billion in the month of March.</para>
<para>Significant product innovation, market diversification strategies and the accelerated uptake of digital transformation opportunities have also been pursued by many businesses in their effort to adapt to the difficult circumstances they are in.</para>
<para>This innovation will assist these businesses on the other side.</para>
<para>Lifting of restrictions</para>
<para>Last week the Prime Minister summarised the government's five-point plan in response to this crisis.</para>
<para>First, we made real progress in fighting the virus, buying time to increase our health capacity.</para>
<para>Second, we put in place our economic response to cushion the blow and build a bridge to recovery.</para>
<para>Third, we have begun lifting restrictions, with a clear plan and framework mapping out the road ahead.</para>
<para>Fourth, with restrictions starting to lift, it will be paramount to build confidence and momentum to consolidate these gains.</para>
<para>Fifth, we will continue to grow the economy, create more jobs, guarantee the essential services Australians rely on and keep Australians safe.</para>
<para>Last Friday was a significant point on our pathway back, with national cabinet agreeing to a three-step framework to achieve a COVID-safe Australia and the lifting of restrictions by July.</para>
<para>Treasury estimates that, with the restrictions lifted under the three separate stages, 850,000 people will be back at work.</para>
<para>More than half of those workers will come from three sectors, with 338,000 jobs in accommodation and food services; 76,000 jobs in arts and recreation; and 71,000 jobs in transport, postal and warehousing.</para>
<para>Construction, with 45,000 jobs, and manufacturing, with 20,000 jobs, will also be significant contributors.</para>
<para>Treasury estimates that, as a result of easing the restrictions in line with stages 1, 2 and 3, GDP will increase by $9.4 billion each month.</para>
<para>The lifting of restrictions will see Australians move around more freely. Of the $9.4 billion, increasing demand, including in retail, will contribute $2.9 billion.</para>
<para>The opening of cafes, pubs, clubs, entertainment venues and health and fitness gymnasiums will contribute $2.4 billion, while the opening of schools will contribute nearly $2.2 billion and other industry sectors, like local government, museums and parks, a further $1.2 billion.</para>
<para>The relaxation of travel restrictions is expected to contribute around $700 million. The speed at which restrictions are lifted may differ in each state.</para>
<para>So too will the impact on jobs and GDP from the implementation of each stage.</para>
<para>Treasury estimates that the benefits of just stage 1 being lifted will lead to more than 250,000 people going back to work and more than $3 billion in additional GDP.</para>
<para>This includes 83,000 jobs and $1 billion a month in New South Wales; 64,000 jobs and over $715 million in Victoria; 51,000 jobs and $610 million in Queensland; 25,000 jobs and $435 million in Western Australia; 17,000 jobs and $178 million in South Australia; 5,000 jobs and $50 million in Tasmania; 4,000 jobs and $60 million in the ACT; and 3,000 jobs and $40 million in the Northern Territory.</para>
<para>However, these improvements in the economy depend on us continuing to follow the health advice.</para>
<para>Failing to do so could see restrictions re-imposed at a loss of $4 billion per week to the economy.</para>
<para>If our largest state, New South Wales, had to re-impose restrictions equivalent to those in place before the 8 May National Cabinet meeting, it would cost its economy around $1.4 billion per week.</para>
<para>For Victoria, the cost would be around $1 billion, in Queensland $800 million, in Western Australia $500 million, in South Australia $200 million, in Tasmania $100 million, in the ACT $100 million and in the Northern Territory $40 million per week. This is the economic cost we will all bear if we fail to act.</para>
<para>Conclusion</para>
<para>Before concluding, I want to thank my colleagues the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister, my good friend and colleague the Treasurer, and the health minister for their leadership throughout this period and also the many agencies of government that have worked so tirelessly behind the scenes.</para>
<para>Australians know that, as a consequence of the actions we have taken, we are better placed than most, but there is still a long way to go.</para>
<para>There will be more coronavirus cases, and it is vital we remain vigilant.</para>
<para>The economic benefits from lifting the restrictions will only be realised if Australians continue to follow the health advice and download the COVIDSafe app.</para>
<para>On the economic front, we have put in place a comprehensive range of measures designed to keep people in jobs and to build a bridge to recovery.</para>
<para>Our measures are working, protecting lives and livelihoods. We can be confident about our future.</para>
<para>This virus will not defeat us. We must stay strong.</para>
<para>We must stay together.</para>
<para>We must maintain our resolve.</para>
<para>The fighting Australian spirit will see us come through stronger than ever.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—We sit today, the second Tuesday in May, a day which, in a pre-COVID world, would be budget day—but it seems nothing is as it was anymore. Labor recognises that, first and foremost, COVID-19 is a health crisis, a worldwide pandemic, which has caused the death of more than 280,000 people, including 97 here in Australia. This health crisis has resulted in the imposition of significant social restrictions on our community, which have in turn had massive economic implications. For hundreds of thousands of Australian workers that has meant losing their jobs; for others, it has meant less work being available. For others, home has morphed into office and schoolroom. For our essential workers, work has never been busier or more dangerous. Despite this enormous upheaval, Australians have done what was asked of them, by cooperating with the advice that social distancing would save lives and that staying home was the best way to keep everyone safe, particularly those who may be more vulnerable to the effects of the COVID-19 virus. As a community, we stood together, albeit socially isolated, and flattened the infection curve. However, in the space of just a few months, and despite the restrictions put in place, thousands of Australians were infected, hundreds of people became critically ill and, tragically, 97 people have died. But, as a country, we have fortunately avoided the heartbreaking scenes of other countries, such as the United Kingdom, the USA and parts of Europe.</para>
<para>From the beginning of the crisis, Labor has taken a constructive approach to the health and economic responses to COVID-19. This includes the positions we've taken in this chamber and the other place, during the two urgent sittings of parliament, to facilitate and expedite the extra support needed by the Australian community and the economy during this time. We've not played politics. When we've disagreed with elements of the government's response we have raised our concerns in a constructive manner. When we've thought that the response could have been improved we've made suggestions. Where we've thought improvements could be made, we've suggested changes, some of which the government ultimately took up, including our call for a wage subsidy, better income testing for families, support for students and telehealth measures, just to name a few.</para>
<para>When the Prime Minister and his ministers spoke of an 'economic snapback', we were surprised at the approach, considering the severity of the economic shock playing out in front of our eyes. But when the final vote came on the COVID-19 related legislation we voted in the national interest for the millions of families and millions of people, workers, vulnerable Australians and businesses, large and small, who needed us to make that call.</para>
<para>But our job as the opposition also requires us to hold this government to account. The statement just given by the finance minister outlines just a fraction of the information that we would have expected to have been delivered today, had it been budget day, and most of this information isn't new. Nonetheless, the numbers paint a confronting picture and really paint the importance of getting the recovery right: in the June quarter, household consumption down 16 per cent; business investment concentrated in the non-mining sector down 18 per cent; dwelling investment down 18 per cent; new motor vehicle sales down 40 per cent this year—the largest fall ever; house sales down 40 per cent; and air travel down 97 per cent.</para>
<para>Whilst today's statement is welcome, it doesn't replace the need for a full set of numbers to be released as soon as possible. It's not enough to drop a few select numbers, as this government has been doing. Unemployment is to rise to 10 per cent, we are told, but it could have been 15 if it weren't for JobKeeper, we are told. But there's no Treasury modelling to back this in. Last weekend, the government dropped to the paper the costs of the economy not reopening—again, apparently Treasury figures but no detail released. It's essential that Treasury's detailed forecasts are made available for security. If the IMF, the RBA and private economists can undertake and publish detailed forecasts, with appropriate caveats in place, there is no reason why the Treasury isn't in a position to do so also. Now, more than ever, Australians deserve to be given up-to-date information to understand what is happening in the economy in real time, what is happening in the labour market and whether the economic response packages are doing what they were intended to do. After all, it's the Australian taxpayers who are funding these massive economic response packages, and it is the Australian taxpayers who are going to have to pay off the substantial debt bill that follows.</para>
<para>Whilst Labor accepts that the impact on the economy from COVID-19 is severe, it is also important to acknowledge that the last set of economic figures we got from the government in mid-December last year through the MYEFO already pointed to significant weaknesses across the economy. Seven years in, three treasurers down and the government's complacent approach to managing the economy was there for all to see. Economic growth was below trend, underemployment was rising, business investment had fallen to its lowest level since the 1990s, wages were stagnant, productivity was in decline and government debt had more than doubled on this government's watch. Australian households were already struggling to make ends meet, with declining household incomes making it more difficult to get by week to week. Monetary policy had been doing the heavy lifting for some time as the government, wearing its ideological blinkers, had refused to respond to the weaknesses with any serious fiscal or policy response. Despite the government's spin, the economy entered the COVID-19 crisis in a weaker shape than needed to be the case. We saw this as the COVID-19 virus started to wreak havoc across the world from December last year.</para>
<para>It wasn't until mid-February, some six weeks after the alarm bells went off around a global pandemic with serious health and economic consequences, that the government finally accepted the need for economic stimulus. Treasury told the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19 that work on the first package started at the beginning of March. When the first package was announced, Labor was positive, despite our concern that it was unlikely that these measures would be big enough or implemented quickly enough to prevent job losses, business failures or a more serious downturn. We said at the time that the government must be prepared to take additional steps if it became clear that the response was insufficient. In just 10 days, that insufficiency test Labor had warned about was met, with the government announcing the second package, more than tripling the value of the first. Just eight days after that, following massive job losses in that middle week in March, the government finally tapped the mat on a wage subsidy and announced the JobKeeper payment.</para>
<para>Three economic packages announced in the space of three weeks, on 12, 22 and 30 March, does beg the question as to whether Treasury would have designed the package differently with the knowledge of where they ended up by the end of March. Treasury officials have described the cash flow boost as a wage subsidy scheme. Why then design two different wage subsidy schemes, particularly one which doesn't require employers to keep staff on, and announce them a week apart?</para>
<para>Did the government act fast enough and go big enough and with enough urgency from the beginning to stabilise the economy and keep as many people in jobs as possible?</para>
<para>From the outset of this crisis, we have raised concerns about urgency and about getting money out the door fast. The government hasn't really been able to explain why it's taken almost two months, since the restrictions were put in place, for some of these job-saving payments to get out the door and into businesses. Seven weeks since the shutdown started, why is it that private savings of Australians—some $10 billion of people's superannuation savings—are the single-biggest injection of funds into the economy? And yet even that program, implemented with no-strings attached and without a verification process, had to be suspended last Friday, with a police investigation underway into allegations of fraud for at least 150 account holders that the government was warned about.</para>
<para>There are also other issues about the design, timing and implementation of the economic response. Why did the government announce a program that incentivised sacking people on 22 March, only to announce a program that targeted keeping people in jobs on 30 March, just eight days later? If JobKeeper had begun earlier, covered more workers and been announced prior to the boost to the jobseeker payment, would that have saved more jobs? Would it have prevented the confronting scenes of Australians lining up outside Centrelink, thousands of Australians who overnight had their lives turned upside down? Why did the government value some workers over others when they designed JobKeeper? Why are some workers on JobKeeper getting a windfall gain, sometimes up to three times what they would normally earn, and yet others, by fluke of service time, miss out entirely on having their job saved and their income protected?</para>
<para>We know that 1.1 million casuals have missed out on JobKeeper because the government refuses to provide support to casuals employed for less than 12 months, forcing them onto the jobseeker payment instead. There are the 5½ thousand workers who worked for dnata that have been excluded from JobKeeper—Australian workers working in Australia, with families to feed and jobs they want to get back to, excluded. Hundreds of workers at hotel chains are under a similar exclusion and are being notified they are now not eligible, after originally being accepted by the ATO for the JobKeeper payment. What about the pub staff in Cairns who can't work but, because their workplace is linked to a bottle shop which has continued to operate, don't qualify for JobKeeper either?</para>
<para>Last week the ABS data showed that, in five weeks to 18 April, total jobs decreased by 7½ per cent, with one-third of accommodation and food services jobs and one-quarter of all arts and recreation services jobs being lost. Yet it's these industries, hardest hit by COVID-19 restrictions, that are the ones with large short-term casual workforces, who are missing out on the support from JobKeeper. Hospitality, arts, entertainment, tourism, construction—these are all industries which rely on short-term casuals to keep their sectors ticking over. Last week the government was claiming the undersubscribed JobKeeper program as some sort of success, but we know from the letters to our offices that eligibility criteria, communication issues and rule changes are making the program confusing and at times hard to access. The government tells us that Treasury has forecast an unemployment rate of 10 per cent, even with JobKeeper in place. That's 10 per cent unemployment—a doubling of the unemployment rate from pre-COVID times! This apparent acceptance by the government of 700,000 additional unemployed people as the price of restrictions is deeply concerning. Did Treasury advise the government on what would be required to bring that rate down and protect more jobs?</para>
<para>Looking forward, there are big decisions to be made—choices that will come before this government. After seven years without an economic plan, it's probably time to get one in place. We need a plan for jobs. We're going to need more than a hope to get the hundreds of thousands of extra people off the unemployment lines. A massive efforts also needs to be made on the issue of underemployment, particularly for the new generation of workers, the young people who've just entered the labour market, or were about to, and who will bear a disproportionate share of the impact of the economic slowdown for years to come.</para>
<para>The government talks of hibernation, snapback and getting out from under the doona. Rather than glib marketing slogans, Labor looks to a future where we don't aspire to snap back to an economy that clearly only worked for some of us. We don't support a snap back to insecure work. We don't support a snap back to poverty and living on $40 a day, and we don't want to snap back to families who are just scraping by, week to week. As the Labor leader, Mr Albanese, said yesterday, we are not just an economy; we are a society. We need an economy that works for people, not the other way around, and we need to recover stronger together. We don't believe that a snap back to higher unemployment, insecure work and poverty for those who are unemployed is what we should settle for.</para>
<para>There will clearly be significant and severe impacts on the Commonwealth budget from responding to COVID-19. As I've said today, Labor has supported the fiscal response to date, even though we would have designed and implemented some of the measures differently, had we been in government. Perhaps now more than ever Australians can see that the budget is more than just a set of numbers which gets trotted out a few times a year, where a surplus is considered good and a deficit bad. This is the simplistic lens that the government likes to have the budget viewed through. But, as demonstrated by this government in its response to COVID-19—and as Labor did when responding to the GFC, despite attacks from the then opposition—the budget is an important stabiliser for when a crisis hits the economy.</para>
<para>Labor believes that a responsible fiscal strategy which ensures a strong and stable budget position is essential for any government, but a budget can and should also be used to quickly inject investment into the economy in times of economic shock or when private investment is withdrawn. It's to help support people, support jobs and support business, as we have seen so clearly from witnessing the queues outside Centrelink in that third week of March and from reading the letters and emails receives into our offices about lives lost, jobs lost and businesses wound up over the past two months. The budget doesn't just exist for its own, intangible purpose; it exists for all of us, for the society we create and for the society we want to be.</para>
<para>The government has had to borrow extra money to help pay for the economic response and to keep the wheels of government turning. The Treasurer has said previously that this debt burden would be shouldered by generations to come. With the government having more than doubled the debt over the past seven years, that debt burden existed well before the COVID-19 virus hit the budget. We will wait for the delivery of the economic statement next month to see exactly how the government will approach the plan to deal with this debt and with the large deficits that will be a feature of the budget for some time.</para>
<para>The government will have to make choices about how they approach the recovery task. We already see the ideologues on the back bench pushing the PM's snapback agenda, already briefing out about how JobKeeper needs to be wound back even before some of the businesses have even got their first instalment. Talk about getting ahead of the curve! No doubt the October budget will give us a glimpse of these choices, including whether the government will snap back to its natural predisposition to 'classic conservative' with cuts to essential services or whether we will see the harsh measures included in the infamous 2014 budget and attempted many times since.</para>
<para>Labor wants the government to put aside their internals and make recovery decisions in the national interest. That means everyone's interests, not just the interests of a select few. Labor urges the government to think carefully about the choices ahead about when and how they withdraw support from the economy. Consult widely across the country, in the regions and the cities, across industries and sectors. Look at the needs of different demographics—young people, women, people on income support—and approach these decisions with compassion and with an eye on the long term rather than an electoral term.</para>
<para>Over the past two months, there has been a noticeable appreciation of the value of public services and public institutions. Obviously, our universal public health system, with Medicare at its core, has been at the centre of that appreciation, but it's broader than that. Across the country, public servants have been on the frontline right from the beginning—from officials being sent into Wuhan, the Chinese epicentre, back in January to assist Australian citizens' return to Australia to those delivering the health response, those delivering the support measures in Services Australia and the ATO, those protecting the borders, the first responders, the scientists and the researchers working on a cure at the CSIRO. I'm sure the irony of the government's injection of $230 million to allow CSIRO to continue to undertake important research and upgrade CSIRO's facility in Geelong isn't lost on those CSIRO workers who've been campaigning against this government's cuts to exactly the same organisation. The redeployment of nearly 6,000 public servants shows the flexibility of the APS and public servants' commitment to our country at its finest. The Australian people's success at flattening the health curve has been supported every step of the way by Australian public servants across every jurisdiction.</para>
<para>The challenges that come from COVID-19 are real, and they will be with us for some time. Getting the economic recovery as good as it can be has to have the urgent focus of this government, while the health experts continue to lead the health response. Earlier this month, the Prime Minister said that success will be measured by reducing unemployment, getting businesses open and getting Australians back to work. Labor would say to the government: 'Yes, you need to do all that. But you must do much more. You need a plan for jobs. You need to deal with underemployment, with insecure work, with the dire poverty of people relying on social security and with the needs of young workers and women workers. You need to get the private sector investing again. You need to get wages moving. You need to get household incomes increasing, and you need to be much more than a marketing operation. You are responsible for making sure that the economy that emerges from this pandemic is one that works for all of us, not just some of us. The immediate future of millions of Australians relies heavily on you as the government of the day getting these decisions right.'</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I rise on behalf of the Australian Greens, and I thank the Minister for Finance for the economic update on what would have been budget day were we not all in this global health crisis.</para>
<para>The spread of the global COVID-19 pandemic has turned our lives upside down and has driven us into an economic crisis. Thankfully, our governments have largely listened to the scientists and medical experts, and, so far, with the support of the absolute heroes on the frontline of our health system, we've avoided a health disaster like that in the US, the UK and many other countries. But our economy has been shattered, and, for many people, things haven't been easy for a long time. The inequality crisis fuelled by the neoliberal policies of, sadly, both the Liberal and Labor parties has been supercharged by the current health and economic disaster. While we're rightly focused on responding to the COVID-19 crisis, the climate crisis that drove the devastating bushfires earlier in the year has not gone away. What we do next matters.</para>
<para>Right now, we have a chance to map our way out of the jobs and economic crisis and to set up a fairer and more sustainable future. We're facing the worst youth unemployment in history. Unless we put a recovery plan in place now that addresses the challenges faced by young people specifically, the effects will linger for a decade and impact young people for a lifetime. Right up until the very moment that the coronavirus pandemic hit, the government had convinced many people that any increase in funding for public services was impossible, unaffordable or something only the market could deliver, but now everything has changed. Governments around the world have taken drastic and very necessary action to respond to the COVID-19 threat by focusing on saving lives and bolstering our public health systems, but also have been unlocking funding and directing money to where it matters: services for the public, directly to households and people. The big corporations and government are desperate to go back to business as usual, with more cuts and attacks on public services which will just leave us more exposed to the next looming crisis and place an even bigger burden on next generations. But we can't cut our way out of this crisis. We have to invest for the future.</para>
<para>Instead of going back to normal, we can build a better normal. We can tackle this economic crisis as well as the jobs, inequality and climate crises so that everyone can live a good life. If we can remake our society to protect us from a virus, then we can remake it to look after people, our environment and our climate. A plan to do this isn't just possible; it is necessary. Before the COVID crisis, we were staring down the interrelated threats of climate and environment breakdown, supercharged economic inequality and chronic job insecurity. These crises were being left unaddressed by a government that prioritised tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy instead of investing in its people and the community.</para>
<para>What this pandemic and the response to the economic crisis has shown is that the government is able to respond to any big problems that we face, so long as they choose to put people before the private profit of their donors and so long as they listen to the scientists and experts and we mobilise the resources of society for the common good. Australia's COVID recovery plan must renew the economy by putting the community ahead of those big corporations. The Greens would like to see us retain the rate. The rate of jobseeker simply cannot go back to below the poverty line of $40 a day. We need to raise the rate for good and leave no-one behind.</para>
<para>The Greens want to see a special package for the arts to keep the creative industries which sustain us alive. We want to see massive government investment in social housing, in health, in education, in manufacturing and in renewable infrastructure—the building blocks of a fair, clean economy. Of course, we want to see early childhood education also remain free as an essential service that begins a child's education and enables workforce participation for parents.</para>
<para>We need to borrow to invest to recover. Together we can lay the foundations for a better future for all of us by fighting for a clearer, cleaner, fairer future through a green new deal. Together we can build a better normal and a better future for all of us.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—As Leader of the Nationals in the Senate, I rise to say that we'd like to associate ourselves with the comments of Minister Cormann and the great work that the federal government has been doing to actually stand out worldwide in our response to COVID-19. I also want to briefly remark on rural and regional Australia's commitment to pushing back against the pandemic and getting the national economy back on track.</para>
<para>We're proud of how our government and our nation have pulled together and stunned the world in our response to COVID-19 through our joint efforts at both a state and a national level. Rural and regional Australians are ready to lead our national economic recovery. As we all know, life has been tough out in the regions for many seasons now, with droughts, fires, floods and now a medical crisis. These challenges might have shaken us, but regional Australia is standing strong. We will be open for business as soon as health circumstances and premiers allow.</para>
<para>Mr President, as you are aware, the Nationals are working with our rural and regional communities to do everything we can to not only help those affected get through this but also get back to normal as quickly as possible. We've worked hard to ensure supply chains were kept open, and, in doing so, to keep our country's supermarket shelves stocked with fresh fruit, vegetables and meat. We've made sure our truckies remained on the road, moving produce from its source to manufacturer to consumer. We've backed our mining sector to sustain our national economy now and into the future. We are safeguarding our airfreight capacity and working hard with industry to re-establish supply chains. The Nationals, in government, are focused on ensuring our regional air services are better equipped to support the return of visitors, business opportunities and freight movement. The Remote Airstrip Upgrade Program will improve aerodromes in remote areas. It will upgrade the safety and accessibility of aerodromes in remote areas to improve the delivery of essential goods and services. It will make sure they're accessible in all conditions.</para>
<para>Over this period, we've also invested in agricultural shows right across the country. I think one of the aspects of life in COVID-19 isolation has been missing opportunities for communities to come together and to celebrate what they do well. We want to make sure that regional shows stay relevant and vibrant. Just last week, I had the opportunity to head up to the north-east of Victoria to thank volunteers in Corryong, in the Upper Murray, who had been struggling with bushfires through January and then with COVID-19 shutting down any hope of a quick recovery post bushfires. Corryong is the home of the Man From Snowy River Bush Festival, and for them to have to cancel that event has been a significant dampener on that community. But they were absolutely stoked that the federal government had not forgotten them. I'm confident that, once this pandemic passes, the Corryong community again will stage great events and shows and will welcome people from capital cities to celebrate rural and regional life in our communities.</para>
<para>Our farmers have not clocked off because of COVID-19. They've tended stock and ensured that crops are planted and harvested and that supplies are accessible. Our 85,000 agricultural businesses are ready to go because they haven't stopped, while other aspects of the economy have. The Nationals represent workers and families on rural and remote properties, and we played a crucial role in securing visa changes and flexibility to remove uncertainty around worker availability for our growers during this health and economic crisis. But that is work that will continue through the recovery phase.</para>
<para>We remain committed to growing our agricultural sector. It's hard to reach the goal of $100 billion by 2030 set by industry—there are challenges, and we've seen ag fall down to $58.9 billion in 2017-18—but it's more important than ever as Australia emerges from hibernation. If we want to see a strong and prosperous Australia post COVID-19, we need a vibrant, dynamic and prosperous agriculture sector. Our produce is there—way more than we need—and, as the world awakens, it will need fresh food and fibre. Regional Australia stands ready to deliver. Our barley producers, for example, operate in a competitive global market and price their products in an entirely commercial way. I'm sure beer drinkers around the world can attest to the malting quality of Australian barley.</para>
<para>We also stand ready to supply the world's markets. On 5 July, we will see the Indonesian free trade agreement come into effect. That will mean more export opportunities and significant benefits for Australian farmers, as well as businesses and investors. As the Minister for Trade, Tourism and Investment has said, it's the most comprehensive bilateral trade agreement Indonesia has ever seen, and it will give a competitive edge to Australian exporters, particularly at a time when many of them are doing it tough as a result of the fallout from the COVID-19 crisis across the globe. Indonesia presents a significant opportunity.</para>
<para>But the drought is still with us, and many of our communities are still struggling with the reconstruction post bushfires. We as a political party stand with them. We've got the Drought Resilience Funding Plan to build resilience and preparedness and also to find ways to boost farm production and profits. We're getting on with building dams, creating regional jobs and more water capacity and security. Our communities do face a major rebuild following the summer bushfires. In my home state of Victoria, the economic impact on the agriculture, tourism and forestry industries from the bushfires was $237 million, and this is repeated across other states. That's why our government has provided $448 million for a Regional Bushfire Recovery and Development Program to deliver extra funding and expertise to revive local economies.</para>
<para>When restrictions on movement and travel are eased under our government's three-step plan, these communities will welcome visitors back with open arms. Treasury estimates that, with the restrictions lifted under the three separate stages, 850,000 Australians will be back at work. The lifting of restrictions will see Australians move around more freely: of the $9.4 billion increasing demand, retail will contribute $2.9 billion. I urge city based senators—we all do in the National Party—to encourage your constituents to visit the regions when the restrictions are lifted. Spend a dollar or two, eat, stay; do your bit to get Australia's economy back on track.</para>
<para>We're entering a new era of economic potential. Australians are embracing domestic manufacturing opportunities, which is another thing that I know my Senate colleague Senator Canavan is incredibly passionate about seeing developed. The Nationals are backing small and medium-sized Australian businesses to tap into new markets around the world, supporting 10 export hubs across the nation, many of them out in the regions. Over 450,000 small and medium-sized businesses have now received over $8 billion under our cash flow boost program. Linked to the size of their payroll, this program will provide between $20,000 and $100,000 to small and medium enterprises to help them retain key staff and meet their fixed costs. We also introduced a separate 50 per cent wage subsidy for 117,000 apprentices, to see young people with a career path, helping the local apprentice baker, hairdresser in work. The focus is on industries where Australia has large growth potential, and we're incredibly excited about the potential for manufacturing and mining and, obviously, for food, fibre and agribusiness.</para>
<para>The resources sector is ready to lead our economic recovery. This sector drives our local economies, employing over 255,000 Australians and accounting for eight per cent of our GDP. Even now, during this once-in-100-years pandemic, the sector is powering Australia forward, with resources and energy exports increasing by two per cent to $68.9 billion during the March 2020 quarter. Our world-leading iron ore exporters are surging ahead and are forecast to export over $101 billion worth of iron ore to our trading partners in Asia. That is great news for the regions, great news for our national economy and great news for local jobs. The latest export figures have confirmed the resilience of some of Australia's key resource exports as the COVID-19 pandemic grips the world. It increased nearly 34 per cent in March compared with the previous month. This year our resource energy export sector hit $300 billion for the first time. That is up 40 per cent from five years ago. It really shows what you can do when you have a federal government that is focused on growing and promoting the mining and resource and energy sector and what a ballast that is to our economy through these very, very difficult times.</para>
<para>The next three months will bring some challenges, but it's clear that resources and energy exports will be a key driver of our recovery. I thank the industry and its workers who have kept the sector operating during this crisis and look forward to working with them as part of the Nationals team as we emerge from this global pandemic. I know many of the workers have had to make tough decisions for their families to not return home, often indefinitely, not knowing when they will be able to leave their mining employment and head home during their breaks, due to state boundary closures. Thank you for their efforts.</para>
<para>Rural and regional Australians have answered the call during the COVID-19 pandemic by embracing social distancing, by doing things differently. We hope that our lifestyle and density proves popular for those who live in capital cities to come and join us out in the region, where your neighbours aren't so close and you have a great lifestyle and a great local job as well. That is a vision that we, the National Party, want to pursue in government. Rural and regional Australians are ready, willing and able to lead our economic recovery. I thank them for their diligence.</para>
<para>The recovery will need to focus on building Australia's sovereign capacity. If this has taught us anything, it has taught us that we need to be able to do things here in Australia and not rely on sometimes weak, volatile global supply chains. I look forward to seeing through this recovery phase a vibrant advanced manufacturing sector, really value-adding to our food and fibre industry and our mining industry, building regional jobs for our local communities.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—We've all come a long way since we first spoke of the coronavirus in this place. To a certain extent, we have so far dodged the proverbial bullet. While there is much sadness for those who have died, it is a relief that the potential for widescale deaths has severely diminished. We recognise that many people are suffering hardship and distress, and we won't know the full extent of this until restrictions are fully lifted. In the main, Australia has done exceptionally well, due to the vigilant actions of our governments and the collective will of our people. The federal government and the state governments haven't always been in sync over what needed to be done, and that has caused much public and business confusion, but overall the national cabinet has worked together constructively on the common goal of protecting the health and wellbeing of Australians. Australia is now in a very much better place to contend with the pandemics that most certainly will arrive in the future.</para>
<para>There has never been such a grounding of the economy, of business and of personal liberties as that we have seen over recent months. Everything we have done was necessary at various points in time, and some restrictions will no doubt continue longer than others, but how do we return to the new normal? How do businesses that rely on close social contact—restaurants, cafes, pubs, retailers and the like—survive when they are encouraged to open but have to operate with restrictions? How many businesses that were struggling before COVID-19 and only just hung on because of government payments and jobseeker will rapidly fall by the wayside when these payments stop? How many people will lose their jobs when their employer can no longer rely on government effectively subsidising their payroll?</para>
<para>How many people are afraid of going back into the workplace after many weeks of isolation? How long will it take to lift levels of consumer and business optimism, which are the main drivers of the economy?</para>
<para>All of us here need to play a part in leading our country out of the slump and into a prosperous new normal. We must all be united in the desire to ensure Australia remains economically strong and socially cohesive. This means all of us in this place need to work together to put aside our partisan blinkers and use this rebuilding opportunity to decide how we reshape our nation. I recognise this task is formidable. Hundreds of thousands of Australians have become unemployed, GDP is likely to fall for the first time in 30 years, we are staring down $120 billion of deficits this year and next year, and debt has passed $600 billion. The government's strategy for budget recovery is to go for productivity and economic growth. All options are on the table, but we can reliably assume its strategy will be to drive business investment, which would drive a rapid economic expansion, lift GDP, reduce unemployment and increase tax revenue, enabling us to pay down the debt. I very much see the appeal in this strategy for government and the community, but we need to learn from the past.</para>
<para>Since World War II, there have been two occasions when debt has surged to new heights. In both cases, the Hawke and Howard governments acted to return the budget to a more sustainable position by cutting spending and hiking up taxes. We don't yet know if the Morrison government plans to cut spending. If they do, they must be upfront about where these cuts will fall and what the effects will be. The government have also said that they do not plan to increase taxes as part of the recovery. Whatever it does to repair the budget, the government must always remember its heart. It is on notice that repair cannot come at the expense of those who can least afford it. Repair must be sustainable and affordable and must also very much be fair. We expect it will not squeeze those who are already struggling or cut spending from health and education in order to mortar the huge holes that the pandemic has left in the nation's accounts.</para>
<para>The government needs to level with us about what this recovery is going to take and how we are going to get there. We recognise that the federal government may need to reconsider the company and income tax cuts that were passed in better times and which are still to flow through. When we agreed to pass these tax cuts in the last parliament, we did so on the understanding that they were on a sustainable and affordable footing and that the government would revisit them if necessary. Tax cuts might support growth, but it would be irresponsible to keep them if the government cannot do so without cutting spending in areas of need. We expect that the government will provide us all with a lot more information about the state of the budget in the coming weeks and how it intends to get us back in the black. There is much to be done by all of us, and I know we will all look after the best interests of the country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—A one-in-100-year event is also referred to as a black swan event—an economic and financial metaphor for an exogenous shock to our economy that is difficult to predict, is dangerous and has extreme consequences. The two words 'black swan' are guaranteed to strike fear into the heart of any capitalist. Let me explain why that is the case. Our capitalist system, which I will just refer to as 'capital', doesn't like risk. Anyone, from a first-year student of finance and economics up, understands that capital doesn't like risk. If capital takes on risk, it does so because it expects a high return. The risk-return trade-off is also well understood by students of economics and finance.</para>
<para>That's why in times of extreme risk, during black swan events, the only institution that can carry the day is the government. That's why the government has stepped in to provide living wages for workers through JobKeeper. That's why government has injected money into the system through a whole range of different measures that we've heard Senator Cormann outline today. That's why it's government's job to provide confidence and the psychological underpinnings to get our communities and economies back on track at times of extreme risk, because governments don't expect a high return. They expect a different kind of return: a social return to their citizens. A government's No. 1 job is to protect its citizens.</para>
<para>The idea that somehow the economy's going to snap back in coming months and somehow the risk of this pandemic is going to disappear is ludicrous. Whether a global pandemic is indeed a black swan event may be debatable, but I can tell you we've been talking about pandemics for some time. I asked questions of Treasury and the Future Fund just in February about what risk assessments they were doing for exactly the kind of scenario we are in now. You can go back and have a look at <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>, but there's no way in the world that they were predicting we were going to be in this situation we're in now. We are in uncharted territory, a one-in-100 year event.</para>
<para>But we also are confronting another great crisis in our time: a crisis of climate change. We just lived through a couple of the worst months in our country's history this summer, with loss of property and life and damage to our community, our economy and our environment, and we're going to see a lot more of that. While we've been bunkered down in self-isolation, we've got the very sad data out from our scientists about the third mass coral bleaching on the Great Barrier Reef in five years, the sad decline of one of the world's greatest living organisms, at the same time.</para>
<para>I would argue that while this is unparalleled, in many ways—and there are so many risks we need to confront as a parliament, as a nation, as a global community—while there are so many risks we need to confront, it is also a significant opportunity to reform and rebuild and tackle not just the COVID crisis, getting confidence back into our economy and looking after the health needs of our citizens, but at the same time that we inject that confidence back into the system we can tackle the twin crisis of climate change by investing in renewable energy and a blueprint for a different future, a future that saves the planet and looks after people at the same time.</para>
<para>This is exactly what the Greens raised in 2009, when we were the first in the world to talk about a green new deal, which has been heavily debated in the US and in US political circles and will be so in this country as well. This is a green new deal, a way forward to create jobs, invest in the industries of the future and invest in solving the environmental crisis, the climate crisis, the catastrophe that's unfolding right around the planet and that is going to require a strong role for government in our lives.</para>
<para>I would argue, senators, if you look at other periods in our history where we've faced great crises, that governments and government spending is the only thing that's going to get us out of this quagmire. I have heard in this place, especially in the last parliamentary sitting, many speeches talking about post World War II, about the Curtin and Chifley years, about the recovery, a decade of economic reform, a decade of reshaping of Australian society and community and economy. Back then, our net debt to GDP exceeded 120 per cent, and a decade of growth paid that back. A decade of growth paid back that debt.</para>
<para>At the moment, Australia is sitting on a net debt to GDP of less than 30 per cent, if you include all states, likely to go over 30 per cent, including all states and federal spending, compared to a global average of advanced nations of 90 per cent, three times what Australia's net debt position is. Debt is not a dirty word. At times of record low interest rates, where the price of money is close to zero, we have an unprecedented economic opportunity to spend and invest in our community. The Treasurer has said there is no money tree. Yes, there is. Our economy is a money tree and, if you water it, it will grow. Invest in people, invest in infrastructure, invest in communities, invest in clean energy, in transitioning our economies to a better future.</para>
<para>The best thing we can do when we leave parliament this week is give the Australian people hope, hope that we've got their back, that we can take everyone with us and that we all have a plan for the future. What is this government's plan? I ask you to consider that before I finish my contribution today. Somehow, they think things are going to snap back, after a one-in-100-year event, when we face so many other risks to our economy. It's not going to happen. It's up to us as government to put in place a proper plan that looks after people and looks after the planet, and the Greens have that plan. We will be releasing our green new deal soon and Australians will understand it and they will get it. It does provide for a future and it provides for a strong role of government in our lives.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Does any other senator wish to seek leave to take note of the minister's statement? If not, we will move to government business. I call the clerk.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>15</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019, Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r6465">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019</span>
                </p>
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            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r6464">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019</span>
              </p>
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        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>15</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator VAN</name>
    <name.id>283601</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019 and the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019. These bills amend the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Act 2003 and the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006 to clarify the regions that the acts apply to and the related levies.</para>
<para>These bills also strengthen and clarify the powers of the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority inspectors during oil pollution emergencies that originate in our waters. These changes are important for the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority, NOPSEMA, as Australia's regulator for health and safety, well integrity and environmental management for offshore oil and gas activities. It is vital that there is clarity around the authority's responsibilities and jurisdiction.</para>
<para>As my Senate colleagues in the economics legislation committee reported, the current powers of the authority are not sufficient to ensure compliance by a titleholder with its environmental management obligations in the event of an oil pollution emergency in the Commonwealth. In particular, the authority currently does not have power to inspect for or enforce compliance by the titleholder in areas of state or territory jurisdiction, such as in coastal waters or onshore. To be burdened with the bureaucratic need to obtain a warrant or consent from another jurisdiction can significantly impede compliance monitoring in emergency situations. In an oil pollution emergency, the authority's inspectors will need regulatory intelligence in real time, under dynamic situations, including monitoring and enforcing compliance across a number of locations within and outside offshore areas.</para>
<para>The bill will amend the act to enable the authority's inspectors to enter premises used for implementation of oil spill response obligations without a warrant, whether located in Commonwealth or state or territory jurisdictions, in the event of such an emergency. The amendment will enable the authority to monitor whether a titleholder is in compliance with its oil spill response obligations and take enforcement action if the titleholder is failing to meet its obligations. The bill will also amend the act to extend the operation of polluter-pays obligations and the application of significant incident directions. This may be given by the authority to areas of state and territory jurisdiction.</para>
<para>There is another purpose for this bill, and it is to enable the CarbonNet Project and the Hydrogen Energy Supply Chain project to proceed. These projects are of great interest to me and are also the conduit of many more jobs in my home state of Victoria. Our abundant natural resources mean we could become one of the first countries to create a hydrogen export industry, helping to generate a significant number of Australian jobs and lay the foundations for a new hydrogen industry.</para>
<para>The government has invested $96 million in the CarbonNet Project, which is investigating the potential for establishing a commercial-scale carbon capture and storage network in the Latrobe Valley. Carbon capture and storage is where we capture carbon dioxide released by industrial processes and compress it and store it. It is transported to an injection site to be sequestered deep underground for safe, long-term storage in suitable geological formations. Carbon capture and storage is being investigated as part of a suite of solutions with the potential to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions and help address climate change. I am proud to say those on this side of the chamber are supportive of carbon capture and storage. Additionally, both the International Energy Agency and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change believe that carbon capture and storage can play an important role in helping to meet global emission reduction targets.</para>
<para>CarbonNet has commenced its stage 3 work program. This includes, firstly, drilling an appraisal well in the Bass Strait to determine the suitability of its preferred CO2 storage site. This work is currently underway. Secondly, the project will obtain a declaration of storage and injection licence. Thirdly, it will define a commercial structure and financial model to attract private sector investment, confirming interest in operating a carbon capture and storage service.</para>
<para>CarbonNet's preferred storage site overlaps both Commonwealth and state greenhouse gas titles. As such, these bills provide the mechanism to regulate the likely storage formation that straddles state and Commonwealth boundaries. Commercial-scale hydrogen production from brown coal will require carbon capture and storage infrastructure, such as those being investigated by CarbonNet.</para>
<para>The recently announced National Hydrogen Strategy highlights the economic opportunity the hydrogen export industry presents for Australia. It also aims to position our industry as a major player by 2030. The CarbonNet Project will facilitate the Hydrogen Energy Supply Chain project, which aims to produce hydrogen from brown coal resources and requires suitable carbon capture and storage resources. This is the cheapest way to produce clean hydrogen. The government has invested $50 million so far in the world's first Hydrogen Energy Supply Chain pilot project, worth half a billion dollars in total. It is aimed at producing hydrogen from brown coal in Victoria's Latrobe Valley and liquefying and transporting the hydrogen to Japan. The pilot project is aimed to safely produce and transport clean hydrogen from Victoria to Japan. I am pleased that this pilot project presents an opportunity for our nation to establish a new hydrogen export industry and develop its own domestic hydrogen supply by using the Latrobe Valley's abundant coal reserves. As well as supporting a cleaner future, the pilot project supports great potential for new jobs, based on brown coal in the Latrobe Valley.</para>
<para>The government are committed to protecting our marine environment—also seen through our recent announcement that over 24 tonnes of rubbish were cleaned up from the Great Barrier Reef last year. I would like to say congratulations to my colleagues Sussan Ley, the Minister for the Environment; and Warren Entsch, the Special Envoy for the Great Barrier Reef. This bill is consistent with this government's commitment to healthy and cleaner oceans, and I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>These bills raise questions about Australia's fuel and energy policies, and they go beyond the specific contents of the bills themselves. On the face of it, they make technical and uncontentious changes to the maritime jurisdictions, allowing combined Commonwealth and state jurisdictions to exist in coastal waters for the purposes of greenhouse gas storage.</para>
<para>The first beneficiaries of these changes will be Victoria's CarbonNet and the Hydrogen Energy Supply Chain projects, which will sequester CO2 from the Latrobe Valley power stations in Bass Strait and generate hydrogen for export to Japan, a project I have strongly supported for some time. It will welcome development that, among other things, reflects many years of research on the technology of carbon capture and storage by the CSIRO and by the University of Melbourne and by the CO2CRC. It means that the mining of Victoria's extensive brown coal reserves can have a future and can contribute to the lowering of global emissions and not to increasing them. Hydrogen is effective as a zero-emissions fuel, and it is used in motor vehicles, for example, which see the emission of water vapour rather than other noxious vapours. All of this is undoubtedly good, but the export of hydrogen produced in this country is also a reminder of what we have to do to invest in the development of alternative fuels for use here.</para>
<para>It's troubled me that Australia being, I think, the ninth major energy producer in the world earns so little attention in terms of public policy on the development of fuel usage and storage. Of course, so little attention is paid in terms of the wider energy policy, particularly around the questions of the strategic value of providing energy security in this country. Most recently a glaring example of this failure to think strategically was the announcement by the minister for energy, Angus Taylor, that Australia will buy oil and store it in the US petroleum reserve in Texas and Louisiana. One consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic is that we have become more intensely aware of our dependence on fragile global supply chains. Of course that's no more evident than in our reliance on imported oil. Everything—quite literally everything—that keeps the economy moving depends on the availability of sufficient supplies of oil and the existence of sufficient refining capacity. We have gone backwards in both respects in this country. Minister Taylor's purchase of two days of consumption in the United States does not fundamentally change that equation.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">The Sydney Morning Herald</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">The Age</inline> carried a report at the time of the minister's visit, which said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">US politicians have previously raised concerns about the idea of selling off fuel from the petroleum reserve to other countries. But the fact Australia's deal involves leasing facilities in the US—rather than shipping the oil directly to Australia—helped assuage some worries in Washington</para></quote>
<para>To me, that quote summed up one of the major problems with this purchase. It is clear now that the new oil reserve is really part of another country's reserve. We have yet to discover how this will actually work and how it will actually work in Australia's interest. It's obvious from the point of view of Texas and Louisiana that Australian oil would not necessarily flow to Australia in times of emergency. The reason is that, of course, the strategic reserve is held by that country, in those states.</para>
<para>I asked a simple series of questions at Senate estimates around these matters, and I hoped to get some clarification. The officers have responded in writing to the questions which they took on notice, and unfortunately they were about as clear as the contents of a barrel of west Texas crude itself. I asked:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Please outline the main steps in the process from Australia's request for access to the arrival in Australia of the fuel</para></quote>
<para>We were told it was done individually 'by the terms and conditions in the relevant commercial contracts'. That, of course, is subject to ongoing negotiations with the United States. I asked—and they were equally as murky in response—'Does the Agreement include minimum and maximum times for the delivery of SPR fuel to Australia?' I was told, 'This is subject to ongoing negotiations with the United States.' Finally—and this is a masterpiece of obfuscation worthy of the very best of Sir Humphrey Appleby—I asked:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What arrangements does the Australian government have in place to guarantee timely access to appropriate shipping to bring the fuel to Australia in an emergency?</para></quote>
<para>I was told:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is subject to ongoing negotiations with the United States. Through these negotiations, Australia will ensure any deal represents the best possible outcomes for Australians.</para></quote>
<para>Of course we live in hope, don't we? We live in hope. A great deal appears to rest on the ongoing negotiations. As those negotiations have progressed, Mr Taylor should be able by now to enlighten us.</para>
<para>Australia has purchased from this reserve, it will be held a long, long way away from Australia, and we're not able to know exactly how long it will take to get to Australia and under what terms and conditions. What happens if President Trump, or whoever it is that leads the United States administration at the time, decides that in such a world emergency the United States' interests are greater than Australia's? Would that oil legally belong to Australia? And, if so, what would it matter? What would it matter? Have we not seen, in the last six weeks, vital supplies being held up at borders despite contractual arrangements by governments that felt that their people deserved consideration over and above any contractual arrangements entered into by another government? The naive belief that contract law is going to rise above the national interest of other countries—I find that quite remarkable. Yet that is the belief that is being peddled to us on a regular basis.</para>
<para>I hope that the operation of this faraway strategic oil reserve might become clearer when the fuel security review is actually released and when the government releases its response to this review's recommendations. But I asked a few questions on this matter as well, and we were told that the timing of the release is a matter for the government, and the timing of the response will depend on the timing of the release. This, of course, is a pattern that's emerged. Unfortunately, what we see from that pattern is that Australia's position has only deteriorated.</para>
<para>Australia, in 1979, became a member of the International Energy Agency, and we were required to have 90 days supply of fuel reserves on tap. What we have seen since that time is that our position has steadily deteriorated. The Australian National Audit Office undertook, for instance, a report into our net import stocktake in 2002. It decided that we had 310 days supply. By 2008, it decided that we had 101 days supply. In 2011 the <inline font-style="italic">Liquid fuels vulnerability assessment</inline> concluded:</para>
<quote><para class="block">With growing net imports, the ratio of stocks to net imports is likely to decline.</para></quote>
<para>I understand that the minister now acknowledges that we have the equivalent of 52 days supply. That's a misleading figure, of course, because, if we look at the detail of where that's held, that includes supplies held on water, supplies held in a foreign country, supplies held in people's petrol tanks and supplies held in reserve by private companies. That doesn't take into account that, if we look at what's happening in terms of availability of specific types of energy reserves, it's less than three weeks for jet fuels, for diesel and for various other different grades of fuels. Think about the vulnerability if our shipping lanes were closed. Reports such as the one produced by the NRMA back in 2013 suggest that, in the pharmaceutical industry, the food industry and in many other key sectors of our economy that actually determine what sort of country we are and what level of welfare our people enjoy, we may in fact be down to less than a week's supply. When I asked officials, 'Have you done modelling on that to confirm those things?' they said, 'Oh no, we weren't required to.' Just last February I asked those questions. They said, 'We weren't required to examine the detail of those matters. So officially the government have not undertaken a study as part of this review.</para>
<para>We've seen the destruction of these fragile supply chains in the time of the pandemic. Circumstances have highlighted particular difficulties. It's unique in a way, because people aren't driving; they're not actually using transport for domestic purposes. It doesn't change the proposition that what was once considered only a theoretical model—that the international trading system could be thoroughly disrupted—has now been seen to be a real possibility. I'd say that way of thinking needs to be extended through to the implications of what might happen in times of real conflict, in which shipping lanes are affected as well, and what the consequences might be for us.</para>
<para>If the United States's strategic petroleum reserve is to be made available, under what circumstances would it be made available to Australia? What is the strategic thinking about supplying our fuel where we don't even have capacity to provide the shipping to get it to Australia in times of international crisis? What's the kind of thinking that leads us to make an assumption that those conditions are likely to change? What's the investment strategy that this government has undertaken to develop the storage capacity onshore? What's the strategic thinking that this government has undertaken to establish the refining capacity onshore?</para>
<para>When it comes to the development of energy security, you would think now would be an appropriate occasion on which to show some real leadership and to be able to demonstrate that it is actually cost-effective to think in longer terms than we have seen. The swiftness with which this pandemic has swept across the world shows what can go wrong with neoliberal assumptions about the way in which the capitalist system actually works. It surely is a wake-up call for us to think about what can be done to protect our national sovereignty, the welfare of our people and the living conditions of our people.</para>
<para>The present crisis has shown there is no substitute for proper planning by government and effective action by government. The prescriptions of neoliberal economics that have guided policymakers for a generation are no basis for building a secure and prosperous future in this country, where the national government is willing to take the initiative in fuel and energy policy. The government must be prepared to support the development of alternative fuels in this country as well as options for our own export industries. We must be able to develop a genuine fuel reserve on Australian soil, a reserve that will be readily available for the benefit of Australians in times of an emergency, where we can genuinely demonstrate our sovereignty and our independence from long and fragile supply chains.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens support the aim of the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019 to strengthen and clarify the monitoring, inspection and enforcement powers of NOPSEMA during an oil pollution emergency. Earlier this year we celebrated Equinor pulling out of the Great Australian Bight. It was a huge win for environmentalists, coastal communities and the surfing community. For those who love our pristine beaches, the risk of an oil pollution emergency was not something to be monitored or managed; it was to be avoided at all costs. Thousands of people stood up, and Equinor stood down. My colleague Senator Hanson-Young will be moving amendments in the committee stage of this bill to secure the ongoing protection of the bight from the sorts of emergencies that this bill is designed to manage.</para>
<para>But what of the ongoing climate emergency? We've just experienced one of the hottest summers on record and a devastating bushfire season that claimed 34 lives. Regional communities are still struggling to recover from the impacts in the brief reprieve before the fire season starts again. But, despite the need for urgent climate action, Australia's pollution from oil and gas production has increased a staggering 621 per cent since 2005, and it continues to rise each quarter. It's no wonder that we're on track for 3.4 degrees of warming.</para>
<para>The Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis recently released a report comparing government and industry use of methane emissions data to the scandal of Volkswagen under-reporting its emissions. That report notes that methane from gas poses the greatest threat to the warming climate.</para>
<para>Peer reviewed studies have consistently shown that so-called natural gas emissions have actually been underestimated by at least 25 to 40 per cent, with some studies suggesting as much as 60 per cent. Methane leaks like a sieve from fracking for unconventional gas, and those fugitive emissions, when properly accounted for, make gas almost as polluting as coal, with damage to underground water supplies thrown in to boot. Yet the gas industry in Australia has no intention of reducing supply, and, therefore, its emissions. Instead, Australia's gas industry has the enthusiastic support of government to keep polluting, with a long list of new gas projects, both onshore and offshore, from Narrabri to the Galilee, from the Beetaloo Basin to the Burrup Peninsula. Perhaps the regular donations from the gas industry—and they go to both sides of politics—are what shore up that enthusiastic support.</para>
<para>While the country's attention has been on COVID responses, NOPSEMA, the regulator, has quietly approved the Scarborough offshore gasfield development. That development is part of Woodside's proposed $50 billion Burrup Hub LNG project, which analysis estimates would have a footprint of six billion tonnes—that's six gigatonnes—of carbon pollution, equivalent to four Adani sized coalmines. Emissions at that scale will jeopardise any prospect of Australia meeting its Paris climate targets. But most concerning is the statement from NOPSEMA that the project will be contributing to reducing global greenhouse gas emissions. This is straight from the industry and government playbook that talks up gas as a transitional fuel. But there is little evidence that gas is in fact displacing coal globally. It simply adds to the carbon intensity in many countries, and it can divert efforts from a genuine switch to renewables. And no end date is being proposed for this so-called transition fuel.</para>
<para>Australia's recovery from the COVID-19 crisis presents an opportunity for a genuine transition to a genuinely clean renewable future. The International Renewable Energy Agency has estimated that a renewable energy driven transition to zero net emissions would boost global GDP by $155 trillion. Numerous business leaders have urged the government to use the recovery to invest in renewables to support a green steel manufacturing boom and to provide sustainable jobs for regional areas. And yet this government remains focused on a gas fired recovery, and so the carbon racket goes on.</para>
<para>Given the energy minister's obsession with oil, gas and coal, it's hardly surprising that the COVID-19 commission, tasked with guiding our recovery, is stacked with the government's fossil fuel mates. The chair, Mr Nev Power, is the director of an onshore gas exploration company, Strike Energy. Catherine Tanna is the managing director of Energy Australia and, of course, was a former director of the BG Group, which led the charge to open up Queensland's gasfields. The list of high-priority projects promoted by the commission includes a new fertiliser plant that is only possible if the Narrabri gas project proceeds. History shows that incumbent industries like the fossil fuel lobby use their power to convince governments that an economic crisis could justify the relaxation of climate change and environmental regulations. We will stand against such attempts.</para>
<para>My bill to give traditional owners, farmers and landholders the right to say no to gas companies—and coal companies, for that matter—has been before this parliament since 2011. We will continue to fight for those rights to protect land, water, the climate and people's livelihoods. We'll continue to push for the true cost of carbon emissions to be accounted for and for big emitters to be held responsible. That brings me to the Greens second reading amendment on sheet 8894, which I so move:</para>
<para>At the end of the motion, add:</para>
<quote><para class="block">", but the Senate notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Australia's emissions from gas production has risen a staggering 621 per cent since 2005 to record high levels;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the gas industry no longer pays for its emissions, and that regulatory attempts to require carbon abatement be purchased from farmers and land managers have been thwarted by the industry and their close financial and employment relationships with political parties; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) letting gas companies pollute for free is denying new income streams for Australia's farmers struggling through a deep drought, exacerbated by the gas industry".</para></quote>
<para>I move this amendment to recognise that polluting companies are currently not paying for the damage they do.</para>
<para>When the carbon price was first established, Western Australia removed its requirements for gas projects to pay farmers to abate carbon emissions. But, despite the scrapping of the carbon price, the abatement requirements were not put back in place. When the WA EPA introduced guidelines last year requiring resource projects to completely offset their greenhouse gas emissions, the usual suspects were outraged and demanded the guidelines be withdrawn, and they were. New guidelines have not yet been finalised. The gas donors called in their favours and used the Liberal and Labor parties to squash reform. If resource companies were required to buy Australian certified carbon units, it would not only drive efforts to reduce emissions; it would transfer wealth from gas companies to farmers, who desperately need the income stream. It will be interesting to see whose side the National Party is on. When we vote on my second reading amendment, which notes this, we invite the Nationals to come over and vote with us, to represent farmers instead of their coal, oil and gas donors.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak to the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019 and the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019. I want to cover three points in the course of my speech. Firstly, I want to give a short summary of what the bills are about. Secondly, I want to outline why the bills are important, especially in today's context. Thirdly, I will make a few comments in response to some of the remarks which have been made by some of my fellow senators.</para>
<para>Firstly, what do the bills do? The bills enable title administration and regulation of a greenhouse gas storage formation that straddles the boundary between state and/or Territory coastal waters and Commonwealth waters; enable unification of adjacent Commonwealth greenhouse gas titles; strengthen the powers of the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority during an oil pollution emergency originating in Commonwealth waters; and make minor policy and technical amendments to the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act. Those issues have been discussed by a number of the previous speakers, and they're relatively straightforward. If this nation is to develop carbon capture and storage, we need to have a title system which reflects the geographical reality of where the formations are located, the jurisdictions in which they reside and how the carbon capture and storage technology would be utilised, with injections into those formations. Those formations don't necessarily respect state and territory borders. That all makes great sense.</para>
<para>It also makes great sense that NOPSEMA, the relevant authority and regulator, is given appropriate powers in the event of an oil pollution emergency. We need a regulator on the beat who can take the appropriate action if there is an oil pollution emergency. And, of course, in that context as well, state and Commonwealth borders aren't necessarily respected in the context of that emergency. The regulator needs to act in both the Commonwealth's jurisdiction and in the states' jurisdictions.</para>
<para>The last point I'd make in relation to the introductory comments on what the bill achieves is that the bill does respect our Federation and there's an appropriate allowance for Commonwealth-state cooperation with respect to management and regulation of the titles, all the way from the initial grant to the renewal process, and through the imposition of various conditions on the titles.</para>
<para>I'd now like to talk about why this bill is important. Last year, I served on a Senate select committee that looked at the vexed question of jobs in the regions, and some of those regions are suffering a great deal. One of the regions in relation to which we took evidence was the Latrobe Valley. Some of the most thought-provoking evidence I think we received in the context of that committee meeting was from representatives of AMWU and also from some of their members. The point that they made during the—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Watt interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll take that interjection, Senator Watt. They were very smart people and they cared about their members. One of the points they made was that, in the context of a major shutdown of, say, an electricity power station—automotive manufacturing—the research indicates that the prospects for people employed on a full-time basis in those facilities were quite grim. The evidence suggests that only one-third of the long-term employees would find long-term employment somewhere else after they'd been made redundant from such facilities; one-third would go on the treadmill of short-term casual work; and one-third would never have a full-time job ever again. That evidence really did resonate with me and stayed with me far after the hearings of the committee.</para>
<para>When I look at this bill, it seems to me that we have an opportunity here, as a chamber, to support the promotion and development of a new industry: an export hydrogen industry. The position with respect to regulation of titles and with respect to the formation of titles will assist the development of that industry. The Commonwealth government, as has the Victorian government, has already been supporting the development of the export hydrogen industry. I want to talk about two projects in this context. The first is the government's investment of $96 million in the CarbonNet project, which is investigating the potential for establishing a commercial-scale carbon capture and storage network in the Latrobe Valley, Victoria. CarbonNet has commenced what is referred to as a stage 3 work program, which includes drilling an appraisal well—which is currently underway in Bass Strait—to determine the suitability of its preferred CO2 storage site, obtaining a declaration of a storage and injection licence and also defining a commercial structure and financial model to attract private sector investment.</para>
<para>The second project I want to refer to is the hydrogen energy supply chain into which the federal government has invested $50 million. This is a world-first pilot project, which is being supported by substantial private sector and public sector investment from Japan. This is where the opportunity lies for this country to develop a world-leading hydrogen export industry. HSC is co-funded by a Japanese-led business consortium to the tune of $230 million; $166 million from the Japanese government; $250 million from the Commonwealth government; and $50 million from the Victorian government. If we can get that to work, if we can get that project off the ground, it will provide billions in export dollars and it will provide hundreds and hundreds of jobs, and it will do it in a way that is environmentally responsible and will provide job creation and investment in one of our regions that has suffered from redundancies over the last 20 years—the Latrobe Valley. It has suffered. Here's an opportunity for that region to reinvent itself. Here is an opportunity for that region to create additional jobs and employment and economic activity, the exact sort of economic activity that this nation will need as we emerge from this COVID-19 crisis.</para>
<para>The other aspect of that project that really resonates with me is the work being undertaken by the Commonwealth government, the Victorian government, the Japanese government, and significant private sector players in both the Australian economy and the Japanese economy. I've seen that work in my home state of Queensland: the BHP Mitsubishi Alliance in Queensland, which constituted a great partnership between great Australian companies and great Japanese companies, developed undeveloped resources in the great state of Queensland. It provided jobs, generated growth and provided prosperity for the people of Queensland. I can see the opportunity we have here for exactly the same thing to be achieved in Victoria.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm supportive of the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019 and the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019, but I just want to make a quick point about hydrogen gas projects in the country. The explanatory memorandum for these bills says that they will support two related projects in Victoria that will use coal and carbon capture and storage to export liquid hydrogen to Japan. The federal government has apparently tipped in around $150 million to get these two projects off the ground. Clearly, the government is pretty interested in getting the ball rolling on this one. I mean to say, this is the first thing we've been asked to look at after months of parliament being shut down. That's all well and good for Victoria, and good on you. I'm not going to get in the way of it. I can tell you that much right now.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>21</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. Yesterday the News Limited papers reported that 'Scott Morrison is considering slashing the $1,500 JobKeeper payment or phasing it out faster than expected'. Minister, is the government contemplating the withdrawal of any jobseeker support to Australians prior to the current September end date?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. Government ministers and Liberal MPs and senators are reported to be actively debating ways to phase out COVID-19 support to Australians in need. New South Wales Liberal MP Jason Falinski told media today: 'I think we should turn off jobseeker as soon as possible. As soon as the schools are back, then it should go'. Does the Prime Minister agree with his backbencher?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, outside of the parliament, on the Liberal-National side of the parliament individual members of parliament are entitled to express their views on policy issues. We think it's a very important part of the democratic debate, and it helps ensure that we get a better outcome by going through proper process. In relation to the JobKeeper program, the government's position, as it always has been, is that it is a substantial program providing support, as we speak, to more than 5.5 million working Australians and helping to keep them connected to their employers. That has been a very good thing and it has been extremely well received by people right around Australia.</para>
<para>We've always said that there would be a review at the midpoint, and Treasury will be conducting that review, and reporting that review in June. It is six weeks into a six-month program and we are committed to the program for six months.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. Does the Prime Minister share Mr Falinski's view that we should turn JobKeeper off as soon as possible? Just one week after JobKeeper finally started flowing, will the Prime Minister cave in to backbencher demands to 'snap back' at the expense of the continued support the economy and Australian workers need?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The first point I would make is that it is our government that has put in place the support that the economy, business and working Australians need—our government. The member for Mackellar is right when he says we want people to get back into jobs and working for profitable businesses as soon as possible. Of course that's what we want. Of course we want to ensure that businesses can be back in business in a profitable fashion employing Australians, investing in their future success, hiring more Australians and paying them better wages over time. Of course that's what we want to see as soon as possible.</para>
<para>In relation to the JobKeeper program, the government's position is clear. We are six weeks into a six-month program. There will be a review midway. That is what we announced at the outset and that is what we all stick to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Health, Senator Cash. Can the minister update the Senate on the Morrison government's response to the coronavirus pandemic and the progress Australia is making to protect lives?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Askew for the question. Given that it is International Nurses Day, I would like to acknowledge the outstanding and tireless work of Australia's nurses in particular during the COVID-19 pandemic.</para>
<para>As the Prime Minister has said, we are fighting a war on two fronts in trying to protect from COVID-19 both the health of Australians and our economy. Australians, though, have commenced the road back following the national cabinet's decision last week to endorse the national roadmap for COVID-19 recovery. And what we've seen since that time is state and territory governments respond and provide Australians with the vision for the road back both in terms of their health and the economy.</para>
<para>In terms of the work of the containment of COVID-19, we still have a long way to go. But our testing has now seen 861,000 tests across Australia. The rate of positive returns has now dropped to below one per cent across those 861,000 tests. Encouragingly, as we are doing more tests across the country, we are returning a lower percentage of people who are positive. We have now had an increase of less than half a per cent per day for over two weeks. For that, Australia should be congratulated. That is an extraordinary milestone and one which even six or eight weeks ago would have appeared impossible. We are now seeing downward pressure on those numbers across the country, and that is only because of the hard work of Australians. On behalf of the Minister for Health and the government, I acknowledge the hard work of all Australians in achieving those numbers.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Askew, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. Can the minister advise how Australia's response compares internationally?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I can. Our job as a government has been very, very clear, and that is to stand up for and protect Australia's interests—in particular, the health and safety of Australians. When you look at it in an international context, we have had significant success in managing and containing the outbreak of COVID-19 here in Australia. We have one of the highest testing rates in the world and one of the lowest mortality rates in the world. We have seen the growth in the number of COVID-19 cases go from more than 20 per cent per day just a few weeks ago to less than half a per cent today. Adjusting for population the death toll in the UK is over 110 times that of Australia, France over 100 times and the United States over 50 times. Again, this is due to the response of the Australian people.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Askew, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, what are the government's key health priorities to manage risk as Australia begins to ease restrictions?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the first instance, as a country, we have now seen in excess of 5.8 million Australians download and register for the COVIDSafe app. Now, more than anything, as we commence that road to recovery, we encourage even more Australians to download the COVIDSafe app. This is an important public health initiative that will keep Australians safe from the further spread of COVID-19 through early notification of possible exposure.</para>
<para>We've also seen a three-step road map adopted by all states and territories, and we now have the capacity to meet all of the foreseeable scenarios in Australia. Again, I congratulate Australians for the hard work that they have undertaken. Through the steps that they have taken, we have managed to flatten the curve through our containment measures, and we have also been able to adopt—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cash. Senator Gallagher.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Economy</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. ABS data released earlier this month showed that up to 700,000 people had lost their jobs since mid-March due to COVID-19. The RBA is predicting that unemployment will reach 10 per cent by the middle of the year and remain persistently high for years to come. Does the government agree with the RBA's assessment? And in what year will unemployment return to pre-coronavirus levels?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The first point I would make is that, yes, we are going through a challenging period, as a result of a very serious external health shock. The measures that we've had to take in order to save lives and protect people's health have required us to make decisions which have had a very negative, devastating effect on the economy. We are now coming out, somewhat, on the other side, which is why we've been able to see some of the early phases of the easing of restrictions taking place around Australia. But this is an incredibly challenging period. Australia is in a better position than many other countries around the world. We are winning the fight against the virus. But there is still a lot of risk.</para>
<para>The shadow minister for finance asked me about our expectations in terms of the unemployment rate. Well, the Treasurer and Treasury had already announced, some time ago, that the expectation was for unemployment to reach 10 per cent during the June quarter. If it hadn't been for our measures, the expectation would've been that that would've been 15 per cent. Again, if you look, on the economic front, at some of the other countries around the world, you will see unemployment rates of 15 per cent and higher in many economies around the world that have also had to deal with this challenge.</para>
<para>We are not making firm forecasts now. We've shifted the budget to October for a reason, and that is because there is too much uncertainty, in terms of the economic context, to make credible forecasts now. We will be providing a further update to the economic statement in June. That is what we have publicly announced. In that economic statement, which will come after the March quarter national accounts have been released in early June, we will be providing further assessments of our expectations on economic parameters like the ones Senator Gallagher has referenced. But it would be premature to say more than we have now. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Deloitte has also projected that unemployment will remain at heightened levels for years to come, predicting it won't reach its pre-COVID-19 level until at least 2024. However, on 13 March, the Treasurer said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Prime Minister was very strong on how there would be a snap back. They were his words. The economy would 'snap back' …</para></quote>
<para>Does the Prime Minister stand by his snapback claim?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Of course we want to see a strong economic recovery on the other side of this crisis. That is self-evident—that that's what we want to see. And let me say: any Australian who had been watching what has happened in other economies around the world and compared that with what is happening here in Australia would say that, both on the health front and on an economic front, Australia is performing comparatively better. That doesn't mean that we're not facing continued challenges. Of course we are. And of course there is going to be much hard work that will need to be done. But let me tell you: our agenda of lower taxes, smaller government and encouraging and incentivising hard work, effort and risk-taking—these are the sorts of policy values and principles that will stand Australia in very good stead and will help us to ensure that Australians will have the best possible opportunity to get ahead in the future. We need a strong private-sector-led recovery. We need to ensure that the nine out of 10 working Australians who work for private sector businesses have the best possible job opportunities into the future. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, don't Australians deserve better than a post-crisis snapback to an economy in which workers worry about job insecurity and where jobseekers are relegated to poverty?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I completely reject the premise of that question. I completely reject the premise of the question.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Gallagher interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I reject the premise of your description of the way the economy was. Let me remind the honourable senator that the last election was actually a referendum on two competing economic plans: your plan for higher taxes—your anti-business, high-taxing, socialist, anti-aspiration agenda—and our pro-opportunity, lower-taxes, pro-growth, pro-business agenda, which Australians judged was a better way to ensure that Australians today and into the future had the best possible opportunity to get ahead.</para>
<para>We will do what we have done in the past. We will pursue a pro-growth, pro-opportunity agenda which will ensure that all Australians have the best possible opportunity to get ahead, and that is of course the basis on which, under our leadership, 1.5 million new jobs were created in the economy in the period prior to this COVID crisis hitting us—1.5 million new jobs. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>24</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Families and Social Services, Senator Ruston. Today the Minister for Finance referred in his speech to 'ensuring a safety net which is underpinned by a sense of decency and fairness'. Does the government think that living on $40 a day is decent and fair?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Senator Siewert, for your question. One of the things that we do need to make very clear here, Senator Siewert, is that the $40 a day to which you constantly refer is the primary payment for jobseeker. It is but the primary payment, and almost nobody in Australia who is on a jobseeker payment only receives the primary payment. I draw your attention to a number of supplementary payments to make sure that our social security system is targeted and to make sure that, when people need a little bit of extra support, we actually target that support to those people who need it. For example, obviously people who have children are going to require additional support, so, through family tax benefit part A and part B we are able to target additional support to those people. For people who find themselves in a situation where they're renting, we are able to target our rental assistance to those people. In addition, there are a number of other payments, which could be the energy supplement, the utility allowance, the telephone allowance, the carers allowance—the list goes on, Senator Siewert. So, to say that you're referring to $40 a day is not an accurate reflection of the targeted social welfare system that we have put in place to help Australians when they're down and without a job.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Through you, Mr President, yesterday the Prime Minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If people are in jobs, they don't need income support …</para></quote>
<para>Does the government think that, by the end of September, potentially 1.4 million people who are still unemployed will have found work?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Siewert. Obviously, the No. 1 priority of this government over recent weeks has been to make sure that we keep Australians safe from the corona pandemic. We have worked tremendously hard on our health response, and I think everybody in this chamber would have to agree Australia has done phenomenally well in dealing with our health crisis. But we have a second responsibility, and that is to make sure that we kick-start our economy, and the road to our recovery is going to be built on the back of business because businesses create jobs. As Senator Cormann has just said, nine out of 10 jobs in Australia are with the private sector, so we are going to work very hard to make sure that we are able to stimulate the Australian economy within a COVID-safe environment to make—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Siewert</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a point of order. I asked a very specific question in terms of: does the government think those 1.4 million people will have found a job?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You had a quote from the Prime Minister and that was a summary of the question you asked. I am listening to minister. I've let you remind the minister of the question. I think the minister can be directly relevant by speaking to the government's objectives on that matter, but I will listen carefully to the last 15 seconds. Senator Ruston.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. Well, I don't have a crystal ball. I don't know whether you have one, Senator Siewert, but what I can tell you is that this government will work tirelessly, day and night, between now and whenever we are past this pandemic, to make sure that every Australian who needs a job is going to— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Through you to the minister, can I ask: is the government going to drop the jobseeker payment back to $40 a day after 25 September this year?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Siewert. The government has been very clear that the measures that we've put in place—and there are a number of measures, including the corona supplement that you refer to—have been put in place to help Australians be able to get to the other side of this crisis, but we have always said they would be targeted; we have always said that they will be temporary. We will continue to work with the Australian people and through the economic stimulation that we need to put in place to make sure that we, on the other side of this crisis, are able to get Australians back to work. But we have been very, very clear about the supports that we've put in place—a whole range of them, ranging from the $750, twice, economic supplement that we have given to people on pensions, the corona supplement; whether it's been reducing eligibility requirements for people getting onto payment; whether it's been the removal of the asset test. All of these things have been put in place to help Australians get to the other side of this corona pandemic.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Alcohol Labelling</title>
          <page.no>25</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Aged Care and Senior Australians, Senator Colbeck, as chair of the Australia and New Zealand Ministerial Forum on Food Regulation. Minister, I refer you to your recent letter to me regarding the forum's decision to ask FSANZ to revise its proposal for mandatory pregnancy warning labels on packaged alcohol. In your letter you claim: 'The FSANZ proposal places an unreasonable cost burden on the alcohol industry.' FSANZ's cost-benefit analysis says each new case of fetal alcohol spectrum disorder costs at least $13,847 a year in health and disability costs alone, which equates to a projected annual cost of over $3 million each and every year for new cases, yet the one-off cost to industry is just $4,924 per product. Minister, are lives or alcohol industry profits more important to government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for his question. The decision that I wrote to you about in response to your correspondence was a decision made by ministers of all states, territories and the New Zealand government with respect to the report provided to food ministers into the labelling of alcohol and pregnancy warning labels. It was considered by all of those ministers, and a majority of states and territories at that forum voted to review the recommendations that have been put forward. I might add that all governments sitting around the table are committed to compulsory warning labels on alcohol receptacles. That decision will be made very soon. We've asked for FSANZ to come back to the committee with a report within 12 weeks of the last meeting, which is, from recollection, some time in June.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Griff, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, your letter also mentioned that FSANZ is being asked to review the colour of the warning label. FSANZ elected to use red because 'evidence indicates red increases the speed of identification and level of attention the warning receives'. Minister, why does the government or the respective state governments have an issue with using red on a warning label, given FSANZ's evidence based reasons for using it?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> (—) (): The evidence presented in FSANZ's report also talked about the importance of contrast on labels, and in some circumstances red, quite frankly, just isn't practical. The point that the senator made in his primary question with respect to costs was one of the considerations that was part of that process as well. But I can say quite categorically that the importance of pregnancy warning labels is such that it needs to be visible on a label, and in that context contrast is important and a red symbol on a red label simply won't work. One of the concerns that we had was that there is appropriate contrast of the symbol on the label, and that's one of the things that food ministers asked FSANZ to reconsider as a part of our decision-making process. And, as I said, the report is to come back to the food ministers' meeting within 12 weeks of— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Griff, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, you stated that you are committed, and everyone is committed, to mandatory pregnancy warning labels. If the revised proposal that comes back within 12 weeks from FSANZ puts forward essentially the same recommendation as in the original proposal, will you accept it?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is in fact quite a hypothetical. We've asked FSANZ to review the report that it provided to us. We've pointed to two particular issues that we wanted FSANZ to reconsider. My conversations with them indicate that they are considering that work. We've asked them to report back to us within 12 weeks so that we can reconsider it. Hopefully, we'll be in a situation whereby later this year we will have a decision to have mandatory pregnancy warning labels on alcohol receptacles within a period of time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>JobKeeper Payment</title>
          <page.no>25</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Treasurer, Senator Cormann. How many Australians are earning more than their normal wage because they are now receiving the JobKeeper wage subsidy of $1,500 per fortnight?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take that question on notice.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why should a single mother working as a casual teacher for five years miss out on JobKeeper because she hasn't worked 12 months with a single school, while a university student who's been a part-time worker for a lengthy period receives significantly more than their regular income?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is evidence emerging of a clear split between Mr Albanese and Mr Chalmers, and clearly Senator Keneally, for the moment at least, is on Mr Albanese's side, because this is the point Mr Albanese raised when Mr Chalmers, the shadow Treasurer, was all in favour of the way we'd framed it, saying it was better to err on the more generous side than the less generous side.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Keneally</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I think you know, Mr President, my point of order is going to be direct relevance. The question that I asked clearly went nowhere near any of the things the minister is talking about. I would appreciate it if you could draw him back to the disparity between the single mother and the university student.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, I will draw the minister's attention to the question you asked. Senator Cormann, I ask you to return to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Clearly Senator Keneally is very sensitive about what I have just revealed to the Senate chamber. The argument that she is picking up, which is directly relevant to the question that she has asked, is the argument that Mr Albanese pursued on Fran Kelly this morning, where he raised precisely that question. It is directly relevant to the question.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Keneally</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, direct relevance. He seems to be ignoring your ruling to draw him back to the matter in the question. He is speaking about a member in the other place, not the disparity between the single mother teacher and the university student, a design flaw under his own program.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cormann on the point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How can I not be directly relevant when I'm directly referencing the question she has asked me, which is directly the same as the question raised by Mr Albanese this morning?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am going to listen to the minister's answer. He is asserting that the quotation or reference he is about to point to is directly relevant. I do take senators at face value when they indicate that. I call the minister. He has 11 seconds remaining.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para> This is what Mr Albanese said this this morning, and it goes directly to the question that Senator Keneally raised: 'I don't think there has ever been a justification for people to get more money than they were getting before.'</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Time has expired, but I will take a point of order, Senator Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Perhaps it might be relevant to the next answer, Mr President. I don't think any President has ruled it in order simply to persistently quote the opposition. This goes to the administration of public moneys in this minister's portfolio.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On Senator Keneally's point of order, I allowed some latitude in her making it due to the first part of the minister's answer. I cannot instruct the minister how to answer a question or to address a specific term or example in it, as quoted by Senator Keneally. The minister must remain directly relevant. I didn't get to hear the end of that, but I will ask ministers to keep in mind the need to be directly relevant, not broadly relevant, to the question asked. Senator Keneally, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister confirm that approximately one million casual workers, such as the single mother who has worked as a casual teacher for five years, are missing out because they haven't been with a single employer and remain excluded by the government's design of the JobKeeper program? Why won't the Treasurer fix the government's design flaws and use his extraordinary powers to include hard-hit Australian casual workers in the program?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp></time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We are supporting long-term casuals, and we are relying on the definition of long-term casuals in the Fair Work Act. The whole objective of JobKeeper, as opposed to jobseeker, is to keep workers connected to their employer. As far as casuals are concerned, that is for casuals who have worked for the same employer for at least 12 months. We are providing support to more than 5.5 million Australians, a staggering number, through this JobKeeper program, and the number is, I believe, still rising. But, of course, there are other supports available, subject to people's circumstances, depending on how much they otherwise earn and the like. For those who find themselves out of work, there are other supports available through the jobseeker program, which, of course, comes with all sorts of additional benefits as well, such as rental assistance, family tax benefit payments and the like. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Trade with Indonesia</title>
          <page.no>27</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Trade, Tourism and Investment, Senator Birmingham. Can the minister outline the benefits of the Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement and inform the Senate when the agreement will enter into force?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator McMahon for her question, knowing that the Northern Territory, in particular, has enormous opportunities from closer relations between Australia and Indonesia. I know that her passion is to see those opportunities realised, so I'm very pleased to inform Senator McMahon and the Senate that, following discussions I had early last week with my Indonesian counterpart, Agus Suparmanto, Indonesia completed last week its domestic ratification procedures and provided formal notification to Australia, which means that the Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement will enter into force on 5 July.</para>
<para>Closer economic relations and closer strategic relations between Australia and Indonesia have been long-term objectives for Australian governments of all political persuasions, and do I note, as IA-CEPA heads towards entry into force, the bipartisan support that was offered for the agreement and the legislation enabling it. It is crucial that we see this continued strength and growth in the relationship between Australia and Indonesia and in the trade opportunities that it will create.</para>
<para>The trade opportunities from IA-CEPA are quite real and tangible. Over 99 per cent of Australian goods exported to Indonesia will enter duty-free or under significantly preferential arrangements. This will see some 575,000 live cattle able to enter Indonesia, duty-free, in year one; some 500,000 tonnes of feed grains, including wheat, barley and other grains be able to enter duty-free in year one; up to an estimated 455 semitrailer-load equivalents of oranges able to enter duty-free. Potatoes, carrots, frozen beef, sheepmeat and dairy tariffs, all of them are being reduced, as well as goods such as rolled coil steel to the equivalent of enough to make five Sydney Harbour Bridges each year.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McMahon, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister advise the Senate of the feedback from farmers and industry groups about the agreement, which will provide new market opportunities and protect the livelihoods of our farmers and business owners?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given the scale of new opportunity created with Indonesia as a large and, we trust, still fast-growing economy once it recovers from the challenges of COVID-19, there has been very warm reaction from Australian farming and other industry representatives. The chairman of GrainGrowers said that access to this new feed grain market is great news and the timing could not be better. We have safe nutritious grains for Australians as well for our closest neighbours.</para>
<para>AUSVEG's national manager of export development said that this should lead to an immediate increase of over 300 per cent in current trade values of current fresh vegetables to Indonesia. The National Farmers Federation said that the entry into force of IA-CEPA provides some much-needed perspective for Australia's farmers, encouraging us to look beyond the present hardships of drought, bushfire and coronavirus to the bright future ahead. The Business Council of Australia said that it will help open new markets, create new jobs and build a stronger recovery for both nations, and that is certainly the government's aspiration to see that strengthened. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McMahon on a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McMAHON</name>
    <name.id>282728</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How is the coalition government working to keep trade flowing, to keep more Australians in work?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Despite the challenges posed by COVID-19, the latest ABS trade data shows that Australia recently recorded our 27th consecutive monthly trade surplus. Indeed, it was another record trade surplus to the tune of some $10.6 billion. I am pleased to highlight for Senator McMahon's benefit and others from the Northern Territory, that this included a record value of goods exports, and goods exports from the Northern Territory increased in 2019 by some 73 per cent under the policy settings of our government.</para>
<para>During the month of March, we saw strong goods export growth to a of different markets for Australia. There was a 354 per cent increase in goods exports to Hong Kong, a 30 per cent increase to the Republic of Korea, a 96 per cent increase to the United Kingdom and a 51 per cent increase to the United States of America, all this demonstrating that the diversity of opportunities available to Australian exporters continues to grow and they continue to seize those opportunities.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Sheean, Ordinary Seaman Edward (Teddy)</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Defence, Minister Reynolds. In July 1940, the mortally wounded Leading Seaman Jack Mantle trained his weapon on a swarm of Nazi Junkers attacking HMS<inline font-style="italic">Foylebank</inline>. Jack Mantle was awarded the Victoria Cross. Two years later, HMAS<inline font-style="italic"> Armidale</inline> was hit by Japanese aircraft and began to sink rapidly. Eighteen-year-old Ordinary Seaman Teddy Sheean was wounded during the attack. But, rather than flee, he strapped himself to his anti-aircraft cannon and opened fire. That decision to tie his fate to a gun sinking to the bottom of the ocean brought down two planes and helped save the lives of 49 crew. You have the power to recommend Teddy for Australia's highest military honour, the Victoria Cross. Our question from Tasmania is this: what more could Teddy Sheean have possibly done to earn a Victoria Cross?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Lambie for that question. I am very well aware of the heroism and service and sacrifice of Teddy Sheean. He did the Australian Navy a great credit and he is worthy of significant acknowledgment. The issue you raise in terms of a posthumous Victoria Cross is a very challenging policy issue, which does not in any way detract from his worthiness or his service. I will take that question on notice because I'll have to find out the status of this and I will come back to you at the earliest possible opportunity.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has had the Teddy Sheean report before the awards and honours tribunal since July 2019; we are nearly 12 months on. Your government has blocked every effort to get it released because, you say, you are preparing a response. How long does it take to say 'accept' or 'does not accept' on a document? What is the holdup?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, I will take that on notice and get back to you at the earliest opportunity. I do need to check with the Minister for Veterans' Affairs and I will get back to you as soon as possible.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Garry Ivory, the nephew of Teddy Sheean, wrote to the Prime Minister in February asking for an update on when to expect a response to the government. Garry Ivory is yet to hear back. Teddy has been waiting for recognition for 78 years. How long is the Prime Minister planning to keep his nephew waiting?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, I'll take that on notice and I'll get back to you at the earliest possible opportunity. As I said, I do understand the passion for his service and his contribution to our nation, not only of Tasmanians but of all naval personnel and in fact of all Australians. But the awarding of a posthumous VC is not an easy issue. I will get back to you as soon as I possibly can; you have my word on that.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Superannuation</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. On 20 April, superannuation funds wrote to the Assistant Minister for Superannuation, Senator Hume, outlining their concern about the risk of fraud under the government's early superannuation scheme and calling on the government to enact greater protections. On 1 May, the very same day the government received advice from the AFP saying it was investigating suspected fraud in the scheme, Assistant Minister Hume replied to concerned superannuation funds, saying the government had 'substantial checks in place to guard against fraud'. Does the Prime Minister stand by Senator Hume's claim?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Of course he does. Senator Hume is doing an outstanding job, an absolutely outstanding job, in helping the government develop our response, supporting Australians through this crisis, helping Australians who have lost their job or who have lost significant work hours, who are facing significant financial challenges, to be able to get through this period, pay the mortgage, pay the fees that they're facing, by accessing some of their superannuation early.</para>
<para>This is actually not a new system. Hardship provisions and early access of superannuation under hardship provisions is a well-established system. We have adapted it in this context. And, of course, the correspondence that the senator refers to had some other assertions too, like that somehow $50 billion of superannuation savings would walk out the door. We always said that that was an excessive and exaggerated prediction, and if you look at the figures, at the way they have been developing, that indeed has been proven to be right.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cormann. I have Senator McAllister on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McAllister</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to raise a point of order about relevance. I am hoping to learn whether the Prime Minister stands by the minister's claim that substantial checks were in place to guard against fraud. That is the materialist issue in this question and I would like an answer.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, Senator McAllister, that was the conclusion of your question. I am listening carefully to the minister's answer. I can't instruct him which part of a question to answer, but he is allowed to address any parts of the preamble to that concluding question. So I'm listening carefully to the minister. Senator Cormann.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume was right. The Prime Minister's right. Of course there are substantial checks and balances. But any program, any government program, any business, is exposed to the risk of fraud, and if and when fraud does occur you take appropriate action. Appropriate action was taken. This is not a widespread problem. It is an isolated problem. But as is appropriate—</para>
<para>An opposition senator: Fraud!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is fraud in relation to jobseeker. Do you suggest that we should close down the entire jobseeker program because there is a risk of fraud? There is a risk of fraud in relation to any government program and, of course, you put appropriate checks and balances in place, which does not entirely eliminate the risk of fraud but when fraud is detected you take action. That is what is happening, consistent with the laws that this parliament passed with your support.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McAllister, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why did it take the government seven days from receiving advice, from the AFP, about suspected fraud to suspend assessments under the scheme?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I've indicated, these were isolated examples and appropriate action was taken.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister has concluded his answer. Senator McAllister, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Only three days after the government suspended assessments under the scheme, the responsible minister reopened assessments. Can the minister guarantee no further Australians will be defrauded of their retirement savings through this scheme?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can Senator McAllister guarantee that nobody in Australia will speed because our speed limits are—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Wong on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order, direct relevance. He might think it's funny to dismiss this but they are the government, and the question is about the government's program and the probity of the government's program. Could the minister please be directly relevant to the question?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With respect, on the point of order, the minister had been speaking for seven seconds. I didn't have him at a full stop at that point. I don't believe, if he was prefacing his answer with such a statement, that I would be in a position to rule it as not being directly relevant seven seconds into the answer. I've allowed you to challenge the minister's answer. There's a time for debating it after question time.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It may be very hard for Labor senators to understand, but for Australian families facing hardship during this period this is an important option, for them to be able to release some of their own money, in order to deal with their cost-of-living pressures through this period. Appropriate checks and balances are in place and, of course, we'll continue to take action as appropriate.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Direct relevance. The minister was asked a specific question about guaranteeing that no further Australians would be defrauded under your scheme. I can answer, Mr President.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With respect, Senator Wong—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I conclude my—I'll take a further point of order after I rule. Your point of order, there, moves into asking me to instruct a minister how to answer a question, which I don't believe is within my power. He was talking about the risk of fraud or otherwise, as I was listening to, in the program. I believe that is being directly relevant and there's an opportunity to debate it afterwards. I can't instruct him to answer a question or use a particular term. Senator Cormann.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We will continue to manage this program appropriately, which is very popular, and we will ensure that no all Australians' interests are appropriately looked after.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Defence</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What an excellent answer about an excellent program. My question is for the Minister for Defence, Senator Reynolds. Can the minister update the Senate on what actions Defence has been taking in support of whole-of-government efforts to reduce the spread of COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Paterson for that question, and the answer is: I certainly can. While this government has been focused on protecting Australians and enabling Australians to live safely in the age of COVID, Defence has, yet again, been playing its part. It's not only our men and women in uniform across the three services; it's also personnel from right across the Department of Defence who have been assisting in the whole-of-government response right across the nation.</para>
<para>Defence has been responding in four key ways. We established, in March, a COVID-19 task force. The four areas of main response are: firstly, assisting states and territories with their health responses; secondly, assisting with the economic stimulus activities, particularly with our engagement with defence industry; thirdly, ensuring that our men and women overseas, 1,000 of them, are safe and well, and also dealing with all of the other issues of national security; and, fourthly, we have been providing additional support to our near neighbours, because, clearly, the threat of COVID-19 in many of our smaller Pacific nations, in particular, has the potential to be quite catastrophic. Today we have over 2,000 ADF personnel on the ground doing tasks ranging from contact tracing, quarantine compliance and, importantly, protecting our Indigenous communities.</para>
<para>I have just a few examples. For over a month, a small team of highly qualified ADF engineering maintenance specialists helped a surgical face-mask company in Shepparton boost the output exponentially of life-saving facial masks until sufficient civilians were able to be trained to now run that facility. More recently, as part of an AUSMAT-led Commonwealth team, the ADF deployed 50 personnel to the North West Regional Hospital in Burnie, for two weeks, to allow the staff to go into isolation and provide much-needed medical support to over 400 residents of north-west Tasmania.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Paterson, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister inform the Senate what Defence Science and Technology have been doing to support the whole-of-government efforts on COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, thank you very much, Senator Paterson, for that question. The men and women of our Defence Science and Technology group are without a doubt some of the smartest and most capable men and women in the world, and I'm extremely proud of the contribution that our Defence scientists have made, contributing their expertise and their smarts to researching COVID-19 virus and also for mitigation activities. Defence has partnered with a South Australian company, Axiom Precision Manufacturing, to rapidly produce a new face shield, boosting the supply and also expanding local industry capability. Our Chief Defence Scientist, Professor Tanya Monro, is leading a rapid response group aimed at repurposing existing non-invasive ventilators and turning them into invasive ventilators. Defence is also researching the virus' survivability on a range of different surfaces, and we're doing that in conjunction with a range of international partners. These are just a few examples of what Defence Science and Technology group is doing. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Paterson, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister outline what actions the Australian Signals Directorate have been taking to protect Australians online and to support Australia's economic resilience in response to COVID-19?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you again, Senator, for that question. That is another part of the Defence portfolio that is doing outstanding work as part of our national response to COVID-19. The Australian Cyber Security Centre is protecting Australian families and businesses against COVID-19 related cybercrime and, importantly, cyberattacks against critical areas such as our health agencies and companies. So, to identify and disrupt malicious cybercriminals offshore, the ACSC is closely collaborating with industry here in Australia and overseas, with law enforcement, with government agencies and also with our telecommunication providers. But they're also working with frontline healthcare providers to reduce their risk of cyber compromise at this time. The Australian Signals Directorate itself is using its offensive cyber capabilities to disrupt foreign COVID-19 related cybercriminals. These criminals are attempting to exploit Australians in this time of crisis, which is utterly despicable. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Superannuation</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. In response to a question on ABC yesterday about Australians being defrauded of their retirement savings, Senator Bragg said that fraud resulting from the government's early super access scheme was 'an immaterial component'. Is Senator Bragg correct?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>About $10 billion or thereabouts in early release superannuation payments have been released back to the owners of that money—the people saving for their retirement—to help them deal with the challenging financial circumstances they are facing. There has been a comparatively minor incidence of fraud, which has been detected, which has been acted upon, and the interest of those impacted Australians will of course be looked after. Of course, that will be addressed as appropriate. But, let me tell you, this is an important program; it's a popular program. We will continue to take effective action to prevent fraud and, of course, to deal with it if and when it occurs. Anyone who commits fraud will have the book thrown at them.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallacher, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>While Australians facing financial hardship have resorted to accessing their retirement savings early in the absence of adequate government assistance, Senator Bragg has said, 'I think it's a good idea to have access regimes like this on a more permanent bases.' Does the minister agree with Senator Bragg?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I've said in response to an earlier question, individual members and senators on the Liberal-Nationals side are free to express their views and to speak their mind. I know that, on the socialist side of the chamber, that is not so easy, but, on our side, people can speak their mind. As far as the government's position is concerned, the support measures we have put in place in the context of helping people to transition through the challenging period that we are going through now are temporary. They are not ongoing, and we are not considering making any of the temporary measures ongoing—not this one and not any of the other temporary measures.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallacher, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In light of that answer, Minister, do you agree that Senator Bragg's plan would undermine Australia's world-class superannuation regime?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There's just no truth to the premise of this question at all, because there's no proposition by government to go down that path. The government is not proposing to make that change. Early access to superannuation under hardship provisions is a longstanding arrangement and has been in place, I would think, since the inception of compulsory super, if not soon thereafter, and it's appropriate for that to be in place. It has been adjusted as we are going through this period to help Australian families get early access to their superannuation in the context of the hardship they may be facing, given the economic impact of the coronavirus crisis. That is entirely appropriate, but this is a temporary measure. We're not proposing to make it permanent. We don't think that would be appropriate, and that is not something that is on the table.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Families and Social Services, Senator Ruston. How is the Morrison government supporting Australians who are being impacted by the economic downturn resulting from the coronavirus pandemic?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator O'Sullivan for his question and the opportunity to advise the chamber of the supercharging of the welfare system that has been put in place to help people who find themselves unemployed during this COVID virus outbreak.</para>
<para>As we have already mentioned, there is a temporary supplement that is being paid at a rate of $550 a fortnight to people who are on payment. That means that anybody who is currently eligible for a jobseeker payment will receive in excess of $1,100 a fortnight for the duration of the pandemic. This is being paid not just to new people who have come onto payment but also to people who have found themselves already on payment—people on the jobseeker payment, the youth allowance payment, the parenting payment, the farm household allowance and special benefit.</para>
<para>We've also relaxed a number of criteria to make sure that those people who find themselves coming onto unemployment through no fault of their own have quick and easy access to get the support they need during this pandemic. For instance, we have waived the one-week ordinary waiting period, the liquid asset waiting period and, for permanent residents on their pathway to permanent residency and citizenship of Australia, the newly arrived resident's waiting period. We have also relaxed the income test measures for partner incomes to ensure that those people who find themselves requiring jobseeker payments if their partner's payment is less than $3,070 per fortnight will also be able to get access to the jobseeker payment or part thereof. This is in addition to the $750 one-off payment that was made in early April to all people on payments and a further $750 payment that will be made in July to those people who haven't been eligible for the jobseeker coronavirus supplement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Ruston! Senator O'Sullivan, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What in particular is the government doing to support people with disability during this time?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>From the outset, the Morrison government have taken very decisive action to make sure we protect the lives of Australians who live with disability. Early on, we released the COVID-19 Management and Operational Plan for People with Disability, which was received with huge acclamation from the sector. It was a significant milestone in the health response to make sure that people with disability had the protection that they needed during this crisis.</para>
<para>In addition to that, through the Social Services portfolio, we've announced over $90 million of initiatives in a support package to help Australians, particularly those who find themselves in difficult employment situations. In addition to that, we have put $2 million towards a dedicated phone line to support our current web based outreach programs to make sure we are able to provide advice and direction to service that people with disability may be requiring information about during this crisis.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Sullivan, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How is the government ensuring stability of services to help protect lives and livelihoods during this coronavirus pandemic?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The absolute focus of this government during this crisis has been to save lives and, then, to save livelihoods, and to make sure we can assist Australians to deal with the impact of the coronavirus pandemic. To that end, there are a number of grants that exist within the Department of Social Services that we use to deliver essential services to all Australians. In April I announced a $64 million extension for about 3,000 grant recipients to 31 March 2021; those are grants that would have possibly ceased in the coming months. This is to make sure we are able to maintain continuity of service throughout this time and to make sure we are providing services to Australians, particularly those most at risk of this pandemic. We acknowledge we have a long road ahead and we are here to make sure that we support all Australians with this great challenge. We have planned for the worst and we are working hard to make sure that that does not happen.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Member for Dawson</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator Payne. In Brisbane, <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sunday Mail </inline>reported that the LNP member for Dawson, Mr Christensen, blindsided cabinet ministers by launching an inquiry into diversifying Australia's trade and investment profile by the Joint Standing Committee on Trade and Investment Growth. When did the minister first become aware of the inquiry?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Wong for her question. As I understand it, the inquiry itself was commenced some months ago, in February this year.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Did Mr Christensen consult with the minister about his approach before publicising his intentions in the media?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Wong for her question. As the senator would be well aware, there are countless inquiries undertaken across the parliament by Senate, House and joint committees. I certainly don't expect that every chair will consult with every minister in that process. Mr Christensen did not raise the particular inquiry with me largely because it had commenced several months ago, in February this year.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does the minister believe it is in the national interest for a backbench LNP member to be so prominent in the management of Australia's largest trading relationship, and does the minister endorse Mr Christensen's actions?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's certainly the case that Australia's democratic system of government allows, respects and, indeed, welcomes members of parliament having a voice on issues across the nation—issues in Australia's national interest. It's one of the reasons why we come to this place to go to work. It's one of the reasons why we do this job. It's one of the reasons that we are blessed with the privilege and the opportunity of standing up in a house of parliament, freely and democratically elected to do that job. I understand the issues that prompt Senator Wong to ask that question. For my part, I am very strongly attached to Australia's democratic processes and I will continue to be so.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Small Business</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Employment, Skills, Small and Family Business, Senator Cash. Can the minister update the Senate on how the Morrison government's economic response to the coronavirus pandemic is helping small and family businesses to remain resilient and supporting the livelihoods of business owners and their employees during this unprecedented economic crisis?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Bragg for his question. Small and family businesses are indeed the backbone of the Australian economy, and the Morrison government has put in place a significant range of support measures to help them through the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, we have an investment of $320 billion across the forward estimates, representing 16.4 per cent of annual GDP. As the Minister for Finance has said today, the support is temporary, measured and scalable.</para>
<para>The centrepiece of this historic support package is, of course, our $130 billion JobKeeper payment. In the absence of the Morrison government's JobKeeper payment, Treasury estimates that unemployment would have been at least five percentage points higher and would have peaked at around 15 per cent in the September quarter. The ATO has now received around 835,000 enrolments from entities that employ over 5.5 million Australians. Money began flowing back to these businesses last week. As a government, we are confident that the JobKeeper payment and the ability to maintain that connection between employers and employees will enable those businesses to return with their teams as soon as they are able to.</para>
<para>In addition to the $130 billion JobKeeper payment, we are also providing much-needed cash flow support to small and medium businesses, with boosts of between $20,000 and up to $100,000 to eligible businesses, delivered through credits in the business activity statement system. The measure has gone a long way to improve confidence among our small and medium businesses. Small and medium businesses are the backbone of the Australian economy, and we will continue to support them.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bragg, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What actions is the government taking to ensure small businesses can access the cash they need during this time?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We know that cash flow remains critical—in particular at this time—to small and family businesses. The boost in cash flow measure to date has delivered almost $7.79 billion in cash flow to nearly 440,000 businesses. Via this measure, money is going directly into the bank accounts of these small and medium businesses who employ Australians.</para>
<para>We're also facilitating greater access to finance through the SME guarantee. This is helping small and medium businesses access much-needed funds by providing lenders with a guarantee of 50 per cent of new, unsecured loans up to $250,000. Almost $1 billion of loans to small businesses have been approved to date. Again, small and medium businesses are the backbone of the Australian economy, and we will continue to support them.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bragg, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRAGG</name>
    <name.id>256063</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What steps is the government taking to ensure small and family businesses are able to recover once restrictions are lifted?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As we saw last Friday with the meeting of national cabinet, we are now on the pathway or the road to recovery through the three-step process that is now being implemented by the state and territory governments. We have one goal in 2020, and that is, of course to protect in the first instance the health and wellbeing of Australians and their livelihoods through what is a global crisis and to ensure that, when the recovery comes, we are well positioned to bounce back strongly on the other side. As the Prime Minister has said, the pathway to our recovery will be through growing the Australian economy, and you do this by supporting your small and medium businesses, who employ nearly seven million Australians. When we came to government, we backed these businesses through lower taxes, cutting red tape and providing incentives for them to invest back into their businesses. Through this crisis, we will continue to support them because they are the backbone of the Australian economy.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>34</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by the Minister for Finance (Senator Cormann) to questions without notice asked by Senators Wong and Gallagher today relating to COVID-19.</para></quote>
<para>All of us in this chamber would acknowledge that right now Australia and the world face incredible challenges. Coronavirus tragically has led to the deaths of 280,000 people worldwide, including 97 here in Australia, and now, as we appear to be emerging from the worst of the health crisis in Australia, we face a significant economic and unemployment challenge. We've seen hundreds of thousands of Australians lose their jobs, we've seen small businesses destroyed and we've seen particular impacts on certain industries—most of all the hospitality industry, which has seen one in three jobs disappear in such a short period of time. Treasury and the Reserve Bank are predicting that unemployment will remain high for the rest of this year. Deloitte yesterday released a report which said that unemployment won't reach pre-COVID levels until at least 2024, so we're looking at high unemployment, according to Deloitte, for another four years.</para>
<para>This week, as we have returned to parliament, we've heard two very different approaches outlined for how the country should respond to this crisis and how we should approach economic recovery. Yesterday the federal Labor leader, Mr Albanese, gave a speech which outlined Labor's approach to how we should recover. What he was saying was that we shouldn't just go back to the things were; we need to build an economy that works for people, not the other way round. We need to build a stronger, fairer economy with a focus on reducing unemployment and underemployment.</para>
<para>Sadly, we are seeing a very different approach from the government, and we saw that here again today in question time. The approach that this government is taking was described by the Prime Minister and the Treasurer recently as one of snapback. They seem to live in this mythical economic world where everything can just snap back to the way things were. That's assuming, of course, that you think that everything was perfect in the first place. They seem to think that we can snap back overnight to a world in which we still had low productivity, high unemployment, low economic growth, low business investment, wages that were stagnant and high levels of insecure work. That's the kind of world that this government thinks that we can snap back to.</para>
<para>And nowhere is this approach more on display at the moment than with the government's statements around its intentions in relation to the JobKeeper payment. This of course was the wage subsidy which this government had to be dragged kicking and screaming to implement. They were against the calls of Labor, the union movement and businesses. They finally got there, and finally implemented the JobKeeper payment, but the fact that they were opposed to it from day one continues to be on display, with early calls from members of this government to start winding it back. That's what 'snap back' means under this government; it means winding back and cutting off the very payments that this government has finally put in place to try to keep this economy alive and to try to keep people in work.</para>
<para>We've seen over the last few days reports that the government wants to wind back the JobKeeper payment—and that's before unemployment has even peaked. The reports from the Treasury and the Reserve Bank are that we won't hit the maximum rate of unemployment—around 10 per cent—until around June this year. So before we've even seen unemployment peak we've got members of this government who want to start winding back the JobKeeper payment.</para>
<para>In fact, there are many businesses across Australia who are yet to even receive JobKeeper payments to reimburse them for payments they've made to their workers—and before the businesses have even started to receive the JobKeeper payment we've seen members of this government wanting to start winding it back. Today in question time Minister Cormann, the finance minister, was asked whether the government was considering a windback. He told us that the government isn't considering an early end to the JobKeeper payment, but then he went on to confirm that it is actually under review. And it's that second answer which is the most important. This government is already reviewing the JobKeeper payment before it has even been received by some businesses, before unemployment has even peaked. What that shows is that the clock is ticking for the JobKeeper payment and the snapback that this government wants to see in place has begun; a return to low wages, higher than average unemployment and low economic growth has begun. Jason Falinski, the member for Mackellar, today has been reported as saying he thinks we should turn off the JobKeeper payment as soon as possible. He said, 'As soon as schools go back then it should go.' The snapback has begun.</para>
<para>There are many business groups in my home state of Queensland who are saying cutting the JobKeeper payment would be disastrous for the economy. They know that snapback would be disastrous; it's about time the government did too. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In support of the Minister for Finance's statement to the Senate today, and indeed the Treasurer's statement to the House, I will start by outlining the significant challenges this nation is facing at the moment, the very strong way we have responded to those challenges as a nation—this health crisis and this economic crisis—and then point to the way forward. Only a few weeks ago—it seems a lot longer—as the significance of this pandemic became apparent we faced a very significant health and economic crisis. I think as a nation we can be very, very proud of how we have responded to that crisis.</para>
<para>When it comes to dealing with the health crisis, through the leadership of the Prime Minister, the health minister and the cabinet—and, indeed, informing the national cabinet—we have seen a response that I think is the envy of most of the rest of the world. You would not want to be dealing with this significant challenge in virtually any country other than Australia right now. Notwithstanding that, it has had a major impact on Australia even though our performance has much better than most other comparable countries. It has had a health impact. Of course, we mourn those who have been lost and we are with those who have suffered and our frontline health workers who have been dealing with that.</para>
<para>The economic impact has been huge. We have sought to deal with that economic impact on the basis of principles and values. As we seek to come out of this economic and health crisis, we will maintain that approach—and I will get to the contrast in a moment. But we have to go back to the starting point of what we had. What we have just heard from Senator Watt, and what we have from the Labor Party in their criticism generally, is a big lie. They claim that the Australian economy was not doing well, was not strong, going into this crisis. That is not true. That was not the view of the Reserve Bank. That was not the view of the IMF. We just had Senator Watt saying we had higher unemployment. Well, it was 5.1 per cent going into this crisis and we saw economic growth ticking up. We saw expected economic growth in 2020 and 2021 being higher than virtually every other G7 economy. So this big lie that the Labor Party looks to retail to make a political point during this crisis—that our economy was weak—is wrong. We were strengthening our economy based on our policies. We were strengthening our budget. Isn't it a great thing that we went into this crisis with a budgetary position that was vastly better than virtually every other comparable nation. We had a debt to GDP ratio a quarter of what we see in places like the United States and the UK and about a seventh of what we see in places like Japan. That's no thanks to the Labor Party. We inherited a $48 billion deficit and we brought the budget back into balance. We saw unemployment coming down, with 1.5 million jobs being created. So that track record holds us in good stead.</para>
<para>But these are great and challenging times and, as a government, we are working with state and territory governments to deliver for the Australian people. Our absolute focus is on keeping Australian safe during this health crisis and protecting their livelihoods. As we open up our society again, we want to open up our economy as soon as it is safe to do so.</para>
<para>We hear the alternative approaches from the Labor Party. They want to permanently put government at the centre of our national life. We heard it again from the shadow finance minister today when she was critical of policies like cutting taxes. The shadow finance minister is critical of policies like cutting taxes!</para>
<para>Well, as we come out of this I think Australians can take great comfort from the way we have handled this crisis to date. As we continue to work together, we can bring our economy back to where it needs to be. It's not going to happen by government continuing to be at the centre of things. It's going to be small and medium and large enterprises getting on and creating jobs on behalf of all Australians. Those are the policies we're going to continue to pursue as we recover. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>First of all, isn't that an extraordinary description of what's happened in the economy, pre-COVID-19! Here's the party and the government that doubled the debt. But also let's look at today. This is normally budget day, but we have no budget. We've also got a government without a plan for what we do moving out of this COVID-19 period. But don't worry! It's probably a little bit unfair to say they don't have a plan; they have a plan to snap back to no plan. That's their strategy. Let's snap back to no plan. In actual fact, in the case of a number of their backbenchers and others on their side, they have a plan to snap back real quickly to no plan.</para>
<para>In the case of underemployment, let's look at what we would be snapping back to. Pre-COVID-19 Australia had 1.23 million workers wanting more hours than they were getting—8.7 per cent of the workforce. Even before COVID-19 lay-offs, the headline unemployment rate in Australia sat at 5.3 per cent. The number of people who either couldn't get a job or couldn't get the hours they wanted spiked under the Morrison government to 13.8 per cent. Snapback.</para>
<para>They want a snapback. I will give you an example: a survey by the Transport Workers Union of Jetstar workers, where 90 per cent of Jetstar workers wanted more hours. Not only is Jetstar refusing to guarantee workers' hours in future arrangements but the agreement also restricts workers from getting another job in aviation. Snapback.</para>
<para>Let's look at other snapback strategies this government's got. Underemployment: snapback. Wage theft: what's the plan? Billions of dollars taken out of our economy. That's their snapback plan. We see people having their money stolen. We see superannuation theft. We see companies that are doing the right thing, abiding by the law, being unfairly competed with. But they want a snapback.</para>
<para>In actual fact, they want to snap back a bit further. In the case of the gig economy, except for probably Senator Bragg, not many people would have picked this up. There was a decision made by the Fair Work Commission rightly looking at the laws, which are going to be challenged in the High Court, about what rights people have in the new economy, in the gig economy. It actually made a decision that many workers in the gig economy, particularly in Uber, would not have any rights, particularly in the case that was taken forward for the Gupta family, Amita and Santosh, who were doing some work to support the disability pension that they were on. They wanted the right of reinstatement after being victimised, as they felt they had been, by the company. What does the gig economy look like? In the case of these workers, they were averaging $7.85 an hour, half the minimum wage. Snapback. That is what this government wants to see: a snap back not just to pre-COVID-19 but, in the case of the gig economy, to the sorts of practices that were happening with piecework in the 1800s. When they snap back, they snap way back. Of course they want a snapback when it comes to Newstart—$40 a day. How could you possibly see that anybody would have the capacity to turn around and survive on that sort of income? Snapback.</para>
<para>Let's look at the consequences of the last major recession that we had, in 1990-91. Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy made the comment, whilst he was being questioned at a Senate hearing, that in the 1990-91 recession almost 1.2 million Australians had manufacturing jobs. More than 100,000 jobs were lost from that sector in a two-year period, and, despite a larger economy and workforce, the number of manufacturing workers today is 25 per cent below the pre-1991 peak. Snapback.</para>
<para>We have to have a plan. We have to have a plan about how we actually move this economy forward, how we deal with the new economy and how we deal with the consequences of COVID-19 and the economic consequences that we're facing. We have to make some decisions about how we not snap off our economy but actually turn it around and make it work for us. It's critically important, whether you're suffering from wage theft in the gig economy or in the manufacturing sector— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I get to the substance of my contribution, taking note of the questions asked by the opposition today, I too would like to commend the government and all governments around Australia—indeed, the entire Australian people—for how they have responded, combined and acted over the past two months. It's perhaps becoming too easy to forget that two months or so ago, when we left this place and basically suspended at least normal operations of the parliament, we had our cases growing at well above 20 per cent a day. It was very much on an exponential growth path. If we had continued on that path, hundreds of thousands of Australians would have been infected and thousands more would have died, unfortunately. It has been a remarkable turnaround. It has been, at least in part, testament to the strong response of the Australian people and the combined and consistent actions of Australian governments—this one here in Canberra but also governments right around the country.</para>
<para>I take some heart today that, in the only way possible for an opposition, those opposite also paid some credit to the government for its actions over the past couple of months. There was very little—indeed, I didn't really pick up any—criticism in question time of what the government has done over the past two months in response to this global pandemic. The substance of the opposition's points today were all about what we might do, or what they fear we might do, in the future. There was very little, if anything, about what is actually being done.</para>
<para>I do take some heart from the fact that I know an opposition can't come into question time and put up Dorothy Dixers and suggest what a great job the government has done. That would perhaps be an incorrect application of the tools here for us as senators. The opposition is here to hold the government to account; so it can't just come in here and provide bouquets to the government—a government that I think has done a pretty good job, which the Australian people expect. So I understand that. But let's be clear: what the opposition has put forward today have only been criticisms of what some hypothetical, in the future, government might do. The contributions we have just heard have been all about how, when, maybe, or if the JobKeeper program is changed or amended and what might happen if or when there are withdrawals and drawdowns on superannuation.</para>
<para>Obviously, critiques of future actions that have not happened don't carry all that much weigh, but they carry even less weight here because they are caricatures of future decisions that a government might take. In the Labor Party's mind, we over here on this side are all cigar-chomping, big business loving, cashed-up senators. That is their caricature of us. You can see in their nightmarish Labor-centred vision of the future that that's where they think things will be going.</para>
<para>It's clearly a caricature and has clearly been demonstrated to be a caricature by the actions of this government in the last couple of months. We have taken action to support workers—enormous action. We were criticised a few months ago for being enslaved to a rock-solid commitment to a budget surplus. Obviously we weren't enslaved to such a commitment, because when action was required, when we had to respond to help and assist thousands of Australians, we ditched what was, yes, a very important commitment of ours and something that we worked very hard to achieve to put the nation back into surplus. But it had to be ditched for the greater good, and we showed that we have the pragmatism to do that. How we've acted in the last couple of months is exactly how we will act in the months ahead. The government will be pragmatic. It will be sensible. It will respond to the needs and concerns of average Australian citizens. And, of course, we will seek to manage the money that ultimately is other people's. It is Australians and it has to be repaid as carefully as possible.</para>
<para>In terms of the future—which today's question time was focused on—the question that will have to be asked is: which side of politics do the Australian people trust to get people back to work and to restart this economy? We cannot continue to subsidise the wages of millions of Australians day in and day out. We cannot continue to double welfare payments on an unending basis. We will have to get Australians back to work. And the question that the Australian people will ask is: who can best be trusted to unlock business, to get people employed and to get our country back onto the strong track it was on before? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALSH</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We asked questions today about the government's plans to snap back the JobKeeper program, as calls from their backbench grow to snap back and cut back vital support to the Australian people. This is a program that the union movement and the Labor Party advocated for and pushed the government to adopt—a program that the backbench Liberals, the ideologues in the Liberal Party, can't wait to get rid of. They are desperate to snap back the government's support. They are desperate to let the markets rip again, and they are desperate to do this at a time when Australians need their government to back them up the most.</para>
<para>With even the Reserve Bank now projecting unemployment to reach 10 per cent in just a couple of months, it is a good thing—a very good thing—that Labor and the unions advocated for this wage subsidy program. Right now, today, a third of people have lost their jobs in the hospitality sector alone. There is no-one in hospitality, be they hospitality workers or hospitality employers, who think that that sector is going to snap back any time soon. There is no-one in hospitality, be they workers or be they small businesses, who think that we can snap back the JobKeeper program in September or even earlier, as the ideologues on the Liberals' backbench are now arguing for. There is no-one in the hard-hit arts sector either that thinks that that sector can snap back straightaway and that we can snap back the JobKeeper program in sectors that have been hard hit by this coronavirus crisis. It is going to take time and it is going to take a plan for these sectors to recover.</para>
<para>Having sectors like this continue to struggle is not only bad for the workers and for the businesses in those sectors; it is bad for the whole economy—an economy that was already struggling under the plans or lack thereof of this government. This week, Deloitte Access Economics also warned against a snapback strategy. They highlighted how important it is for our recovery that there is ongoing support for workers, for vulnerable Australians and for the broader economy. They warned against the quick withdrawal of support programs like JobKeeper and also the jobseeker program. If these programs were withdrawn overnight, we know that we would see hundreds of thousands of Australians moving on to Newstart, a payment that is so low that it actively impedes people's ability to find employment.</para>
<para>So today we have to ask: is the government's plan to snap back to the old Newstart rate of $40 a day? Is that really the government's plan for workers in Australia today? Is that the plan for our country today? The government have the opportunity and they need to take a new approach. Their old approach, which they are desperate to snap back to, meant that we actually entered this crisis from a position of economic weakness, not one of strength. So let's not snap back to the lowest wage growth on record. Let's not snap back to an explosion of insecure jobs, of casual jobs of gig jobs. Let's not snap back to our manufacturing jobs continually being offshored. Let's not snap back to sluggish and weak economic growth. Let's not snap back to unlivable social security payments.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister told us, when launching the JobKeeper program, that we're all in this together. Well, right now that couldn't be further from the truth. We are not. People are doing it tough. Millions are already going without the support that they need. They need a government that will stay the course with them. They need hope for a better future. This government doesn't have a long-term plan for our recovery from this crisis. It didn't have a plan for growth and good jobs before this crisis. If its only plan now is to snap back then it doesn't have the plan for the future that all Australians need.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Families and Social Services (Senator Ruston) to a question without notice asked by Senator Siewert about the jobseeker payment.</para></quote>
<para>I asked whether $40 a day for somebody on jobseeker payment is decent or fair. It's quite obvious that the government has in fact 'snapped back'. It has snapped back to its old rhetoric that you can live on $40 a day because most people get other payments. The payment that most people get is the energy supplement of—wait for it, folks—a whole $8.80 a fortnight, which is around 65c a day. So can people live on $41 a day? No, they can't. Is it decent and fair? No, it isn't.</para>
<para>My question was about whether all those 1.4 million people who are currently receiving jobseeker payment at that much higher rate—thank goodness—would be employed in September. Quite obviously the answer is no, although the minister didn't actually say that, because she wouldn't actually commit. She told us what the government might try to do to get people into work, which is all well and good, but I'm sure the government knows just as well as we on this side of the chamber do that there is no way that, on 25 September, all those 1.4 million will be in work. That's assuming the government doesn't muck around with JobKeeper and more people don't fall out of employment, adding to the growing list of unemployed. We will certainly have a large number of people, likely over a million, still on the jobseeker payment come 25 September.</para>
<para>What are those people going to do? They're going to try and survive on $40 a day. When I asked about whether the government intends taking that payment back to $40 a day, I didn't get a straight answer. But my assumption is that, yes, that's what they're going to do. I'm not saying that's what the minister said, but it was very obvious from the way the minister answered the question that the government wants to drop jobseeker payment back to $40 a day. Forty dollars a day is way below the poverty line, so we know very well that people are living in poverty. And we know the government knows that, because it actually did increase jobseeker payments. It did include a supplement. And, by the way, that supplement gets paid along with people's CRA, their rent assistance, their energy supplement and their family tax benefit. So the people who were trying to survive on that $40 a day—plus some of them who, as the government keeps pointing out, get some of those additional payments—are (a) still living in poverty and (b) still getting the supplement.</para>
<para>I am not for a second arguing that they shouldn't get the payment, of course. What I'm arguing is that the government needs to acknowledge that we are not going to snap back in September. A large number of Australians will still be trying to survive on a measly $40 a day, if it goes back to that, or $41 a day if you include the energy supplement. The government knows you can't survive on that. It knows you can't, because it doubled the payment—quite rightly, and I'm very pleased that it did. It saw that people weren't going to be able to survive. We heard in the COVID inquiry on 30 April that Treasury were working on the estimate that 1.7 million Australians were potentially going to be on jobseeker payment come the end of September. So the government quite rightly—and we congratulated the government—made sure that people who were living on the jobseeker payment could survive.</para>
<para>But let's not pretend that even that supplement is anywhere near the median wage, because it's not. People are still finding it hard to make ends meet, even on that payment. But at least they're not living in poverty. They are living above the poverty line, which is what we should be seeing in this country. We don't want to see people living in poverty. We should not be dropping people down to $40—or $41 a day, for those who are pedantic. We should make sure we retain the rate. We need to make sure that people are living in decency and fairness—the government's own words. That's what our safety net should be providing—decency and fairness. So we need to retain the rate. We need to keep the jobseeker payment and youth allowance, with the extra supplement, at the rates that they are at so that people aren't dropped back into poverty when they are trying to find work, making it even harder to find work. It's been proven beyond a shadow of a doubt that living in poverty is in itself a barrier to work.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>39</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to notice given on 8 April 2020 on behalf of the Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Delegated Legislation, I withdraw business of the Senate notice of motion No. 1, standing in my name for tomorrow, proposing the disallowance of the Taxation Administration (Private Ancillary Fund) Guidelines 2019.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw general business notice of motion No. 522 standing in my name for today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the provisions of paragraphs (5) to (8) of standing order 111 not apply to the following bills, allowing them to be considered during this period of sittings:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Aged Care Legislation (Emergency Leave) Bill 2020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Export Control Legislation Amendment (Certification of Narcotic Exports) Bill 2020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Vocational Education and Training Regulator Amendment (Governance and Other Matters) Bill 2020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Privacy Amendment (Public Health Contact Information) Bill 2020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Superannuation Amendment (PSSAP Membership) Bill 2020</para></quote>
<para>I also table statements of reasons justifying the need for these bills to be considered during these sittings and seek leave to have the statement incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The statement</inline> <inline font-style="italic">s</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">AGED CARE AMENDMENT (EMERGENCY LEAVE PROVISION) BILL</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Purpose of the Bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The purpose of this Bill to introduce a new emergency leave provision into the<inline font-style="italic"> Aged Care Act 1997 </inline>(the Act), which will allow permanent residential aged care residents to take emergency leave above their current annual allocation of 52 days leave. The leave provision will be activated in situations such as pandemics, natural disasters or other extraordinary emergencies as determined by either the Minister for Aged Care and Senior Australians or the Secretary of the Department of Health. It is proposed that the emergency leave provision will be will be applied retrospectively to 1 April 2020, to ensure coverage for residents already impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for Urgency</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Aged care residents are entitled to take up to 52 days of non-hospital related leave (commonly known as social leave) within a financial year. At present, when an aged care resident exceeds their annual social leave entitlement, the aged care home no longer receives Australian Government residential care subsidy for that person, and the provider is able to pass those costs onto the resident.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a result of the current COVID-19 pandemic a number of permanent residential aged care residents have temporarily relocated with family to reduce their risk of exposure to the virus. Residents are able to use their social leave entitlements for this purpose, however, if they take this option they would exhaust their leave entitlement before the end of the pandemic. The additional costs the resident would be expected to pay to remain on leave, and still retain their place at the aged care home, would result in a significant financial burden on them or their families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To address this issue, the Government is seeking to amend the Act to introduce an emergency leave provision that can be utilized by permanent residential aged care residents. This will be through an emergency leave type (covering such things as natural disasters, pandemics or other emergencies impacting the safe provision of residential aged care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Passage within this sitting will ensure that permanent residential aged care residents and their families are supported to make decisions about personal safety in emergency situations, and not suffer unnecessary financial burden during emergencies. It will also ensure that residential aged care providers are not financially disadvantaged.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These legislative amendments are a way to this address this issue, both with the current COVID-19 pandemic and future emergency situations, and it is therefore important to progress these changes urgently to ensure residents and their families are appropriately supported.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(Circulated by authority of the Minister for Aged Care and Senior Australians and Minister for Youth and Sport, Senator the Hon Richard Colbeck)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">EXPORT CONTROL LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (CERTIFICATION OF NARCOTIC EXPORTS) BILL</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Purpose of the Bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Export Control Act 1982 </inline>and <inline font-style="italic">Export Control Act 2020 </inline>to ensure the legislative framework no longer excludes narcotic goods within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Customs Act 1901</inline>. By doing so the bill:</para></quote>
<list>removes regulatory barriers to legitimate exports of narcotic goods from Australia by providing a legislative framework for certification of narcotic products in a manner consistent with other agricultural goods already regulated under the Acts; and</list>
<list>ensures international obligations, such as those under the International Plant Protection Convention, can be met.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for Urgency</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Passage of the bill in the 2020 Winter sittings is required to ensure the lack of legislative authority to certify legitimate exports of narcotic goods, such as medicinal cannabis and hemp product exports, from Australia is resolved as soon as possible. Passage will enable the Department of Agriculture, Water and the Environment (the Department), which houses Australia's National Plant Protection Organisation to the International Plant Protection Convention, to bust congestion and immediately issue government certificates, such as phytosanitary (plant health) certificates, for legitimate exports of narcotic goods from Australia. Certification like this is required to accompany export consignments to satisfy the import requirements of overseas countries. The Department already provides similar certification for a range of other agricultural goods already regulated under the Export Control Acts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the absence of legislative authority to issue certification, the Department negotiates with overseas countries for acceptance of alternative ways to provide regulatory assurance on the nature, condition, or status of narcotic consignments. These negotiations and arrangements lead to lengthy delays or, where a request is rejected by an overseas country, a critical barrier to the legitimate export of narcotic goods from Australia. Recently, one such request relating to an export consignment of low-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) hemp seeds was refused by an overseas trading partner.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Commonwealth authorities for the regulation of exports of narcotic goods are the Department of Home Affairs and the Office of Drug Control, in the Department of Health. The bill ensures that Australia's reputation as a supplier of high quality, clean and green agriculture exports is supported, without undermining or duplicating the important regulatory function performed by the Office of Drug Control and the Department of Home Affairs. Both agencies have endorsed the solution to the existing regulatory barrier.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(Circulated by authority of the Minister for Agriculture, Drought and Emergency Management)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NATIONAL VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING REGULATOR AMENDMENT (GOVERNANCE AND OTHER MATTERS) BILL</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Purpose of the Bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The National Vocational Education and Training Regulator Amendment (Governance and Other Matters) Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">National Vocational Education and Training Regulator Act 2011</inline> (NVETR Act) to reform the Australian Skills Quality Authority's (ASQA) governance structure to ensure it is fit for purpose and aligned with changes to its regulatory practice. Changes to ASQA's governance would clarify its roles and responsibilities, improve accountability, achieve efficiency of resources, and improve focus on strategic direction and performance. The bill also contains amendments to improve information sharing under the NVETR Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for Urgency</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill is urgent and requires passage in the 2020 Winter sitting period. Recent reviews have recommended improvements to the regulation of Australia's vocational education and training system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(Circulated by authority of the Minister for Employment, Skills, Small and Family Business)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVACY AMENDMENT (PUBLIC HEALTH CONTACT INFORMATION) BILL</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Purpose of the Bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Privacy Amendment (Public Health Contact Information) Bill (the Bill) formalises the interim privacy protections that apply to the handling of data from the Australian Government's COVIDSafe contact tracing application (app data). These interim protections are contained in the <inline font-style="italic">Biosecurity (Human Biosecurity Emergency) (Human Coronavirus with Pandemic Potential) (Emergency Requirements–Public Health Contact Information) Determination 2020 </inline>(Biosecurity Determination). Interim protections to be formalised by the Bill include:</para></quote>
<list>strict limitations on the collection, disclosure and use of app data</list>
<list>prohibitions on decryption of app data</list>
<list>prohibitions on the overseas retention and disclosure of app data, and</list>
<list>prohibitions on coercing the use of the COVIDSafe application.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also includes provisions outlining the processes for:</para></quote>
<list>oversight of the handling of COVIDSafe app data by an independent authority</list>
<list>application of the Notifiable Data Breaches Scheme to COVIDSafe data, and</list>
<list>the deletion of data collected by the COVIDSafe application at the end of the COVID-19 pandemic.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will ensure that additional privacy protections and other safeguards apply until the COVIDSafe application is no longer available for use.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for Urgency</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill is required to be considered in the Winter sittings to prevent a gap in regulation between the operation of the Biosecurity Determination and this legislation. As the Biosecurity Determination was made under s 477 of the <inline font-style="italic">Biosecurity Act</inline><inline font-style="italic">2015</inline>, it will cease to have effect upon the expiration of the <inline font-style="italic">Biosecurity (Human Biosecurity Emergency) (Human Coronavirus with Pandemic Potential) Declaration 2020</inline> on 17 June 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(Circulated by authority of the Attorney‑General)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SUPERANNUATION AMENDMENT (PSSAP MEMBERSHIP) BILL 2020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Purpose of the Bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill enables certain current and former Commonwealth employees and statutory office holders to continue to be, or to become, contributory members of the Public Sector Superannuation Accumulation Plan (PSSAP) that are currently not eligible to do so.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for Urgency</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To allow eligible persons to avoid having to establish a second superannuation account in relation to their post-Commonwealth employment and thus avert incurring multiple fees that would eat into their retirement savings. This will assist members in managing their retirement savings during this current period of heightened instability in investment markets.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(Circulated by authority of the Minister for Finance)</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator. There being none, we shall proceed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>53</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Duniam, Senator McLachlan and Senator Molan for 12 to 14 May 2020 for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator O'Neill today for personal reasons and to Senators Brown, Dodson, Green, Polley and Sterle from 12 to 14 May 2020 for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Steele-John from 12 to 14 May 2020 for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>54</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Equipment</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Collins class submarines are a vital capability for Australia,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) historically the Collins class had poor availability, at worst not one was available to go to sea,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) after a significant commitment of resources, and more than half a decade, submarine sustainment has improved, now achieving world benchmarks,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the current sustainment model works, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) there is a proposal before Government to disrupt the sustainment model and move Full Cycle Dockings from South Australia (SA) to Western Australia which would:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (A) result in a huge loss of corporate knowledge from Australia's submarine sustainment organisation,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (B) inject significant challenges and risk into submarine sustainment,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (C) reduce submarine availability, thereby damaging national security, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (D) achieve at best the current performance, and thus cannot represent value for money; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Federal Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) recognise the success of the current sustainment model, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) continue the current sustainment model, retaining all Collins class submarine Full Cycle Docking activities in SA.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 526, standing in the name of Senator Patrick.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The motion has been on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> since February. I'm denying leave to have a last-minute amendment.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is denied. Senator Cormann?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice standing in my name, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent me moving the amendment as a motion.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This motion is no longer subject to debate. It is immediately put to the Senate. So I will put the motion to suspend standing orders to the extent that it allows Senator Cormann to move an amendment to the motion moved by Senator Patrick. I remind senators they have the ability to avoid the need for divisions by recording party votes in the <inline font-style="italic">Journals</inline><inline font-style="italic"> of the Senate</inline> through the process adopted last time. Senator Patrick and Senator Griff, do I take it you would like your votes recorded as voting against the motion? Those two votes are recorded as against the motion.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Omit subparagraphs (a)(ii), (iv) and (v) and paragraph (b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a)(iv) recognises the demonstrated skills and expertise of the existing Collins Class submarine sustainment workforce,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) notes the Government's statement that a decision on future full cycle docking arrangements is yet to be made and that it will be made in the national interest; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) agrees that future full cycle docking arrangements for Collins Class submarines must best guarantee optimal ongoing availability of our nation's submarine capability throughout the transition to the fleet of twelve new Attack Class submarines.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to withdraw the motion.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just so people who are watching this are clear as to what is going on here: I put a motion to the Senate recognising the great work that has been done down in Adelaide in the sustainment of Collins class submarines and asking the Senate to agree that that work should stay in South Australia, where the expertise is, to avoid a billion-dollar cost which we can simply no longer afford in the face of what has just happened to this nation. What's happening here is that neither Labor nor Liberal want to recognise that that is the best place for this to happen. We know last time government senators were not in the chamber for the vote, and it was the same with Labor the last time around. This is just a stunt to avoid making a commitment to South Australians.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I'll go to Senator Cormann and then come to you, Senator Roberts.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Nothing could be further from the truth. The work that is being done by the workforce in relation to Collins class submarine sustainment is very important, and the workforce is doing a great job. There is a process underway, which is a matter of public record, of assessing the optimal future configuration of the submarine sustainment effort in the context of our transition from Collins class submarines to Attack class submarines, but that will be a decision made in the national interest. Clearly, Senator Patrick has moved his motion knowing that no decision has been made. He knows that a decision will be made based on an assessment of the national interest. He knows that these decisions will not be made by a Senate motion. That is why the government has moved this amendment, which the Senate has supported unanimously, which recognises the demonstrated skills and expertise of the existing Collins class submarine sustainment workforce and, of course, a number of other matters. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We supported the original motion. The current sustainment model that supports the Collins class submarines works well in South Australia, and it is not warranted to move this to Western Australia. Of greater significance is the absurdly expensive contract that the government signed to purchase 12 new submarines over the next 20 years. The current cost of building them with all peripherals is now around $200 billion. Has this government gone mad? In the middle of this pandemic, we cannot afford to proceed with this contract. This money would be far better spent supporting the Australian recovery from the economic pit that is being caused by the pandemic. By the time these submarines are delivered they will be obsolete. They are a complete waste of money that would be far better spent elsewhere. The cost of $400 million to cancel this contract is a pittance compared with proceeding. We need to dump this new subs contract.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Patrick, as amended by the Senate, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>55</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Sport Infrastructure Grant Program</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That there be laid on the table by the Minister for Finance, by no later than 30 April of each calendar year:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) all reports and correspondence received by the Minister for Finance under paragraph 4.12 of the Commonwealth Grants Rules and Guidelines 2017 during the preceding calendar year (noting that the Guidelines do not apply to all grant administrators, including not applying to the allocation of funding by Sports Australia under the Community Sport Infrastructure Grants program ('Sports Rorts')); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a summary of the decisions reported under paragraph 4.12 of the Commonwealth Grant Rules and Guidelines 2017, including the Central Budget Management System program title, sub-program, grant activity, grantee, total grant value, grant funding location, postcode, and a brief statement of reason for the decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) If the Senate is not sitting when the documents are ready for presentation, the documents are to be presented to the President under standing order 166.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) This order is of continuing effect.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, as you foreshadowed in your earlier statement today, and in lieu of calling a division, I ask that all coalition senators be recorded as having voted against Senator Waters's notice of motion 523.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Smith.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>56</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Migration</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to inform the chamber that Senators Ciccone, Walsh and Sheldon will also sponsor the motion. At the request of Senators Keneally, Ciccone, Walsh and Sheldon, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Australia is a nation of migrants – it is a part of our national identity, and the migrant story is our Australian story,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) Australians have welcomed people from every corner of the globe and we have grown stronger together because new Australians have moved here, settled down, raised families, started businesses, and enriched our culture and our economy,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) Australia celebrates the generations of migrants who have made the international leap of faith,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) under the Morrison Government, we are seeing a change in our nation – one built by permanent migrants – to an economy reliant on temporary migrants,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) this shift is changing Australia, for the worse, and it is happening without most Australians even realising,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) the Liberal National Government asked the Productivity Commission to examine the migrant intake into Australia in March 2015,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vii) the Productivity Commission delivered over 700 pages of analysis and assessment in its Migrant Intake into Australia Report to then-Liberal National Government Treasurer Mr Scott Morrison in April 2016, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(viii) neither Mr Morrison, nor the Government ever responded to this crucial work; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) condemns the Morrison Government for their failure to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) respond to the Productivity Commission Report examining the Migrant Intake into Australia, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) action any of the recommendations from the Productivity Commission Report.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is not granted.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is not granted.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, as you foreshadowed in your earlier statement today, and in lieu of calling a division, I ask that coalition senators be recorded as having voted against notice of motion 527.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We take the statement by Senator Smith on behalf of coalition senators—we're all getting used to the new practices.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>56</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fair Work Amendment (COVID-19) Bill 2020</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" background="" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <a type="Bill" href="s1259">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (COVID-19) Bill 2020</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>56</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A Bill for an Act to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline>, and for related purposes.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>57</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to table an explanatory memorandum relating to the bill.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table the explanatory memorandum, and I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in Hansard.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The Fair Work Amendment (COVID-19) Bill 2020 is the Australian Greens’ bill that looks to protect all workers during the unprecedented crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are living through unprecedented times. COVID-19 is drastically changing our way of life. This is a global health crisis, with no one left untouched by its impacts. It’s a difficult time for all of us.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But this isn’t just a health crisis. This is a crisis that touches every aspect of our life—our wellbeing, our economy, our society and our day-to-day lives. As our country has taken the necessary public health responses to this evolving situation, it is predicted that between 14 to 26 per cent of workers could lose their jobs. Whilst JobKeeper provides some support, many people in precarious work, casual employment or on a temporary working visa have been denied access to JobKeeper and many do not have paid leave to rely on. This makes them some of the most vulnerable workers in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are on a cliff and we need the government to make sure that no one falls off. As we move towards relaxing restrictions and reopening businesses, we must make sure that we do so in a way that protects workers. This is our responsibility as elected members. This is what the bill I’m introducing today seeks to do.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill will provide 14 days of paid COVID-19 leave to all workers, including permanent, part-time, casual and gig economy workers. This leave will be available, in full, for each 12 month period, at the start of their employment. The leave will not accrue year to - year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Paid COVID-19 leave will be available for workers in any of the following scenarios:</para></quote>
<list>the employee has been diagnosed with COVID-19;</list>
<list>the employee is unable to attend work because the employee’s workplace has been shut down because of COVID-19;</list>
<list>the employee is subject to self-isolation or quarantine measures in accordance with a Commonwealth, State or Territory government policy relating to COVID-19;</list>
<list>the employee is caring for another person who:</list>
<list>has been diagnosed with COVID-19; or</list>
<list>is subject to self-isolation or quarantine measures in accordance with Commonwealth, State or Territory government policy relating to COVID-19.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Paid COVID-19 leave is extended to gig economy workers/contractors via a COVID-19 leave order. Workers, unions and corporations can apply for a COVID-19 leave order. In circumstances where the Fair Work Commission is issuing a COVID-19 leave order, the Fair Work Commission must make a determination within two days of the application being made and the Fair Work Commission must make the order unless there are compelling reasons not to do so.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For employees other than casual employees, payment will be made at the base rate of pay for the employee’s ordinary hours of work in the period. For other workers, such as casuals and those in the gig economy, payment will be calculated at the daily rate of pay equal to the average of the daily rates of pay paid to the employee over the previous 12 month period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill is a vital piece of legislation that will protect workers and protect the community. Every worker should be able to self-isolate when required without losing their income or their job, but right now, over 3.3 million Australians cannot access paid sick leave. This bill is about fairness.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This public health crisis has only further highlighted the precarious nature of casual employment, and the plight of those who work in casual employment and the gig economy who largely work without benefits such as paid leave, sick leave and other entitlements that are simply fundamental work rights. People should not be forced to choose between caring for their health and coming to work.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In these difficult times, or ever, it simply isn’t fair that so many Australians are missing out on vital paid leave, left to fend for themselves in this once in a century crisis. We must do everything we possibly can to leave no one behind. We must pass this bill and look after all workers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We must emerge from this exceptionally difficult time as a society which has shown without doubt that we care for each other, for fairness, for equality.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This government must step in to support workers and their rights to fair conditions. When wages have been stagnant and the cost of living rising through the roof, it is absurd that this government denies support to workers who are facing weeks, if not months of under or unemployment, brought on by a global pandemic that few could have predicted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government needs to support Australia’s most vulnerable workers and provide a safety net to ensure that everyone has access to at least 14 days of paid leave.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Prime Minister is abandoning casual and gig economy workers. This bill is the government’s chance to redeem themselves, stand up for working Australians and protect some of the most vulnerable during this difficult time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill not only protects our workers, it also protects the wellbeing of our community and the economy and helps us to continue the important work of ‘flattening the curve’ in the interests of public health. It’s simple, when a worker has no access to paid leave, they are more likely to continue to work when they are unwell or experiencing symptoms of coronavirus. We must not push workers to the brink, many of whom have and will continue to be on the frontline and in some of the most precarious working conditions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Deputy Chief Medical Officer Paul Kelly agreed with this logic last week stating that ‘there are a number of workplaces around Australia where there are disincentives for people to stay at home when they are sick and so that can be financial, it can be a workplace culture. I just want to make this very clear...people coming to work when they are sick put others at risk.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If we want all Australians to follow best-practice medical advice, we need to ensure that by self-isolating we’re not forcing workers into a situation where they can’t afford to keep a roof over their head and food on the table. The widespread downturn and shut down of Australian businesses has caused millions of casual and gig economy workers to be pushed towards the poverty line. We must not stand by and let that continue to happen as we re-open.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government must lead, support and reassure workers and their employers. Too many have been left behind. We need the government to step in and guarantee 14 days of paid COVID-19 leave to every worker, regardless of their visa status or if they are a member of the permanent, part-time, casual or gig economy workforce.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill will save lives. I call on the government to urgently make this bill law, for the sake our workers and the sake of our communities.</para></quote>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Child Sexual Abuse</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) expresses its ongoing support for the implementation of the recommendations of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the pain and suffering of survivors of child sexual abuse;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) expresses its ongoing support for survivors of child sexual abuse; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) encourages survivors to keep coming forward.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government is committed to the implementation of recommendations made by the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. However, it must be noted by the Senate that many recommendations deal with redress and that their acceptance requires the agreement of the Ministers Redress Scheme Governance Board, made up of responsible ministers from Commonwealth, states and territories. The government acknowledges encourages survivors and victims of institutional child sexual abuse as well as their families and their supporters.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Centre Alliance supports this motion and wants it noted that survivors of institutional child sexual abuse are waiting too long for redress scheme payments. The government has acknowledged that some survivors have died before receiving financial compensation. This is a travesty. The latest data, as at 24 April, shows that there are 526 survivors waiting to have their claims processed because named institutions have not joined the scheme, despite the scheme having commenced over two years ago. Institutions that are stalling or are refusing to join the scheme are compounding the severe trauma of survivors, who need resolution so they can continue their path to healing. Those institutions who fail to join deserve to be named and shamed, and the clock is ticking.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Great Barrier Reef: Climate Change</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Waters, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) on 7 April 2020, the ARC Centre of Excellence for Coral Reef Studies released key findings from their aerial surveys of the Great Barrier Reef confirming that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (A) the Great Barrier Reef has just experienced its fifth mass coral bleaching – the third in five years, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (B) one quarter of reefs within the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park experienced severe coral bleaching over the past summer;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the recorded bleaching is the most widespread bleaching event on record having, for the first time, struck all three regions of the Great Barrier Reef – the northern, central and now the southern sectors,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the Great Barrier Reef supports approximately 64,000 jobs and generates $6.4 billion for the Australian economy annually,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) United Nations scientific reports have confirmed that if global temperature rises by 1.5°C, 90 % of coral in the Great Barrier Reef will be lost, and if global temperature reaches 2.0°C, 100 % of coral will be lost, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) without urgent action to reduce global emissions of greenhouse gases, the Great Barrier Reef will continue to suffer; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Federal Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) implement a climate policy that accelerates actions to limit global warming to 1.5°C, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) take all necessary action to avoid the the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization World Heritage Committee needing to place the Great Barrier Reef on the World Heritage In Danger List.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government accepts the science of climate change and the troubling outlook for coral reefs globally, including the Great Barrier Reef. Australia is one of a handful of nations to have comprehensively beaten our Kyoto era targets. The latest mass coral bleaching event on the Great Barrier Reef underlines the importance of our concerted global action under the Paris Agreement and the government's $1.9 billion investment guided by the Reef 2050 plan to protect this World Heritage property.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation opposes this motion. The Great Barrier Reef is the world's largest single structure made by living organisms. The current reef is between 6,000 and 8,000 years of age. It stretches over an area of approximately 344,000 square kilometres. Our understanding of its history and its ebbs and flows over thousands of years is in its infancy. Claims that the reef is dead due to a natural atmospheric trace gas are a lie. Coral bleaching events are natural and re-occurring events that are the result of a temporary increase or decrease in ocean temperature and the lack of wind to mix the ocean waters, sometimes compounded with low sea levels. As with things natural, after bleaching the reef immediately starts to repair itself. The greatest threat to our Great Barrier Reef is activists and ignorant, uncaring politicians falsely using it as a poster child, because that leads to underfunding of real environmental programs like eradicating crown-of-thorns starfish. I remind the Greens that it is day 246— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Roberts. The question is the motion moved by Senators Whish-Wilson and Waters be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Roberts</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to have my name recorded as opposing it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. So recorded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Higher Education</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 525 standing in my name for today relating to the tertiary education system, before asking that it be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I amend the motion in the terms circulated in the chamber and move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) successive governments have cut university funding, leaving the sector reliant on international student fees to fund education and research,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the Covid-19 crisis has highlighted how vulnerable the government has left our tertiary education system, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) the Government has allowed casualisation and insecure work to run rampant at universities, to the detriment of students' learning, staff well-being and research excellence; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Federal Government to: (i) end the funding freeze on Commonwealth supported places,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) boost funding per-Commonwealth supported place student by 10%,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) ensure universities are eligible for the JobKeeper scheme, and also provide a new package that will massively boost funding, save jobs and improve working conditions for staff, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) support international students through this crisis.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Morrison government is providing record funding to Australia's universities of $18.2 billion in 2020, with funding set to grow each year, in line with population growth, under performance based funding. International students arriving in Australia are required to support themselves for their first year as a condition of their student visa. Those here for longer can access their superannuation like other Australians facing financial difficulties. Two hundred million dollars has been provided to charities and community groups to support those in need, including international students. Universities, together with states and territories, have established hardship funds and other supports. Australia's universities are autonomous institutions governed by university councils. Reporting of liquidity across the sector as of 31 December 2018 showed total cash and investments of $20.3 billion. Universities are eligible for JobKeeper if they meet the relevant criteria.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation opposes this motion. We are concerned that everyday Australians who are doing it tough right now may have to bail out the universities that have become dependent on foreign students. These universities exposed us to significant financial risk when they spent vast amounts of our money on overseas students to create more revenue for them. So where was their detailed business case and their risk analysis? If government did a utilisation study on these campuses before approving more building, they would find that their existing buildings are underused. And universities should not be in the accommodation business. James Cook University has just tendered to develop student accommodation, at a time when I found 216 vacant rental properties in Townsville today. James Cook University should give us our money back. We value their research and teaching, but they must act professionally. If the universities were serious then they would lead by example and cut the million-dollar-plus vice-chancellor salaries. Why won't they? Because they lack accountability.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is not granted, Senator Gallagher.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On your indulgence—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sorry—leave is not granted to make a statement.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Gallagher interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can move a suspension of standing orders to the extent that would allow you to make a statement for one minute, and I will put that to a vote without debate.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of standing orders be suspended as would allow Senator Gallagher to make a statement of one minute.</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will then put that motion. They are put without debate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The ayes have it, so Senator Gallagher is entitled to make a statement of one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I make this statement because, originally, one minute statements were used to explain a voting position, not to debate the motion, which is why leave hasn't been granted in the past when it's to debate motions. One minute statements are for explaining a voting position. Labor will be opposing this motion because important facts in the motion aren't true.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is: the motion moved by Senator Faruqi as amended be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>61</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that, at 8.30 am today, eight proposals were received in accordance with standing order 75. The question of which proposal would be submitted to the Senate was determined by lot. As a result, I inform the Senate the following letter has been received from Senator Steele-John:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new rate of Jobseeker Payment and Youth Allowance should be retained so that no one lives in poverty and we continue to stimulate the economy.</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times to each of the speakers in today's debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall ask the clerks to set the clock accordingly.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to kick off the debate on this very important issue. The fact is that nobody in our community should be living in poverty. The fact is that no-one on income support should be condemned to live in poverty. But the terrible fact is that many, many people are living in poverty in this country, particularly those who were trying to survive on the former rate of the old Newstart payment—now jobseeker—of just $40 a day. The government knows that the old jobseeker/Newstart rate is below the poverty line. The fact that they moved so quickly—and, as I have already articulated, we were strongly supportive of them moving quickly—to double the jobseeker rate shows very clearly that they knew that people cannot survive on $40 a day, which was the old rate of Newstart. If jobseeker drops below $40 a day—or, with the energy supplement, less than $41 a day—at the end of September, the government will most likely be condemning over a million Australians—who will still be unable to find work due to no fault of their own, as the government pointed out earlier—to live in poverty.</para>
<para>I can tell you now that $40 a day does not provide an adequate standard of living, but you don't just have to take it from me. Take it from the hundreds of people who submitted to the Senate inquiry into the adequacy of Newstart, the report of which was tabled on 30 April. They told us about the daily dilemmas of how to cover the basic costs of essentials, despite rigorous and careful budgeting. The new rate of jobseeker with the supplement being paid, at $557 a week, is well below the average minimum wage of $740 a week. Even with the supplement, Anglicare found through their annual survey of rental affordability that only 1.5 per cent of properties were affordable for someone on jobseeker. This demonstrates that the new rate of payment will not act as a disincentive to work, but it will help keep people not living in poverty. In contrast, it will allow people to better meet the daily costs of living while looking for work.</para>
<para>How is the government going to manage the social and economic costs of poverty come September? When government MPs start to talk about budget constraints around jobseeker, they fail to take into account the devastating costs of poverty. Those people who, during the Senate inquiry, very bravely gave us their accounts of what it was like to live on the old Newstart rate told us of going hungry, of skipping meals—particularly parents skipping meals so they could feed their children. People couldn't pay for their medications. Some were on multiple medications, so, even with the healthcare card and the lower rates of payment for medications, people were still skipping taking their medications because they couldn't afford them. They couldn't afford to keep the heating on during winter. They talked of sitting with blankets around them, going to bed early and turning off the lights. You can't cover rent or mortgage payments when trying to survive on $40 a day. It is, quite frankly, impossible. You do not and cannot look after your mental and physical wellbeing. You can't address your mental health issues when you're surviving on $40 a day. The more it continues, the more poverty becomes a barrier to work. Poverty, of course, is one of the social determinants of health. Increased rates of poverty in Australia mean more people are relying on charities for support. It means more pressure on our health systems. More and more people will be stuck on income support long term.</para>
<para>Previous modelling undertaken by NATSEM found that, if Australia adopted the World Health Organization's recommendations to tackle the social determinants of health, it could potentially support extra Australians into work. The modelling was done some time ago, so the figures will be higher now, but at the time the estimate was that 170,000 Australians could be supported into work, which could save $4 billion each year in income support, see around 60,000 fewer Australians admitted to hospital annually and result in 5.5 million fewer Medicare services each year. So, if people are not living in poverty, not only does it help their own wellbeing but it helps the wellbeing of the nation.</para>
<para>Retaining the rate of jobseeker and youth allowance will not only stop the devastating impacts of poverty but also help stimulate the economy. In 2018, Deloitte Access Economics found that raising Newstart by $75 a week would help stimulate the economy by $3.3 billion in consumer spending. It would also create 12,000 jobs, and those jobs would particularly help regional Australia. Lower- and middle-income households are likely to spend every cent of the extra money they receive, especially if they have been living on $40 a day. That supplement is being spent and is very much appreciated. The $750 coronavirus cash payments to households and the supplements have had a significant stimulus effect. We've already seen the uptick in consumer spending just with the payment of the $750. We know that when you're on a low income you spend the money, and that stimulates the economy. The ANU Centre for Social Research and Methods recently found that, due to the coronavirus stimulus payments, those on low incomes are less likely to be finding it difficult or very difficult to cope on their incomes.</para>
<para>We saw the benefits of the stimulus package, as I said, in the uptick in consumer spending. It's not surprising that increases in income support help boost the economy and consumer confidence. Many Australians have little to no savings and struggle to pay bills and rent. Last year, Deloitte found that half of Australia's people don't have any emergency funds to fall back on in a personal financial crisis.</para>
<para>Today, the Minister for Finance said that the economic stimulus introduced by the government not only has financial benefits but also provides a psychological boost, an economic lifeline, to people in their hour of need. Well, the hour of need is going to continue after September. It is not suddenly going to just bloom roses for everybody. Unfortunately, not all of the people who have become unemployed are going to be able to find work, come 25 September. The reality is that people are still going to need payments to survive on. They're going to need a decent and fair social security safety net, just as the Treasurer and Senator Cormann, the Minister for Finance, pointed out today—that our social safety net needs to be underpinned by decency and fairness. Dropping people onto $40 a day, come 25 September, is not decent; it is grossly unfair.</para>
<para>Inadequate rates of income support payments have harmful effects on people's physical and mental health. Therefore, dropping people onto an unfair payment would have devastating and harmful impacts on people's physical and mental health. It was only last week that new modelling demonstrated, unfortunately, Australians' poor mental health and raised very deep concerns about the potential suicide rate in this country. We need to be making sure we are looking after people's wellbeing—that we're looking after people's mental wellbeing. The impact of dropping people onto very unfair payments of $40 a day will have devastating impacts on people's physical and mental wellbeing.</para>
<para>If the government is serious about doing whatever it takes to stimulate the economy and doing whatever it takes to protect people from the devastating impacts of a recession, they simply must retain the rate of jobseeker payment and youth allowance and create a decent and fair social safety net for this country, which includes making sure people are no longer condemned to live in poverty on income support.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUGHES</name>
    <name.id>273828</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let's be very clear: the use of this current crisis, with its unprecedented health and economic challenges, should not be an opportunity for the Greens to propose irresponsible acts of economic vandalism. The federal government takes its responsibility to the taxpayer seriously. They expect us to use their funds sensibly and we're working hard to provide new ways to stimulate the economy, not through higher taxes or via a living wage but by getting people back to work. Our approach remains that we will invest in our economy in ways that will stimulate jobs for Australians. Whilst we have also funded a short-term lifeline to those workers that have been stood down, we will not be bankrupting our country with a welfare-for-all approach. We already have reports of workers rejecting opportunities to work casual shifts, because, in some cases, jobseeker payments are more lucrative.</para>
<para>So, in response to the reckless calls for a living wage, I would say this: our country has weathered the COVID-19 storm better than any other affected nation. We have achieved that by applying careful, deliberate and sensible measures to the health crisis, and we are approaching the re-ignition of our economy with the same principles. We will ensure that we experience a similarly measured and steady economic recovery. And we're not forgetting those in need. About one-third of the Commonwealth budget is spent on welfare. Accordingly, government has a responsibility to taxpayers to ensure that welfare is targeted and sustainable. Our approach to social welfare in Australia has been far from cavalier. Few countries have provided the strong safety net that we enjoy and Australia has one of the most targeted welfare systems in the world. It has been caring and focused on those who need it most. Jobseeker and youth allowance payments are taxpayer funded and they provide a safety net for people while they search for a job. Unlike in other countries, they're not linked to the recipient's contributions. They're increased twice a year every year, in line with CPI.</para>
<para>The jobseeker payment is a temporary, transitional support, with close to two-thirds of recipients expected to exit the payment system within a year. Almost every Australian who receives the jobseeker payment also receives supplementary payments on top of the base rate. Supplementary payments ensure that our system is targeted to those most in need. So, if you have specific circumstances that require extra support, then that's available. For example, if you have children, you'll likely receive family tax benefits, both A and B. The government also provides rent assistance, which is paid at up to $185 a fortnight, to help cover the costs of housing. Additionally, there's also the energy supplement, utility allowance, telephone allowance, carer allowance—and the list goes on. So, it's important to note that the jobseeker payment is not the only payment or support that job seekers receive. It's part of a broader, flexible social security system, comprising payments, services, concessions, child care, housing and employment services and associated programs.</para>
<para>The Morrison-led government is also supercharging our safety net to provide additional support to Australians throughout this extraordinary period—for those Australians doing it tough. We have instituted temporary measures to support individuals, families and businesses affected by the coronavirus. Those measures will also serve to boost confidence and domestic demand within our economy. Further help includes a coronavirus supplement of $550 per fortnight, two $750 economic support payments to existing payment recipients and concession card holders, expanding eligibility for and qualification for payments, making crisis payments available for people who need to self-isolate at home, and a reduction in the partner income test taper rate. These temporary measures will be in place until September this year. The safety net provided for the most vulnerable among us is particularly important and it is why the system must remain robust.</para>
<para>Clearly, social security and welfare expenditure are a large and important component of Commonwealth spending. Changes to the policy settings will only be carefully considered with regard to budget sustainability. The Morrison government is focused on growing the economy; getting more people into work; and delivering well-targeted social security, funded through a strong budget. That's why we've acted to support households and businesses and to address the significant economic consequences of the coronavirus. Our economic response totals $320 billion over the next four years to 2023-24 and will protect the economy by maintaining confidence, supporting investment and keeping people in jobs.</para>
<para>There has been no change in the government's view about the broader role of Australia's social security safety net. It should be remembered that, prior to the coronavirus crisis, we saw the proportion of working-age Australians reliant on welfare payments down to their lowest levels in more than 30 years, at just 13.5 per cent. Unemployment was down to 5.1 per cent, with more than 1.5 million jobs created. This is clear evidence that our welfare strategy net, coupled with our economic strategy, works. Evidence brought forward by the Productivity Commission has clearly shown that jobless households are among those most at risk of poverty. It should be noted that helping people out of poverty is a complex challenge, which is why the government has to be willing to try new initiatives and remove the barriers to work, and tackle disadvantage and intergenerational welfare dependence. This includes initiatives such as the $96 million Try, Test and Learn Fund, which embraces new ways to assist groups of people at risk of long-term welfare dependence. Those groups include young parents, students, at-risk youth, carers, working-age migrants and the older unemployed. It's a complex strategy to address groups at risk of long-term welfare dependence.</para>
<para>That's why the best thing the government can do for all Australians is to focus on investment to support businesses reopening and workers returning to their jobs. We have a mountain to climb on the other side of the coronavirus crisis, but we have a proven track record to achieve our goal of seeing Australia's economy recover. A crucial component of that recovery is a strong social security system. There will be more challenges ahead, and some industries will recover more quickly than others. We recognise that further assistance may be required. It's why government policy is informed through a variety of inputs, including the data collected by organisations such as the Australian Bureau of Statistics, the Department of Social Services, Services Australia and the Productivity Commission.</para>
<para>In responding, I think it's appropriate at this time to quote the member for Fenner, who in 2016 remarked on our welfare system. He wrote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Quiz time. Of the roughly 200 nations in the world, which country's welfare state is best targeted to those in need?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If you answered 'Australia', then you're absolutely correct.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… Australia really does have a world-class social safety net.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Put simply, a dollar spent in the Australian social security system does more to reduce inequality than a dollar spent in any other welfare system in the world.</para></quote>
<para>In conclusion, the Morrison government has no intention of throwing away Australia's economic recovery on a welfare-for-all approach. We will continue to demonstrate fiscal discipline, while adopting only those evidence based policies that will ensure our wonderful nation's speedy economic recovery.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on today's matter of public importance. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, we're seeing an unprecedented number of Australians on the jobseeker payment. Many of those people have never been on a government payment previously. People now find themselves on the jobseeker payment through no fault of their own. Thousands have had their hours slashed or their jobs cut. The government made the decision to provide an additional coronavirus supplement of $550 on top of eligible income support payments. It was quite clear, long before COVID-19, that the rate of the jobseeker payment was inadequate. The government's actions are an admission of that. It should not have required a pandemic for the government to realise that an economy and society organised on the principle of 'we're all in this together' is preferable to the attitude of letting the economy decide. It's what we from the Labor Party say every time we're in this chamber. I hope the government will heed the warnings from other jurisdictions—double-digit unemployment and massive drops in GDP—before they make any rash decisions.</para>
<para>Australia has been so successful because we've listened to experts and we've worked together across the economy—workers, employers and unions. But we've heard disappointing and disparaging noises, even from the government, about the rate of JobKeeper and jobseeker. The idea that you could have a six-month program and then just end it abruptly is ridiculous. In fact, it's economically reckless. You can't immediately snap back the payments to half of what they are now. As I stated, the government increased jobseeker payment because they knew it wasn't fair dinkum—that people just couldn't survive on $40 a day. What Labor say is that the coronavirus supplement should be phased out over time and that, when it is, we need to lock in permanent and livable increases to the jobseeker payment.</para>
<para>Some 1.3 million Australians are currently on jobseeker, and it is expected that, by September, another 400,000 Australians will require jobseeker payment. The high rate of jobseeker has actually kept some small businesses in Tasmania, my home state, open during this troubling time, as customers are able to shop at the businesses that they supported when they were still employed. To just snap back the jobseeker payment to the old rate is going to cause extreme hardship for hundreds of thousands of Australians, causing them to miss their rent or mortgage repayments, and making them unable to afford the basics and support local stores, and unable to afford to look for work either.</para>
<para>The Senate Community Affairs References Committee, of which I'm a member, recently tabled the report on its inquiry into the adequacy of Newstart and related payments and alternative mechanisms to determine the level of income support payments in Australia. It made a total of 27 recommendations to improve the level of income support. One of the recommendations in the report says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that once the Coronavirus Supplement is phased out, the Australian Government increase the JobSeeker Payment, Youth Allowance and Parenting Payment rates to ensure that all eligible recipients do not live in poverty.</para></quote>
<para>Snapping back the payment to its old rate will be the equivalent of removing $1 billion per fortnight from the Australian economy, and those on the other side need to think about that.</para>
<para>Labor has taken a constructive approach throughout these testing times. We've advocated for those who have been left behind, whether they be casuals and labour hire workers, small businesses, visa holders or those in the arts and entertainment sector. Indeed, the government has taken up many of our proposals, including wage subsidies; better income tests for working families; support for students; telehealth and mental health provision; support for tenants; and an increase in testing. But many Australians are still hurting. It has been a terrible time for those Australians who have lost loved ones, and I pass on my condolences to all of them. It's been really tough for those who have lost their jobs. Our essential workers have shown what heroes they are, each and every one of them, to keep food on our shelves, our hospitals staffed, medicines in our pharmacies and our hospitals running. I thank these workers for their amazing efforts.</para>
<para>But, unfortunately, I fear this government will use the COVID-19 outbreak as an excuse to implement their tired right-wing agenda. They may talk the talk of all being in this together, but they're firmly on the side of their big business mates. Do not be fooled. They want to snap back to the industrial relations policy of Work Choices as well. They want to snap back to a time when workers had no security and no rights at work. It's completely the wrong approach for our country. The end result will be double-digit unemployment, businesses folding and mortgages going into default.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me start by reassuring the Australian people that One Nation has a very strong understanding of the pressures faced by almost a million unemployed throughout the country right this minute. It frightens me to hear that earlier today the government announced that they are bracing for up to 1.4 million unemployed because of this Chinese pandemic. There is a genuine need to use every mechanism possible to avoid people losing their homes and personal possessions, and that's why Senator Roberts and I have backed the Morrison government's emergency measures to safeguard jobs through the JobKeeper program and equally support the additional payment to those jobseekers who have either lost or will lose their incomes. But unemployment benefits are not a permanent stimulus package or measure, which is exactly what the Greens are proposing in this matter of public importance. While I agree that the ordinary Newstart payment should incur an increase of $75 a week, it should also provoke a limit to the time for which people can receive unemployment benefits. It's already unacceptable that this government allows 2.2 million foreign workers into this country to take Australian jobs, while our unemployment numbers skyrocket.</para>
<para>On 27 April this year, we recorded approximately 727,000 unemployed Australians on Newstart allowance, each receiving approximately $282 a week in social security benefits. In light of the coronavirus, this parliament doubled the unemployment payment regardless of whether a person had been jobless for a week or their entire working life. What the Greens are proposing here today is that we permanently double unemployment benefits without a care in the world about how we are going to pay for it. This is socialism at its best. If it's good enough for the Greens and Labor and the coalition to kick farmers off the farm household allowance after four years, why can't we kick the long-term unemployed off Newstart? I'm not suggesting we do this to people over the age of 50, but I am suggesting that we do it to fit and able Australians who think they can live a lifestyle off the back of hardworking Australians.</para>
<para>Mark my words: if you go ahead and permanently double the Newstart allowance, it will only lead to an increase in taxes. There is no other way of paying for it. These are uncosted increases that will only bankrupt this nation and create intergenerational dole bludgers. Before the coronavirus hit Australia, this government shelled out more than $180 billion in social security and welfare a year. That's more than one-third of all government revenue. As the fiscally responsible party in this parliament, One Nation will not support the Greens.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on this MPI brought before the chamber by Senator Steele-John, and I do so as the nation begins this long road to economic recovery. Due to the efforts of the Australian community and the way they have heeded the advice of medical experts, we're able to commence this journey well ahead of many of our international counterparts. Now is not the time for politics as usual; it is the time for the team approach which has underpinned our response so far. Our focus now is on ensuring Australia is reopened as soon as possible and on getting Australians back into work. Despite these events, our plan for Australia has not wavered. We will continue to implement our growth-enabling, job-creating agenda.</para>
<para>It remains the case that Australia has one of the strongest and most targeted social welfare safety nets in the world. It has served us well. In doing so now, it is critical at this amazing time of need. But this safety net should not come at the expense of people finding a job, which is what would happen if what Senator Steele-John is proposing were to occur. Those who need support the most receive it. The additional payment of $550 per fortnight is appropriate recognition of the economic shock which has impacted Australian households. As this shock will ultimately be temporary, the payment itself should also be temporary.</para>
<para>The coming months and years will call for greater fiscal responsibility and economic management, and this is what we will deliver. Those same policies which have put us in the position to weather the crisis will also serve Australia well in the recovery phase. We must continue to stay the course. We will continue to stick to the plan. The Treasurer, quite rightly, said this morning in his ministerial statement that there is no money tree. What we borrow today, we must repay tomorrow. Despite this, the Greens continue to come into this place and endorse a reckless policy agenda—an agenda which would mean Australia continues to borrow, an agenda which would tie future generations of Australians to the debt burden the Greens socialist utopia would create. And we all know how those on the other side like to play and pay for their back-of-the-envelope ideas, all of which result in increased spending and new taxes on hardworking everyday Australians. People would receive less take-home pay under their policies, businesses would pay more tax and the cost of living would increase exponentially, and Australians know this. Growth-enabling, job-creating policies and strong economic management have never been as important as they are today.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister has released a three-stage plan to get Australia reopened as soon as possible. The states and territories are now mapping out what this means for them and they're putting those measures in place. In addition to health considerations, the single most important pillar that underpins these plans is getting people back into work as soon as possible. In my home state of Western Australia, restrictions will start to ease on Monday and will continue to do so incrementally, should we continue to see the good health outcomes that we're seeing. This means that business can start to reopen and Australians can get back to work.</para>
<para>Since we were last in this place, I've spent time speaking to so many businesses in WA who have been impacted by the coronavirus—service focused businesses in particular and those in their supply chains. I've heard some positive stories of innovation and reinvention and I've also heard some stories of those who at this time are not doing so well. But, above all, the message has been very clear. While so many have had to make tough business decisions—indeed, sadly, many have had to close their doors temporarily—the policy agenda of this government has been well received. The JobKeeper payment has been critical in keeping people connected to their employer. Take Alba Edible Oils in WA, for example. They've told me that the JobKeeper payment system has saved at least 17 jobs in their business, and, combined with the cash-flow relief and the instant asset write-off, they are using this time to build their capability for when things reopen.</para>
<para>The JobKeeper payment isn't the only thing there, of course. There's the jobseeker payment and the supplement that goes with it. That is there to assist those who are in the position where maintaining a connection with their employer is not possible. This means that, when we're through to the other side, these Australians will be ready to get back to work, as many of them are already doing. These businesses are able to enter into and maintain, effectively, a hibernation period. This means that more people will be able to transition from the jobseeker payment to paid employment at the appropriate time. The temporary boost to this payment has injected the confidence we need to exit this challenge in the best possible position. It means people can continue to support their families from a position of relative strength, continue to make their rent payments or mortgage payments where possible, continue with their regular purchases, fund household expenses and support local businesses that need it. Without this, the impact on the economy would have been more catastrophic.</para>
<para>We know that, each and every week that the restrictions remain in place, there is a reduction of $4 billion of economic activity. This is the result of lower workforce participation, productivity and consumption. But, from where we are today, GDP can be expected to increase at $9.4 billion per month with the effective implementation of the three-step plan. This would see 850,000 Australians back at work—a direct result of the economic response to this challenge. Further, we know that the unemployment rate would climb to over 15 per cent if Australians are not able to maintain a connection to their employer, and the start to recovery would be much slower than it is under this program. It would mean businesses would need to find people, rehire people and retrain people, and they would lose their investment in human capital and would need to start from square one.</para>
<para>This is why our economic response is critical. Now is not the time for the Greens to come to this place with their standard rhetoric. Every Australian has been impacted by the economic consequences of this challenge in some way. It might be a family member, children, friends or a staff member. We're all familiar and acutely aware of the pressure that this is placing on individuals. We understand the seriousness and consequences of the times that we're in. There will be time for the Greens to come back in here and play their politics, but now is not the time. There will be a time for the Greens to come back in here and air their grievances against every other party in this place, but now is not that time.</para>
<para>This economic package that this government has delivered is unprecedented. At $320 billion, it's a historic investment in our future and represents over 16 per cent of GDP. Now is the time to work together constructively in the national interest. Parliament is, quite appropriately, playing its multipartisan role in assessing the policy agenda of government. This is taking place through the relevant committees, on the things that are related to the coronavirus response, as it has been in this chamber. Now is the time for the Greens to look at the environment we're in, understand it and, importantly, play a constructive role.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The fact we have a strong social safety net is a matter of pride to Australians. There is comfort in times of crisis, whether personal or national, knowing there is a strong and inclusive policy that offers assistance when we fall on hard times. Our social safety net has proven critical to the success of our response to COVID-19. It's hinged on our efforts to reduce the economic barriers and comply with self-isolation and social-distancing rules. What we never want to see is people faced with the impossible choice of staying at home and staying healthy versus going to work just to put food on the table, and yet, still, thousands of Australians are faced with that. This is why Labor called for a wage subsidy from the get-go—a wage subsidy that will keep employees connected to their employers right through to when we come out the other side of this pandemic. For those who, despite the wage subsidy, were unable to hold onto their jobs, a boost to income support has allowed them to make ends meet while social distancing.</para>
<para>The social security response to the COVID-19 pandemic has thrown into stark relief this government's usual handling of anything that relates to our social safety net. With half a million more Australians expected to be accessing support payments by September, the government cannot continue to demonise and punish those forced to seek out the comfort provided by an adequate social safety net. It cannot just expect hundreds of thousands of Australians to just cop being forced onto a cashless debit card to access income support payments—having their money quarantined because they can't be trusted how to spend it. It cannot expect Territorians on income support to just roll over and accept the cashless debit card with no evidence that it does anything but punish recipients.</para>
<para>Thankfully, the Minister for Indigenous Australians pressed pause on breaching CDP participants who did not comply with jobseeker compliance actions. Many providers have been unable to send trainers and staff out bush to conduct face-to-face activities. The minister also said he had put in place arrangements to lift any existing suspensions and penalties for CDP jobseekers, so it goes to show that it can be done. Labor has stood in the Senate, time after time after time, in relation to CDP and those breaching penalties that put people further into poverty, entrenching people into poverty. But we have seen in these last few months just how the government knows it can move, and, when it does move, it does improve the lives of those people who are in our regional and remote Australian communities.</para>
<para>There does not need to be a system that punishes and controls people who, facing hardship, receive income support. What we do need is what Labor has been advocating—a system that actually provides jobs and economic development in remote areas, instead of a system that has failed to do either and really unfairly penalises participants.</para>
<para>The COVID-19 response has also highlighted the difficulties remote community residents face in accessing and affording healthy foods and other goods. With communities in lockdown, the weaknesses in supply chains have been exposed. Ironically, with families now more able to afford to purchase healthy food options, there are actually fewer options available to them. It's not good enough that the government still wants to snap back to its old ways, pursuing policies that punish Australians who are already facing hardship. We cannot afford to revert to the old ways, assigning a value judgement to those receiving income support. This pandemic has been a timely reminder to all of us about the randomness of hardship—how quickly and dramatically personal and business circumstances can change. And, when their circumstances do change, Australians should have peace of mind, knowing there is a strong and adequate social safety net to catch all of us.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We simply cannot allow people to go back to living on $40 a day. We are a wealthy nation, and it is a national shame that we have people living in poverty. People should not be forced to choose between missing a meal or getting a new school uniform.</para>
<para>Before this latest coronavirus increase, the last time government income support was lifted above inflation was 26 years ago. It was 1994, and it was raised by $2.95 a week. Is this really what the government wants to revert to? Everyone has to be supported with a livable income above the poverty line. We shouldn't choose groups that will be left behind.</para>
<para>What the government have shown us is that there is money available to do the things that need doing; they just refused to do them before. There are plenty of ways that we could raise the necessary revenue. We could reverse stages 2 and 3 of the income tax cuts due to start in 2022 that go to the wealthiest Australians. We could end the $7 billion in public funding in subsidies to fossil fuel companies that gets doled out every single year. We could actually make gas companies pay tax and pay royalties for the gas that they currently get for free. We must ensure that everybody has access to the financial support that they need to live and the ability to provide for themselves while they are studying, caring and looking for work.</para>
<para>In addition to supporting Australians through the recession, maintaining the rate will also boost jobs as jobseeker funding is spent throughout the economy. We estimate that the increased spending unleashed by maintaining the rate would create at least 19,000 new jobs across the economy. We need those new jobs because forecasts for the next year are grim, and young people in particular are facing the prospects of long-term unemployment and underemployment. With a million people likely to be out of work when jobseeker is due to be halved, we need urgent action to make sure that people are kept out of poverty. The cost of putting food on the table and a roof over your head won't halve after the COVID crisis, and neither should income support.</para>
<para>The Greens have long campaigned to raise the rate, but the government's doubling of it during the coronavirus crisis is, in fact, admitting that people out of work need $1,110 a fortnight to pay the bills and the rent. Now that we've got a more realistic rate of income support, we will campaign hard to keep it. We back the calls of thousands of Australians who are urging the government to keep the jobseeker payment above the poverty line. It is unacceptable to return the jobseeker rate to $40 a day, condemning over a million people to live in poverty. People on income support spend that money to make sure that they're looking after themselves and their kids.</para>
<para>Raising the rate isn't just the right thing to do for people; it's absolutely necessary to stimulate the economy. We do live in a society and not just an economy, and I think revenue raising by not dishing out massive tax cuts to people who don't need the help, by cancelling those billions of dollars of free public money to people who are polluting and wrecking the climate, and making fossil fuel companies pay their fair share, is a more than adequate response in a compassionate society where we are wealthy enough to make sure that no-one is left behind and no-one, no child, lives in poverty.</para>
<para>It's about time this rate was retained. We welcome the fact that it has, in fact, been lifted at all. Let's now retain that rate. We cannot drop people back down to poverty just as this crisis is due to end.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians have responded magnificently, working together to stay at home, observe social-distancing requirements and take care of one another. But, after months of being inside, isolating from friends and family and trying to balance work with the added responsibilities that come from children learning at home, Australians could be forgiven for wanting things to return to normal. But 'normal' was not good for many Australians. For casual warehouse workers, it meant not knowing what your wage would be the following week. In many, many cases in the retail sector, it meant working in an environment where your employer was stealing your wages and doing so knowingly. For childcare workers, it meant that no matter how much you loved your job you did it knowing that it was undervalued for the skill and care required to perform it. For people on income support payments, it meant a daily struggle for a dignified life.</para>
<para>People who are out of work deserve to be treated with dignity. The rate of the jobseeker payment before this pandemic was inadequate; the government's increase to the payment during the pandemic is an admission of this fact. The increase that's been provided means that people don't have to choose between missing a meal and missing a job interview if they don't have the money for both.</para>
<para>It is strange, indeed, that the top priority for the Liberals appears to be cutting this payment. Reports are that the government wants to snap back the jobseeker payment to $40 a day. Those reports are disturbing. The latest advice from the Department of Social Services is that it believes another 400,000 Australians will require the jobseeker payment by September, bringing the total number of recipients to 1.7 million Australians. This is important for those 1.7 million people, but it is also incredibly important for the Australian economy. It is a payment that is helping to keep the economy afloat.</para>
<para>Snapping back the payment to its old rate will be the equivalent of removing $1 billion per fortnight from the Australian economy. It will have a dire impact on small businesses. It will have a dire impact on jobs. This money is all being spent on essential services in local communities, and it has a big impact in the regions. This payment means a great deal to small businesses in northern New South Wales. This payment means a great deal to small businesses on the South Coast and those communities ravaged by bushfires. This payment means that there is money available in communities not only to keep businesses afloat but also to keep people healthy and safe in their homes.</para>
<para>So why would the government even contemplate doing this? This is a group of people attached to their ideological ideas. This is a government that struggles to adjust to changing circumstances. We saw this in the policy proposals floated by the Treasurer in his statement today. In good times, the policy solution is tax cuts and IR reform. What's the policy solution in bad times? It's also tax cuts and IR reform. It is a policy for all seasons. There is no circumstance where the government's response will not be tax cuts and IR reform.</para>
<para>In this policy area, the government has an obvious, sneering, ideological distaste for people who require welfare. We hear them say that the best form of welfare is a job. Well, jobs are good, and we need more jobs, and these kinds of payments at a time of crisis support jobs. But if you ask Australians who can't find work, they will probably say that an unemployment payment that you can live on is also pretty good. Those 1.7 million Australians won't be out of work in September because they're lazy. There simply isn't the work out there. Any examination of the stats from the ABS, in particular the underemployment figures, will show you that there hasn't been sufficient paid work in the Australian economy for some time. The government should treat people who are out of work with dignity.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the call to retain the rate of the jobseeker and youth allowance payments. A return to the old rate of the jobseeker and youth allowance payments, below the poverty line, would be a colossal moral failing. The Liberals must be forced to confront the fact that they are considering thrusting hundreds of thousands of Australians back below the poverty line in the middle of a crisis. This must not be allowed to happen. We must retain the rate.</para>
<para>I particularly want to focus on students and young people. Before the rate was raised, successive Liberal and Labor governments had abandoned students, leaving them to face the high cost of living and extreme stress on their own. Instead of focusing on studying they were struggling to get by, with many working multiple jobs to survive because of inadequate support. Last year research found that a quarter of students were experiencing food insecurity, and 15 per cent reported experiencing hunger or not eating because there wasn't enough money for food.</para>
<para>The fundamental principle is simple: full-time university and vocational and training students should have income support that enables them to focus primarily on their studies. While not perfect and certainly lacking on the eligibility front, the current payments are much closer to that goal than they were before.</para>
<para>Retaining the rate is made all the more urgent by the outsized impact of this crisis on young people. In the month from mid-March, 7½ per cent of jobs were lost to truly devastating consequences for people around the country. But for young people it was even worse. Nearly 12 per cent of jobs held by people aged between 20 and 30 were lost during that period, and an enormous 20 per cent of jobs held by people under 20 disappeared. Those figures are only expected to get worse. A recent Grattan Institute report found that about 30 per cent of workers in their 20s will be made unemployed by this crisis. Even once the depths of this crisis pass, young people will bear the consequences for years to come as they are confronted with decades of student debt to pay off, pay cuts on top of already flat wages and degraded workplace rights.</para>
<para>As well as retaining the rate, we have to make sure that access to income support is fair. For students, that means putting the nonsensical independence test behind us and expanding youth allowance eligibility to all students. That means ensuring eligibility for Austudy is expanded to all postgraduate students. That means including international students in income support, just as New Zealand, Canada and other countries have done. Only by retaining the rate and expanding eligibility for income support can we keep people out of poverty and rebuild as a more socially and economically just society after this crisis.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am just getting used to the new seating arrangements. It feels a little bit more like a Labor Party conference with a lectern than the Senate chamber itself! I'll try and behave a little better in here than I do at those conferences.</para>
<para>I do want to take the time, today, broadly, to support the comments of my fellow Labor senators on the MPI debate, but I do want to make a couple of comments following Senator Faruqi's comments about the position of international students and the government's approach to the higher education sector, more broadly, in the coronavirus crisis and in the following period.</para>
<para>I walked into a food queue last week of Thai students, organised by a Thai community organisation in Chinatown in Sydney, 100 Thai students lined up with their bags, collecting food because they couldn't afford food. There was another queue just like that in Ultimo today. The university sector is Australia's third largest exporter. It's certainly the most labour intensive. There are 130,00 direct workers, highly skilled people, tens of thousands more people employed as casuals. It's a very big employment footprint.</para>
<para>The coronavirus crisis means, in the next six months, Victoria University predicts a $4.6 billion hit to that sector. It's going to compound, $19 billion over the next three years, but there's no package. There will be 21,000 lost jobs if action isn't taken by the federal government, but no package. Many of those jobs will be in core research areas in big cities. Thousands of them will be in regional communities, some of them represented by people on the other side. No package; no action. Worse still, research will stop. Classes will be cancelled. Opportunities for kids from working-class families will be gone. It's one more example where the posturing to the base, of figures on the back bench of the Liberal Party and the National Party, is dictating government policy.</para>
<para>This week it's been George Christensen running foreign policy for the government. A few weeks ago, it was Senator Paterson running higher education policy for the government. He stood up, reportedly, in the caucus and said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">With the ongoing China travel ban, I’m very sympathetic about the impact of tourism and farmers, but I’m less so with the universities.</para></quote>
<para>The universities, he said, 'rode the cycle up; now they can ride the cycle down.' Those sorts of comments reflect a majority view on the other side and it shows what a deep misunderstanding they have of the sector and its value. Fighting a culture war against imaginary people in turtle-neck sweaters in university English departments—but what do universities actually do? They do agricultural research, medicine, cancer, mental health, engineering, economics, thinking about future work, research into space, defence technology, epidemiology and public health. Universities are full of experts. I understand the hostility of people on the other side of this chamber to experts, but they are experts, nonetheless, the very people who the federal government relied upon to develop its COVID-19 response. They don't just teach. They do deep research. One of the consequences of this failure to have a package, is that much of that research will stop. University research is not something that can be turned on and turned off just like a tap.</para>
<para>Further to this, there's this hostility from the other side to international students. The truth is, Australia's enormous contribution, in terms of education of international students, subsidises the places of Australian students at our universities. The increase in international students does mean less of a Commonwealth government contribution. We should be supporting these young people in this country. We have made a deep contract, not just each individual university but as a country, with the parents of these young people, to educate them and to look after them. The shameful scenes of food queues, the reports back to these people's host countries, will do enormous damage to the reputation of Australia as an educator and as, what should be, a good global citizen.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't believe there are any more speakers on the MPI so we'll proceed to the consideration of documents.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>70</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regional Forest Agreements</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration</title>
            <page.no>70</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to take note of the Regional Forest Agreements deeds of variation in document 16, the agreements between the Commonwealth of Australia and Victoria—the Central Highlands, Gippsland, North East, West Victoria and East Gippsland. The deeds of variation in Regional Forest Agreements are bureaucratic words hiding a massive impact. When the people of Australia are asked their opinion about protecting our forests and wildlife, they have two overwhelming responses: first, they don't know our precious forests are being destroyed by logging; and second, if they do know, they want it to stop. Over 80 per cent of Australians, including two-thirds of Australians who live in regional areas, want to see our forests and our wildlife protected from the devastation of logging.</para>
<para>What do these deeds of variation to our logging laws, the Regional Forest Agreements, do? Do they reflect the wishes of the vast majority of Australians? Sadly, I think you know the answer—no. They continue the devastating logging in Victoria's magnificent forests for at least the next 10 years. That's 10 more years of wildlife being killed, 10 more years of streams being polluted, 10 more years of our carbon stores just going up in smoke, 10 more years of wonderful tourism and recreational opportunities being destroyed, and 10 more years, at least, of making our forests more fire-prone and less safe for communities that live nearby. We are told that these are so-called modernised laws, that wildlife protection is being given priority and that climate change is being taken into account. But if you read them, you will see that there are so many loopholes. But in fact they're not loopholes; they are giant bulldozed clearings that basically, sadly, our wildlife are falling through, as they have for the last 20 years.</para>
<para>There's no certainty of wildlife protection here. There are processes, there are words and there are promises to use reasonable endeavours that, at the end of the day, are absolutely hollow without political will to follow them through. If these agreements, these fine sounding words, are breached, what's the sanction? It is unclear even as to whether legal action can be taken to hold governments to account in these agreements. Meanwhile, we have species that are critically endangered and hurtling towards extinction like the Leadbeater's possum, which is still waiting for a recovery plan. We have greater gliders that have had almost a quarter of their habitat destroyed in last summer's fires. We have the crustaceans and fresh water lobsters that our environment minister was tutt-tutting about on radio this morning that he is unwilling to actually protect by stopping logging of their habitat. What is even worse, the government announced just yesterday that it is actually giving the timber industry $15 million to facilitate the pillaging of these forests, the so-called salvaged logging, the most destructive and damaging logging that can occur, that will set back the recovery of these forests for decades.</para>
<para>In these Regional Forest Agreements, we have the promise of a so-called major event review that could take place after the fires but we have no certainty that it will take place and no legal mechanisms to ensure it does. We don't need rolled-over logging laws, outdated logging laws; we need forest protection. We need wildlife protection from koalas to crayfish, from possums to potoroos, and we need all timber produced in Australia to come from plantations. We are currently at 88 per cent. Come on Australia, we can make it to the 100 per cent. That is what Australians want to see occur. They want to stop the outdated logging of our native forests that belongs in the last century.</para>
<para>COVID-19 has shown us that what we once thought was impossible is possible and that to protect our communities, we have to change the way we do things. We need to learn that lesson with our forests too. We need to learn through our climate that we literally need to breathe, that we need to stop logging our forests. We must stand up to the bully boys of the native forest timber industry and invest instead in environmental rehabilitation, in recreation and tourism, in managing our forests, in dealing with weeds and pest animals and reducing fire risks, instead of rolling over these outdated logging laws. Protecting our forests is the new direction that all Australians would applaud. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Protection Visas</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration</title>
            <page.no>71</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():</para>
<para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to take note of document 21, Department of Home Affairs—Protection visas—Statement pursuant to the order of the Senate of 14 November 2019 to March 2020. It's worth putting on the record the context under which Senator Keneally and her Labor colleagues sought these documents and, by the way, the Greens did support these documents being provided to the Senate. But, unfortunately, since the last election, Labor has been engaged in a coordinated attack on people seeking asylum and on migrant workers. That's further in the context of the Labor Party support for the cruelty that we have seen towards people who sought asylum in Australia in offshore detention. The Labor Party has sought to blame migrants for declining wages and for taking Australian jobs. This is a deeply short-sighted and wrong-headed approach that risks further damage to Australia's migrant communities. It's wrong, because migrants are not to blame for employers paying low wages. In fact, it is employers, enabled by both major parties in this country, who are responsible. By trying to outflank Minister Dutton from the right, the Labor Party risks egging him on to crack down harder on some of the most at-risk people in this country. Labor are using Minister Dutton and Senator Hanson's language on border security. They are implying that we have something to fear from migrants, especially people seeking asylum.</para>
<para>If people have a claim for asylum in Australia, they must be allowed to make it. We are still, despite 20 years of bipartisan cruelty towards refugees and torture, signatories to the refugee convention. Now that the so-called aeroplane people have been stopped because of the pandemic, I'd urge the Labor Party to start working to help those who in fact are in desperate need—people on Australian temporary visas across a range of visa categories who are stranded overseas and have been separated from their homes, their families and their work here.</para>
<para>I just want to very quickly share a couple of stories with the Senate now. Michael says: 'I'm on a 457 visa, listed on the medium- and long-term strategic skills list and eligible to apply for permanent residency this year. Our entire lives are in Australia. We also have a puppy in temporary care. We recently travelled to the UK to visit family before the outbreak. During our time on holiday, the border closures were announced by Scott Morrison. We booked the next available flight but, with the travel time from the UK to Australia and the time difference, we were unable to return to our lives in Australia before the travel ban.' This is from Sean: 'My fiancee, Aoife, received a devastating phone call on 22 March. Her sister died suddenly from epilepsy. She was 25 years old. We returned home to Ireland to support her family and be with them in this tragic time. Aoife is 22 weeks pregnant. Our obstetrician and hospital are in Sydney. She is due to give birth in Randwick on 7 September 2020. Her doctors have advised it is unsafe for her to travel on long-distance flights too late in the pregnancy, so time is really not on our side. We need to get back to continue our planned scans and appointments. All our private health insurance is only valid to us in Australia. We have put our heart and soul into building our lives in Australia over the past four years.'</para>
<para>In both of those circumstances, this government has rejected claims from those people for exemptions to the travel ban. This is a major problem for the government, because it is a major problem not just for Sean and Aoife and not just for Michael and his family but for so many other people who have built homes and lives in this country but who are still on temporary visas, and this government is keeping them away from this country.</para>
<para>The arbitrary decision-making process around claims for exemption from the travel ban must end. The government must immediately publish a list of criteria against which applications for exemptions to the travel ban are assessed. This would at least give people the common courtesy of understanding why they are being kept from their homes at a time like this, and it would provide accountability and transparency in the decision-making process. The government must act on this now. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>74</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the government's response to the report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights on its inquiry into the Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 and seek leave to have the document incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights report on the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">March 2020</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Introduction</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government welcomes the report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights on the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government thanks the Committee for its work, and notes the concerns raised by the Committee, as well as submissions and evidence presented to the Committee from individuals and organisations with an interest in the use of restraints in residential aged care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Royal Commission on Aged Care Quality and Safety</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety (Royal Commission) was announced by the Prime Minister, the Hon Scott Morrison MP, on 16 September 2018 and established on 8 October 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Royal Commission is a vital step for Australia to understand how we can meet the challenges and the opportunities of delivering aged care services now and into the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 31 October 2019, the Royal Commission released its Interim Report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Royal Commission highlighted the overuse of restraints in aged care, noting "while some providers strive to deliver restraint-free environments, there is both empirical and anecdotal evidence to show that the use of restraints is common in aged care"1; and "the 'drivers' behind the use of restrictive practices are complex and involve multiple factors across the aged care and health systems."2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Interim Report made preliminary observations and identified areas for reform in relation to the use of restraints, including staff training, regular reviews of residents taking psychotropic medications, and publication of data on restraint use. The Royal Commission is likely to make recommendations on the use of restraints in its Final Report, due by 12 November 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In response to the Interim Report, the Government elevated the Quality Use of Medicine and Medicine Safety to be a National Health Priority and allocated $35 million to fund initiatives aimed at minimising the use of restraints in residential aged care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As the Royal Commission progresses its work, the Government continues to implement its rigorous reform program, including measures to minimise the use of restraints in residential aged care services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Regulating restraint use in residential aged care</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 1 July 2019, the Government introduced regulatory requirements in relation to the use of restraints, set out in the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019</inline>. These arrangements are set out in Part 4A of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014 </inline>and, for the first time, put explicit obligations on residential aged care providers in respect of the use of restraints. The regulations impose restrictions on the use of restraints in residential aged care services. This is in addition to the restrictions imposed by other laws residential aged care providers are required to meet, including state and territory legislation and common law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The regulatory changes require providers to satisfy a number of conditions before restraint can be used, including an assessment by an approved health practitioner (for physical restraint) or assessment by a medical practitioner or nurse practitioner who has prescribed the medication (for chemical restraint).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The residential aged care provider must also have the informed consent of the consumer or their representative before using physical restraint, unless restraint is necessary in an emergency. Providers are expected to note consent in the consumer's care plan.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Informed consent for the use of chemical restraint must be obtained by the prescribing medical practitioner or nurse practitioner before prescribing medicines, including psychotropics and benzodiazepines. This obligation is set out in the codes of conduct which apply to medical practitioners and nurse practitioners, and is regulated by the respective professional boards. Medical practitioners and nurse practitioners are also required to comply with relevant state and territory laws, including medicines and poisons legislation which governs the prescribing, dispensing and administration of scheduled medicines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A decision to use restraint should be a strategy of last resort and any use of restraint must also be regularly monitored. Where restraint is used, it must be used for the minimum time necessary, and the need for the restraint must be reviewed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Other regulatory requirements in relation to the use of restraints also took effect on</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 July 2019. These are addressed in the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014 </inline>through the Aged Care Quality Standards (Quality Standards), and the <inline font-style="italic">User Rights Principles 2014 </inline>through the Charter of Aged Care Rights, made under the <inline font-style="italic">Aged Care Act 1997</inline>:</para></quote>
<list>Under the Quality Standards, aged care providers must demonstrate that clinical care is best practice, tailored to the needs of each care recipient, and is supported by a clinical governance framework that minimises the use of restraint (including physical and chemical).</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission (Commission) assesses and monitors providers' performance against the Quality Standards. Sanctions may be imposed on residential care providers that do not meet their requirements under the Quality Standards.</para></quote>
<list>The Charter of Aged Care Rights provides that care recipients have the right to live without abuse and neglect, to be treated with dignity and respect, and to have control over and make choices about their care.</list>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, the National Aged Care Mandatory Quality Indicator Program includes an indicator on the use of physical restraint, which was mandated for all Commonwealth subsidised residential aged care providers from 1 July 2019. All residential aged care services must collect and provide data to the Department of Health (Department) against the physical restraint quality indicator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Strengthening regulation of restraint</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 </inline>has been the subject of significant interest, including issues in relation to human rights, informed consent for the use of chemical restraint, and whether it is appropriate to regulate these matters within delegated legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government carefully considered concerns raised by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights, and others, including suggestions for amendments to the regulations, and has taken action to further strengthen the regulation of restraint in residential aged care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The intent of the legislation has always been that the use of restraint must be a measure of last resort, and in November 2019 the Government made amendments to the legislation to reflect this intent. The <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Reviewing Restraints Principles) Principles 2019 </inline>commenced on 29 November 2019. Part 4A of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014 </inline>now:</para></quote>
<list>makes it clear any form of restraint must only be used as a last resort;</list>
<list>refers to state and territory legislation which regulates the responsibility of prescribers to gain informed consent for chemical restraint; and</list>
<list>requires a review of the first 12 months of the operation of the restraint regulations to consider the effectiveness of the Quality of Care Principles in minimising the use of inappropriate restraint by providers of residential aged care.</list>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, the Commission continues to give high priority to the issue of inappropriate use of physical and chemical restraint in its education and its regulatory activities. The Commission uses the full range of complementary functions under the <inline font-style="italic">Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission Act 2018 </inline>that enable the Commission to better manage risks and respond appropriately to instances of failure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Commission's regulatory activities include the use of risk screening questions about the use of physical and chemical restraint, which are asked at unannounced site visits, and re-accreditation audits. The implementation of the assessment methodology to support the consumer focus of the Quality Standards assists the Commission to assess provider's understanding of how the Quality Standards are being applied in practice, and if consumer outcomes are being managed and supported. For restraints, this specifically includes assessment of Standard 3, Personal and clinical care, Standard 7, Human Resources and Standard 8, Organisational Governance. Information received through complaints to the Commission further assists with planning provider quality assessments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Non-regulatory activities to minimise the use of restraint</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Minimising the use of restraint in residential aged care requires a multi-pronged approach. Regulatory and compliance measures are only part of the solution, with cultural change and effective clinical governance needed to drive reform.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government Chief Medical Officer is chairing a Clinical Advisory Committee (Committee) which has considered non-regulatory activities to reduce the inappropriate use of chemical restraint in residential aged care. The Commission's Chief Clinical Advisor is a member of the Committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has supported all of the Committee's recommendations for implementation and a program of work is now underway to address these, including:</para></quote>
<list>Establishment of an additional Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) authority code for repeat prescription of the antipsychotic risperidone after an initial 12-week period. From 1 January 2020, the PBS listings for risperidone for the treatment of Behavioural and Psychological Symptoms of Dementia (BPSD) of the Alzheimer type changed. This change involves the addition of a new 'continuing' listing that requires prescribers to seek a telephone authority from Services Australia prior to prescribing risperidone beyond 12 weeks of 'initial' therapy, when appropriate. This was a recommendation of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee.</list>
<list>Awareness raising activities for prescribers of antipsychotics and benzodiazepines in residential aged care and targeted letters to high prescribers. In December 2019, the Chief Medical Officer wrote to all prescribers who were identified as prescribing PBS medications to residents of a residential aged care service between 1 April 2018 and 31 March 2019. The letter and accompanying factsheet, <inline font-style="italic">Six steps for safe prescribing, </inline>provide information and resources that support the appropriate management of dementia in a residential aged care setting.</list>
<list>Development of education messaging about the appropriate use of antipsychotic medications and benzodiazepines in residential aged care for doctors and other prescribers, pharmacists, nurses and personal care workers, and families and decision makers.</list>
<list>Workforce training initiatives addressing continuing professional development for doctors, nurses and other prescribers; piloting train-the-trainer programs for nurses and personal care workers; and nurse champions in residential aged care.</list>
<list>Expanding a trial of embedded pharmacists to all residential aged care services in the Australian Capital Territory (ACT). Funding has been provided to the ACT Primary Health Network who will partner with the University of Canberra to conduct the trial. It is anticipated that the first cohort of pharmacists will be placed in aged care services by February 2020.</list>
<quote><para class="block">This program of work promotes cultural change within the health and aged care sectors, which can best be achieved by a person-centred care approach. It complements the new regulations, which impose restrictions, safeguards and conditions on the use of restraint by residential aged care providers. Together, these measures work to protect the rights of vulnerable senior Australians receiving aged care service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Other actions taken by the Government to minimise the use of physical and chemical restraint in residential aged care were announced as part of the 2019-20 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook, in response to the Royal Commission's Interim Report. The response package included:</para></quote>
<list>$5.7 million for a Dementia Behaviour Management Advisory Service and Severe Behaviour Response Team services;</list>
<list>$4.3 million for the Dementia Training Program to increase the availability of vocational training for personal care workers;</list>
<list>$25.5 million to improve medication management programs to reduce the use of medication as a chemical restraint on aged care residents and at home, and new restrictions and education for prescribers on the use of medication as a chemical restraint.</list>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, $7.7 million was allocated in the 2019-20 Budget to reduce the misuse of medicines in residential aged care by:</para></quote>
<list>establishing a pharmacy unit within the Commission to work directly with residential aged care providers around best practice use of medicines; and</list>
<list>expanding the National Aged Care Mandatory Quality Indicator Program to include two new quality indicators – falls and fractures, and medication management.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is also looking at other mechanisms of aged care reform, including under the Serious Incident Response Scheme where a serious incident will be an alleged, suspected or actual occurrence of a range of categories of incident, one of which is proposed to be inappropriate physical or chemical restraint.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In light of the above concerns, the committee recommends, at a minimum, that:</para></quote>
<list>the instrument be amended to include a note to clarify that other laws prohibit the use of both physical and chemical restraint without prior informed consent; and</list>
<list>detailed amendments are made to the explanatory materials accompanying the instrument to clarify how the instrument interacts with state and territory laws, in particular regarding the authorisation of substitute decision-making and the continued obligations for prescribers to exhaust alternative options and obtain informed consent prior to the use of chemical restraint.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports in-principle this recommendation, which has been addressed through amendments to Part 4A of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 4A now includes two notes that indicate the legal framework governing the responsibility for prescribers to gain informed consent prior to prescribing medicines, including psychotropics and benzodiazepines. The legal framework requires specified medical professionals to obtain informed consent before undertaking any examination, investigation or providing treatment. However, exemptions to this requirement apply for emergencies, for example if a person is experiencing an acute psychosis and there is an immediate risk of harm to the individual, or others. In such a situation, it may not be possible to obtain informed consent beforehand.</para></quote>
<list>Note 1 of Part 4A references the professional codes of conduct which apply to medical practitioners and nurse practitioners for obtaining informed consent before prescribing medicines, including those used for chemical restraint. The codes of conduct are approved under section 39 of the Health Practitioner Regulation National Law and regulated by their respective boards: The Medical Board of Australia (MBA) and the Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia (NMBA). All</list>
<quote><para class="block">registration standards, codes and guidelines developed by a National Board are admissible in proceedings under the National Law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In line with the provisions of the National Law, the MBA and NMBA have each published a code of conduct to set the professional expectations for their respective professions. The MBA's <inline font-style="italic">Good medicine practice: a code of conduct for doctors in Australia </inline>and the NMBA's <inline font-style="italic">Code of conduct for nurses </inline>set the expectations of the MBA and NMBA for a range of topics including communication with patients and/or their carers; gaining informed consent; and the use of scheduled medicines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The codes of conduct set out that informed consent must be obtained before carrying out a medical or health care examination or investigation, or providing treatment, noting this may not be possible in an emergency.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The codes of conduct require practitioners to comply with relevant legislation administered by states and territories, including medicines and poisons legislation which governs the prescribing, dispensing and administration of scheduled medicines.</para></quote>
<list>Note 2 of Part 4A sets out that state and territory legislation deals with who can give consent to medical or health care on behalf of a consumer who cannot give consent themselves, because of any physical or mental incapacity. This includes substitute decision-makers, who may give consent to prescribed medicines, including benzodiazepines and psychotropics.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Information about these laws is provided in the Explanatory Statement to the Principles, along with the relevant state and territory contacts where further information can be sought in each jurisdiction. States and territories have different legislative frameworks, which may be amended from time to time. Accordingly, the note included in the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014 </inline>cannot provide detailed information on the requirements in each jurisdiction. Therefore, prescribers and other health professionals should familiarise themselves with the requirements in the applicable state or territory and seek advice if necessary.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The decision to use chemical restraint in a residential aged care service is a clinical decision that must be made by a medical practitioner or nurse practitioner. A medical practitioner, nurse practitioner or registered nurse who has day-to-day understanding of the care recipient may make a decision in relation to the use of physical restraint. Except in an emergency to avoid harm to care recipients, all decisions to use restraint must be made in consultation with the care recipient or their legal representative where the care recipient is unable to give informed consent; and the use of restraint must only be considered after exhausting all reasonable alternative options.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Before a medical practitioner or nurse practitioner prescribes medication for the purposes of managing behaviours that cause concern, he or she must assess the care recipient as requiring the medication. During the assessment, the medical practitioner or nurse practitioner must satisfy themselves that other non- pharmacological methods have been tried to the fullest extent possible, and those methods have not been successful. The consumer must be experiencing symptoms which are likely to be alleviated by the proposed medication.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The medical practitioner or nurse practitioner would then make a clinical judgement. For example, some behaviours of concern do not respond to medications; therefore, it would not be appropriate to prescribe for these behaviours. However, for some behaviours, e.g. aggressive or psychotic behaviours associated with dementia, including people who have distressing hallucinations or delusions, medication can be of benefit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All providers of residential aged care are required, under the Quality Standards (Quality Standards), to comply with relevant state or territory laws, including in relation to obtaining informed consent for the use of physical restraint when a care recipient is unable to consent because of any physical or mental incapacity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, a range of resources have been developed to support residential aged care providers understand appropriate use of chemical and physical restraint in residential aged care and support a restraint free environment:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">o The Department has developed the <inline font-style="italic">Decision-Making Tool Kit – Supporting a restraint free environment in Residential Aged Care</inline>. The Commission will be reviewing and updating this guidance document in 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">o The Commission has developed a <inline font-style="italic">Self-Assessment Tool for Recording Consumers Receiving Psychotropic Medications </inline>that provides details of the type of information that the Commission will seek to review when undertaking assessments of aged care services against the Quality Standards, and as part of that, monitor how services are effectively overseeing the use of restraints. The tool will also support aged care services' continuous improvement of care and services in relation to use of restraints. The Commission wrote to all residential aged care providers in June 2019 with the Self-Assessment Tool.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">o The Commission has also developed the <inline font-style="italic">Guidance and Resources for Providers to support the Aged Care Quality Standards </inline>(2019) booklet which contains information about minimising the use of restraint within both Standard 3 (Personal and Clinical Care) and Standard 8 (Organisational Governance). This tool contains reflective questions and examples of actions and evidence that providers can consider in demonstrating that restraint is only used as a last resort, is monitored and consent is provided. The tool also includes references to relevant resources and tools from the Department and Dementia Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">o The Commission has also released scenarios involving physical and/or chemical Restraint and a Regulatory Bulletin to help providers understand issues and their responsibilities around minimising the use of physical and chemical restraint.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Copies of these tools and further information is available on the Commission's website at: www.agedcarequality.gov.au/providers/assessment- processes/minimising-restraints-use</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee also recommends that the minister undertakes extensive consultation with relevant stakeholders to work towards better regulating the use of restraints in residential aged care facilities, in particular including:</para></quote>
<list>an explicit requirement to exhaust alternatives to the use of restraint, including preventative measures and that restraint be used as a last resort (noting the approach taken by the National Disability Insurance Scheme rules);</list>
<list>obligations to obtain or confirm informed consent prior to the administration of chemical restraint;</list>
<list>improved oversight of the use of restraints in aged care facilities; and</list>
<list>mandatory reporting requirements for the use of all types of restraint.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports-in-principle this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments to Part 4A of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014 </inline>now make it clear that the use of physical or chemical restraint must always be the last resort.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 4A also provides for a review of the operation of the regulatory arrangements to be conducted 12 months after their commencement. The review must consider the effectiveness of Part 4A in minimising the use of physical restraints and chemical restraints by approved providers of residential aged care in relation to consumers in the period 1 July 2019 to 30 June 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The review must make provision for consultation. It is intended consultation will include engagement with a range of key stakeholders such as state and territory public guardians and public advocates, and state and territory tribunals which can appoint decision makers for consumers and/or give consent themselves.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is also expected the review will consider concerns raised by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights in its report, in addition to concerns raised by other individuals and groups, including consideration of the approach taken by the National Disability Insurance Scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The review must be completed by 31 December 2020. A written report of the review must be prepared and include recommendations in regard to appropriate regulatory arrangements post 30 June 2021. A copy of the report must be published on the internet, and must also be tabled in each House of Parliament within 15 sitting days of that House after the report is given to the Minister.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">With regard to reporting the use of restraints, to further improve clinical care in residential aged care, all Australian Government-subsidised residential aged care providers must comply with the National Aged Care Mandatory Quality Indicator Program from 1 July 2019, requiring residential aged care providers to collect and report data against three quality indicators: physical restraint, unplanned weight loss and pressure injuries. This is expected to contribute to reducing the use of physical restraint in residential aged care over time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In parallel, under the 2019-20 Budget Measures <inline font-style="italic">More Choices for a Longer Life – Mandatory National Quality Indicators </inline>and <inline font-style="italic">Reducing the Misuse of Medicines in Residential Aged Care</inline>, Government announced the development of new quality indicators including medication management.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Health (the Department) has engaged a PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC)-led consortium with the University of Queensland and the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners to develop quality indicators relating to medication management. This process involves an evidence review, consultation with stakeholders, and piloting of the new quality indicators in early 2020. This includes piloting an indicator related to chemical restraint.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On conclusion of the work being undertaken by PwC, the Department will provide advice to Government that will inform the decision on which medication management quality indicators are to be included in the National Aged Care Mandatory Quality Indicator Program from 1 July 2021.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Dissenting Report</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Dissenting Members of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights consider that, as currently drafted, the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 </inline>engages and limits a number of human rights, and submitted a Dissenting Report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In their report, the Dissenting Members made three recommendations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 should be disallowed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government notes this recommendation. Notices of motion to disallow the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 </inline>were withdrawn.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Disallowance of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 </inline>would have meant the new requirements, which put explicit obligations on residential aged care providers in respect of the use of restraints, would no longer be in force.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rather than supporting disallowance of the Principles, the Australian Government amended the Principles to incorporate amendments that could be implemented with immediate effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the short term, urgently reintroduce a new instrument to ensure the provision of informed consent for the use of chemical restraints, reducing the use of restraints, oversight and effective reporting of the use of restraints.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports-in-principle this recommendation. The <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Amendment (Minimising the Use of Restraints) Principles 2019 </inline>commenced on</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">29 November 2019, and amended Part 4A of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2019</inline>. This instrument:</para></quote>
<list>makes it clear restraint must only be used as a last resort;</list>
<list>refers to state and territory legislation which regulates the responsibility of prescribers to gain informed consent for chemical restraint; and</list>
<list>requires a review of the first 12 months of the operation of the restraint regulations to ensure aged care facilities are minimising the use of inappropriate restraint.</list>
<quote><para class="block">It is expected the review will consider concerns raised by the Dissenting Members in the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights Report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A widespread consultation process should be implemented urgently to determine the best regulatory framework to protect residents of aged care facilities in the use of restraints.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports-in-principle this recommendation and notes the amendments to Part 4A of the <inline font-style="italic">Quality of Care Principles 2014 </inline>include a review clause.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The review of the operation of Part 4A must consider the effectiveness of Part 4A in minimising the use of physical restraints and chemical restraints by approved providers of residential aged care in relation to consumers in the period 1 July 2019 to</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">30 June 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The review must make provision for consultation. It is intended consultation will include engagement with a range of key stakeholders such as state and territory public guardians and public advocates.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The review and be completed by 31 December 2020. It is expected the review will make recommendations in regard to appropriate regulatory arrangements post 30 June 2021.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, Interim Report, Volume 1, p.198</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, Interim Report, Volume 1, p.203</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Privileges Committee</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>79</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CICCONE</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion relating to the 179th report of the Standing Committee of Privileges, which was presented out of sitting on 24 March 2020 and tabled on 8 April 2020.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CICCONE</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the report be adopted.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">Response as recommended by the committee incorporated accordingly</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Chris Enright</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to Resolution 5(7)(b) of the Senate of 25 February 1988</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reply to speech by Senator Kitching</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(27 November 2019)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the Senate on 27 November 2019, without any evidence or supporting material, Senator Kimberley Kitching made a range of unfounded, personal and false allegations about me in my role as the Executive Director of the Registered Organisations Commission (ROC). Any person who has read or may read the relevant Hansard is unlikely to gain a balanced understanding of it in the absence of an explanation about the context of my previous interaction with Senator Kitching. To the extent there is any cogency about them, I entirely reject all of Senator Kitching's allegations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The context of my previous interaction with Senator Kitching, relevant to her allegations, is that I personally investigated serious allegations about her misconduct in 2013 when I was the Director of the Regulatory Compliance of the Fair Work Commission (FWC). Specifically, I investigated a whistleblower disclosure that, among other things, in her former role as the General Manager of the Victoria No 1 Branch of the HSU, Ms Kitching facilitated officials and employees of the Branch making false declarations in order to fraudulently obtain right of entry (ROE) permits from the FWC. After comprehensively investigating these matters, I wrote to Ms Kitching in summary advising her that I proposed to find on the evidence that she had falsely completed on-line Right of Entry tests and had thereby facilitated officials and employees making false declarations in order to fraudulently obtain right of entry permits.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rather than my making any formal findings, I instead requested that the President of the FWC re-allocate the ROE investigation to a member of the FWC Tribunal so that potential witnesses could give evidence and all parties could be legally represented. In 2014 and while relying on, among other things, my ROE investigation documents, TURC Commissioner Heydon found that Ms Kitching sat online right of entry tests for HSU officials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Former VP Watson held hearings in 2014 and 2015 directly arising from my ROE investigation. He found that Ms Kitching had performed multiple right of entry tests for HSU officials and he revoked a number of fraudulently obtained entry permits. The decision of VP Watson was appealed to a Full Bench of the FWC who dismissed the appeal.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>80</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In respect of the Community Affairs References Committee report <inline font-style="italic">Adequacy of Newstart and related payments and alternative mechanisms to determine the level of income support payments in Australia</inline>, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I chaired this inquiry. I'll just call it the Newstart inquiry report because it has such a long title. This was tabled on 30 April and made 27 recommendations.</para>
<para>First off, I would particularly like to thank individuals with lived experience who took this brave step, because many people feel quite worried about talking about their personal experiences in front of a group of senators. I'd like to thank them most strongly and deeply for the time that they took explaining their lived experiences. For many it was very painful to basically relive the difficulties they are facing living on Newstart.</para>
<para>People talked to us about not being able to get their teeth fixed; about their health concerns; about not being able to afford the out-of-pocket expenses for medical appointments and not being able to adequately access mental health services; about choosing to forgo meals for themselves, sometimes only eating one meal a day so their children could eat; about not being able to send their children to school with lunches; about making choices about medication, including medication for their mental health; about forgoing their medication so their children could have medication; and about repeatedly trying to get the disability support pension because they had significant disabilities and did not meet the eligibility criteria or found the system so complex and hard to navigate. They talked about not being able to relate to Centrelink. Unfortunately, I have heard many of those experiences through my constituent office as well, and it really did reinforce for the committee that people are struggling and cannot survive on $40 a day.</para>
<para>We made 27 recommendations, because we looked at a range of issues when we were looking at the adequacy of Newstart. We overwhelmingly found that it was inadequate. The key thing that we looked at to begin with was the issue of poverty and people living in poverty. It was very clear that people on $40 a day are living in poverty. We looked at the fact that there is not a definition of 'poverty' in this country, so our first recommendation is: how about Australia defines what 'poverty' is? The second recommendation is about ensuring that people on income support payments do not live in poverty, which of course they do if they're living on Newstart or youth allowance, at $40 a day. We looked at the issues around Commonwealth rent assistance and recommended that that be looked at.</para>
<para>We also looked at the barriers that people face beyond poverty. As I mentioned, there are the out-of-pocket expenses for health care. We looked at the barriers that single parents face, particularly those that are struggling to survive on Newstart when their oldest child turns eight. We looked at the very specific barriers that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples face, and we make recommendations there. We also looked at the adequacy of our employment services and heard many accounts of people's concerns and the lack of support that they get from employment services and the need to improve those. We also looked at a range of other barriers, which I urge members of the Senate particularly to have a look at in the report. It outlines very clearly why the jobseeker rate—because Newstart, of course, is now the jobseeker payment—of $40 a day is so inadequate and also why the argument, 'You get plenty of other payments, so it's not too bad, folks—there's nothing to see here,' is just a fallacious argument. It really is a fallacious argument. We make a number of recommendations about how to address specific barriers. We make a recommendation to the Senate that we should be looking at another inquiry into health inequality, because we think that's a particularly important issue. We also make recommendations that the department look at the adequacy of support for young people and the adequacy of the payments.</para>
<para>The last recommendation we make is recommendation 27. How many times do we have to tell this place that the jobseeker payment of $40 a day is inadequate? I know people say, 'It's just another recommendation,' but read the report; see the arguments about why the payment is so inadequate. Read the lived experiences of Australians who are telling you from their hearts of their lived experience. You cannot deny people's lived experience. Read that and then see why recommendation 27 is that, once the coronavirus supplement ends, the rate of the jobseeker payment be increased so that people do not live in poverty.</para>
<para>Read the bit in the report that talks about the OECD relative measure of poverty, which finds that it is $1,012. This is extremely close to where we are right now with the jobseeker payment and the supplement, at $1,100. That's why we are so passionate in our support for retaining the current rate and for making sure that people are no longer living in poverty—because the current rate is above the rate of the OECD relative measure of poverty.</para>
<para>It is really essential that we do not condemn Australians on income support to living in poverty. Please read the report; please take on board their messages. Please read and understand people's lived experience. We need to retain the new rate of jobseeker so that this country is not condemning people to living in poverty. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Implementation of the National Redress Scheme: Joint Select Committee</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In respect of the interim report on the implementation of the National Redress Scheme, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>On behalf of the parliamentary Joint Select Committee on Implementation of the National Redress Scheme, I am pleased this afternoon to make some comments about the committee's first interim report to the Senate. The committee has tabled an interim report to reassure survivors of institutional child sexual abuse that their voices are still being heard and, importantly, to help direct and inform the second anniversary of the National Redress Scheme, set to commence prior to 1 July this year.</para>
<para>The interim report contains 14 recommendations to guide the upcoming review of the scheme. Importantly, in regard to the scheme's current administration, the interim report identifies a number of issues that can be addressed and should be addressed immediately to improve the survivor experience. The five reforms that would improve the survivor experience include removing the requirement for a statutory declaration to accompany each application for redress; introducing time frame flow charts to help survivors track their individual applications; establishing a direct complaint avenue for survivors; increasing the provision of adequate, timely access to counselling and psychological care services; and, importantly, improving the indexation arrangements in favour of the survivor so that indexation is applied up until the date an application is submitted rather than the date a payment offer is made.</para>
<para>The most critical and immediate and urgent issue that this interim report addresses is the matter of whether or not institutions are actively working to sign up to the National Redress Scheme by 30 June 2020. In regard to institutions that have not yet joined the National Redress Scheme—and let's remember that we're about to celebrate the second anniversary, almost a thousand days of the National Redress Scheme—the committee is clear, is firm, is unanimous in its view that every possible action must be taken to ensure that institutions fulfil their social and moral duty to survivors. It is irresponsible and naive for the administrators of the National Redress Scheme, the Commonwealth and every state and territory jurisdiction, to pretend that it can continue to rely on the goodwill of institutions. Time is up. We, in this interim report, give a very clear signal about what the parliament's attitude is and needs to be, and it's a clear signal that sits very comfortably with the announcement that the minister for social services, Senator Ruston, made only in the last few weeks.</para>
<para>Our view is, and the committee has recommended very strongly, that the National Redress Scheme should obtain a written statement from each named institution that has not yet joined the scheme, and that that written statement must include: reasons for the delay, a list of the key officers of the institution, the expected joining date, and all financial benefits accrued by means of their charitable status or other sources of public funding or concessions received. The committee has then recommended—and this is the most critical point—that that information not be hidden from public view but publicly disclosed to the Australian community so that it can act as judge and jury, and that those written statements with all of those details should be published on the National Redress Scheme one week before 30 June 2020 deadline. This is not because I, as chairman of the committee, or Senator Siewert, with her long work on these issues, should stand in judgement. The Australian community deserves to know why institutions have not yet joined, what their excuses are and what their time frames are to join.</para>
<para>Colleagues, time is running out for survivors. How ironic that, the more we move away from the royal commission process and its recommendations, and the more we move away from the apology, the less visible survivors of institutional child sexual crimes, as I like to call them, become. How ironic that a group of people who, for a great bulk of their life, were invisible, got an opportunity to tell a story and to have appropriate redress—their expectations raised by the royal commission and by the apology, and raised by the creation of the National Redress Scheme—only to find now that they're feeling invisible and unheard again. That is savage, that is unfair and that is unjust.</para>
<para>I'd like to thank my colleagues on this joint select committee group. We had a choice—we had two choices, actually. We could have waited until May 2022 to issue a final report of this committee, and the 30 June deadline would have passed, the second anniversary deadline would have passed, the review would have conducted its work and we, as parliamentarians, would have issued a report when it was too late. But instead we decided, despite the challenges of this coronavirus pandemic, that we would go out there early and issue an interim report so that the voices of this tri-partisan parliamentary committee could be heard loud and strong, not just by the Commonwealth government but by the Premier of Queensland, who is as involved in the National Redress Scheme as the Prime Minister of Australia. The premiers of New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania, South Australia and Western Australia all have a responsibility, because nothing happens when we think about reform of the National Redress Scheme unless every state and Commonwealth jurisdiction agrees.</para>
<para>My ambition is for the spirit of the national cabinet to refocus its energies and its activities post coronavirus on delivering real, timely justice to those survivors who are still waiting. It pains me to say that the National Redress Scheme is not yet living up to expectations. I believe it can; I believe it should. I came to this committee position with less knowledge about redress matters than others, but you only have to listen to the real stories—the pain and suffering in people's voices still today—and, if you really listen intently, you can't help but be moved, compelled, to want to fight for justice for these very, very important people. Even through our process, and having told their stories 100 times before to other strangers, to other parliamentary committees and the royal commission process, they found the courage to get on telephone calls with senators and members of the House of Representatives and tell their story again.</para>
<para>This is a good committee report. It is one that deserves attention now. That's why the committee has written to each state jurisdiction and to the Commonwealth and asked them, 'What do you think about our recommendation for full public disclosure?' There may be some very good reasons, and the Australian community and the Australian parliaments across this Commonwealth will be generous in their considerations of those very genuine reasons. No-one should be allowed to hide as we get close to the two-year anniversary of the National Redress Scheme.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr Acting Deputy President. Thank you, Senator Smith, for your very eloquent words just then and for your excellent chairing of this committee. You can't say it's a pleasure to work on this committee, because we're dealing with such devastating issues. But the collegiate support and the way we worked together was excellent. All of us on that committee come from the same position of hearing survivors and needing to make sure that they have justice. Unfortunately, the scheme at the moment is not providing justice to survivors.</para>
<para>I agree with Senator Smith that the report is very good in terms of addressing the issues that came up. I urge all governments—it is not just about the Australian government; it is about all state and territory governments—to read the recommendations and take action. Senator Smith has very eloquently pointed out the issue around institutions. I totally support what he said. They have to get on board. We need to make sure that the recommendations in this report are implemented to hold them to account. I don't want to go over the same issues as Senator Smith other than to repeat his support for survivors and also acknowledge that a number of them were retraumatised by having to articulate their experiences yet again—and I thank them from the bottom of my heart.</para>
<para>I want to touch on the 'funder of last resort' issues. These are issues that I raised in this place when we were debating this legislation because the approach taken at the time was clearly not going to address survivors' needs; unfortunately, that has proven to be the case. We need to make sure that we address this. We touched on it in our report. A number of survivors were at institutions that are now defunct, and they now do not have an institution from which to seek redress. It was inevitable that this was going to happen. It was inevitable that the provisions that are currently in the legislation are not going to be adequate. It is absolutely essential that the states and territories and the federal government work together to address this issue. I believe it's going to take amendments to the legislation itself. It's an issue that has been raised; it needs to be carefully looked at during the review. I have particular opinions about how this should be addressed, which the committee has touched on a little bit; but I deeply believe that the governments need to take responsibility, make sure people get redress, and then sort it out among themselves as to who pays.</para>
<para>But don't make the survivors pay—which is what they are doing now—because they can't get access to redress under the current circumstances. Very few people who were in institutions that are now defunct have been able to access redress to date. We know that we are working against the clock for some people; it is not an exaggeration. We need to make sure that we address this issue with a sense of urgency. We have also set a fairly clear time line for the standard review of the implementation of the scheme which has to occur under the legislation. We expect big things from that review. That's not to put any pressure on the person who is appointed to this, and the review process, but it is really essential that they look at these key issues, take them on board and come up with substantial solutions so that survivors are actually able to get redress. We gave them a commitment in this place and we are not meeting that commitment with its current implementation. I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>83</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Coronavirus Economic Response Package (Payments and Benefits) Bill 2020, Coronavirus Economic Response Package Omnibus (Measures No. 2) Bill 2020, Appropriation Bill (No. 5) 2019-2020, Appropriation Bill (No. 6) 2019-2020</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" background="" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r6533">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Coronavirus Economic Response Package (Payments and Benefits) Bill 2020</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r6535">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Coronavirus Economic Response Package Omnibus (Measures No. 2) Bill 2020</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r6532">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 5) 2019-2020</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r6534">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 6) 2019-2020</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Assent</title>
            <page.no>83</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019, Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" background="" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r6465">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r6464">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>83</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's all well and good for Victorians, and I'm not going to get in the way of that—that's for sure. I just want to ask why no hydrogen projects in Tasmania are getting the same special treatment from the federal government that they seem to be getting in Victoria. I think it's a fair ask. It's not like we don't have an appetite for this stuff in my own state. I can tell you that there are Tasmanian investors and investors from outside Tasmania who are champing at the bit to be able to build up our hydrogen industry in Tasmania. The state government wants it as well. We are ready and set to go. There are shovel-ready projects that are so close to getting off the ground. The plans are there. The finance is there. It's not that far off. And we can taste it. We just need a little push to get it going—just like what Victorians are getting here. And good for them. Like I said, I'm not getting in their way, I don't want to tread on their toes. But, frankly, I think Tassie would be a better investment and I think there is enough money to go around for everyone. Our hydrogen industry wouldn't have to be stuffing around with these expensive carbon capture projects to make it happen. Instead, we are perfectly placed to use renewable energy to make proper green hydrogen. It would be cheap to produce and it would bring thousands of jobs to my neck of the woods. I can tell you, after being the epicentre of COVID-19, we are going to need those jobs to get back on our feet. It would also help stabilise our energy market so we don't have the threat of massive price hikes on our electricity bills if a big industrial player pulls out.</para>
<para>Honestly, it would be win-win for everyone, so I just don't see why we've been overlooked on this. Maybe this is just another case of Tasmania being left off the map. Well, I'm putting us back in the spotlight because Tasmanian green hydrogen could be a huge opportunity for the country and also for my state. I invite the federal government to get on board.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019 and the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Amendment (Miscellaneous Measures) Bill 2019. It's a very opportune time to be speaking about this bill, given the veritable stampede we are seeing in this country to open up new exploration acreage to fossil fuel companies. It is a veritable stampede going on as we speak right here now.</para>
<para>The purpose of these bills—dealing with the first one, the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019—is to amend the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006 to provide for single greenhouse gas titles that are partially located in Commonwealth waters and partially located in state and Northern Territory coastal waters, and to strengthen and clarify the monitoring, inspection and enforcement powers of National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority, commonly known as NOPSEMA, during an oil pollution emergency originating in Commonwealth waters. The purpose of the second bill is to amend the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage (Regulatory Levies) Act 2003 to clarify the application of levies in relation to cross-boundary greenhouse gas titles.</para>
<para>I don't believe in coincidences in politics, but we've just been through a summer in this country of the most devastating bushfires. We've seen the Great Barrier Reef bleach for the third time in five years—the worst mass coral bleaching on record. We've seen every temperature record in this country broken, a record drought and a broad recognition around the country that we are in a climate emergency and we need to take action. It's counter-intuitive that, contrary to what most people would expect—that this government would be taking real action on climate change and reining in the profit interests of the fossil fuel industry—the exact opposite is happening. The exact opposite is happening.</para>
<para>Exploration acreage has been released right around this country, both onshore and offshore, and we have seen state and federal governments and the regulator relaxing measures during this COVID crisis, during this pandemic, to enable the oil and gas industry to get out there and explore for more oil and gas. It's almost like they are sniffing the wind. Their social licence is running out of time and they're getting as much as done as they can, as quickly as possible.</para>
<para>Let's talk about what's happened since we've had a pandemic in this country. Why would one particular industry, the gas industry, be receiving such favourable treatment at such a time? For a start, on 23 March we had Premier Daniel Andrews in Victoria shock the Victorian public and climate change activists by lifting the ban or moratorium on conventional gas development in his state—something he made an election promise that he wouldn't do. We've seen Santos ramping up their endeavours around coal seam gas in Narrabri in New South Wales and a big campaign rallying against that.</para>
<para>We've seen, on 17 April, just recently, resources minister Keith Pitt put out his media statement 'Flexibility for offshore explorers during COVID-19 crisis'. Yes, that's right; he's put in place a specific policy for this industry during COVID. He acknowledged the impact COVID has had on the sector and the greater need to make it easier or more flexible for explorers. At the same time, he opened up 49 new areas for offshore petroleum acreage, the majority of it off the north-west coast of Western Australia, but some of it also in the Great Australian Bight and in Bass Strait. New areas are being issued in WA, Northern Territory, Victoria and the Ashmore and Cartier Islands.</para>
<para>We've also seen—I had a very quick glance at NOPSEMA's website, and this was retrieved just yesterday—21 new applications, including three seismic survey applications, six applications for drilling and two applications for a petroleum pipeline, just this week approved. We've seen over 100 recent approvals—I've gone back over recent months—for new seismic testing. I recently spoke to some Tasmanian fishermen, who Senator Colbeck in this chamber would know quite well, who were devastated when they heard that Beach Energy were applying for, and had just received, permission from NOPSEMA to do seismic testing in Bass Strait, in one of their productive scallop beds. Ten years ago, the scallop industry clearly blamed seismic testing for the loss of an entire scallop bed and $50 million worth of exports. Yet it is still happening. Why is there such a stampede? As I said, I don't believe in coincidences in politics.</para>
<para>We've also seen, today, announcements by the Western Australian government of a new Pilbara LNG fuelling hub, offering 50 per cent discounts for LNG vessels to use this facility to attract more large fossil fuel ships. We've seen a very disappointing decision by the EPA in Western Australia around the regulator taking a hands-off approach to Yarra's emissions up in the north-west. Senator Smith, who is in this chamber, was part of the Senate inquiry which I chaired that looked at the Aboriginal rock art in Western Australia. As a boy, I grew up playing around that rock art. We know that the area should be declared a world heritage area, yet here it is: the EPA have just given them a licence, with no restriction on their near million tonnes of emissions into an area that is so precious and globally recognised as one of the biggest natural art galleries on the planet. To a lot of people, it just doesn't make sense that the government is giving even more favours to the big end of town, to big polluters. I'd like to talk about why that may be the case. As I said before, I don't believe in coincidences in politics.</para>
<para>Right now in this country we have a COVID commission looking at many things, including an economic recovery task force. We've seen some very strong statements from Australia's Minister for Energy and Emissions Reduction, Mr Angus Taylor, from the other place, who has openly suggested that the recovery from the COVID-19 crisis will be 'gas fired'—a gas-fired recovery, a fossil fuel recovery in Australia. That's right; our minister for emissions reduction is advocating for more emissions. Also, if you believe the media reports, many of the people appointed to the National COVID-19 Coordination Commission, the NCCC—and I'll get to that detail in a second—represent fossil fuel interests. And, if you look at the manufacturing task force that they have appointed, you see it's totally stacked with fossil fuel interests, gas lobbyists and climate deniers.</para>
<para>So on one hand we have all these new areas being opened up for fossil fuel, especially gas exploration, and on the other hand we have a task force, hand-picked by the government, that is going to make recommendations direct to the Prime Minister and cabinet about how we can pull ourselves out of this COVID downturn. It's clearly set up with the cards stacked in favour of the fossil fuel industry—the ducks are lined up—and no doubt the government will act on the recommendation of this task force for more gas development in Australia, both onshore and offshore. I understand the Senate Select Committee on COVID-19, for which Senator Siewert is the Greens' representative, is hoping to call the CEO of the National COVID-19 Coordination Commission, Nev Power, to talk more about the processes around the recommendations to government.</para>
<para>I want to put on record and acknowledge the excellent sleuthing by a media outlet called Medium and Dan Gocher, who managed to pull together some of the detail around the people who have been appointed to this commission. He notes that Nev Power is known as being a bit of a doer in circles, having worked with Twiggy Forrest's Fortescue Metals Group in getting that up and running as a global powerhouse. Both he and Mr Forrest also have interests in gas exploration companies. I understand that Nev Power, having retired from Fortescue Metals Group in 2018, is now a non-executive director of Strike Energy, which is planning to develop gas reserves in the Perth Basin in Western Australia.</para>
<para>Also on that national coordination commission is Energy Australia CEO Catherine Tanner. Energy Australia owns two coal-fired power stations—Mt Piper, in New South Wales, and Yallourn, in Victoria—and is Australia's second-largest carbon polluter, emitting 22 million tonnes of CO2 in 2018. The CEO, Catherine Tanner, also sits on the board of the Business Council of Australia. No doubt this is part of the game of mates that this government has set up to facilitate the gas-led recovery that Minister Taylor has been so open about.</para>
<para>But let's have a closer look at the less-than-face-value manufacturing task force which is led by former Dow Chemicals boss Andrew Liveris. While he is a director of IBM, ASX-listed Worley and NOVONIX, he's also on the board of Saudi Aramco—yes, Saudi Aramco—and 'has long advocated for natural gas as a silver bullet for Australia's energy woes'. That was reported in the article in Medium. He is joined on this task force by AiGroup CEO Innes Willox; Manufacturing Australia CEO Ben Eade; and Manufacturing Australia chair, former Incitec Pivot CEO and current director of APA Group James Fazzino.</para>
<para>According to Medium, Innes Willox has a long history of opposing climate policy in Australia. Clive Hamilton named Willox as one of his so-called 'dirty dozen' in 2014—the 12 Australians most responsible for blocking climate action. The AiGroup, whose members include AGL Energy, Bluescope Steel, Boral and Woolworths, campaigned against the carbon price openly in 2012-14 and support the development of new thermal coalmines in the Galilee Basin. They've also lobbied against a moratorium on onshore gas developments. UK-based NGO InfluenceMap ranked AiGroup among the most highly climate-oppositional industry associations in the world.</para>
<para>Similarly, Manufacturing Australia has routinely opposed and campaigned against climate action. Most notably, Manufacturing Australia opposed the closure of the Liddell coal-fired power station and supported Alinta Energy's bid to acquire the clunker from AGL in order to keep it open indefinitely. It has also called for a domestic gas reservation policy. Also reported by Medium, former Incitec Pivot CEO and APA group director James Fazzino is, unsurprisingly, a big fan of gas. Anyone can read that article for themselves. It goes into a lot more detail about why that is the case.</para>
<para>Let's have a look at the public comments that have been made. I talked about Minister Taylor, but last week the NCCC chair, Nev Power, was more explicit in his statement, saying to <inline font-style="italic">T</inline><inline font-style="italic">he</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We need competitive energy prices, particularly gas, to attract large-scale manufacturing like fertiliser and petrochemicals.</para></quote>
<para>That was also reported in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline>and <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline>. He went further:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We have significant reserves of gas on the east coast that are not connected up. We have significant reserves in central Australia and significant reserves in Western Australia. There are options to connect our major demand centres with our major supply centres.</para></quote>
<para>And so on and so forth.</para>
<para>We've seen our environment minister talk about weakening so-called green tape, and we know that the deregulation commission has been rolled into the COVID commission. What this is is a recipe for pushing more fossil fuels, at a time in history when we should be doing the exact opposite. We should be putting in a Green New Deal, investing in renewable energy, investing in our communities and fixing the planet, while providing the jobs and industries of the future—not going down this road of continuing to pollute and cook our planet. It is simply unacceptable, and the Greens will continue to expose this and continue to put up alternative options for the future of this country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Basically, it's time to end the uncertainty, in the Great Australian Bight, in relation to oil and gas exploration. This is a bill that Centre Alliance will support, but we want to bring some certainty to the fishing industry and the tourism industry in South Australia. For decades, those industries have had to operate in the shadows of exploration, including seismic testing and the prospect of drilling in the Great Australian Bight. The uncertainty has stifled investment.</para>
<para>Offshore gas and oil exploration in the Great Australian Bight has occurred in three major phases: in the late 1960s and early 1970s, the early 1990s and from 2000 through to current exploration. More than 40 oil and gas exploration permits have been granted in the Great Australian Bight, and 13 exploration wells were drilled between 1972 and 2003. Since that time, only seismic testing has been conducted. We've seen BP come and go, we've seen Chevron come and go, we've seen Karoon Gas come and go and we've seen Equinor come and go.</para>
<para>These large companies all pulled out because, quite simply, drilling for oil in the bight is not economically viable. Meanwhile, the presence of the remaining oil companies and the ongoing prospect of drilling has adversely affected investment in the fishing and tourism industry. The fishing industry on the Eyre Peninsula alone is worth $500 million, and $400 million of that goes to export. Eyre Peninsula tourism is worth more than $300 million. Combined, both of those industries, directly and indirectly, employ some 5,000 South Australians. And these smaller industries pay tax, which is in great contrast to the oil and gas industry.</para>
<para>I've looked at the tax transparency data that the tax office now releases for companies that have a revenue of greater than $100 million. We can see that Chevron Australia Holdings Pty Ltd earned, over the last five tax transparency years, $15.7 billion. To the minister: do you know how much corporate tax they paid on that $15.7 billion of revenue? Absolutely zero. But if you think that's bad, let's go to ExxonMobil: $42 billion of revenue over five years and not a brass razoo paid in corporate tax. Kufpec Australia is another one: $1.2 billion of revenue; zero tax paid. Kuwait Petroleum Aviation (Australia) Pty Limited: $1.4 billion of revenue; zero tax paid. PTTEP Australia Perth: $2 billion; zero corporate tax paid. Tokyo Gas Australia: $1.7 billion; zero corporate tax paid. So we've got a contrast. We've got the tourism industry in South Australia, we've got the fishing industry in South Australia, hardworking mums and dads, varying sized companies, all paying tax, and they're unfortunately overshadowed by the oil and gas companies who are, basically, dithering around in the Great Australian Bight.</para>
<para>Let's look at one of those companies: Chevron. I'm grateful to the ATO. The ATO has done a fantastic job here. I'm not always complimentary of them, but they pursued Chevron. Chevron borrowed money from its corporate parent at nine per cent. Its corporate parent got it at one per cent. And they got caught out. Do you know how much the tax office got back? $866 million. That was in a lawsuit that the tax office won. Anyone who's in business knows that you have to have arm's-length transactions. You have to have proper accounting between a daughter company and a parent company. It's not rocket science. It's basic business. Yet Chevron didn't know this, somehow. I say they did, and I say that they stole from the tax office. That means they stole from the Australian public.</para>
<para>We've got a lot of companies running around right now looking for handouts, for help, and I don't mind giving people help. But, please, I hope none of these oil companies come to us for help, because they haven't paid any tax. They'll say, 'But we paid PRRT.' Firstly, that has been shown to be totally inadequate. We also need to understand that that is a separate tax that is provided to the Australian public because they take our oil and gas from underneath the sea.</para>
<para>I will be moving an amendment to this bill that will limit exploration leases in the Great Australian Bight to 10 years. Bight Petroleum is in the Great Australian Bight, as an example. They have sought and received six exploration permit extensions since 2011 for each of their permits, for both of them, EPP 41 and 42. These permit areas are close to Port Lincoln and Kangaroo Island. We're not trying to say to these companies, 'Stop immediately. You've lost your investment.' We're just saying, 'You need to commit or leave.' 'Use it or lose it' is the common term.</para>
<para>What these companies do is hold onto the asset, and, under the lease conditions that NOPTA impose upon them, they're not required to develop any particular resource if it's not commercially viable. But 'commercially viable' to them might mean that, in order to drill, they have to go and get an asset that's actually being used productively somewhere else, so therefore it's not commercially suitable. They use this system to just keep renewing and renewing and renewing, and we let them do that. In the meantime, that oil and gas that could have been extracted to assist us here in Australia is not extracted. In the case of the Great Australian Bight, we all recall Equinor. They would have simply extracted that oil and exported it, again without tax being paid.</para>
<para>So we've got to stop this. We've got to give certainty to South Australian industries, to the fisheries industry, to the tourism industry on the Eyre Peninsula, across to Victor Harbor, all the way down to Mount Gambier. We've got to give certainty so that they can make investments and know what lies ahead in terms of their future. After the vote on the second reading, I will be moving an amendment in the committee stage.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contributions to this debate, which ranged far and wide in relation to a relatively narrow package of amendments to the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006. The Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019 enables the title administration and regulation of a greenhouse gas storage formation straddling state and Commonwealth jurisdictions. This will facilitate, for example, the CarbonNet proposed project storage site, which is investigating the feasibility of a commercial-scale multiuser carbon capture and storage network in Gippsland, Victoria. This, in turn, is a crucial element of support for the Hydrogen Energy Supply Chain Pilot Project, which has attracted Commonwealth government, Victorian government and international partners and which relies on suitable CCS as part of its trial around effective hydrogen generation in that space.</para>
<para>The package also contains a measure to strengthen and clarify the monitoring, inspection and enforcement powers of the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority, NOPSEMA, within state and Northern Territory jurisdictions in the unlikely event of an oil pollution emergency originating in Commonwealth waters. The amendments will enable NOPSEMA to monitor whether a titleholder is in compliance with its oil spill response obligations and take enforcement action in the event of noncompliance. They also extend the operation of polluter-pays obligations and the application of significant incident directions to areas of state and Northern Territory jurisdiction.</para>
<para>Acknowledging the recommendation made by the Senate Economics Legislation Committee's report on this bill, the Department of Industry, Science, Energy and Resources has advised that APPEA was consulted on an exposure draft of the bill and they raised related or similar concerns at the time. In their response, the department undertook to share and discuss those concerns with NOPSEMA to ensure that the matters were canvassed in the relevant guidance and protocols as appropriate. The APPEA's submission to the Senate committee will also be given due consideration during the development of the guidance and protocols that will follow these legislative changes. The government acknowledges the concerns expressed by APPEA but considers that the matters are more appropriately dealt with in those guidance terms rather than in legislation. The guidance and protocols will assist to ensure clarity and procedural certainty in the unlikely event that the provisions need to be activated.</para>
<para>I thank senators for their contributions to the debate and commend the bill, with those specific amendments to it, to the chamber.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Madam Deputy President, I ask that the Greens be recorded as being in favour of the second reading amendment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I would like to record Centre Alliance's support for the Greens second reading amendment.</para>
<para>Original question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've circulated amendments in the chamber today to the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019. These amendments would put a moratorium on oil drilling in the Great Australian Bight. We all know that the debate over oil drilling in the Great Australian Bight has been hard fought. The majority of South Australians want to protect the Great Australian Bight. They want to protect our beaches and they want to keep our marine wonder world pristine. The last thing they want is to see the Great Australian Bight turned into an oil and gas field.</para>
<para>Given Equinor's decision some months ago to withdraw their proposal to drill in the Great Australian Bight, these amendments are now very well timed, because there is no current proposal before government, before the agency NOPSEMA, for drilling in the Bight. So we now have a wonderful opportunity to realise the hopes and dreams of South Australians and many other Australians right across this country to protect the Great Australian Bight for good, to make sure that we don't allow any big corporation to come in and think that they can trash what is a pristine, internationally important area, a whale sanctuary. Eighty per cent of the species who live in the Great Australian Bight are found nowhere else on earth. This is a very, very special place. People were fearful of what would have happened had Equinor been given the tick of approval and gone ahead with turning the Great Australian Bight into an oilfield. Let's make sure we do what South Australians want—that is, protect the bight for good. Putting in place a moratorium on drilling is a really good way to send a signal to industry, to overseas companies and to the Australian people that the government has listened to the wills and desires of the community.</para>
<para>Make no mistake: it was the community campaign—particularly out of South Australia, but it spread right across the country—of people wanting to protect this area. They want to protect the Great Australian Bight because it is so unique and so special. But they also know that turning the Great Australian Bight into an oilfield would make it very difficult for us to ever properly tackle climate change in the future. The enormous amount of carbon that would be omitted as a result of these drilling operations and the product coming out would make it near impossible for Australia to keep global warming below two degrees. We know we've got a long way to go to reduce the carbon pollution we already have. Opening up the Great Australian Bight would make the job even harder, because it would put even more pollution out there and into the atmosphere.</para>
<para>For two key reasons—the science and the will of the community—it is absolutely essential that this parliament acknowledges today that we need a moratorium on protecting the Great Australian Bight and a moratorium on any type of drilling in that area. To that point, one of the best things we can do is celebrate how good the bight is by giving it World Heritage protection and by making sure that the area that is now protected is given full opportunity to be celebrated as an area that Australians and people from all over the world will want to visit. We know that South Australia's tourism industry has been kicked hard over the last few months. With the bushfires, the devastation on Kangaroo Island and in the Adelaide Hills, and now with COVID-19, South Australia's tourism has been decimated. Wouldn't it be wonderful if this government made an investment in our state and our state's tourism by protecting the bight and celebrating it as a place to be visited and rejoiced. This is what South Australians want.</para>
<para>I implore this government to step in and do what is right. I know it was always going to be difficult to make a change while there was an application on foot, but we don't have that problem anymore. Equinor, the Norwegian company, pulled out; they've gone. Say no to oil and gas drilling in the bight and yes to World Heritage protection. That's what these amendments do, and I encourage my fellow senators to support them.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Senator Hanson-Young, do you wish to move those amendments?</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Greens amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 8886 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 3 (at the end of the table), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Page 201 (after line 19), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">    Schedule 5—Moratorium on drilling exploration in Great Australian Bight</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006</inline> </para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">    1 Section 7</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</inline> has the meaning given by Schedule 9.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">    2 After section 97</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">            97A Moratorium—drilling exploration in the Great Australian Bight</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">         (1) A petroleum exploration permit may not be granted on or after the moratorium start day in respect of an area in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">         (2) A petroleum exploration permit that is in force immediately before the moratorium start day ceases to have effect on and after that day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">         (3) On and from the moratorium start day, nothing in this Act authorises or requires, or gives the power to authorise or require, any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">         (a) exploring for petroleum in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">         (b) recovering petroleum in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">            (c) carrying on operations, and executing works, in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area for those purposes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">         (4) In this section:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">moratorium start day</inline> means the day this section commences.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">    3 At the end of the Act</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">        Schedule 9—Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      Note: See the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth</inline><inline font-style="italic">Great Australian Bight area</inline> in section 7.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      1Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</inline> is an area in the Southern Ocean bounded by the line commencing at the point described in item 1 of the following table and running progressively as described in the table.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the amendments to the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019. The amendments are moved by Senator Hanson-Young of the Australian Greens. The amendments are also referred to as 'the moratorium—Great Australian Bight drilling'. That's an accurate summary of what the amendments do. Effectively, the Greens require that this bill only commence if it contains a moratorium on (a) exploring for petroleum in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area, (b) recovering petroleum in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area and (c) carrying on operations in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight for those purposes.</para>
<para>We oppose this moratorium for several reasons. Firstly, this bill is concerned with greenhouse gas storage. It makes changes to petroleum titles so that the Commonwealth regulator for offshore petroleum activities, NOPSEMA, can have oversight of offshore greenhouse gas storage activities that straddle both state and Commonwealth waters. It means one regulator has oversight of greenhouse gas storage activities in different jurisdictions. This has been done for improved environmental management and improved workplace safety in the greenhouse gas storage industry of the future.</para>
<para>The bill is also, according to the explanatory memorandum, concerned with the proposed greenhouse gas storage operations in the Bass Strait regarding the CarbonNet and hydrogen energy strategy in Victoria. This bill is not concerned with the Great Australian Bight and is not specifically concerned with petroleum exploration recovery or petroleum operations. These amendments from the Greens detract from a bill that is attempting to improve environmental and workplace safety outcomes in greenhouse gas storage—a technology that will help Australia reduce its greenhouse gas emissions into the future. We therefore oppose the amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government opposes these amendments. These amendments, in singling out the Great Australian Bight, would exclude a significant area of potential for Australia's oil and gas sector from possibly being realised in the future. The government remains committed to encouraging the safe and sustainable development of Australia's offshore petroleum resources, overseen by the world-class regulator—and through regulatory standards—the National Offshore Petroleum Safety and Environmental Management Authority, or NOPSEMA.</para>
<para>As senators are well aware, to provide additional assurances around NOPSEMA's processes and their robustness and foundation upon science and evidence, last year the government commissioned an independent audit of NOPSEMA's assessment of exploration activities in the Great Australian Bight. This was conducted by the Chief Scientist, Dr Alan Finkel, together with experts in community engagement, geoscience, marine science and offshore exploratory drilling and regulation. The audit found that NOPSEMA is a highly skilled, professional and competent regulator and has appropriate processes and practices to ensure environment plans are assessed against relevant, sufficient and complete scientific and technical information and against the requirements of relevant legislation.</para>
<para>Communities around the bight should be assured that oil and gas exploration, where undertaken, is undertaken safely.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Hanson-Young interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I note the interjection from Senator Hanson-Young there. I would equally note that, in other parts of Australia, where we have seen oil or gas drilling undertaken for decades, there is successful coexistence of industries like tourism, fisheries and other agricultural industries within those same regions. This amendment is not proposed on the basis of science or rigorous assessment processes but is simply opposition to resource development. Indeed, I think everybody in this chamber, if they were being honest, would acknowledge that, if the Greens thought they could propose an amendment that banned all drilling exploration in any Australian waters, they would cheerily put that forward as well. The bight has strong and appropriate protections, with 14 marine parks covering some 508,371 square kilometres, stretching from Kangaroo Island to the Abrolhos islands in Western Australia, all part of the South-west Marine Parks Network. The bight basin remains one of Australia's frontier basins and any proposals for new oil and gas fields in this area will be assessed fairly and independently by NOPSEMA, whose powers and authorities are expanded as a result of the bill that we are putting forward, in terms of protections provided. For those reasons, the government opposes the amendment.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: The question is that the amendments, as moved by Senator Hanson-Young, on sheet 8886, (1) and (2), together, by leave, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Senator Hanson-Young.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Madam Chair. I would have called a division, but, given the social-distancing practices we're undertaking, I would ask that every party's vote be recorded in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Thank you, Senator Hanson-Young. We'll make sure that the Greens' opposition is agreed to. I'm just seeking the advice of the Clerk as to whether all parties' votes can be recorded. Senator Hanson-Young, you can record your support for your amendment.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like some clarification on this because I understood that the Labor Party voted against this amendment. I also understood that the Liberal Party voted against this amendment.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Yes; that's correct.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens are voting for it. I think Centre Alliance are voting for it and supporting it. I would like that recorded in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> because, otherwise, I may as well call a division so it's very clear as to where the parties stand.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: May I suggest you seek leave and, if leave is agreed to, that's how it can be recorded. Can we take it that you seek leave?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Leave is granted, so it will be recorded as you outlined—your support for the amendment—and we have, in this place, the acknowledgement of the government and the Labor opposition that they're not supporting the amendment. Senator Patrick.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Patrick</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It might be helpful if both the government and the opposition simply stood up and stated their position.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Senator Patrick, we've had the debate. The parties have stood up. We now have leave, so it will be recorded as I've just outlined, unless you're now contributing to something else.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Patrick</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to actively put on the record that Centre Alliance supported this amendment.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: Thank you. We will do that as well. I'm in the hands of the chamber. We've dealt with that amendment. Senator Patrick.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move amendments (1) and (2), together, on sheet 8897:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 3 (at the end of the table), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">[commencement]</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Page 201 (after line 19), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 5—Duration of petroleum exploration permits</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 1—Amendments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Section 7</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</inline> has the meaning given by Schedule 9.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 After section 102</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">102A Duration of petroleum exploration permit—limit on extensions of permits relating to Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This section applies to a petroleum exploration permit granted in respect of an area in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Despite the provisions of this Act that allow for the extension of the duration of a petroleum exploration permit, the period for which the petroleum exploration permit remains in force must not be extended under those provisions (whether by a single extension or by multiple extensions under one or more of those provisions) to remain in force for a period of more than 10 years beginning on the day the permit came into force.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: See notes 1 to 4A at the end of section 102 for the provisions about the extension of the duration of permits.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 At the end of the Act</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 9—Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: See the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth</inline><inline font-style="italic">Great Australian Bight area</inline> in section 7.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area</inline> is an area in the Southern Ocean bounded by the line commencing at the point described in item 1 of the following table and running progressively as described in the table.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 2—Application and transitional provisions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 Application provision</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments made by Part 1 of this Schedule apply in relation to the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a petroleum exploration permit that is granted on or after the commencement of this Schedule;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a petroleum exploration permit that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) is in force immediately before the commencement of this Schedule; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) has not been in force at that time for a period of more than 10 years; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) has not, before that time, been granted an extension of the duration of the permit that would result in the permit remaining in force for a period of more than 10 years beginning on the day the permit came into force.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 Transitional provision—petroleum exploration permit in force for more than 10 years</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) This item applies in relation to a petroleum exploration permit that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is in force immediately before the commencement of this Schedule; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) was granted in relation to an area in the Commonwealth Great Australian Bight area; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) has been extended one or more times under one or more provisions of the<inline font-style="italic"> Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006</inline> such that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the permit has been in force, when this Schedule commences, for a period of more than 10 years beginning on the day the permit came into force; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the permit will, as a result of an extension granted before this Schedule commences, remain in force for a period of more than 10 years beginning on the day the permit came into force.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) On and after the commencement of this Schedule, the duration of the petroleum exploration permit must not be extended again under any of the provisions the <inline font-style="italic">Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006</inline> that would otherwise allow for the extension of the duration of the permit.</para></quote>
<para>I did cover this in my second reading speech, but, just to make the chamber alert to what this is about: this is an amendment that seeks to place a time limit on exploration in the Great Australian Bight, basically saying that you cannot perpetually get extensions upon extensions upon extensions that stifle investment in the tourist industry and, indeed, the fishing industry, particularly on the Eyre Peninsula but right along the South Australian coastline.</para>
<para>I make the point that I know Minister Birmingham did rise and talk about the need for energy. His position would be more palatable if, for example—and I say this with Centre Alliance quite supportive of things like gas as a transitional energy source; we're not seeking to stop things, but, at the same time, we are seeking government direction and leadership in relation to things like electric vehicles, which can reduce our dependencies on oil and gas. Nothing seems to be happening in that space. Not only do electric vehicles assist in terms of reducing reliance on oils but they also improve productivity. Electric vehicles involve less maintenance, they have fewer moving parts than regular vehicles and they don't emit poisonous gases in the same way that internal combustion engine cars do. It is the future, and most countries around the world have adopted electric vehicles. They're encouraging electric vehicles and, indeed, have placed limits upon the time frame in which it will be possible to purchase an internal combustion engine vehicle. As I move this, I just indicate to the government that there are things that they can do where there's a win-win, and unfortunately they're not showing leadership in those sorts of areas.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the amendment to the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill 2019. This amendment was moved by Senator Rex Patrick from the Centre Alliance. It primarily concerns the duration of petroleum exploration permits and applies only to offshore exploration permits in the Great Australian Bight. The amendment would limit the extension of Commonwealth offshore petroleum exploration permits so that no exploration permit in the Great Australian Bight could be granted for more than 10 years. The 10-year limit would also apply to transitional provisions and to permits already in force.</para>
<para>There are problems with Senator Patrick's amendment. First, it has little to do with the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Amendment (Cross-boundary Greenhouse Gas Titles and Other Measures) Bill. The bill ensures that where there are offshore greenhouse gas storage areas that straddle Commonwealth, state and territory titles the Commonwealth's offshore petroleum regulators have authority. The bill is intended to ensure that the strongest safety and environmental protections are in place for offshore greenhouse gas storage operations and that a Commonwealth regulator, such as NOPSEMA, can enforce them. The bill is not concerned with limiting the duration of exploration permits. Second, Senator Patrick's amendment—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Patrick interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With due respect, Madam Chair, I was quiet while Senator Patrick produced his drivel. Could you please request the same courtesy?</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: We are in Committee of the Whole, and there is usually a little bit of leeway given, but I remind senators that it is the requirement that you refrain from heckling during someone else's contribution.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that protection, Chair. Second, Senator Patrick's amendment limits the duration of offshore exploration permits, but only in the Great Australian Bight. No reasons are given for that. This is the effect of treating one operator differently to others based not on their actions or misdeeds but on where they are exploring. This goes to the third point, which is that there are already established ways to create protected marine areas. To properly protect marine areas we don't have to introduce anomalies to bills that are concerned with quite separate matters. The offshore greenhouse gas storage cross-boundary gas titles bills strengthen environmental and safety regulation of greenhouse gas storage, which is an important technology to help Australia reduce its future carbon emissions. The bill is not concerned with the duration of exploration permits on one part of Australia's coast. For the reasons listed above, we oppose Senator Patrick's amendment.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government also opposes this amendment for many of the same reasons that I outlined in relation to the amendment moved earlier by the Australian Greens, which I won't repeat. This amendment is slightly different in that it seeks to create a new and separate class of petroleum title for the specific geographic area that encompasses the Great Australian Bight in Commonwealth offshore waters. Rather than it being a blanket ban, as proposed by the Greens, it would create a new and different title. The government has concerns that this would leave investors questioning the viability of an investment, that it would create considerable additional financial risk in frontier areas like the Great Australian Bight and relative to other parts. It's an area that, as a frontier area, already comes with significant risk, and the proposed amendment would compound those uncertainties, heighten sovereign risk and make investors look elsewhere for safer projects and more-certain regulation.</para>
<para>I note Senator Patrick's comments in relation to other matters—electric vehicles and the like. Whilst I don't have with me in the chamber a comprehensive list of actions on those unrelated topics, the Clean Energy Finance Corporation, for example, has engaged a number of co-finance programs with major banks and non-bank lenders in relation to EVs, and I know that CEFC and ARENA continue to engage in other work to enhance and promote the adoption of EVs.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to offer the Greens support for this amendment. I make that clear, and I'd like that recorded when we put the question.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para class="italic">The CHAIR: As requested by Senator Hanson-Young, we will show that the Greens supported that amendment.</para>
<para>Bills agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills reported without amendments; report adopted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>93</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019, Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019</title>
          <page.no>94</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r6451">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r6452">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>94</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019 and the Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019. This is legislation the government could have passed in late 2017, it is legislation they could have passed in late 2018 and it is legislation they could have passed in March 2020. We are glad that, after three years of strange delays, it is being brought to a vote in the Senate here today.</para>
<para>In reports in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline> this morning, we read that NBN Co will take on up to a further $4 billion in debt to fund the network. This curiously timed announcement comes on the same day the government seeks to progress a broadband tax in the Senate. These twin events are symptoms of a $51 billion multitechnology mix that has reduced the cash flows available to the NBN by $500 million per year. The reduction in long-term cash flows arises from a reliance on older technologies that cost much more to operate, generate less revenue and incur billions in upgrade costs that would not have been incurred under the original NBN plan. The fact that NBN are already saying that they need to take on more debt is a vindication of the view that doing it once with fibre and doing it right was economically superior all along. I will return to this point later.</para>
<para>In the previous term of parliament, Labor introduced several amendments that sought to reduce the impact of the levy on greenfield networks built before 1 July 2020; cap the levy charge so it could not rise to $10 a month; and make rollout data publicly available on the nationalmap.gov.au website. Those amendments lapsed because the government did not bring its bill to a vote. I want to thank the Senate crossbench for their in-principle support for these amendments at the time and acknowledge those ALP amendments that have been incorporated by the government into this bill.</para>
<para>Labor supports the establishment of a statutory infrastructure provider regime as outlined in this bill. The proposed framework will provide additional certainty that, as we move beyond the initial rollout, newly constructed premises can access high-speed broadband. This is, of course, a natural extension of the arrangements Labor put in place nearly 10 years ago through a statement of expectations issued to the NBN board. The statement of expectations required the NBN company to make high-speed broadband available to all Australians regardless of where they live or work. That has happened and will continue to happen, and this bill provides certainty that it will continue.</para>
<para>After more than a decade in power through the 1990s and 2000s, the Liberal Party left Australia with broadband infrastructure that was incompatible with our aspirations as a nation. It was Labor who carved out the principle that all Australians should have access to modern telecommunications infrastructure. It was Labor who stood up for the regions, not with rhetoric but with a considered policy to deliver universal access to high-speed broadband, universal pricing and investment to make that a reality. The Liberals opposed the NBN. The Liberals opposed the NBN satellite. They did not promote meaningful competition in the regions. They did nothing to promote broadband investment in the regions. It was the Liberals who privatised Telstra as a vertically integrated monopoly. So let us be clear: after more than 10 years, the legacy of those opposite when it came to regional communications was technological stagnation and higher prices. The Labor Party put an end to that mediocrity with its plan for the National Broadband Network.</para>
<para>Here today, the government is claiming it is putting in place a framework for regional broadband funding. Let's run through some of the facts and put this into context. At inception, Labor designed the NBN to provide universal access in the cities and the regions. This plan provided for seven per cent of Australian premises to be served through a combination of fixed wireless and satellite technology. Because these networks run at a financial loss, an internal cross-subsidy was implemented to fund these regional networks. As of today, the internal cross-subsidy implemented under Labor is already generating $580 million per annum. By 2022, it will generate $800 million per annum. The broadband tax devised by this government raises barely one-twentieth of the revenue from the regional funding mechanism Labor put in place a decade ago.</para>
<para>As I noted earlier, the multitechnology mix has reduced the cash flows of NBN by $500 million per annum compared to the original fibre plan. This means the capacity of NBN to invest or return dividends has been reduced by $500 million per annum. This is a consequence of the older technologies—namely, copper and HFC—that are costing hundreds of millions a year more to operate, generating less revenue over the medium term and requiring hundreds of millions more per annum in maintenance capital. These are not Labor's figures. This is based on NBN Co's own figures. The proposed levy recovers less than one-tenth of the cash flow that has been lost due to the change in technologies. To give one last example: the cost of the NBN rollout increased by $2 billion in the corporate plan before last.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just a moment, Senator Kitching. Staff are not to come onto the floor of the chamber.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The interest bill alone from that increase is nearly double what this levy raises.</para>
<para>Lastly, we recently learnt that, in the 2020 corporate plan, regional investment was quietly reduced by $200 million. This is despite the government incorporating revenues from this unlegislated levy into the NBN corporate plan. What this means is that, even after the government took into account the revenues this levy would raise, they went ahead and agreed to reduce funding for the regional fixed wireless network anyway. It raises a legitimate question: why are the government progressing a $7-per-month broadband tax in the name of regional funding while reducing regional NBN investment at the same time, and why did they try to conceal this funding reduction in the 2020 NBN corporate plan?</para>
<para>The tempered reality is the levy before this parliament will not have a material impact on the regional NBN funding profile. It adds $40 million to cross-subsidy revenues against an existing baseline of $800 million per annum. Further, it does not come close to offsetting the reduction in NBN cash flows resulting from the switch to an economically compromised multi technology mix. So you may be wondering: what is the primary purpose of the levy? Well, when you strip away all of the rhetoric, the minister wants to reduce competition with NBN by placing a tax on companies that compete with NBN. Reducing competition will in turn help protect the current revenues that NBN generates. Deterring unnecessary and counterproductive duplication of fixed-line infrastructure is important given the considerable investment taxpayers have made.</para>
<para>Labor has been upfront and consistent about its position on this. We do not want to see fixed-line networks over-building each other; however, the government doesn't have the decency to admit this is what this bill is actually about. On 28 November 2019, the Senate referred the Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019 to the Senate Environment and Communications Legislation Committee for inquiry.</para>
<para>Before I go to the bill, it's important to cover some of the history. Prior to the 2013 election, Mr Turnbull, the former Prime Minister, and others were running around encouraging private companies to compete directly with the government-owned entity. They didn't do this out of principle; they did this because they wanted to wreck the NBN. They wanted it to fail because it was a Labor concept. Then, 10 days after the 2013 election, TPG announced it wanted to expand a fibre-to-the-basement network in inner city areas to up to half a million homes. As you would expect, this created alarm both within NBN Co and within the government. They understood, as anyone with common sense would understand, if TPG began cherry-picking profitable parts of the fixed-line NBN footprint, then the economics of the project would become unstuck. This was not in the interests of taxpayers and it was not in the public interest given the NBN was at that point a reality.</para>
<para>The concept of what was to become the proposed broadband levy was considered as part of a government-initiated Vertigan review in 2014, which examined different options to offset NBN's losses in fixed-wireless and satellite networks. The minister has claimed that the government adopted this levy because it was a recommendation of the Vertigan review; that is not true. Allow me to quote what the Vertigan review report actually said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">By far the best option for funding any ongoing subsidy would be through consolidated revenue. Among other advantages, that would allow Parliament and the public to assess in an ongoing way the benefits of using taxpayer funds for this purpose rather than others. However, should that option not be adopted, the panel recommends that, if an ongoing subsidy is required and its minimum amount can be reliably determined, a single, annual, broad‐based industry levy, covering both voice and broadband services, be imposed to fund that subsidy. This would be similar to the current arrangements for the Universal Service Obligation (USO), which are outlined in Appendix 3.</para></quote>
<para>Let us make two things clear. First, the Vertigan review did not recommend a levy on the industry and consumers as its first preference; its preference was funding from consolidated revenue. Second, the levy recommended by the review was a broad-based levy. The bill before us does not propose a broad-based levy. The government have designed a levy with a narrow base in order to produce a high charge. The reason they have done that is for the purpose of preventing competition.</para>
<para>The public then has to put up with the spectacle of the minister writing an op-ed pretending that the bill is about competition, and this brings me to an important point. The coalition have built an inferior NBN for $51 billion. This has cost taxpayers more than the original fibre network; it costs more to operate. The older technologies also require more future funding for upgrades that would not have been necessary under the original plan. At a speech to CEDA last year, the minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are going to need to rely on and boost competition to make sure that our fixed networks continue to upgrade and stay in tune with world developments.</para></quote>
<para>Yet the legislation being proposed by the minister directly contradicts this statement. This bill is designed to achieve the exact opposite. With due respect, this is the sort of doublespeak you would expect to hear at a marketing seminar.</para>
<para>What this government is asking the telecommunications industry to believe is that a legislative package headlined by a broadband tax should be seen as a gift to improve competition. While it may be inconvenient to concede, the primary reason the government instigated the levy was to deter TPG from cherrypicking inner city basements given the negative impact this would have on the economics of the NBN. Most of the industry, including Labor, support that objective. Labor has always been up front about that; we do believe it is in the interests of taxpayers and in the public's interest yet, from the outset, the government has been too insecure to acknowledge this as an objective of their policy. Instead, to give the appearance of having a more neutral purpose, the levy was expanded into greenfield networks. The greenfield networks don't cause revenue leakage to NBN and if it wasn't for operators such as OptiComm, peak funding for the NBN build would be higher. Think about it: if private operators were not building fibre networks in these areas, NBN would have had to draw on more taxpayer funding to do so. How do a supposed pro-market, pro-investment Liberal Party reward these operators? They reward them with a tax on their operations and on their customers.</para>
<para>This levy was also extended to enterprise markets. Not only is there no revenue leakage to NBN Co, but we have a situation where NBN Co often causes revenue leakage to the incumbent. This was captured very well in a submission by Optus, which noted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the provision of services to enterprise and government customers over non-NBN networks does not displace any NBN Co revenue or preclude NBN Co from making sufficient revenue from its metro connections to internally cross-subsidy the fixed wireless and satellite networks.</para></quote>
<para>Notwithstanding various concerns, Labor focused on introducing a legislative amendment to help grandfather existing greenfield networks built before 1 July 2019 until the policy could be revisited at a later time. We did not consider the retrospective application of the levy to be fair, as greenfield networks in newly developed estates did not pass the test of causing revenue leakage to the NBN Co.</para>
<para>I want to run through Labor's position on the bills. We are going to support the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019. It's a sensible piece of legislation. We're going to introduce an amendment to require the levy modelling to be updated and a report to be produced within 150 days. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DAVEY</name>
    <name.id>281697</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on these two bills, the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019 and the Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019. I just want to correct Senator Kitching in her claim that the coalition does not support the NBN. I totally reject that claim. In fact, when the coalition came into government in 2013 we inherited an absolute shambles. It was a shambles that any government should hang its head in shame over. We inherited an NBN that was full of promise but very light on action and implementation. It was first devised in 2007, but only 51,000 premises had been connected by the time we came into government in 2013. Since then, we have completely overhauled the NBN such that we are now on track to deliver the NBN on time to premises across Australia via a range of technologies which are not just one-size-fits-all but suited to the area and region, and certainly to regional Australia—the purpose for this bill—which is where I'm most focused and where my personal experience lies.</para>
<para>I support these bills for three key reasons. They make changes to the regulatory framework for telecommunications that will strengthen the provision of superfast broadband infrastructure across Australia, but particularly in our regions. They increase competition in both wholesale and retail markets and will lead to better outcomes for consumers, and they provide sustainable funding for essential broadband services in regional, rural and remote Australia.</para>
<para>I think we've all experienced, in the last few months, what it truly means to need to be connected. We're working from home and we have children who are doing school from home. It is really coming to the fore how important being connected is in this modern world and how important it will be, going forward, post-COVID-19, if we want to recognise and provide facilities for flexible working arrangements and provide more opportunity to Australians and to consumers.</para>
<para>I live in the bush. I've had my two children schooling from home, and I access the NBN through satellite. Without that service, there is no way that my children could be doing their schooling sufficiently or that I would be able to access and service my constituents and continue to work for my community in regional New South Wales. That is why it is so important we recognise that we need to be fair across all parts of Australia. We need to finish the NBN. We need to get it in place.</para>
<para>It is not just about ensuring that our children can go to school, however. Hopefully very soon, if we continue to flatten the curve, our children will be able to go back to school and we will be able to go back to work in whichever capacity is suitable for us. But regional, rural and remote Australia has its own challenges, and mental health is a significant issue right now. We have seen reports where, drastically, modelling shows that there is potential for increased suicides in the months and years going forward, post-COVID. Telehealth for mental health is so important and provides people with access to services that they may not otherwise be able to reach out for. That is why having good NBN with good internet services, supported by voice services—which these bills also require—is so important for our regional communities.</para>
<para>Our farms are becoming more and more technologically advanced and our regional communities are benefitting from being able to access information and market their commodities and products online. I now know of farmers who don't go to the saleyards anymore; they actually auction their cattle from the paddock and someone else buys it straight from the paddock. It's cutting down the stress for the animals, it's more efficient in marketing and it's bringing modern technology to the fore. That wouldn't be available without the NBN services that we have put in place since we came into government in 2013, and that supports and builds on our other investments in rural and regional communications, including the Mobile Black Spot Program, all of which our government is committed to to ensure our regions are not left behind.</para>
<para>How do these bills assist regional Australia? Firstly, they improve the regulatory framework for telecommunications companies, which will strengthen the provision of superfast broadband infrastructure in our regions. Schedule 3 of the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019 does this by setting out a new statutory infrastructure provider regime. Currently there is no existing requirement for NBN Co to connect premises to the National Broadband Network or to service them on an ongoing basis, into the future. This bill establishes an explicit statutory requirement for NBN Co—or another service provider, in certain circumstances—to connect premises to the National Broadband Network. NBN Co will be the default provider; however, there is now capacity for other service providers to become statutory infrastructure providers, or SIPs, where there is a contract that can provide for this. The Australian Communications and Media Authority, an independent authority, will enforce the SIP regime and will do so by maintaining a register of SIP areas and registered SIPs. So, regardless of whether it's NBN Co or another SIP that is the statutory infrastructure provider, they must, on reasonable request, connect a premise to either a fixed line network or a fixed wireless network or a satellite network.</para>
<para>Another requirement is that the wholesale services must allow retailers to provide broadband services at peak download transmission speeds of at least 25 megabits per second and a peak upload transmission speed of at least five megabits per second. That is higher than the ALP's 2007 election commitment of a peak download of 12 megabits per second. So we have delivered on the NBN. We are committed to completing the NBN, and we are committed to putting in place the structures needed to ensure the NBN will be delivered and maintained into the future.</para>
<para>In addition, SIPs must also supply wholesale services that allow voice services to end users. This addresses concerns, which we've had as a government, and feedback that when the copper network goes, when the copper wires go and when the landlines go there won't be voice services to people in the regions. That will no longer be the case, because this bill requires that those services must be provided to end users.</para>
<para>It gives a flexibility for the minister to make standards with regard to time frames for premises connection and rules for handling customer complaints and the ability to address issues, such as complaints between providers, that more often than not harm consumers. So we are addressing the concerns that have been brought to our government that were not addressed before, that were not addressed under the Labor model, and have now put in place a framework to help protect consumers. It gives industry and consumers confidence and certainty, and it deals with the significant issue of dealing with complaints in a structured way.</para>
<para>As a member of the Joint Standing Committee on the National Broadband Network, I have seen many of these issues about service come to us, reported from a range of small businesses to local governments, private families and other consumers. This legislation gives the minister that ability to make the determinations that will give these consumers and customers better outcomes.</para>
<para>This legislation also increases competition in both wholesale and retail markets, and we all know competition benefits consumers. Schedule 1 repeals part 7 of the Telecommunications Act and associated provisions of the Competition and Consumer Act, which exempted certain large-scale networks from some access and non-discrimination obligations imposed by the ACCC. Furthermore, it created unnecessary complexity that made it difficult for the ACCC to intervene when required. Repealing part 7 gives the ACCC more flexibility to promote competition in the market. Schedule 2 of this package amends the carrier separation rules in part 8 of the Telecommunications Act, because part 8 requires networks to be wholesale only, but with a number of exemptions. The existing exemptions were for networks that existed prior to 2011 and have been extended by up to a kilometre, with the possibility of exemptions by ministerial instruments. It was confusing. It was introduced in 2011. However, since then, the range of exemptions that are available has meant competition in the marketplace has been distorted. Incumbents with larger networks that predated 2011 clearly benefited as investment by new entrants was restricted.</para>
<para>The amendments to part 8 seek to redress this lack of balance. There are six main changes to this part. Networks servicing small businesses will no longer be subject to the separation rules. This will promote the entry of new network providers into this market. Carriers can operate residential superfast networks on a functionally separated basis if approved by the ACCC, and this will promote investment in such networks. The ACCC will also be able to make class exemptions for small providers of up to 2,000 services. This will facilitate market entry and encourage the use of network technology most appropriate to the consumers' requirements. Services that are supplied on networks that are wholesale only or functionally separated will be subject to non-discrimination obligations to limit network providers' ability to favour their own retail operations. The enforcement regime will be made more effective by making the obligations civil penalties provisions rather than criminal penalties—which is currently the case—which gives the ACCC more enforcement options and allows for third party enforcement. And, finally, the one-kilometre exemption will be limited to networks that are being transferred to NBN Co under contract. This will remove carriers' ability to roll out large network extensions that are not subject to wholesale-only requirements and thereby form local access bottlenecks that reduce consumer choice. This measure will remove certain measures that limit market entry for smaller network providers, and it will thus bring more competition to benefit consumers.</para>
<para>As I said at the outset, the coalition is absolutely committed to the NBN. We will roll it out, we will complete its build, and then we will have a company, NBN Co, that is supported by the right legislation so that it can carry on into the future to maintain and service the network that we have built.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the end of next month the rollout of the National Broadband Network will, in theory, be complete. It's the end of a very long road, one which supposedly began with a sketch on the back of a napkin in 2009, with a destination that looks now very different to what we first imagined. The long road was marked by a number of potholes, wrong turns and breakdowns, and you might expect policymakers to have learned from this experience. Unfortunately, looking at the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019 and the Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019, I suspect many of the lessons have gone unlearned.</para>
<para>The legislation makes a range of changes, and Centre Alliance is happy to support the majority of these. The superfast network rules, the statutory infrastructure provider regime and the transparency measures are sensible changes. My concerns are with the Regional Broadband Scheme. As with the NBN itself, I support the policy goal of the RBS. Too often, and with too many issues, Australians in regional areas are left behind. It is entirely appropriate that the government ensures all Australians can benefit from the superfast broadband, but I have concerns with how the government has decided to fund these services.</para>
<para>The scheme will be funded by a levy on broadband users amounting to $84 per year. This will add significantly and unnecessarily to the costs faced by low- and middle-income households. My first concern is with the amount. The amount comes from modelling undertaken in 2015, five years ago, which relied on cost estimates and market assumptions that were true at the time. A lot has changed in five years. The department assures us that nothing much has changed since then, but, if the original bill had passed in 2017, the charge would have been reviewed by the ACCC prior to implementation, and we would now be approaching its second review.</para>
<para>I understand the Labor Party intend to move an amendment which would require the ACCC to update the modelling. If they do indeed move such an amendment, Centre Alliance will certainly support it. I just do not understand why the government has not already done this or why it requires legislation to force it to do so.</para>
<para>My second concern is that the tax is targeted at users of fixed-line superfast broadband. NBN Co says the customers are already paying the tax, so this new tax will only affect the half-million households using other networks. But why does the government want to target these users?</para>
<para>My third concern is how technological change could undermine the funding base of the RBS. The modelling assumed few users would move from the fixed-line to wireless services because wireless couldn't offer the same data allowances. But, if you look at what's available now, it's clear wireless is already competitive with fixed-line services.</para>
<para>Once the tax is introduced, it will make fixed-line broadband more expensive, and some users will move to wireless services, there is absolutely no doubt. As customers go wireless, the RBS funding core will shrink, and eventually the government will have to recognise this funding method is not sustainable.</para>
<para>So I support the goal of the Regional Broadband Scheme but not the funding mechanism. I'm not alone in this. It is also the position of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, the Productivity Commission, Telstra, Optus, Vodafone and Vocus. But unfortunately it is not the position of this government.</para>
<para>When the RBS policy first appeared, and when it was revived last year, there were hopes the government would take the opportunity to reform the universal service obligation. The USO was last reformed in 2012 and now provides Telstra with almost $300 million a year with practically no strings attached. This money is paid to Telstra to maintain the copper network, which we know is becoming increasingly redundant, with no transparency or accountability.</para>
<para>A few years ago the Australian National Audit Office issued a scathing report about the USO agreement, and the Productivity Commission called for the scheme to be wound up. In an ideal world, the government would have listened to these concerns as well. They would have designed the RBS to replace the USO and reduced the burdens that weigh on the industry. Instead we have a scheme which makes broadband more complex and more expensive. At best, the Regional Broadband Scheme is a missed opportunity to ensure that Australians in regional areas have affordable access to telecommunication services. At worst, it is another last-minute patch job that will need to be fixed in due course.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Reliable, affordable communications are not a luxury or something that should just be afforded to people living in major population centres. The response to COVID-19 has demonstrated, like nothing else, our reliance on effective telecommunications networks and infrastructure. People have effectively worked from home, and I expect many will continue to do so for some time. This will be part of a different way of life as we adjust to a post-COVID world. To ensure all Australians are able to do this, we must overcome the digital divide between the cities and the bush. There is no guarantee that this legislation will do that.</para>
<para>I have these concerns because regional NBN investment was reduced by $200 million in the 2020 NBN corporate plan over the period from 2018 to 2022, despite the government's broadband tax being proposed in the name of regional funding. NBN Co sought to conceal this regional funding reduction, with the company subsequently offering contradictory explanations about what had occurred and why it had occurred. There is seemingly no mechanism that requires the surplus revenue from the government's $800 million annual broadband tax to be spent on regional networks. In practice, there remain legitimate concerns that, once the tax revenues flow into NBN Co, the company management can effectively direct surplus tax revenue towards anything they wish once it is washed through an offset account, regardless of whether the expenditure relates to a regional outcome or not.</para>
<para>The government is introducing a broadband tax in the name of regional funding while at the same time cutting regional NBN investment—a new tax that will not fix the problem this government created. Remember that the Liberal Party voted against universal broadband access in Australia; they voted against broadband in the regions. The Liberals stood by and did nothing as NBN Co overloaded its fixed wireless towers in regional areas, leading to slow speeds and congestion. This poor decision is costing more in the long run, and it is costing consumers in the regions most of all. For example, people who live in Alice Springs' rural area, less than 10 kilometres from Smith Street Mall in the main area, have to rely on satellite services for their digital access. These are people who run businesses. These are people who study, people who are students. They cannot access the same level of service as other residents of Alice Springs. Ironically, a new subdivision in the same area of town gets fibre to the premises to all homes, yet people who live across the road don't. Go figure.</para>
<para>And the digital divide is widening in the bush. Wi-fi use is increasing in remote communities, often exceeding data allowances, but the lack of access to good, basic digital infrastructure in the bush continues to be a roadblock to development. Community led innovative and creative projects and ideas are being developed and utilised by First Nations organisations, media and creatives. Community based content creation projects are strengthening language and culture and providing training and work opportunities. Programs that provide digital mentors to improve skills and awareness, such as inDigiMOB, are having really positive outcomes. Improved internet can lead to better opportunities for enterprise development and access to more affordable products and services. Better telecommunications services out bush can lead to jobs and economic development. Employment opportunities could open up in so many sectors, with improved access. I've heard telehealth spoken about here in the Senate. Well, let me tell you, we desperately need better services and access to that—and medicine, education and training, essential services, infrastructure support and media—out in our regional and remote areas.</para>
<para>First Nations Media Australia has long advocated for the urgent need to upgrade telecommunications services and infrastructure. First Nations media organisations are an essential service, underlined by the vital role they have been playing in crafting and broadcasting relevant and appropriate messages and content to their audiences during the response to COVID-19. We have used First Nations media to assist us in more than 100 Aboriginal languages to get the COVID-19 health messages out there. This is job creation. This is essential communication. I have no doubt that our First Nations media organisations across the country have played a major role in keeping our communities healthy and safe. I would like to extend to them my thanks for their hard work which often is not remunerated, certainly during this very challenging time across our country. If you haven't seen or heard some of the outstanding work that First Nations media workers have recently been doing, jump online and take a look. There are health related messages in a wealth of languages. There are songs in language to urge mobs to wash their hands. We had about 18 songs in language put together very quickly about the washing of hands—animations and short skits. The range of creativity and innovation is amazing and, in this instance, absolutely life saving.</para>
<para>The regional and remote First Nations broadcasters and media producers are being hampered by the lack of affordable and appropriate broadband. First Nations broadcasters need access to adequate and reliable broadband. Without it, the sector will not be able to realise its full potential in the new media landscapes. Digital technologies provide the opportunity for regional and remote broadcasters and media producers to significantly enhance their operations, creating jobs and supporting economic opportunities in regions where both are often limited. Contemporary broadcasting studios and transmission equipment are internet compatible, but broadband speeds in those communities are frustratingly slow—preventing access to even basic online services, let alone allowing for the sharing of large media files.</para>
<para>The main strength of our First Nations media organisations is that they are connected and local. We need to ensure that they keep this connectivity. Labor is committed to a sustainable funding arrangement to support and improve NBN services in regional Australia. There is no substitute for a first-class fibre NBN with sound, long-term economics to support a sustainable funding mechanism. Policymakers need to achieve a connected and inclusive digital future for remote regions. This includes improving affordability, digital literacy and cybersafety, as well as overcoming the infrastructure deficit. What is evident is the need for better mobile coverage and internet access. Labor considers that NBN should be able to compete on a level playing field. NBN has a unique obligation to service parts of the country that are unprofitable to serve. If it competes on an uneven playing field, it makes that task harder. We just need to be clear about what that playing field is. The amount of cross-subsidy available is to some extent dependent on how much revenue NBN generates in the fixed line footprint. When you switch from fibre, which can guarantee minimum speeds, to copper, which can't, you make that task more challenging, particularly over the medium to long term.</para>
<para>It was disappointing that, prior to the 2013 election, the Liberals encouraged other companies to deploy networks and compete directly against the NBN with full knowledge that this would undercut the NBN business model. They set out to make it incredibly difficult for the NBN and now want to introduce a tax to protect themselves against what they instigated. Universal broadband in Australia is an achievement of the Labor Party and the will of the Australian people. As we have done for over a decade, we will continue to put consumers and the regions front and centre in our policymaking.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the two bills before the Senate, the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019 and the Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019. I can indicate that the Australian Greens will support the Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Competition and Consumer) Bill 2019 but that we do not support the Telecommunications (Regional Broadband Scheme) Charge Bill 2019.</para>
<para>In general terms, the Australian Greens are absolutely committed to tech equity and also have a commitment to ensuring that all Australians have equal access to broadband, particularly those in regional and rural areas. We support the competition and consumer bill because we welcome the introduction of the statutory infrastructure provider obligations that will ensure minimum speed requirements of 25 megabits per second for Broadband users, irrespective of where they live. Of course, we also strongly support the funding of and rollout of the NBN to regional and rural Australia, but not as proposed by schedule 4 of the bill and the regional broadband scheme bill.</para>
<para>There's been a bit of politics played in the speeches that we've heard in here this evening. It's absolutely fair to say that, although there were some issues with the Labor rollout of the NBN, in terms of its vision and in terms of its capacity with significant redundancy to provide for the needs of Australians in relation to broadband well into the future, it was genuinely a nation-building project and one that the Labor Party should be congratulated for initiating—even though, as I indicated, there were some issues with the rollout, and things were going slower than many of us had hoped. In my home state of Tasmania, we've ended up—thanks to the foresight of former premier David Bartlett in bidding Tasmania in to be an early mover and an early adopter of the NBN rollout under a federal Labor government—in a better place than much of the rest of the country.</para>
<para>I also want to say that the current pandemic and the associated restrictions that have been put in place in Australia do show how broadband, and broadband at a reasonable speed, should be regarded as a critical and genuine public utility. I think many of us in this place have been working from home—of course, a large number of Australians have been working from home—and to do that without broadband that is reliable and has a reasonable speed is difficult. As we have moved towards a physical distancing regime in this country, it's actually broadband that has allowed many Australians to keep socially close to people even though they can't be physically close to them.</para>
<para>As I said, we do not support the regional broadband scheme bill because it's too narrowly targeted, it's too technology specific and it's not robust to changing telecommunications technologies. The scheme proposed in the regional broadband scheme charge bill unfairly targets people building new homes in outer suburban, greenfield housing areas, many of whom will be young families. It is technology specific, which may drive customers to alternative technologies, thereby further reducing the taxable pool of broadband consumers, and will, unfortunately for many, turn what should be a free or low-cost information superhighway into an information toll road.</para>
<para>Australia has the most expensive broadband of all OECD countries, and we should be seeking to improve affordability not reduce it—especially now, with more people unemployed, with more people seeking alternative work or study options and more people working from home as a result of the restrictions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>264449</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim, it being 20 minutes past seven, I might ask you to take your seat. I understand that we have broad agreement that there is one motion to be moved before we adjourn.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>101</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Migration</title>
          <page.no>101</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to table a statement made by the Manager of Government Business regarding general business notice of motion No. 527 and to have it incorporated into <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>. I can confirm to the Senate that agreement had been reached with the opposition manager of business and other whips across the chamber earlier today.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The statement read as follows</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Once again Senator Keneally is not across the detail. The fact is the Coalition has acted on the Productivity Commission findings</para></quote>
<list>published a population policy, reduced the migration ceiling from 190,000 to 160,000 and established a Centre for Population</list>
<list>abolished Labor's out-of-control 457 program, cut the occupation lists, introduced stringent age, English language, and work experience requirements, and strengthened Labour Market Testing</list>
<list>introduced a new Sponsored Parent Temporary visa</list>
<list>acted to stop exploitation by adopting the recommendations of the Migrant Workers Taskforce.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government refutes Labor's claim that temporary migrants - students, New Zealanders, tourists - are changing Australia for the worse.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>101</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANTIC</name>
    <name.id>269375</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to speak regarding the future of this country, the future of my home state of South Australia and the urgent need to address this country's economic and strategic future in the post-COVID-19 world. In the last two months, the Australian people have been forced to isolate from their family and friends, stand down from their employment and scramble to save their businesses and investments. Sadly, Australians have also died or become gravely ill. Fortunately, in conjunction with the early action and strong leadership of the Morrison government, the diligence of Australians has saved lives and saved livelihoods.</para>
<para>But the Prime Minister is quite correct to want an independent inquiry in relation to the outbreak. Australia will not be a piece of 'chewing gum stuck on the sole of China's shoes'. COVID-19 started in China. It was covered up by the Chinese Communist Party and, alarmingly, the Chinese Communist Party has now dictated terms in relation to the supply of critical goods, such as personal protective and medical equipment. The CCP's efforts in arranging for companies linked to the regime to ship tonnes of medical and personal protective equipment back to China sounded the alarm bells for many. It has trained a spotlight on the need to return manufacturing to Australia and, in the process, the need to shore up our national security and sovereign interests.</para>
<para>Australia must learn to manufacture again. It must retrain its economy to become self-sufficient. My home state of South Australia was once a thriving hub of industry, yet most of that industry has since disappeared, due to high taxes, an inflexible labour market, green costs, high energy prices, the advent of low-cost manufacturing in Asia and union-led standover tactics. South Australia is still a prime location for manufacturing, due to our abundant natural resources, skilled workforce and low cost of living. The defence sector has filled some of the gaps but it's also guided the way for the future of South Australian advanced and flexible manufacturing. We have already seen examples of South Australian businesses adapting, with the likes of the Detmold Group transforming its paper goods production into manufacturing face masks and Bickford's shifting the lines from cordial production into manufacturing hand sanitiser. But, Australia in 2020 is too heavily reliant on Chinese supply chains. This would be concerning enough if those products were manufactured in a country that shared our values; however, the CCP's authoritarian control over critical goods hangs over our heads like the sword of Damocles. It was Lenin who said that the capitalists would sell the revolutionaries the rope with which they themselves would be hanged. We must be mindful of this.</para>
<para>Our reliance on critical mining and agricultural exports has left Australia's economic complexity ranking at 93, wedged directly between Senegal and Pakistan. An economy with a complex manufacturing base will generate its own growth, with the natural skills effects of those industries becoming complementary. We must seek answers and we must seek compensation, but, importantly, we must bring as much of our manufacturing work back as we can. It is one way we can obtain compensation from the Chinese Communist Party, but it also addresses our national security holes. Bringing manufacturing back to this nation is not just about jobs; it's also about protecting our sovereign interests.</para>
<para>In this place, it's critical that we get the policy settings right. We need to continue to drive the price of energy into the ground, we need to deregulate, we need to review environmental laws and we need economic reform in the area of industrial relations. The green and red tape wrapped around our economy must be loosened to allow it to prosper. The Australian people will no longer tolerate post-COVID-19 issues of this calibre to become a victim of party politics and posturing. We must work together. The spotlight of COVID-19 has provided a timely reminder of the importance of self-reliance and it's reminded the people of South Australia of the great things they can achieve for this nation.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Jobseeker Payment: International Students</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LINES</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I want to talk about the real harm that the denial of the jobseeker payment to international students is having on their wellbeing and their ability to continue to survive the pandemic. Two international students, Skye and Xiajun both worked in the hospitality industry to support themselves whilst they studied, but the overnight shutdown of the industry has meant they have been out of work since mid-March. Skye is 28 years old. She is from Xinzheng, China. She is currently on a skilled graduate visa and was working as a cook at a restaurant, after going to a commercial cookery school. Skye first came to Australia in 2016 on a working holiday visa and wanted to stay in the country she had come to love. Before coming to Australia, Skye saved for three years, working as an accountant. Now Skye is struggling to get by. Her expenses are about $1,100 per month. She used to earn about $1,000 per week, before tax, and is now having to live off her small savings. Skye has applied for permanent residency. If accepted, she will have to pay $4,000 but will have little of her savings left to pay that fee. She told me that she still wants to stay in Australia and is grateful to the Australian people, even understanding that some are scared of what is happening and are taking it out on people like her. Skye thanks WA Premier, Mark McGowan, for supporting the Chinese community, encouraging people to buy Chinese takeaway and condemning the cases of deplorable racism that we've seen, and the discrimination. But she says she's disappointed in the Australian government, because she has contributed to Australian society and has paid taxes, but gets nothing.</para>
<para>Let me read some of Skye's words: 'I feel lonely, Australians at least have family here. If they can't go to work, they have family, but we have no-one. When you've left everything behind in your home country and something like this happens, you have nobody at home to keep you company. My entire life is back in China and the only thing we have, the only thing we can depend on, is income. Now, there's no income.' Skye does not want to be a burden on Australia. She came here to work and she continues to try to find work, even though the crisis is ongoing.</para>
<para>I also spoke to Xiajun, a 19-year-old man from eastern Liaoning province in north-eastern China. Xiajun first came to Australia as a 16-year-old, to study English. He's now studying a pre-uni course at TAFE to be able to enrol in a mining engineering course at Curtin University. He was told that Curtin was one of the best universities in the world at which to study engineering and he wants to follow in his father's footsteps as a mining engineer. To support himself, Xiajun was working as a chef and waiter at a Chinese restaurant in Perth. He grew up helping in his family's restaurant back home. Since the restaurant closed in mid-March, he's been out of a job. He is also struggling to make ends meet. His family in China are also not making as much income as before, so he can't rely on much financial support from them. Xiajun loves Australia and wants to make his home here. He says he would still recommend to other Chinese people that they come here and study and he still thinks Australians are friendly and helpful people.</para>
<para>Xiajun also feels disappointed in the Australian government. He says, 'I feel like they've told us: "Can't pay your rent? That's your problem."' Xiajun's monthly expenses are around $2,800, which his job just covered before the crisis. He now owes his landlord rent. His family saved for a long time to afford the visa enrolment fees when Xiajun first came. He pays $40,000 to study here every year. He needs to pay for his study, his rent and his ongoing living costs, but he does that because one day he knows he will have a good job.</para>
<para>Both Skye and Xiajun want to make a life for themselves in Australia and contribute to our community. As a country, we just cannot discount their current welfare because we are only looking after Australians. These are just two stories of the hundreds of thousands of international students who are forming poverty lines and who are relying on charities to be fed. With the flick of a pen the Treasurer could fix this situation overnight.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the pandemic, its impact and our future. The coronavirus pandemic is having some of its greatest impacts on people on low incomes, temporary migrants and women. It has exposed the vast gap between the wealthiest in our society and people barely making ends meet. It has exposed the crushing weight of inequality that many in our community bear.</para>
<para>COVID-19 has laid bare the systemic racism we suffer from in Australia, with the government choosing to exclude nearly one million temporary migrants from their support packages. This is how systemic racism works. When designing the wage subsidy, the government said they had to draw a line somewhere, and this is where they drew it. Other countries have gladly included migrant workers in their wage subsidy schemes, but, shamefully, not Australia. For this government, it didn't matter whether you were working and paying taxes in Australia before the pandemic hit; the government said, 'Now you're on your own.' The message was clear: 'We don't care if you become homeless. We don't care if you don't eat. We don't care if your mental health suffers. Australia is not responsible for you even though you live here.' It's a $130 billion wage subsidy package, but not a cent for temporary migrants and international students, the vast majority of whom are people of colour.</para>
<para>We have also seen the depth and breadth of the housing crisis in Australia during this pandemic. We know millions of people are living in housing stress and are just one rent payment away from being turfed out onto the street by a system that puts investor profits ahead of all else. Saying the housing system is broken is an understatement. Housing is a human right. It's time for the federal government to lead from the front with big investments to build public and community housing as part of its economic stimulus.</para>
<para>Women have been hit harder than men when it comes to job losses during the crisis. We know that women bear the brunt of the work when it comes to caring for children. Thankfully, the introduction of free and universal child care has been a huge step forward for access to child care. It should be made permanent. The government has finally recognised child care and early learning for what it is: an essential service that we all rely on and everyone can access—not only those who can afford to pay.</para>
<para>We are looking at the highest unemployment rate in decades. The recent raising of jobseeker and other income support payments is the most significant change to social security we have had for decades, and it is a change that needs to stay. We need a safety net that is not punitive but is fair and equal for everyone who lives in Australia. We need to retain the rate and increase and expand other social security payments like the disability support and carer payments.</para>
<para>Higher education is an absolutely critical element of our recovery from this crisis, yet this government has gone out of its way to ensure universities do not have the support they need to survive. It is an ideological attack on universities, motivated by the same contempt for education that has driven their ceaseless attacks on public TAFE.</para>
<para>Despite its devastating impacts, the COVID-19 crisis has provided us with an opening to reset and to reshape our society and our economy for the better. Nothing would be worse than going back to what we had come to expect as normal. We need universal and permanent changes: universal and free child care; fee-free higher education; a social safety net that doesn't leave anyone behind; a housing system that ensures a secure home for everyone; an economy that values the spirit of our community and puts people before profit; and a society where everyone has the opportunity to engage in fulfilling and secure work with good wages, where care and community work is valued, where rampant profit-making and endless growth are faint memories and the true measures of a good society are our wellbeing and how we care for each other, our country and our planet.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Queensland</title>
          <page.no>104</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCARR</name>
    <name.id>282997</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Acting Deputy President Gallacher, can I first say that it's good to see you in this chamber and good to see you back. I'd like to say a few words about the great response from the Queensland community in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic. It has been absolutely inspiring.</para>
<para>First, it's apt that on this day, which is International Nurses Day, I would like to pay tribute to all of the frontline health workers in Queensland: our great nurses, our doctors, our allied health professionals, and also the receptionists, the cleaners, the kitchen staff and everyone working in our hospitals and in our medical centres. They have been under unbelievable pressure over the last few months, and I pay tribute to each and every one of them. It takes a special, special person to put yourself in harm's way in order to help your fellow man and woman, and that is what they do every day. So I pay special tribute to each and every one of them.</para>
<para>I also pay tribute to all the other essential workers in our economy. That includes everyone who's been working at the forefront of dealing with the public at this difficult time. We've all seen those issues of the supermarket workers dealing with the shortages and the long queues, and I pay tribute to all of those people working in our supermarkets and in our retail sector, which has kept operating.</para>
<para>Thirdly, I want to talk about some of the special community groups in my home state of Queensland. Government can only do so much, and this government has done a great deal to assist all Australians to get through this terrible crisis. We're getting through it. We're building that bridge to recovery. But we wouldn't be able to respond as a nation without the response of our small community groups—churches and other community groups who are out there helping people as volunteers. They don't need the government to tell them to go out and help their fellow Australians; they just do it because that's who they are.</para>
<para>I want to pay tribute to a few organisations here this evening, starting with Wounded Heroes. Wounded Heroes is a special non-profit organisation that helps our veterans. They catch veterans who fall between the cracks. Quite often, they're the first responders. They'll get a call, late at night, from a veteran who is about to become homeless. When the formal processes, the institutions which are there to provide assistance, aren't able to help, they're there, a phone call away. Their volunteers will get in a car and go to the veteran that very same evening. From speaking to some of those volunteers, I know that they'll do it at one o'clock in the morning or two o'clock in the morning and they'll provide sustenance to those veterans in their time of most dire need. I pay tribute to them.</para>
<para>I pay tribute to Ipswich Assist, a not-for-profit organisation which has provided assistance in the Ipswich region of South-East Queensland for over 20 years. Jason Budden, their program and pastoral manager, wrote to me and said, 'In those 20 years we have never seen a crisis affect our community in so many ways as much as COVID-19 has put our marginalised people most at risk at this time.' They provide hampers, they pay for prescriptions and they pay for bills, as does the 5&2 Ministry—five and two, five loaves and two fishes—who assist communities and families in need in the Ipswich region.</para>
<para>I would also like to pay tribute to range of multicultural organisations in my home state who have specifically helped international students. In particular, I would like to pay tribute to the Federation of Indian Communities of Queensland and to another organisation, quite aptly called Simply Humans Inc—Superheroes without Capes: you are, indeed, in the way you've been supporting our international student population.</para>
<para>I would like to pay tribute to our Australians of Chinese heritage. As Prime Minister Scott Morrison has said, our Chinese community has been absolutely outstanding. When the travel restrictions were first brought in, they were the ones who had to bear the brunt, and they did it superbly. I would like to pay tribute to the Islamic Council of Queensland, which, at this time of Ramadan, has been providing food hampers along with a special program to provide assistance to New Zealanders who haven't been provided government assistance, due to their visa status. The University of Southern Queensland has helped its students. I could go on and on, but my time has elapsed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Moranbah Mine Disaster, COVID-19: Aged Care, Australian Bushfires</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Acting Deputy President Gallacher, I join with Senator Scarr in welcoming you back to the chamber. I'm sure you're glad to be back as well.</para>
<para>There are a couple of things I'd like to touch on tonight. First, I'd like to touch on the devastating scenes in Moranbah in Central Queensland through the week, where we saw yet another mine safety disaster. I'm talking about the explosion at the Anglo American's Grosvenor mine, just outside Moranbah, which saw five mining workers injured. Unfortunately, even today—days later—we see that four of those workers are still in hospital in a critical condition. I send my very best wishes to the mining workers, their families and everyone in the Moranbah community. Having spent a bit of time in Moranbah, I know what a close-knit community it is. When these kinds of accidents occur, they have an impact on the entire community.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, we've seen too many accidents like this in the mining industry in Queensland, even just in the last couple of years. It was very concerning to see a number of reports emerge that there had been gas leaks reported at this particular mine in the weeks and months leading up to this accident. I commend the Queensland government for commissioning a full inquiry and I hope we get to the bottom of it, but I do think we need to call on all mining companies to really lift their game when it comes to workers' safety. It's not good enough to see people continually injured and killed at work in Queensland mines.</para>
<para>Speaking of workers, yesterday, the federal Labor leader, Mr Albanese, made a fantastic speech in which he noted that we need to thank the working people of Australia, who have really led the way in helping all of us respond. Tonight, I want to particularly focus on aged-care workers. Aged-care workers are literally on the front line, caring for some of the most vulnerable people when it comes to coronavirus. We all know that one of the worst things that could have happened with this coronavirus in Australia would have been to see mass outbreaks in aged-care homes among elderly people who are particularly at risk. It's aged-care workers who've been on the front line caring for and protecting older Australians from this coronavirus. Aged-care workers have a particular issue when it comes to the amount of sick leave that they have. Naturally, because of the kind of work that they do and the at-risk group that they work with, they have to be particularly vigilant about not going to work when they experience symptoms which may indicate coronavirus. What that means is that, unlike most groups in the community, they have to draw on their sick leave and other forms of leave to stay away from work in order to put the residents of aged-care facilities and the elderly people that they care for first.</para>
<para>We've seen from the government the directive, essentially, that people should stay home from work if they're showing symptoms. That is a natural thing for governments to be saying; it's an important way to contain the virus. But it's not so simple for everyone in the workforce to stay home from work. If you don't qualify for sick leave because you're a casual worker, or if you're in an occupation like aged care, which means that you're going to have to draw on your leave entitlements more than most because you need to stay home at the merest sign of symptoms, then your sick leave and your other forms of leave may not be enough to cover you. So that's why I'm calling on the government to step up and help fund additional leave for aged-care workers to ensure that they are able to pay their bills while they stay home and look after their own health and the health of the residents that they care for.</para>
<para>Finally, I just want to mention where we're at in terms of the bushfires that we saw this summer. All of us remember the horrifying scenes that we saw through this summer, the bushfires that hit so much of Australia and the devastation that they wreaked. But, unfortunately, for too many bushfire victims across the country this horror continues. Too many people are still waiting for debris to be removed and their burnt down houses to be removed so that they can get on with rebuilding. As winter approaches, there are too many people who are living in tents, living in caravans and living in temporary accommodation in very cold parts of this country. And, of course, we have seen too many businesses destroyed as a result of the bushfires.</para>
<para>Bushfire victims expected action from the Prime Minister, especially when, in January, he established the $2 billion Bushfire Recovery Fund and promised that that money would be spent immediately. But now, five months on, we have seen that promise broken. In answers to questions on notice tabled yesterday we learnt that only $250 million of the Prime Minister's $2 billion fund has actually been spent. That's only one in every eight dollars that he promised. Enough of the marketing; we need action from the Prime Minister.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Workers Union</title>
          <page.no>106</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, a full bench of the Federal Court heard the appeal in the matter of the Australian Workers Union's long-running attempt to shut down an investigation by the Registered Organisations Commission into unauthorised use of members' money by its former national secretary, Mr Shorten. When I last spoke on the matter, I noted the similarities between the allegations facing Mr Shorten and the AWU and Mr Thomson and the HSU. In both cases, they used the union's funds as a springboard for their political careers. Mr Thomson was found to have breached sections 285, 286 and 287 of the Fair Work (Registered Organisations) Act 2009, the very same sections Mr Shorten and the AWU stand accused of breaching. Every substantive, albeit spurious, claim made by the AWU was comprehensively rejected by the Federal Court. First, the AWU sought to assert collusion between the government and the commission. It lost. It asserted collusion between the government and the AFP. It lost. It asserted collusion between the government and journalist Brad Norington. It lost. On the questions of law, the AWU asserted that the commission had no jurisdiction over matters prior to its establishment. It lost. It asserted that the commission had acted at the direction of the government. It lost. It asserted that the commission's investigation was done for an improper political purpose. It lost. It tried to challenge the decision of the court to grant the search warrants. It lost. It asserted that the AFP's decision to execute the search warrants was invalid. It lost. Finally, it sought an order of prohibition that would prevent the commission from ever looking into these matters at all. And, of course, it lost. Its only minor victory was that the court ruled that the commission's attempt to investigate breaches of the union's rules was statute barred because of a limitation period. This point is now being appealed. If the full court decides in the commission's favour then the AWU will have lost on every single ground it has raised in its two years of lawfare, smears and distractions, at great expense to its members.</para>
<para>This matter could in fact be settled very easily by the voluntary release of the documents. When asked on 25 October 2017 if he would release all the documentation, Mr Walton, the AWU secretary, replied, 'Absolutely. We will most definitely participate fully. We will provide all the documents.' Mr Walton needs to be true to his word, and Mr Shorten should insist that he is. But, based on the assumption that Mr Walton does not intend to release the documents, we still won't know what he and Mr Shorten were so desperate to hide. If the commission wins the appeal then the documents are handed over to it and it gets to conduct the investigation. If the commission loses on appeal, two things may happen. The first is that it may continue its investigation as breaches of the act, as the court has ruled it is free to do. The APF will hand over the documents and we will then see whether it believes Mr Shorten has a case to answer or not.</para>
<para>The second possibility is that the court rules that the existing investigation is quashed because it includes allegations of breaches of the rules as well as the act. This would mean that the commission is free to commence a fresh investigation of breaches of the act. But the interesting point in this scenario is that the documents currently held by the AFP must be returned to the AWU. If the commission commences a fresh investigation into breaches of the act, it could once again request that the AWU hand over the very same documents—something the AWU promised to do in any event. It thus begs the question: given the professed willingness to hand over the documents, combined with a declaration that there is nothing to hide, why has so much of members' money been spent on seeking to hide the documents? The ruling of the Federal Court will soon tell us.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Manufacturing</title>
          <page.no>106</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallacher, it is very pleasing to see you in the chair this evening as Acting Deputy President. I rise in the adjournment debate tonight to speak about the impact of COVID-19 on Australian manufacturing. It is very important to hold the government to account for their rhetoric on support for industry and to match that with the reality of their actions. In the speech from the Treasurer today, we did not see a plan to rebuild the Australian economy. Instead, we got hollow rhetoric with no real plan to do this essential work. The ABS earlier this month reported on the impact of COVID-19 on business. It showed that Australian manufacturers expect to get hit harder than firms in other industries by the consequences of this outbreak. Some 82 per cent of manufacturers expect reduced demand for goods and services compared to the economy-wide average of some 69 per cent of firms. On every question except staff shortages, manufacturing expects to get hit harder than other sectors. The Australian Bureau of Statistics confirms what we learnt with the Australian Industry Group performance of manufacturing index, the PMI, which shows manufacturing firms were losing new orders for business as both export demand and domestic demand slumped the most in one month in the 28-year history of this survey. The ABS survey also shows that 80 per cent of manufacturing firms expect that 50 to 100 per cent of their employees will be eligible for the JobKeeper payment, while some 65 per cent of manufacturing firms surveyed registered their interest, or intend to register, for the JobKeeper payment.</para>
<para>As Anthony Albanese recognised yesterday in his fifth vision statement, the damage to the economy has been severe and the threat of a prolonged impact is very real. Businesses and peak bodies have expressed a number of serious concerns, as has Labor, about the government's lack of vision to get us out of this mess and, indeed, their snapback approach. Snapback in the timeline expressed by the government will leave manufacturing businesses without support when they expect to be bearing the brunt of these impacts. Snapback as foreshadowed by the Liberals—a return to their traditional economic agenda—is a return to the policy settings for an economy that was already slow. As Anthony Albanese said, the pandemic may have arrived without warning but the weakness in the Australian economy did not.</para>
<para>According to the government's plan, the JobKeeper payment will be available only until the end of September—not even quite the end. Now the government say they may pull it back even before then. Meanwhile, every informed commentator expects recovery will be patchy and long and that different industries will come back slower than others. So this will not be over quickly for Australia's manufacturers. Instead, if that's the government's attitude, companies might not be around at the next election or for Labor's much more comprehensive set of policies.</para>
<para>I have to say: in a small window of hope, I note that the COVID commission has been working with manufacturers to ensure the supply of essential products and personal protective equipment and to solve supply chain issues to keep critical goods flowing to Australian communities. I'd really like to thank these companies for stepping up. But it would have been nice if the government had recognised the need for a plan to respond to these kinds of crises and to support Australian manufacturing before this virus hit. We are still feeling the impact of these shortages of PPE; for example, elective surgery in Western Australia is being slowed down, in closing the gap on surgery that was dropped, because Western Australia doesn't have enough PPE.</para>
<para>In closing these brief remarks, I see no sign of a government prepared to harness the power of government to support Australian manufacturing, as Anthony Albanese has argued for. One of the things we must learn from this crisis is that Australian manufacturing can and should be part of a way forward towards a strong economy that works for Australian people. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Women's Economic Security</title>
          <page.no>107</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This global pandemic has shown us that we're all in the same storm but definitely not in the same boat. Despite the government mantra 'we're all in this together', too many people are being left behind—the majority of whom are women. We already know that more women than men work in casual, poorly paid and precarious roles in industries like hospitality, retail and the arts. These sectors have been some of the hardest hit by COVID restrictions, and many of the affected workers are ineligible for JobKeeper because they're short-term casuals.</para>
<para>Women are also more likely to work in the industries that we are asking so much of during this crisis—our healthcare and aged-care workers, educators and cleaning and sanitation workers. Again, despite how essential these roles always were and have again proven to be, they remain amongst the poorest paid. Women in Australia also do the bulk of caring work, which is clearly so essential in our society but much of which is unpaid. Seventy-two per cent of primary caregivers are women.</para>
<para>The Workplace Gender Equality Agency has reported women spend approximately two-thirds of an average work day on unpaid work, compared to about one-third for men. Whilst it's too early for data about the division of domestic labour during the COVID-19 pandemic, it is safe to assume that increased demand for child care, supervising schoolwork and caring for sick relatives has also fallen predominantly to women.</para>
<para>The persistent gender pay gap above 13 per cent meant women were less prepared for a drop in income. Their wages are already stretched to capacity. Analysis of how the first COVID supplement was spent makes clear that most women spent those additional funds on food, clothing and rent. This money helped them and their families to weather the crisis.</para>
<para>The government scheme for early access to superannuation is also concerning. Women already retire with, on average, superannuation half that of men. Withdrawing $20,000 now will have significant implications for the amount that women have to support them post retirement. Closing the gender pay gap and the retirement income gap that follows is unfinished business that must be addressed in the recovery.</para>
<para>Two of the significant advances of the COVID response—doubling the jobseeker payment and free child care—should continue once the pandemic eases. There are issues to resolve in relation to family day care and in-house care, but the Greens want to see early-childhood education remain universal, public and free for good. The COVID crisis has already highlighted how precarious access to reproductive health care can be, particularly in rural and regional areas—compounded, of course, when travel restrictions were imposed upon doctors. Ensuring affordable access to reproductive health care across Australia must be a priority.</para>
<para>Some of the hardest decisions being made in the pandemic are those made by women with abusive partners, seeking to protect themselves and their children. These women have been placed at a heightened risk of domestic violence, with women's safety organisations, crisis accommodation and legal services all experiencing much higher demand. Many women, particularly those on visas who are unable to access the jobseeker or JobKeeper payments, have been forced to decide whether to stay in an abusive home or escape into poverty and homelessness. Federal and state governments have recognised these risks and invested some additional funds, but, after years of funding cuts and ongoing funding uncertainty, much more is needed to ensure women and children seeking safety can access the services that they need.</para>
<para>The government's financial response to the COVID crisis demonstrates that investment in social infrastructure is less about having the resources to do it and more about spending priorities. Too often, those priorities are gendered. There are clear ways forward to ensure we move from this crisis towards gender equality and equity by addressing the gender pay gap, valuing unpaid care work, investing in housing, adequately funding domestic and family violence services, continuing free early-childhood education and investing in a strong social safety net. The women of Australia deserve no less.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland Government</title>
          <page.no>108</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If a week is a long time in politics, in my home state of Queensland it seems a weekend can be even longer. In just over 48 hours, we had three Treasurers in the Queensland Labor government during one of the biggest economic downturns our state has ever faced. When the music stopped, Cameron Dick found himself in the Treasurer's seat. He's going to be faced with a lot of big numbers as the analysts in the Queensland Treasury brief their new boss.</para>
<para>But there's one number I need Mr Dick and his Labor colleagues to hear loud and clear, and that's $2.4 billion. That's the projected negative economic impact to the Bundaberg region over the next 30 years. It is not due to the fallout of a virus and not due to the lockdown but due to the largest infrastructure fail in Australia's history: the failure of Paradise Dam. I'm going to keep raising this issue, because farmers in that region need water security and because people in the Wide Bay Burnett need certainty and, more than ever, need jobs.</para>
<para>This sorry saga began last year when the Palaszczuk Labor government released 105,000 megalitres of water from this dam during one of the worst droughts on record. After much campaigning by Deb Frecklington and the LNP, the Palaszczuk Labor government was finally dragged kicking and screaming to establish an inquiry into how this failure occurred. During the last two months, the commission of the inquiry has heard that crucial construction reports have gone missing—just disappeared! Perhaps even more concerning, the commission also heard evidence that no shear strength testing was carried out after construction to determine whether layers of roller-compacted concrete had bonded. These are extraordinary revelations which need much greater scrutiny, and a final report from the commission was delivered to the Palaszczuk government almost two weeks ago. I'm calling upon Premier Palaszczuk to release that report to the public before any works are started to reduce the dam wall.</para>
<para>Concerned members of the Bundaberg Fruit and Vegetable Growers cooperative commissioned Adept Economics to investigate the 30-year impact of permanently lowering the dam by five metres, which is what Labor are proposing. They found the hit to the Queensland economy would be $2.4 billion. I appreciate the safety of the Bundaberg community must be the first priority, and no-one has argued that the dam should not be safe, but it must be returned to full capacity. I say to the Queensland cabinet 3.0: now is not the time to risk thousands of jobs; now is not the time to deliver a $2.4 billion hit to the Wide Bay-Burnett region; now is not the time to put hundreds of businesses at risk. Now is the time to listen to an international expert with more than 50 years experience in geotechnical and civil engineering like Dr Paul Rizzo and consider his report, one commissioned by locals. Now is the time to listen to Deb Frecklington; Colin Boyce, the member for Callide; the member for Bundaberg, David Batt; the member for Burnett, Stephen Bennett; the member for Hinkler, Keith Pitt; and people like Bree Grima from the Bundaberg Fruit and Vegetable Growers—to listen to the locals who understand what needs to happen with Paradise Dam.</para>
<para>To those exasperated Queenslanders who are sick of the political games being played in George Street by the factions in the Labor Party, my message is clear: you can stop the musical chairs and stop the games that are being played in government by supporting Deb Frecklington and the LNP on 31 October. You can help rebuild and make sure that Paradise Dam acts as any dam should: full of water and helping the economy grow.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>108</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WALSH</name>
    <name.id>252157</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The COVID-19 crisis has made it clear who our essential workers really are, and I want to thank them—thank them for so often putting their own health at risk to keep Australia running and to help their fellow Australians. Thank you to the health professionals, cleaners, early-childhood educators, truck drivers, shop assistants, public transport workers, emergency services workers, security officers, warehouse workers, aged-care workers, hospo workers, farm workers, teachers, manufacturing workers, disability support workers, delivery drivers, telco workers and so many more.</para>
<para>Our greatest resource during this crisis has been our people, but so many of the people I've listed are also so often undervalued. These workers don't just deserve our thanks; they deserve a better deal. They deserve to be valued in their pay packets. They deserve decent and secure jobs. These workers have put the nation's interests first. These workers have had our backs, and on this side of the chamber we will always have theirs.</para>
<para>But over the last seven years what has this third-term Liberal government actually delivered for these working people and for working people in our country? They've delivered a wages system that is completely unable to deliver a living wage for so many of these essential jobs. They've delivered wage theft that is rampant and out of control; jobs that are insecure, casual and short-term gigs; and attacks on the very people working to protect jobs and protect wages: our country's unions. That is this government's record for the essential workers of this country.</para>
<para>What I want to know, and what I think many of these essential workers want to know, is whether or not the thanks and appreciation that the government is showing them right now will translate into actual action once this crisis is over, because many of these workers need a pay rise. They need to earn enough to live. The fact that, in one of the richest countries in the world, so many of the essential workers that I'm recognising today earn around half the average wage—well, we can do better than that. Surely we can do better than that!</para>
<para>Even before the COVID-19 crisis hit, this government had the worst record on wage growth from any government since records began. It is a core responsibility of any government to ensure that people have good, secure jobs with decent wages. Now, before this crisis is even over, the government is talking about cuts to workers' rights and a snapback of support while people are still in crisis today. We have to ask: a snapback to what? Is it a snapback to low wages, to insecure jobs, to casual jobs? Is it a snapback to attacks on working people and their unions?</para>
<para>Is that what the government has in store for us? We owe it to those workers who've worked so hard to keep their fellow Australians safe and to keep our country running, to plan for a recovery that genuinely lives up to the phrase, 'We're all in this together,' a phrase that Prime Minister Morrison is using so often today. We need an economy that works for a people, not an economy that forces many of the essential skilled workers that I'm recognising today into these insecure and low-paid jobs. There is an opportunity during this recovery to build an Australia where workers get a better deal, where no-one is left behind and where everyone has the opportunity of a good life in this country. So let's take it.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Democracy</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia I remind the government of a word whose meaning they have forgotten: democracy. It is essential for accountability. Yesterday, a group of 10 former judges, leading lawyers and integrity experts sent an open letter to Prime Minister Morrison voicing their concern at the gutting of the parliament. These leading Australians include former Justice of the High Court Mary Gaudron, who described the Prime Minister's actions as unprecedented and undemocratic.</para>
<para>One Nation represents the interests of people who raise issues directly with us. We can't do our jobs if the Senate sits a day or two every now and then. This is the house of review. It may suit the government to never have their work reviewed but that's not how our democracy works. The Morrison government is not entitled to Senate support on every matter. My remarks are not just criticism of the government but of the opposition as well. The Senate could have stopped or amended the gutting of our role if we had been given the opportunity. We were not given the opportunity, because the ALP rolled over and went along with the government. What kind of opposition are they?</para>
<para>Since my return to this place, I have watched the opposition crowd in together with the government on benches that were never designed for the government and the opposition to be cosy. The crossbench are now the opposition. Sadly, we're rendered ineffective while the opposition and the government form this unholy alliance. What shall we call it? The Uniparty, the Lib-Lab duopoly or Lib-Labs? The Lib-Labs combined to vote down a One Nation initiative to provide water to our farmers. The Lib-Labs combined to suppress action on our motion providing remediation, like-for-like relocation and compensation for the government's PFAS disaster across the country. This is after each, in turn, when in opposition, promised to take up the PFAS cause. The Lib-Labs combined to vote down the One Nation motion to provide banking customers with a code of banking practice that gave banking customers some basic rights. It's no wonder that the opposition has decided it's just easier to have no parliament than to keep cosying up with the government to vote down great work from One Nation and the crossbench.</para>
<para>This is not a recent event. The decision to sign away Australian sovereignty to the United Nations was a joint venture, accelerated under Labor Prime Minister Gough Whitlam and Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser, who appeared to be bitter enemies yet implemented UN policies. All these years later, the partnership continues. No base-load power stations built in Queensland since Kogan Creek in 2007 is on both of you. No dams in 30 years is on both of you. An unemployment rate that has gone from 1.5 per cent in 1972 to 5.5 per cent before COVID-19 hit is on both of you. The highest electricity prices in the world are on both of you. Well may Labor make fun of the phrase 'snapping back' as they have done today. The economy cannot snap back. Economic resilience is provided by middle-class enterprise, yet small businesses was belted hard well before the virus. Water, electricity, government charges, commercial rental and red, green and blue UN tape have gone up while the incomes of their customers, everyday Australians, have gone down faster than opposition leader Anthony Albanese's approval numbers.</para>
<para>Australia does lead the world in one thing. We have the largest decline in the number of small business start-ups in the Western world, down 40 per cent over 20 years, despite our population growing 50 per cent in that period—that's 50 per cent—yet business start-ups are down. That 50 per cent increase in population has caused Australia to have the highest real estate prices in the world, and that is on both of you as well. What person in their right mind would start a business in such a hostile environment?</para>
<para>The Liberals and Nationals seem perfectly happy transferring wealth from small business to global corporations whose interest they represent so well. It is fundamental to Labor's brand of socialism that a population reliant on big government is a population incapable of resisting big government oppression—the same oppression that premiers Andrews and Palaszczuk are now trialling in Victoria and Queensland. The LNP and the ALP seek different outcomes from the same actions. They are joined at the hip in the pursuit of the elimination of middle-class enterprise. This does not serve the interests of the Australian people. We must bring back democracy. We must bring back democracy and accountability.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Economy</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>283585</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I rise to speak about the economic recovery from the coronavirus challenge. As a senator for Western Australia, I've spent much of my time since we were last in this place speaking to businesses right across my state. There's no doubt that as a whole they're hurting, particularly those in service focused industries and their supply chains. I've heard stories of innovation, ingenuity and reinvention, the real spirit of Australia—Western Australia, in particular. I've also heard from businesses that have been hit with the full force of this economic shock.</para>
<para>With the Prime Minister's release of the three-step plan, Western Australia is putting in place a road map back to businesses reopening and our quality way of life. With this, comes the long road to economic recovery. It remains true that we are all in this together. This isn't some trivial term or cliche phrase to brush off and, just as it has during the health preservation phase, it now holds the key to our economic recovery.</para>
<para>Everyone in some way has been hit by the economic consequences of coronavirus. It might not be you directly but might be your partner, your wife, your children, friends or family. Over the coming weeks and months, there is something that we all can do, and I would argue it will be the single most important thing after the health considerations—that is, to support local, small businesses. Buy big if you can. Start thinking about exploring our great state, whether it's a weekend drive or something longer. Every purchase you make and every dollar you spend in a local business will be another step back to seeing our economy return to full steam ahead. So if you've been thinking about visiting a winery to check out the latest vintage or getting a towbar put on your car by the local mechanic or taking the kids on a road trip, now is the time to do it. Every dollar spent in WA will support a local business and the West Australians that it employs. The same is true for every state and region represented in this place. Go on a road trip, a Sunday drive or something longer.</para>
<para>The June long weekend is just over two weeks away in Western Australia. My family and a few of our friends are heading down to Manjimup for the weekend. Why don't you consider, if you are in Western Australia, taking that opportunity to get away with your family and friends, obviously in a safe and socially-distant way, and spend locally in these businesses? Stop in at that cafe on the way and buy a few coffees or a cake and meat pie. Go and check out the winery, the boutique distillery, you have been thinking about for a while, have a small BBQ with local produce, make the next present you buy for someone from a local artist, artisan or crafter, or get them a voucher for a local experience. When the time is right, even encourage a significant other to go and pamper themselves. Every bit helps.</para>
<para>I commend the support from the Commonwealth government and the measures to support businesses put in place by the state government through the National Cabinet. Our nation would be a vastly different place without them. Millions of Australians have remained connected to their jobs because of the JobKeeper payment. The discussions of the National Cabinet which have resulted in concessions for businesses, utility bill credits, payroll tax exemptions and measures to support arrangements with landlords, among others, have and will provide the support that so many businesses need and have needed to keep their doors open.</para>
<para>But it's important to recognise that this is the first phase of a broader economic recovery. The second phase starts with the purchasing power of Australians. Your dollar, whether it's one or many, or where you decide to put it is incredibly powerful. A lot of the restrictions that we're seeing will be released this coming Monday in Western Australia; it's almost upon us. It's time for us, all Australians, to build the road to recovery.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CICCONE</name>
    <name.id>281503</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There's no doubt that we've had some very difficult months to get on top of the coronavirus pandemic in Australia and there will be more challenging times ahead as we reopen our economy and manage any clusters where they occur. As the reopening gets underway, we have an opportunity to imagine what a post-pandemic economy may look like across Australia. That economy should be built on a bedrock of secure, well-paid jobs across a broad range of industries, with workers and small businesses having options to build careers so that they can care for their families and make a life well into the future.</para>
<para>It should also include a strong manufacturing industry. To achieve this, governments must arrest the contraction of manufacturing that has sadly been occurring in Australia over the past seven years under the conservative government and develop a new plan to make our manufacturing sector a growing and vibrant part of our economy. Between 2011 and 2016, the ABS census data shows over 200,000 manufacturing jobs have disappeared. What was once an industry that we were all very proud of, that contributed to 14 per cent to our gross domestic product in 1996, manufacturing now makes just around 5.5 per cent of GDP. Yet at the same time, Australians have been buying more manufactured goods than ever. Our demand for them is growing, but the products that we want to buy are increasingly not being made here in Australia or by Australians.</para>
<para>Manufacturing can and must be part of Australia's future economic security and this point has been well made by experts around our country. As the coronavirus has well illustrated, our definition of sovereign capability must be expanded to include all areas of the Australian economy, many of them centring on domestic manufacturing capacity. When we make what we need to get through a crisis like the coronavirus, that puts us a step ahead strategically and makes it easier to get through difficult times. It's a simple equation: the more we make here, the more self-reliant we are and the better we will be able to face another crisis in the future.</para>
<para>This isn't about being anti-trade, far from it. Australia is a very proud nation that trades with many countries around the world and, in particular, in the Asia region. But if we can make something here, why shouldn't we? And further, if we can diversify our trade relations to ensure that we're not overly dependent on one single trade partner for our prosperity, why don't we? As the recent events concerning many of our barley growers and meat producers have shown, this is just prudent economic management.</para>
<para>But arresting the decline in manufacturing will require careful and considered policy-making and implementation by government. We will need to carefully map our current skills and capabilities in manufacturing and make new investments in industries that are performing well, like agriculture. We should use government procurement processes to lead the way in buying and using Australian-made goods.</para>
<para>Getting the taxation settings right will also be an important part of the discussion we need to have in this place. And that means—as Jim Stamford points out in a recent paper for the Australian Institute looking at tax incentives, to name just one example—that our future commitment to innovation must be far greater than just political slogans. We will need to make real investment in research and development. It should be carefully targeted to encourage small and medium enterprises in supply chains, and not just make life easier for big multinational companies as, unfortunately, this government seems to prefer. Strong local manufacturing offers employment, creates opportunities and helps add to the country's prosperity.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Antarctic Science</title>
          <page.no>111</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Over the past two decades the Australian Antarctic Division, CSIRO Oceans and Atmosphere and the University of Tasmania, with the support of successive Tasmanian and federal governments, have established Hobart as the Australian hub for critical research into the Antarctic and the Southern Ocean, particularly into the impacts of climate change. This established research ecosystem has also ensured that Hobart is recognised as a global centre for Antarctic and Southern Ocean research all around the world. We call this the Antarctic gateway.</para>
<para>A recent Australian Research Council funding decision means that funding to maintain the current levels of Antarctic and Southern Ocean research in Hobart is not available beyond 2023 and puts our critical science community, which is an integral part of the broader Hobart community and economy, at risk. Through IMAS, UTas has hosted a $32 million Antarctic Gateway Partnership from 2013 to 2020. However, that research funding has now finished. Total funding for Antarctic research hosted at IMAS, including other grant programs and UTas contributions, has been in excess of $15 million per year over the last five years. Over the last 10 years the science community has been fighting for long-term continuity in its science funding. A number of critical programs that are conducted by our science community in Hobart are long-term and collaborative in nature.</para>
<para>The Australian government implemented two reviews into long-term funding to underpin certainty for these collaborative long-term scientific programs. The first was the Australian Antarctic Strategy and 20 Year Action Plan, which called for a revitalisation of Antarctic science, including through the implementation of a coordinated and effective Antarctic science funding model to increase Antarctic research by leading Australian institutions. And then in 2017 the government implemented the Clarke review, or the Antarctic Science Program Governance Review, which recommended institutionalising long-term collaborative science and ensuring coherent science leadership.</para>
<para>The ARC decision, which was announced nearly two weeks ago, has dudded Tasmania and left Tasmania out in the cold. These Tasmanian institutions submitted a proposal to the ARC in collaboration with 41 national and international university and government partnerships. However, it was only able to attract $20 million of the $56 million in funding. The UTas Vice-Chancellor, Rufus Black, has said that this announcement fragments, rather than strengthens, Australia's Antarctic science capability and undermines the existing Australian Antarctic and Southern Ocean science program. This program is critical to monitoring and tackling our climate emergency, and this announcement presents a significant cause for concern for the Tasmanian science community.</para>
<para>As I mentioned, these programs are long-term and collaborative in nature and need a funding arrangement that is also long-term and gives continuity and certainty to the Antarctic science community. The Australian government must immediately review Antarctic and Southern Ocean science funding. This includes taking into account the recent findings of these reviews, such as the Clarke review, and providing certainty and support for an integrated approach that restores Tasmania as the hub of this nation's Southern Ocean and Antarctic climate research efforts.</para>
<para>It was only four years ago that I chaired the select committee into science job cuts at CSIRO and we managed to reverse nearly 300 potential job cuts to the science community in Hobart. While we have been building the gateway to the Antarctic in Hobart, and the government has been forthcoming with significant infrastructure funding for the AAD, it's no good spending money on infrastructure if you don't invest in the science and the personnel that are going to use the Australian Antarctic base, use the new icebreaker and use the new runway extension in Hobart. We need to have long-term funding for these science programs. If we want to keep the thousands of research jobs and families in Hobart, which is so critical to our identity, then we need to up the ante and significantly fund these research efforts.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Child Care</title>
          <page.no>112</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the government's changes to the childcare system due to the outbreak of COVID-19. As a former early childhood educator, it is an issue that I'm passionate about. It's vital, at this difficult time, that people have access to the early childhood education that they need and that early childhood educators are given the support that they need to provide this education. Access to early childhood education allows essential workers to continue to provide the services the public needs at this very trying time. I thank early childhood educators for their efforts to provide education and support for families throughout the COVID-19 crisis.</para>
<para>As the government seeks to reopen the economy, there will be a greater need for early childhood education. And while I hope the government's changes were done with the best of intentions, they have once again failed to work through the details to ensure that all families and educators aren't unintentionally disadvantaged by them. I've been contacted by numerous early childhood educators who have been disadvantaged or have concerns and have raised those concerns with Minister Tehan. They have been extremely distressed by some of the changes—both how the changes affect their business and how they will impact the amount of care they are able to provide. These are caring, highly professional people who are concerned about the businesses that have been built up over many years. Reports continue to emerge of families that are now locked out of the childcare system due to COVID-19. Many workers have found that their childcare needs have changed. This can be due to the fact that they feel they can no longer ask grandparents for care, or the days or hours they work may also have been changed. Families outside the system are effectively locked out. Services will receive no funding for them.</para>
<para>It's vital our childcare system is flexible and can support this change in demand for their services, to ensure that parents can go to work. Despite the Prime Minister stating that every Australian with a job is an essential worker, the reality for many families is that their lack of access to child care is now a barrier to participating in work. The government is trying to shift the blame onto providers, completely failing to understand that providers across Australia are desperately crunching the numbers to try and provide as much care as possible. To keep their doors open with such a reduction in revenue, some early learning providers are left with no choice but to reduce staff, cut opening hours, deny care to new families or cancel existing enrolments.</para>
<para>The government's changes restrict providers to 50 per cent of their revenue as of the beginning of March, providing them with no incentive or capacity to accept new enrolments or allow parents to increase their hours. Services that had maintained enrolments over the previous few weeks, particularly family day care and in-home services, were stripped of significant income. These businesses should not have to work harder for less and wear the costs of the government's policy changes. While some providers are also eligible to apply for JobKeeper or a top-up fund, many are still unable to access JobKeeper, and there appear to be very limited circumstances in which providers can access the additional funds. It is absolutely vital that every early learning service will be able to access the JobKeeper payment.</para>
<para>Labor welcomed the government's announcement to provide fee relief for families and urgent support to providers. It has provided some financial security to providers that were in danger of closing due to collapsing enrolments, but, without properly funding free child care, the Morrison government's childcare changes have created winners and losers, with some families receiving free child care and others receiving no care at all. If those opposite would just take the time to talk to the people affected by their policy changes before they announced them, they would end up implementing better policy.</para>
<para>Labor will continue to ensure families, early educators and providers are adequately supported during and after this crisis. Labor urges the Morrison government to properly fund our early education and care system, to support parents and ensure every Australian family that requires child care can access it. If this is not done properly, it will be devastating for families, early educators and our economy.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Retail, Fast-Food and Warehousing Workers</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Throughout the COVID-19 crisis, we've seen many heroes in our workforce—nurses, doctors, emergency services and many others—but one group that I'd particularly like to thank is those unsung heroes working in retail, fast food and warehousing. While most Australians have stayed safe, hundreds of thousands of essential workers have gone to work each day to help keep our country running. At a time when so many sectors of our economy have been shut down to protect public health, workers in these industries have continued to go to work every single day.</para>
<para>Retail workers in supermarkets and stores have ensured that we can get what we need to feed our families and get essential items. Those in pharmacies have continued to work through this unprecedented health crisis so Australians can access important medical supplies. Fast-food employees have adapted to the changing ways of work so we can grab a meal when we need to. And warehouse workers have worked around the clock to make sure that every supermarket and store has enough goods to go round.</para>
<para>I'd like to say thank you to every one of these essential workers who are working through this incredibly difficult period, especially those in stores who have faced unacceptable abuse and violence from shoppers when all they are trying to do is do their job. You deserve to be treated with respect and dignity at work, not just during this crisis but all of the time. These workers face the same fears and anxieties as everyone else trying to manage during this time. They have their own families but have bravely and diligently shown up for work each day. They deserve not only to be thanked but to be provided with a safe workplace, with paid leave if they are sick or have to self-isolate, and with a job and financial security if they're stood down.</para>
<para>These are all the things that that their union, the SDA, have been working tirelessly to secure for their more than 200,000 members across this country. I know that the SDA have made every effort to ensure that the safety of every worker is their first priority during this crisis. Thanks to this great union, these workers can continue to serve the community, knowing that, no matter what changes or what is next, their union will continue to be there to represent and to support them. Thank you to every essential worker across the retail, fast-food and warehousing industries. As more and more stores begin to reopen, I'd ask every Australian to treat them with respect and, when you're shopping, to understand that their safety is important too.</para>
<para>We do not want to see any more of the panic buying which has sometimes led to hoarding and, even worse, profiteering. The SDA have been calling for a range of protections to ensure retail workers' safety during this pandemic. They've relaunched the No One Deserves a Serve campaign and called for all Australians, when they get to the shelves or to the check-out, to be patient, kind and thankful towards the staff and to treat them with the respect that they deserve. No-one deserves a serve for just trying to do their job.</para>
<para>It's only a few weeks ago that we were seeing scenes on our television screens of retail workers on the receiving end of verbal and even physical abuse over low stock levels and purchasing limits. Retail workers have been sworn at, yelled at and, in some cases, physically assaulted. There's never an excuse for abuse. And now retail workers are faced with a new threat: thousands of Australians are ignoring ongoing distancing measures and packing into shops as restrictions on movement and gathering are eased. That is not okay. As we start to see a staged easing of restrictions in some jurisdictions, it can't be simply left to the hardworking shop assistants to police the social-distancing rules. Governments must lead the way in shaping public behaviour, and ensure the message is being received and distance adhered to. We need our shops open to supply us, to keep our economy going and to get more than a million workers back to work. We can't allow our retail sector to become the epicentre of new outbreaks simply because customers can't control themselves. That's not fair on retail workers, and it's not fair on shop assistants. We can start by showing workers, who kept us going in the toughest of times, courtesy, gratitude and the respect that they deserve.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Mundey, Mr Jack, AO</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator AYRES</name>
    <name.id>16913</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to associate myself, too, with Senator Farrell's remarks. Not enough praise, thanks and gratitude can be sent in the direction of workers who've worked through this, particularly retail workers.</para>
<para>I want to make a couple of comments about the passing, over 48 hours ago, of Jack Mundey. I was driving to Canberra very early yesterday morning when I got a phone call from a colleague in the labour movement to say that Jack Mundey had died over the course of the evening. I had a long talk with Meredith Burgmann, a former president of the New South Wales Legislative Council and the author of the definitive book—one of Australia's leading labour history books about the history of the Builders Labourers Federation and Jack Mundey—<inline font-style="italic">Green Bans, Red Union</inline>. It caused me to reflect that some of our greatest political leaders actually never serve in this parliament or in our state parliaments.</para>
<para>Jack Mundey was a remarkable union leader, regarded as the father of urban environmentalism. He was a globally significant figure. Today he's owned by the whole of the labour movement, the environmentalist movement, heritage-protection activists and progressives broadly, and, indeed, well loved amongst people right across the political spectrum who care about Sydney, its architecture and its heritage. But very few of those were there supporting him when he was active. In fact, many of them directly opposed him at the time; many of them violently opposed him at the time. There should be a state funeral for Jack Mundey, if we knew what we were doing and could work across the political divisions. He's a living national treasure who is now dead.</para>
<para>He came through in a much less sanitised era. The son of a Queensland cane-cutting family, he came to Sydney to try out for first-grade rugby league and as a boxer. His career with Parramatta was short. It was rugby league's loss and Sydney's gain. He became a builder's labourer at a time when the Builders Labourers Federation in Sydney was a weak and supine union. His battle for democratic control of that union, funded by collections from members—and I looked at one of the $2 tickets that you could buy—was a titanic struggle for control of that union. He left a remarkable industrial legacy, but it's what he did with that and with the confidence of the members who he represented in a democratic way: green bans in The Rocks, Woolloomooloo, Glebe, Centennial Park, Kings Cross, Ultimo, the Opera House precinct, Kelly's Bush in Hunter's Hill, the State Theatre and Pitt Street Uniting Church. All of the heritage buildings in Martin Place are there because of Jack Mundey and the Builders Labourers Federation. He was opposed by developers, a corrupt Askin government and violent police. He conducted pickets and sit-ins and strikes—all democratically, all done with the support of building workers. Sydney, to a large extent, has been saved. Kids who will be born tomorrow will grow up in a Sydney that has so much amenity, is so much more beautiful and is such a great place to live, and they will not know that this bloke made such an enormous contribution.</para>
<para>Mundey and the BLF's achievement was to sustain those victories, to hold the line, until the election of Whitlam and the activism of Tom Uren in 1972, and then the Wran government being elected in 1976, initiating the necessary reforms to make the BLF's victories permanent. Of course, if it happened now, if Jack Mundey led those struggles now, the developers would win. The union would be fined and deregistered—BLF members fined or imprisoned, and Mundey locked up. That would be the consequence of struggling the way that Jack Mundey and the green bans union did. The current hyperregulation of industrial relations stifles our democracy.</para>
<para>Jack has done more remarkable things in his career. The first pink ban in support of gay and lesbian rights at Macquarie University was a world-first union activity in that area. He forced employers to employ women on building sites—all with the democratic endorsement of the members and a world-first in the building industry.</para>
<para>I want to pass on my condolences to Jack's wife, Judy, and to all his friends and comrades in the labour movement. He's a great Australian who will be laid to rest shortly. Vale.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: China</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Post Wuhan coronavirus, Australians do not want business as usual with the communist regime in China. The billions of dollars being expended to counter the pandemic is borrowed money which we, the taxpayers, must repay. These costs are a direct consequence of the CCP's wrongful acts. Accordingly, Australians expect reparations. As I have been advocating since early April, it is important for Australia to act upon those things which are within its control, namely a plan for reparations and a plan to decouple from China.</para>
<para>This will require a great deal of political fortitude. Regrettably, I suspect we have a long way to go in this regard. Let's not forget that only a year ago our government allowed three Chinese warships to sail into Sydney Harbour on the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre. This was at a time when the CCP was harassing Royal Australian Navy vessels innocently transiting on a visit to Vietnam, and against the background of China's bellicose and illegal actions in the South China Sea and the CCP's constant harassment of those exercising freedom-of-navigation operations.</para>
<para>On reparations, it is incumbent on the government to investigate all possible ways to recover damages for health costs and damage to our economy. It is most likely we will go into recession, with enormous loss of jobs and livelihoods.</para>
<para>The culpability of the CCP has been articulated in a recent report by leading UK think tank the Henry Jackson Society entitled <inline font-style="italic">Coronavirus Compensation</inline>. It states that, had China provided accurate information at an earlier juncture, the infection would not have left China. Instead, the CCP covered it up and punished the doctors who sought to tell the truth. The massive underreporting of cases, the attempts to rewrite the narrative, the lies and the cover-up all support culpability of the CCP. The Henry Jackson report canvasses a breach of the WHO International Health Regulations and suing China for $6.5 trillion. The WHO regulations were adopted in 1969 to prevent the international spread of disease by placing an obligation on states to prevent highly transmittable diseases. They were revised in 2005 after SARS. But the CCP did not learn the lessons from SARS and repeated previous blunders.</para>
<para>On 31 December 2019, Taiwan Centers for Disease Control notified the WHO of human-to-human transmission of the virus. Because of the One China policy, Taiwan's warnings were ignored. Instead, on 14 January, the WHO tweeted there was no human-to-human transmission. based on information from the CCP. Indeed, WHO director-general Tedros stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… China is actually setting a new standard for outbreak response.</para></quote>
<para>The absurdity of the WHO's conduct was seen when its assistant director-general Aylward wouldn't even acknowledge Taiwan's existence in an interview. This demonstrated the failure of the WHO, in tandem with China, to stop the epidemic.</para>
<para>But, then, let us not forget that China has been the source of numerous pandemics. An article entitled 'Made in China', about the BRI, the modern-day Silk Road, and the plague, by Rebecca Weisser in <inline font-style="italic">The Spectator</inline> on 7 March, traces this history. It says that the Black Death, like coronavirus, was made in China. It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is no coincidence that its worst outbreaks in the Middle East and Europe have been in Iran and Italy; each is the regional anchor of China's Belt and Road initiative (BRI)—the 21st century version of the Silk Road.</para></quote>
<para>The article outlines China as the source of other outbreaks: the plague of Justinian in 541, Spanish flu in 1919, Asian flu, Hong Kong flu, avian flu, SARS and now coronavirus. Why?</para>
<para>One theory is that the virus started in a Wuhan wet market, a cross between a zoo and a slaughterhouse. After each outbreak, China say it is will crack down on the illegal trade of wildlife, but it doesn't. The CCP places higher priority on the suppression of criticism against it than on food safety regulations. Perhaps if China spent more on revamping its scandal-riddled healthcare sector and less on pursuing its illegal and bellicose actions in the South China Sea, its people would enjoy a far better quality of life.</para>
<para>Another theory is that it originated in a laboratory. Recent media stories have highlighted the possible role of the Wuhan Institute of Virology. Recently, I read the translation of a speech given to a select group of high-level CCP officials by Chi Haotian, China's defence minister from 1993 to 2003 and vice-chairman of its Central Military Commission. His chilling reference to using non-destructive weapons that can kill many people, and rapid development of modern biological technology and new bio-weapons puts the recent outbreak in a more sinister light. Irrespective of the theories, the origin of the virus was China, and China remains responsible for the outbreak.</para>
<para>Post pandemic, we need to overhaul our critical infrastructure and foreign investment framework. Critical infrastructure legislation needs to be extended beyond ports and the utilities of gas, water and electricity to include other key sectors, such as banking and finance, food, grocery and agriculture, health and medical, transport, communications and IT, and airports. In so doing, we must expand restrictions to ensure practical ways to protect our sovereignty. This includes revisiting the decision to lease the Port of Darwin, especially given the change to security circumstances. It should never have been leased to Landbridge, given its close ties to the CCP. I started questioning Defence officials about this at estimates last year. The recent FIRB changes announced by the Treasurer are only a start, with examination of further limitations and broader interpretation of the national interest required. Reciprocity of acquisition is also important. If Australians or Australian entities are restricted from acquiring assets in China, then why should the CCP or its state owned entities be given free rein to acquire even more strategic assets in Australia?</para>
<para>In January 2018, I drew attention to China's activities, especially in the Pacific. My prescient warnings have been fully vindicated. An international debate ensued about debt-trap diplomacy and the strategy used by the CCP to lure countries to borrow large amounts for infrastructure projects, usually on a debt-for-equity basis. When the loan can't be repaid, the CCP takes the equity, ending up owning the asset.</para>
<para>I am concerned that the CCP is taking advantage of the pandemic to further its insidious debt-trap diplomacy by taking advantage of economically stressed nation-states through the Belt and Road Initiative. 'BRI' is code for debt-trap diplomacy—a warning that Premier Andrews has failed to heed. It is a concern when companies are financially stressed, like Virgin airlines, and we must guard against predatory behaviour and bargain hunting by totalitarian regimes like CCP and their state-owned entities. Our security and sovereignty are at risk, and we should be reducing, not increasing, such controls over key assets.</para>
<para>Over a quarter of our two-way trade is with the CCP. Those resisting decoupling argue that exports are at risk. The CCP may not like us or trust us, but it will continue to buy goods vital to China's economic growth and those which will help feed its 1.3 billion people, because we are a reliable source of high-quality and well-priced goods. Our top imports from China include a whole raft of everyday items. We must reduce our dependency on China, become more self-reliant and diversify our trade. The pandemic has shown our overdependence on overseas supply chains, especially in medical supplies. The barley dispute and China's delisting of four abattoirs today are symptomatic of the predicament Australia has now found itself in, although some argue it has been brewing for some time.</para>
<para>Those leading our 'fellow traveller' foreign policy over many years, including doing business with the CCP, have preferred to turn a blind eye to its skulduggery, so long as the rivers of gold continued to flow. These include some of our major universities. Overly dependent on overseas students and substantial funding from the presence of Confucius Institutes, they have clearly not followed the teachings of their own business schools in practising diversification. The recent threats by the Chinese ambassador are symptomatic of the predicament we have placed ourselves in where we are vulnerable to economic coercion.</para>
<para>In conclusion, Australians will now expect their government to demonstrate the necessary political fortitude to focus on those issues within our power to control—namely, a plan for reparations and a plan to decouple from China.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19: Aviation</title>
          <page.no>116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SHELDON</name>
    <name.id>168275</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to tell the stories of some of the hundreds of thousands of aviation workers across Australia who have been let down by the Prime Minister and this government. There is no doubt that the shutdown of flights was the right thing to do, a necessary thing to do, to save lives during the COVID-19 pandemic. Of course no-one disputes it, but it's important to note that a shutdown was not a market failure; it was and continues to be government policy—a policy the government must take responsibility for.</para>
<para>It must also take responsibility for the people affected by the shutdown. Firstly, there are more than 10,000 workers at Virgin Australia and their families right around this nation. It is a company that contributes $30 billion to the Australian economy through many avenues, especially tourism, and workers lie awake through yet another night of broken sleep, rolling over to check their phones to find out the latest on what's happening with their employer. These Australians have a knot in their gut and have to look into the eyes of their partners and their children to again say, 'There is no good news.'</para>
<para>Workers like Matt and Bec live in the Prime Minister's electorate, in the Shire, with their three beautiful girls, Bella, Eva and Sophia—triplets who turned two just last week. I want to wish the girls a very happy birthday. Matt and Bec both flew internationally for Virgin Australia—a sometimes difficult lifestyle but one they made work. With JobKeeper payments set to end, they've had to move in with Bec's parents. Then there's Ellen, who has worked pretty much her whole career in the air. At 18, she started at Rex, before coming over to Virgin. Ellen was on one of the last flights back into the country from Los Angeles. For the safety of those loved ones, she self-quarantined, despite the government ridiculously exempting flight crews from this necessary action. This, however, meant that she missed out on the few Coles and Woolies jobs that were offered to aviation workers early in this lockdown. Now she is unable to find work. For her, it is made worse by the memories of the suffering her parents had endured during the Ansett collapse. Aviation runs in the blood of many families. Both of Ellen's parents worked at Ansett for decades. When the airline collapsed, it devastated her family, like so many others. Her dad moved overseas to continue to chase work and her mum was left to hold the fort back home. The financial struggle and the mental toll that came with the collapse led to her family breaking apart. Ellen's mum remains scarred, just like many others, from the loss of so many friends to suicide. No family should have to watch this history repeat itself.</para>
<para>But the families of the aviation industry have a friend in the federal Labor Party, especially in our Labor leader, Anthony Albanese, who, as Minister for Infrastructure and Transport, released a national aviation white paper whilst he was the minister. This contrasts with the absence of policy from Deputy Prime Minister McCormack. Maybe he should have read it and then he would have had something to base some policies on. I might also suggest to him that, if he hasn't got a copy, I'm more than happy to send one to him so he can read it. That policy paved a path for industry: certainty; maintaining and improving safety and security; and creating jobs right across the country.</para>
<para>Having just a single full-service airline in Australia will mean higher fares for passengers, lower wages for workers, and will cost our tourism industry billions. I call on the federal government to ensure that Virgin emerges from the voluntary administration process a full-service airline that will provide services across the country and into regional Australia. This is why I renew my personal call for the federal government to send a signal to the market by taking an equity stake in Virgin. This would tell the market and the potential new owners that the government supports a strong and viable aviation industry. Without this support, Virgin is likely to be stripped back to its bones. The golden triangle of Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane, which makes the lion's share of profits, would obviously stay. The regions, however, would suffer greatly—hardworking families like Matt and Bec with their three daughters, and Ellen, and potentially thousands more Virgin workers.</para>
<para>There's also another debacle in aviation at dnata. We have a situation where Australian workers have worked in the Australian aviation industry their whole lives, some of them for Qantas and other catering companies before the government approved the sale to dnata. These workers are now being denied access to the Australian JobKeeper scheme by our government because dnata is owned, ultimately, by the Dubai government. These workers cannot choose who owns their company. Retrospectively excluding the workers of dnata from the JobKeeper scheme is a cruel stroke of the pen that has left some 5,500 workers out of a scheme that was designed specifically to assist workers like them. These workers have no control over who owns the company they work for, but what they do have is Australian passports and a lifetime of work in Australia. They've paid taxes in Australia all their lives and now they are being let down by their own government, which doesn't seem to care.</para>
<para>I want to tell you the story of Natasha Crowden, who emailed my office. She was born and lives in Redcliffe in Queensland and has been paying taxes since she was 16. She has been at Dnata for roughly six years. She has a partner and a two-year-old boy, who just a few days ago underwent a medical procedure. Medical supplies are costing $20 to $30 a day. Natasha has now been without pay for eight weeks. The rent, electricity, water, phone, internet and rego bills have not stopped coming in. Her son had a tin of pineapple and tinned beetroot with ham for dinner again last night. That's how tight money is currently for her. She has no annual leave left, due to taking a year off on maternity leave when her son was born. Her partner works, but his hours have been cut down. She is not eligible for JobKeeper. Because of the government, she has been excluded. She is not eligible for JobKeeper or jobseeker. Some of her colleagues have been caught in a terrible situation. How many of them cancelled their applications when they heard that Dnata was originally entitled to JobKeeper? They were playing by the rules only to have the government move the goalpost on them midgame. Cancelling their applications has cost them time and money they can ill afford. It will now be another four weeks before they can get jobseeker, assuming that they can meet the requirements. Workers like Natasha need the government to step in and help. They need the government to work out a way to help Australian citizens who have been working and paying taxes their entire lives. It wasn't the workers who grounded the planes; it was the government.</para>
<para>I'm calling on this government to change its regulations, grant companies like Dnata access to JobKeeper to support these workers and produce a national aviation plan, without which we'll see no snapback for Matt, Bec, Ellen and Natasha and for many thousands more Australians and their families.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>117</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In March this year the government made one of the most significant changes to our social security system in Australia's history, doubling the rate of the jobseeker payment by providing the coronavirus supplement. The temporary increase to the jobseeker payment to $1,115 a fortnight was the first real increase in a long, long time. It's the first time the jobseeker payment—and before that, of course, Newstart—is above the poverty line for a long, long, long time. Unemployed Australians are finally able to afford basic daily expenses and essentials like food, utility bills, transport and clothing. That is a very, very important point to note.</para>
<para>There were also other changes made, such as suspending mutual obligations, changing income thresholds for partners on a number of payments and changing waiting times, and a number of other things were also dropped, highlighting the fact that the government knows these issues work as barriers to people getting quick support. Other waiting times for payments when people need ready access to an income are also very important. But the changes highlight the fact that the government knew these were a problem and needed to be dealt with. My argument here is: they're a problem when we aren't in crisis as well, when people lose their jobs and need to be able to access our income support system.</para>
<para>I will also note here that there are a number of groups and cohorts of people that in fact have not been able to access enough support. Those under 22 who don't live at home—some of whom are alienated from their families—are not able to access income support. People on DSP and carers payment have not had access to the supplement. I will talk about that further at a later stage. Visa holders are not able to access either jobseeker or JobKeeper.</para>
<para>The fact the jobseeker payment was increased by the government after years and years of resistance is an admission that people can't survive on $40 a day, especially during a recession. As we navigate our way out of a global pandemic, there are many things about the future that are uncertain, but one thing is crystal clear: we cannot go back to a world where people are forced to live, to try and survive, on $40 a day. We can't go back to the old rate, because when income support payments are that low people are trapped in poverty. It means they don't have the capacity to look for work because they are focused on where their next meal is coming from, how they will pay the rent, how they will pay the mortgage and how they are able to afford to send their children to school. Low income support payments are leading to poverty and have in fact led to poverty, and poverty, in and of itself, is a barrier to employment.</para>
<para>The <inline font-style="italic">Faces of unemployment 2020</inline> report demonstrated that when someone has been unemployed for over a year their chances of getting a job fall by 40 per cent. In 2018 one in four jobseekers experienced long-term unemployment. We know that long-term unemployment has devastating consequences for people's wellbeing. Pushing jobseekers below the poverty line can condemn people to a cycle of long-term unemployment. The twin health and economic crises are not going to go away on 25 September this year, when the coronavirus supplement is due to end. There are over 1.4 million Australians on jobseeker at the moment, and some experts are saying it could go higher. Even the DSS, at the COVID inquiry hearing on the 30 April, said they were using estimates of 1.7 million by the end of September. In other words, we don't know if we're going to have more people on jobseeker by September. We will certainly have a large number of people on jobseeker come 25 September.</para>
<para>The economy is not going to miraculously snap back in September. This is a crisis that will have an enduring impact on our economy and on jobs for quite a long time to come. Many industries experiencing significant downturns will take time to recover. The coronavirus is already hurting those who are worst off. Those in the gig economy—precarious work—were the first to lose their jobs when the virus hit and unemployment figures started rising. But they had nothing to fall back on—no sick leave, no annual leave. The young have lost more jobs than other cohorts. Low-income workers are twice as likely to be out of work as high-income earners. In the week ending 18 April, almost twice as many women lost their jobs than men. While we plan for the recovery phase of this crisis, our responsibility is to look after people, to ensure that those on low-income payments are properly supported and to ensure that we do not leave people behind.</para>
<para>An Essential poll from last week indicated that 57 per cent of Australians believe that the jobseeker payment should not be cut down to the old Newstart rate. So what does keeping the jobseeker payment above the poverty line really mean for unemployed workers? Last week I asked those workers, what doubling of the jobseeker payment means for them. Here are a few of their responses: 'Dental for me; maybe save for braces for my boys; replace old broken furniture and one of my kids' beds; and, definitely not have to worry about food and bills for a while.' Another person said, 'My son has been able to not worry about putting petrol in his car for casual employment, as well as eating better than cheap, rubbish foods; buy shoes, socks and underwear; and pay his car registration without forgoing food.' Somebody else said that it means that they don't have to choose between going to the dentist or going to the psychologist.</para>
<para>These are the real, lived experiences of people who are now able to get that higher payment of jobseeker. These are everyday essential costs for anyone, and anybody should be able to afford them, whether they are on income support or not, and I would argue are very critical if you are looking for work. I find it untenable that the government is already so committed to ending the coronavirus supplement in September. While I don't know what the economy will look like in September, I do know that cutting income support is simply not the answer.</para>
<para>However, it's not only the rate of jobseeker payment that's important; employment services, which have always been so essential, are going to be even more essential with so many people looking for work. They are going to play an absolutely critical role in helping and supporting unemployed workers back into employment. Unfortunately, Australia has been massively underspending and underinvesting in employment services. Yes, I can hear people saying, 'We already spend quite a bit of money on employment services.' Unfortunately, we spend less than half the OECD average amount as a share of GDP on employment programs.</para>
<para>We have a system that puts compliance and penalties ahead of genuine support and assistance. People are cut off from their payments, very often through no fault of their own. Under our current system, providers are responsible for compliance at the same time as they are supposed to be building a trusting, supportive relationship with people in order to support them into work, to help them establish what their barriers are and to help them address them with wraparound services that are individualised, not a stamped-out job plan, which is what we are seeing—and we know that from the evidence. We know from the evidence—for example, through the targeted compliance framework—that, for a number of people who get penalty points, when it is looked at, it is found that the person's job plan is in error or does not meet their needs. It is time that we invested more in our employment services, that we provided that supportive wraparound, individualised support for people looking for work. It has never been more important than now to make sure we get that right. But it's also absolutely critical that we don't go back to $40 a day—that we retain the rate for good for both jobseeker and youth allowance. Retain the rate.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>COVID-19</title>
          <page.no>119</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Senate and to take the opportunity to say thank you to the people of the Northern Territory, to say thank you to those who've worked so diligently right across our country to keep all Australians safe, and to say thank you to the national cabinet, to the Prime Minister and to all the premiers and territory chief ministers involved in coordinating our response and looking at how we are going to come out of this. This is a moment to just say thanks. Thank you to the Chief Minister and his team, his staff, for guiding Territorians and, in particular, our remote and regional communities, to a safe point, to where we are. We know that we haven't beaten this COVID-19, but we do know that the incredible, united effort by so many to ensure that we kept the virus at bay has helped us to get to where we are today. We also know that we still have to remain vigilant.</para>
<para>Thank you to the Aboriginal community health organisations, to Congress, to Donna Ah Chee and to Dr John Boffa in Alice Springs, to Barb Shaw at Anyinginyi Congress in Tennant Creek, to Sunrise in Katherine West, to Wurli-Wurlinjang in Katherine, to Miwatj, over in Arnhem Land and to Danila Dilba in Darwin. These Aboriginal community health organisations are absolutely outstanding. They knew straightaway how and when to act and called for the closure of the borders and for the immediate translation of so many languages in order to provide the health expertise and advice to our communities, who were very concerned and trying to understand what was going on.</para>
<para>Thank you to the land councils—to the Central Land Council, the Northern Land Council, the Tiwi Land Council, the Central Land Council, the Northern Land Council, the Tiwi Land Council and the Anindilyakwa Land Council—and their boards, chairmanship and leadership in guiding through this whole process not only the Northern Territory government but also the federal government in what was needed for First Nations people across the Northern Territory. This is an opportunity in the Senate to be filled with gratitude that all of these groups have come together to ensure the safety not only of Territorians but of all Australians. We pay our respects to the many people who lost loved ones throughout this COVID-19 crisis, which we are still going through.</para>
<para>The Territory was called on at the outset to step up very, very early in this crisis, in January. Christmas Island, which comes under the federal seat of Lingiari in the Northern Territory, housed Australians evacuated from Wuhan. At short notice, a team of Australians from the NT was dispatched to set up a field hospital on Christmas Island in case of a COVID-19 outbreak. This included AUSMAT staff sent from the National Critical Care and Trauma Response Centre in Darwin. Again, it was AUSMAT staff from that trauma response centre who looked after the 200 or so evacuees sent to the Howard Springs facility outside Darwin for 14 days of quarantine. I want to put that on the parliamentary record that all of these staff, all of these personnel, have done the Northern Territory and Australia proud in a great time of uncertainty for all Australians, particularly those in our regional and remote areas of Australia.</para>
<para>I especially pay tribute today, on International Nurses Day, not only to the nurses of the Northern Territory but to the nurses around Australia and around the globe. When we look at our fellow human beings in other countries around the world who are still struggling to get on top of this crisis, we know that we are incredibly fortunate here in our country. We must never lose sight of our ability to reach out to others in some way to provide any kind of expertise that we can. It is always good when we can see that, no matter how difficult Australians find their particular situation, we are still generous enough as a country to remember those who require a great deal of support in some way, shape or form.</para>
<para>Many of us have learnt how to use Zoom—something that I probably didn't do too much of, but now I am kind of an expert; I'm still learning though. There have been so many teleconferences. I have been speaking to our communities in the Territory and speaking to the many councils. I do want to pay tribute to our local government councils, the shires across the Northern Territory, who did and are doing everything they can to get our people safely through this, in particular to make sure the food supplies got through. Food security was a real concern, second to people's health. We had to ensure that the issue of food security was getting through to the First Nations caucus of the federal Labor Party. I would like to thank each and every member of the First Nations caucus, who have diligently worked long days and hours on the phone as we've tried to make sure, not only in the Northern Territory but right across Australia, that particular policies were being implemented on the ground and that the concerns people were raising were being channelled back to Minister Ken Wyatt. I do commend Ken Wyatt and the staff of his agency. With the briefings that we received, we were able to provide direct information on disparity and on concerns that were impacting communities that could be worked on immediately. There were concerns around Centrelink and families desperately needing support, particularly in Central Australia, when hundreds and hundreds of jobs were lost at Yulara. I do commend Minister Ruston for her efforts. In many of those conversations, we were able to provide information to try and get support for people.</para>
<para>This is the sort of thing that we look at in terms of the values we hold as a country. We must never diminish the values of stepping up and stepping strong together. I also think one of the best things about our country is that we can constructively criticise where it is necessary to do so, from the point of view not of pointscoring but of wanting to see things improve for the better in the quite serious circumstances that have been occurring over the last couple of months.</para>
<para>I commend the Northern Territory Chief Minister, Michael Gunner, and the health minister, Natasha Fyles. We've seen a relaxation of many of the restrictions on people. But we know that we are not 100 per cent out of this. I say to the people of the Northern Territory in particular that we've got to continue to walk together, to work together and to ensure that each other's safety is paramount. We also need to ensure job security for all people, particularly in remote regions of Australia, so that, going forward, post-COVID-19, we do not go back to the way things were, where harsh penalties impact Australians on welfare. I encourage this Senate and fellow senators to take the view that, as we move forward, we move towards a new paradigm, a new shift, where our fellow Australians can live with dignity and know and trust that the policies we provide through this Senate are always about ensuring that every Australian has an opportunity to be the best they can be and has the choice to do the things they wish to do with their lives with respect to raising their families and with respect to their homes, equally.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gambling: Poker Machines</title>
          <page.no>120</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The COVID-19 pandemic has created a surreal world for all of us—a life none of us imagined we would be living. When Australians finally come out of this crisis, many won't want to return to business as usual. Most of us want a fairer, more equitable and just society. And that's a world that doesn't include poker machines. The COVID-19 pandemic has caused upheaval and heartache across the globe, but there have been silver linings as well. One hundred and ninety-four thousand poker machines were turned off in March, as pokies venues and casinos shut down across the nation in response to the COVID-19 crisis. The flashing lights have dimmed, and the unmistakable, relentless chimes of the machines have finally fallen silent.</para>
<para>With the flick of a switch, the extreme harm caused by pokies has been stopped—stopped in its tracks—though not because state governments phased them out in recognition of the harm they cause our society, such is the deep addiction of various state governments beholden to pokies barons and conflicted by being both a regulator of these insidious machines and the beneficiary of the tax revenue pocketed from them. We need to be reminded that our major parties are both content to continue receiving political donations from the gambling industry, which is nothing less than dirty money.</para>
<para>Australia has far more poker machines per person than any country in the world—any country in the world—excluding casino tourism destinations like Macau and Monaco. New South Wales alone has nearly 10 per cent of the world's poker machines. Collectively, Australia has 20 per cent of the world's machines—and that's nothing to be proud of, especially when you think that many are concentrated in areas that include some of the nation's poorest pockets. Australia ranks No. 1, with the highest gambling losses per capita worldwide, around $1,400 per person, which literally makes us the biggest losers across the globe. Despite these alarming statistics, there has been a push to turn the pokies back on, with reported secret plans to reopen venues to be presented to the national cabinet. This is not a game. We must take stock of what they have cost our community and what we have gained with their shutdown. $24.9 billion was lost by Australians in the 2017-18 year from gambling, with over half of these losses coming from pokies. That's $12.5 billion down the slot. The only winners are the rapacious pokies venues.</para>
<para>Sports betting, by comparison, represents $1.2 billion of losses in the same year—a big number, but still dwarfed by pokies losses. Online gambling has been on the rise since the pandemic hit, with opportunistic online gambling sites bombarding stay-at-home Australians with intrusive social media ads offering bets on everything imaginable. In the absence of competitive sports, you can still bet on the greyhounds and horse racing, not to mention the more obscure options such as darts, the weather, Belarusian soccer and MasterChef, to name just a small handful. However, people who gamble online are a very different cohort to those who gamble on pokies, and the losses on pokies far and above outweigh online gambling losses.</para>
<para>The social costs of gambling are also enormous, with direct connections, in many cases, between gambling, domestic violence and mental ill-health. A 2017 study of the social costs of gambling harm commissioned by the Victorian Responsible Gambling Foundation found that the cost of gambling harm was a staggering $7 billion over just one year—and that was just in Victoria alone. Doing the sums, this adds up to $2.2 billion in family and relationship problems; $1.6 billion on emotional and psychological issues, including distress, depression, suicide and violence; $1.3 billion in financial losses through, for example, excessive spending on gambling, bankruptcy and illegal offshore gambling; $1.1 billion in other costs to the government, such as research, regulation and professional support services, including mental health and homelessness services; $600 million on lost productivity and other work related costs; and $100 million on the costs of crime, including to businesses and the justice system. Extrapolated across the nation, the costs would be many billions of dollars more. We can't afford to keep ignoring the facts associated with the harms caused by gambling.</para>
<para>Overall, the forced closure of pokies is overwhelmingly good. Australians are collectively saving over $1 billion every month by having the pokies switched off—$1 billion every single month. That's money that can be instead used towards putting food on the table, and paying for medical bills and utilities, rent and mortgages.</para>
<para>Lockdown has provided people harmed by gambling with a real chance to break their habit, with many reportedly contacting support agencies saying the forced closure has not only been good for their wellbeing but also for that of their families. One woman was recently reported in the media as saying that she was finally able to afford to buy Easter eggs for her children for the very first time because pokie dens were shut.</para>
<para>We have a unique opportunity to help people permanently break away from the hold of these despicable machines. State governments may love the tax revenue the pokies bring in, but they cannot ignore that the shutdown of pokies has had very much a public health benefit well and truly beyond COVID-19. And that was once in the too-hard basket. It has been the circuit-breaker so many gambling addicts have needed. We cannot drop the ball now. No Australian should be put at risk of gambling harm by reopening these venues. To do so is unconscionable.</para>
<para>Of course, we are concerned for workers at gambling venues, many of whom have lost their jobs in the fallout of the current shutdown. They are entitled to safe, stable and meaningful work. Realistically, that kind of work can be found outside of the gambling industry because, despite what owners of pokie dens claim, research suggests it is far more productive to invest in hospitality—where, we know, 20 jobs are created for every $1 million spent on food and meals. Contrast that with a mere three jobs for the same amount lost to gambling. Gambling doesn't add up.</para>
<para>On the other side of the crisis, Australians will need a safe place to recreate social networks. Hospitality staff and entertainers will need sustainable, productive work. Let's rebuild our pubs and clubs into vibrant and thriving social hubs we can be proud of—places that put people and connections first—and offer government assistance that enables pokie pubs and clubs to pull their machines out and replace them with community facilities that will deliver more jobs in two of the hardest-hit sectors—hospitality and the arts.</para>
<para>This is a once-in-a-generation opportunity for Australia to change course on gambling harm. It's an opportunity that should not be wasted. We know that prevention is better than a cure. It's time to socially, economically and permanently distance ourselves from these vile machines once and for all. To do otherwise will be a crime and a tragedy imprinted in Australia's history forever.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Higher Education: Overseas Students</title>
          <page.no>121</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>COVID-19 has been a once-in-a-generation shock to our political and economic system, but some institutions entered this crisis nowhere near as well equipped as they should have been for events like this, despite the warnings. One thing made clear already is the overreliance of our higher-education institutions on the international-student market, in particular the Chinese-student market.</para>
<para>Over the last few decades our universities have bet big on the international-student dollar. Their institutions have boomed from what has been a very lucrative business, but they have become badly overexposed. It's why, after the government banned travel of non-citizens from China from 1 February, universities lobbied for the ban to be eased. It's why many of them paid students from China, to assist them in circumventing that ban by spending time in third countries before arriving in Australia. It's why they have been lobbying for extra support from taxpayers above and beyond their guaranteed funding of $18 billion per year. They even asked to be treated the same as welfare relief charities like the Salvation Army and the Red Cross for the purpose of qualifying for JobKeeper.</para>
<para>Universities argue they have pursued this market by necessity. They argue insufficient government funding pushed them down this path. It's a convenient story that attempts to absolve universities of responsibility for the decisions they have made, and it is a false one. As Professor Salvatore Babones pointed out last year in his excellent report for the Centre for Independent Studies, some of the largest recent increases in international-student numbers in fact came at a time when taxpayer funding for universities was surging. According to data from the Parliamentary Library, international-student numbers grew from 250,000 in 2011 to 300,000 in 2014—a period which coincided with the uncapped, demand-driven funding mechanism which saw record growth in taxpayer support for universities.</para>
<para>Chinese students have represented a very big proportion of these increases, particularly at some of our most elite universities. As Professor Babones noted, at seven of our major universities Chinese students represent more than 50 per cent of all international students. Some institutions such as the University of Sydney derive as much as a quarter of their revenue from international students from China alone.</para>
<para>Let me be clear: I am supportive of Australian universities welcoming international students to their campuses. It is a good thing for our higher-education sector to have a source of income that is not taxpayers' or domestic student fees. International students can enrich student life on campus. They do deepen our people-to-people links with our trading partners. Those who come from authoritarian societies will hopefully encounter perspectives here that they might not have otherwise, and return home more liberal-minded than if they had not studied here. All of those things are profoundly positive for Australia, and I look forward to them resuming as soon as it is safe to do so.</para>
<para>However, pursuit of this market should be done cautiously and prudently, and with a view to managing the risks involved. Those risks are not just financial but to crucial aspects that go to the core of universities in free societies, like academic freedom and sensitive research cooperation. Not all of our universities have managed this well in recent years. Even before the coronavirus, there were good reasons to be concerned about this dependence particularly on students from China. There was always a risk of a downturn in this market, whether due to natural economic events or as a result of deliberate policy measures introduced by a foreign government we have limited influence over.</para>
<para>Professor Babones' warning last year was very prescient. Sadly, it was not heeded by the universities, who mostly greeted it with silence. One university singled out in that CIS report was the University of Queensland. The report noted that it and a handful of other universities:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… enrol extraordinary and unsustainably risky numbers of Chinese students.</para></quote>
<para>I was very intrigued to receive confidential documents from a whistleblower at the University of Queensland which shed some light on how UQ has found itself in this position. It is a copy of the 2019 remuneration report for senior staff at the University of Queensland. It sets out the performance indicators for the vice-chancellor, Peter Hoj, and the assessment of the senior remuneration committee of his achievements against those KPIs. One of those KPIs particularly attracted my attention. No. 12 reads, 'Continue to work towards a sound and strategic positioning in China, given its potential rise towards becoming the predominant provider of research globally and that it will continue to be a very important source of international students over at least the next five years, and likely more, barring geopolitical barriers being erected.'</para>
<para>The assessment of the committee of the vice-chancellor's performance against the criteria was: 'VC visited China four times in 2018 and twice in 2019. Invited to be the closing plenary speaker at the prestigious annual Beijing Forum in November 2020. The demand for UQ courses from China has continued to grow strongly, and we will likely end up with 63 per cent of commencing international students coming from China in semester 1, 2020.'</para>
<para>There is one other relevant KPI. No. 4 states: 'As part of ensuring the resilience of UQ's financials and greater diversity of our international-student body, make sure that we have made demonstrable progress towards ensuring stronger student flows from South-East Asia, India as well as one or more selected Latin American countries. With input from the VC, a strategy needs to be developed by the DVCEE for this.' Alas, there was less progress towards this goal, as noted by the committee: 'Whilst the DVCEE has been ramping up activity to diversify the international student intake with increased market presence from the above-mentioned geographies, we are yet to see this materialise in greater diversity in our international student cohort. Still, strong Chinese student demand by UQ increased G8 market share by 1.3 per cent to 13.5 per cent. UQ's growth was entirely due to growth in commencing Chinese students. Nationally, Chinese commencements dropped 788, comparable to UQ's growth.'</para>
<para>Despite his failure to achieve this KPI, the vice-chancellor was awarded a bonus of $200,000, a significant sum in anyone's language. Perhaps this is because the remuneration committee regarded the achievement of the China KPI as more significant. But far from an achievement warranting a bonus paid from student fees and taxpayer dollars, the prospect of 63 per cent of a university's foreign students coming from only one country should have been an alarm bell for the chancellor, Peter Varghese, and the governing body of the university, the UQ Senate. They should have been demanding an explanation from the vice-chancellor about why UQ was being placed in such a risky and precarious situation and a strategy to get out of it quickly.</para>
<para>Relying on students from China disproportionately is not the same as being reliant on any other country. The Chinese Communist Party rules China in an authoritarian way and its values are very different from ours. In the university context it does not uphold free speech, the principle of free and open academic inquiry or the right of protest for students. These non-financial risks are readily apparent at UQ. Right now, they are threatening a student, Drew Pavlou, with expulsion. He has been a prominent activist, on campus, on human rights issues and is in his own legal dispute with an honorary professor of the university, who also happens to be the consul general for the People's Republic of China in Brisbane.</para>
<para>In July last year the hopelessly inadequate agreement between UQ and Hanban, the CCP body responsible for Confucius Institutes abroad, was revealed by Fergus Hunter in <inline font-style="italic">The Sydney Morning Herald</inline>. The agreement contained no protections for academic freedom and handed incredible power to Hanban over teaching at UQ. The ABC later showed that four separate courses at UQ were Chinese government funded, including, extraordinarily, one on China's role on 'strengthening' responses to 'global security challenges', such as human rights, 'mass atrocities prevention' and 'counterterrorism'.</para>
<para>Following these revelations, the university belatedly promised to renegotiate its arrangements with the Confucius Institute in order to protect its autonomy. We are entitled to wonder why this weak agreement was ever put in place in the first place and whether it would have been renegotiated without this public scrutiny. We are also entitled to ask who at the university thought it was a good idea to allow a foreign government to directly fund courses for Australian university students. I note that Mr Hoj is a former senior consultant to Hanban. Given that we now know that the vice-chancellor was financially incentivised to deliver closer relations with the CCP, it is no wonder that the university has found itself in such a predicament. It begs the questions: is he the only VC in Australia to receive a bonus for exposing his university to financial and reputational risk by actively seeking dependence on the Chinese student market?</para>
<para>One final note for UQ: university management believe they know who the whistleblower is who provided these documents to me. I advise them to exercise great caution in taking any adverse action against any person they suspect of doing so. I have sought the advice of the Clerk of the Senate, who confirms that as these documents were provided to me for the purposes of delivering this speech they attract the protection of parliamentary privilege. The Senate has, in the past, taken a very dim view of anyone who seeks to hinder a senator in the free performance of their duties, including providing them confidential documents in the public interest. Retribution against someone for doing so can, in fact, be a contempt of the Senate.</para>
<para>I hope that UQ and all our universities are learning the right lessons of this crisis. The strategy that they willingly pursued against the warnings of people like Salvatore Babones has gravely damaged their institutions, both financially and reputationally. They will only emerge stronger from this period if they change their approach.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Trade with China</title>
          <page.no>123</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you know what the Chinese ambassador did when our government called for an inquiry into the coronavirus? He threatened us. He said that if Australia pushes too hard on this inquiry idea China will stop buying our meat and drinking our wine. He told us that international students would think twice about coming here to study, that the tourists would stop coming. And he knew he could make those sorts of threats. Why? Because he knew our economic dependence on China is like a vein, and if they turn it off the heart of our economy stops beating.</para>
<para>For far too long we've let the mantra of free trade blind us to the fact that we are selling our country right from under our very own feet. We've fallen into this false sense of security that whenever we need something we'll always be able to buy it from somewhere else. But our supply chains are so fragile, and this crisis has definitely shown us that those supply chains break. When they break, we are less safe than we thought. We've placed all our eggs in one basket—and that basket's been made in China. Self-sufficiency is never going to be possible in all areas, but it should be in a few critical ones. For the rest, we just need to make sure we're getting our goods from a diverse range of sellers. When we're so reliant on a single country to sustain our own living standards, we are vulnerable to diplomatic or economic shocks that we cannot control, shocks that can come just by running the country in a way that's consistent with our own values.</para>
<para>Here we value the rule of law. We value free and fair elections. We believe in privacy. We believe in presumption of innocence. We believe in freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of association, freedom of political expression, and freedom of thought and movement. This is what we're proud of, because this is the Australian way. But our way of life is being propped up by a country that is hostile to it. It is a recipe for disaster.</para>
<para>This is the lesson we have to learn from the coronavirus crisis. Our reliance on other countries for our own economic survival has gone way too far. That ideology that sees free trade as being more important than protecting people's wellbeing and livelihoods—that, too, has gone way too far. Australia has to become self-sufficient again. We have to start making things again, because our complacency is putting our country at risk. But here's the good news: what we make, we can control. What we make, we know we can rely on.</para>
<para>I've a plan to get us there. There are five things that need to happen before Australia can start making things again. Australia's governments need to get active in supporting industries that are important for our economic health. We need industry policy that puts money into businesses that can increase competition, support local communities and boost new industries. The federal government should remember that supporting Australian industry means helping local communities to thrive. What we get from that isn't just about jobs. It's about giving people a sense of self-worth. It gives them something to work towards. It gets them out of bed in the mornings. Now, the government can't subsidise industry forever, and I'm not saying that we have to be throwing endless amounts of cash at companies that can never turn a profit. What I'm talking about is making finance available to companies that are doing groundbreaking, important and significant work and providing that support on a competitive basis. This is the government's job. The fact is that there are some things that are just too important to leave up to the whims of the market.</para>
<para>No. 2: the government should be buying Australian made. Every Australian that tenders for a government contract should be given preferential consideration relative to its foreign alternatives. If that means the government has to pay a little bit more, I'm comfortable, and I'm sure millions of other Australians are comfortable with that as well. Paying that 10 per cent more to keep jobs and investment in Australia results in all sorts of benefits to companies that support our communities. That little bit extra is a smart investment. It certainly is in my books. It isn't rocket science. Government spending comes from Australian taxpayers. That money is coming from the people who live here and work here. So why would we send it overseas? If we put that money back into the Australian economy, we will be supporting more jobs here. We will be supporting more businesses to stay open, hire more staff and grow bigger. It's good for business and it's good for workers. It's a win-win for everyone.</para>
<para>No. 3: we have to restructure our education system. Universities have been propped up by government policies that encourage foreign students to come to Australia to study courses they have no particular interest in because they know that it is a pathway to permanent residency and eventually citizenship. It is the great unspoken truth of our current university business model, and that is the truth. There were nearly 92,000 temporary graduate visa holders in Australia as of June 2019. That's a 30 per cent increase since July 2018. There is nothing wrong with international students coming here; the concern is that this river of gold has left universities too keen to look the other way and support the interests of their customers instead of the interests of their own customers in their own country.</para>
<para>While universities become more and more dependent on Chinese money, they are inviting the influence of the CCP's surveillance state into domestic campuses. Australian universities are actively collaborating with Chinese firms that have been implicated in a wide range of human rights abuses in China. Our universities are actively collaborating with firms that are designing surveillance and monitoring systems. Chinese students who protest the actions of the CCP on Australian university campuses have received threatening phone calls to their families warning them to not engage in anti-China rhetoric.</para>
<para>While the universities were raking in all this money, we have had a systematic underinvestment in our TAFE system for years. TAFE is where people go to get the skills they need to make and build things that we need to keep this country running. They are the backbone of many regional communities. But the buildings are crumbling and their equipment is so old it's from the Cold War era. Somewhere along the way we've gotten our priorities mixed up. TAFEs are the canary in the coal mine, showing that something just isn't right. Backing them is going to be essential if we want to get on the right track. Put them on equal footing. Require skilled apprentices on government projects. We are losing our trades in the name of free trade, and there is nothing free about that, especially for our kids.</para>
<para>No. 4: we've got to renegotiate the crappy deals that both major parties have signed us into in the mistaken belief that all trade is good trade, which is absolute rubbish. For decades successive governments have given away our national sovereignty on the promise that free trade will improve our lives. I don't think so. We have been told that trade should be our priority and everything else should come second. We have been signed up to trade agreements that allow foreign companies to sue the Australian government if they pass a law that undercuts company profits. That's what the major parties have done, all in the name of free trade. You in the Liberal Party, you in the Nats, you in the Labor Party—you've all done it. You've all been signing us up for years. You've sold us off, even worse, at bargain price. You didn't even get us a decent deal. Instead, you allowed those agreements to supersede the laws that we set here in parliament. Laws that protect Australia's national interests can be undermined by foreign multinationals who only care about protecting their bottom line. That should never be allowed to happen. Those agreements should have been rolled back. I get that it's hard, but it needs to be done. That's the sad truth of it.</para>
<para>No. 5: we have to tighten the rules on foreign investment. Our Foreign Investment Review Board acts like a rubber stamp. Everything gets approved; nothing gets knocked back. Take the case of Bellamy's Organic in my home state. They sell milk formula. National food security, I call it. They had been hamstrung for years because they couldn't get approval to sell their product in Chinese stores. They put in an application for this approval to the Chinese government in 2017, and they never got it. Instead, our government let the company—an Australian icon—get sold off to a large Chinese business for $1.5 billion. Why can't we get domestic investment for this stuff? It is our food security. Why isn't the government stepping in to support these firms? Once we sell off the farm gate we can't get it back; it's gone forever. There's nothing worse than knowing we have lost another.</para>
<para>These are the steps the government should take. But here is the thing: this is not just up to the government. This sort of change just doesn't come from the top. It's up to all of us to get Australian industries booming again. The reality is that the public needs to understand that. We can't go back to business as usual. Those days are over. I know a lot of people out there are doing it tough at the moment. I get that. I know that. But if you have the capacity, if you can, then please support your neighbours and buy Australian made. We all need to pull together and do everything we can to get through this crisis, because when we stand together as a community we can rebuild our country and get to the other side of this. We have to take back the will and take back our economic sovereignty. Australia needs to start making things right again.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Multiple Sclerosis</title>
          <page.no>125</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ASKEW</name>
    <name.id>281558</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight, amidst the uncertainty of the COVID-19 crisis, I rise to speak about a different health condition: multiple sclerosis, more commonly referred to as MS. Senator Deborah O'Neill and I are co-chairs of the Parliamentary Friends of MS group, and together we hosted the launch of this group for the 46th Parliament in February this year. When I became a senator just over a year ago, I replaced Senator David Bushby. Prior to his resignation, Senator Bushby had co-chaired the parliamentary friends group with Senator O'Neill for several years. As you know, David is also my brother, and together we've had a shared interest in MS since 1979. This was when our eldest brother, Peter, was diagnosed with MS, a neurological disorder that interferes with the transmission of nerve impulses throughout the brain, spinal cord and optic nerves. Peter was a young, recently married man when he received the diagnosis. Many things certainly changed as a result, but he is still living life to the full and enjoying his three beautiful grandchildren, Jack, Oliver and Lucy. Peter retired only recently, after a 45-year career in real estate in Launceston.</para>
<para>Tasmania has the highest rate of multiple sclerosis prevalence in Australia, at around double the rate of Queensland. The further away from the equator people live, the higher the prevalence of MS. As the southernmost state, Tasmania certainly fits that bill. This is a concern for my state's health service, but the disorder has far-reaching impacts, affecting thousands throughout our country. There are more than 25,600 Australians living with MS. More than 10 people are diagnosed with this disorder each week, with most people finding out they have MS between the ages of 20 and 40. MS Research Australia's Health Economic Impact of Multiple Sclerosis in Australia in 2017 study found this disorder costs $1.75 billion annually in Australia. Worldwide 2.5 million people are living with MS, and three out of every four of those are women.</para>
<para>One of the first places I visited last year, as a new senator, was the Menzies Institute for Medical Research in Hobart, a facility that has been at the forefront of research into MS for the past 20 years. Menzies scientists, in collaboration with others researchers around the world, were responsible for one of the biggest breakthroughs in MS research in recent years: the link between UV exposure and vitamin D and a reduced risk of MS. Taking on the co-chair position of the Parliamentary Friends of Multiple Sclerosis has given me the opportunity to learn even more about MS. At the parliamentary friends launch, I was very pleased to be able to share with attendees that the Morrison government was continuing its support of MS research.</para>
<para>Last year our government gave a $30 million grant to the Medical Research Future Fund and $10 million to Menzies Research for the Menzies MS Flagship Program. Since 2010, the National Health and Medical Research Council has provided $67 million towards MS research grants. This is something we will continue to work with MS representatives on, and I look forward to research providing a cure for this disorder in years to come. In addition to government support, MS Australia recently announced a $1 million funding boost from four state and territory MS organisations—New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania and the ACT—to support MS research in Australia. This funding will be used to investigate myelin repair and neuroprotection research that will pave the way to end MS forever.</para>
<para>The launch at Parliament House was also a fantastic opportunity for Senator O'Neill and I to acknowledge the work done by the staff and volunteers of MS Australia, through their CEO, Deidre Mackechnie, and to meet a number of people living with MS. One of those with lived experience was Briony Heanu, who spoke eloquently about her MS diagnosis and her hopes for a cure. Now in her mid-30s, Briony was diagnosed with a form of relapsing-remitting MS at the age of 30. While Briony said her age of diagnosis was right on cue for the disorder, her first symptoms actually occurred when she was 19. She told us about sitting in a lecture theatre for a university course. Every time she glanced over to the right, her eyes would jerk uncontrollably back to the left, and she couldn't work out why. Symptoms continued in the form of intolerable nausea and head spins that were so bad she could not stay on a bus for more than 10 minutes at time and she frequently misbalanced while walking in familiar surroundings at home, walking into doorframes instead of through the door. By the time Briony saw a neurologist to discuss the results of her MRI, her symptoms had resolved, but the doctor still told her: 'If it happens again, it's probably MS. Until then, live your life.' That was 2005, and the treatment for relapsing-remitting MS required self-injections, something Briony did not want to do. Just over a decade later, though, in 2016, Briony received confirmation she had the condition, but more evidence had been found by that stage, with another four treatment options available for the form of MS she had. Briony told the launch guests that the single reason these massive improvements happened in just 10 years was research. This research, done by scientists, doctors and clinicians, could only be achieved through the commitment of the staff and resources dedicated to this cause. It is this research that the Morrison government is supporting.</para>
<para>Living with MS is a lesson in living with uncertainty. There is no one symptom that indicates someone has MS and no single test that can establish an accurate diagnosis. Common symptoms include: changes in memory, concentration or reasoning; slurred or slow speech; extreme fatigue; tingling, numbness or pins and needles; muscle weakness, tremors, stiffness or spasms; difficulty with walking, balance and coordination; blurred or double vision; dizziness or vertigo; emotional or mood change; and sensitivity to heat and/or cold. This list includes both visible and invisible symptoms, and those with MS can experience a handful or many at different times in their life. Many with the disorder have no idea when their symptoms will resolve or if they will resolve at all. They don't know if they will get more symptoms, or when, of if their disorder will progress. But they, and we, are hopeful there will one day be a cure.</para>
<para>Already our researchers are investigating treatments that can reverse the damage caused by brain lesions. New research makes the hope of a cure more possible all the time, with new treatments and management plans making it easier to live with MS in the meantime. Briony told us that someone once described MS to her as a spectacular collision between two of the most complex and mysterious systems of the body: the central nervous system and the immune system. Trying to solve the cause of such a collision is an incredibly daunting prospect, but the return on investment is a good one. As Briony points out, if we can solve some of the mysteries around something that affects these two systems, what other discoveries might we make in other neurological conditions along the way?</para>
<para>To raise money and awareness of this disorder, MS Research Australia is again running their Kiss Goodbye to MS campaign throughout May. Participates will run or walk 50km this month to help raise funds for Australian research targeting prevention, treatment and/or cure for MS. It doesn't matter where a participant lives or what their fitness level is, because they decide how they complete their 50 kilometres. The MS Research Australia Facebook page shows two participants who ran the whole 50 kilometres in one go. Others, I am sure, will spread it out and do just a few kilometres a day. The 2019 Kiss Goodbye to MS campaign raised $2.5 million. Let's see what we can achieve this year.</para>
<para>In closing, I'd like to go back to Briony again. Before her world changed with her MS diagnosis, Briony was a Bachelor of Science student. To celebrate the start of her degree, her sister bought her a book by Dr Karl, asking him to sign it for her sister. On the front page of the book, Dr Karl wrote a special message for the young science student. He told Briony, 'The Nobel Prize isn't awarded for the answer; it's awarded for the question, so ask the right questions.' While we might not yet have an answer for multiple sclerosis, what we do have is a lot of question and many, many people who are willing to ask and, hopefully, answer those questions.</para>
<para>Already we've answered questions about the environmental factors that impact MS. We know about the link between vitamin D and a reduced risk of MS. We know that the brain and spinal cord can repair itself. We now know about remyelination, where nerve fibres are recoated with myelin and how this could reverse some of the effects of MS. These are just some of the questions our researchers have investigated when studying prevention and treatment of MS. How many questions are we away from a cure?</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foskey, Dr Deborah 'Deb' Jane</title>
          <page.no>127</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to remember and to pay tribute to my friend, colleague and quintessential Green Dr Deb Foskey. Deb passed away on 1 May, aged 70. She leaves two daughters, Samara and Eleni, and a mountain of achievements and inspiration. In the words of her friend Shelly Nundra, Deb was 'a writer, poet, philosopher, politician, mother, agitator for change and thinker'. Her life was 'lived to the full, selflessly, generously, inspirationally'.</para>
<para>Deb grew up in Bacchus Marsh and attended the University of Melbourne studying English and philosophy and doing a DipEd. In 1972 though Deb headed bush. She was 22 when she, husband Bob and baby daughter Samara settled in Cabanandra in the mountain forests of far East Gippsland and built an A-frame cottage on the Jingalala River. Son Brandon was born the next year.</para>
<para>Deb said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We wanted a house that was built out of materials from the earth, we didn't want electricity in those days.</para></quote>
<para>She also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We were forerunners of the alternative lifestyle people, trying to build self-sufficiency and community in a cold, challenging place, far from services in a place where the greenies we became were often made to feel uncomfortable…</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We came here because we could afford the land…and the property at Cabanandra had a river, a small area of cleared land and bush. I really don't think we thought through the impacts of the isolation: distance from shops, post-primary education and jobs. Partly to counter the social isolation, I was very keen on building a self-sufficient community at Cabanandra, and we set up the Warm Corners Cooperative which still thrives today.</para></quote>
<para>Deb Foskey was one of the pioneers of the campaign to protect the magnificent forests of East Gippsland that continues today, almost fifty years on. She was a founder of the Concerned Residents of East Gippsland, which also continues on today as Environment East Gippsland, the longest-running forest conservation organisation in the country.</para>
<para>I first met Deb in the early eighties after she'd been living at Cabanandra for a decade She was part of the small group of amazingly brave locals that we Melbourne based forest campaigners worked alongside in our quest for protection of some of the best forests in the country and, indeed, the world. In the mid-eighties, when it came time for Sam and Brandon to attend high school, Deb made the decision to shift to Canberra.</para>
<para>Tragically, in 1986, Brandon drowned at Casuarina Sands, a popular swimming spot on the Murrumbidgee River. How do you cope with the loss of a child like this? Deb lived with an aching hole for the rest of her life, but she journeyed on with her grief and with extraordinary strength.</para>
<para>In Canberra, Deb taught and undertook study, undertaking a masters in human ecology and then a PhD that looked at the role of community movements in the framing of the <inline font-style="italic">Programme of Action</inline> for the United Nations International Conference on Population and Development. And she brought up her young daughter Eleni, who was born in 1989.</para>
<para>Deb also worked with the International Women's Development Agency during this time. Sue Finucane, a former IWDA program manager, recalls Deb representing IWDA in their Canberra chapter:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It really was a thrilling time to be involved in global women's activism and Deb really lived the values of think globally and act locally. Ahead of her time in many respects making and living the links between gender, women's rights (or lack thereof) and climate care.</para></quote>
<para>Deb was active in the formation of the Greens in the ACT, and she stood for the Senate in 1998 and for the ACT legislative assembly in 2001. She was elected to the assembly in 2004 as the only Green in the assembly at that time. Her four years in the ACT assembly featured a huge amount of work on sustainability, climate and social issues, and one of her lasting legacies was to ensure that the residents of the Narrabundah Long Stay Caravan Park were not evicted when the private owner sold the land. That caravan park still provides affordable homes to more than a hundred people today.</para>
<para>In 2008 I travelled with Deb and her daughter Eleni to the Global Greens Congress in Brazil and to undertake a study tour looking at participatory budgeting, where local communities are actively involved in setting priorities about where they want their taxes to be spent. This trip, combining the global and the local, was quintessentially Deb, covering the breadth of her interests and perspectives.</para>
<para>Deb moved back to Cabanandra after she finished up in the assembly in 2008, and after having been a high-flyer as an elected representative she threw herself back into her local community and her local but globally significant environment. She recalled a few years ago that she was more self-sufficient than she had ever been in the seventies and eighties. She worked with the Centre for Rural Communities. She was the coordinator of the Tubbut Neighbourhood House and was highly respected within the statewide neighbourhood houses community. She worked with the local community to help develop an ecotourism strategy for East Gippsland and was chairperson of the Orbost Exhibition Centre, and she continued her tireless campaigning for forest protection. Her house and she survived the huge fires of 2014, which burned to within metres of the house.</para>
<para>In recent years Deb connected community activism and electoral politics together as only someone with Deb's life experience can do. Deb Foskey was the living personification of the four pillars of the Greens—ecological sustainability, social justice, peace and nonviolence, and grassroots democracy. Deb stood for council in 2016. She stood at the state election in 2018 and then threw her hat in the ring for the federal seat of Gippsland last year, campaigning powerfully on our interconnected crises—climate, nature, inequality and democracy—and on the local solutions to these national and global problems. Deb was determined to use the election as a platform to amplify our Greens messages and to build the Greens in rural and regional communities. I am so grateful personally: she knew that her work in Gippsland would help re-elect me to the Senate. I have such treasured memories of campaigning with Deb just over a year ago. We ran a Greens stall at the Yarram show, caught up with forest campaigners in Mirboo North and recorded video clips about the climate emergency and the importance of investment in renewable energy to rural and regional communities.</para>
<para>Sadly, that election campaigning was the last time I saw Deb. Shortly after the election she became unwell, was admitted to hospital and was diagnosed with lung cancer. She moved to Orbost to live with Eleni and to be closer to treatment. Then more tragedy struck. Her beloved house at Cabanandra burnt to the ground in July last year, destroying almost everything she owned. But Deb survived this blow, too. She talked of rebuilding. She remained passionate about living at Cabanandra, even after last summer's bushfire inferno in East Gippsland's forests. She survived the fires in Orbost too, by the way, with blanketing smoke and flames coming close to the town over multiple days.</para>
<para>In the months before she died Deb had been quite well. She'd had a holiday in Tasmania and had even found herself a small cottage to retreat to at Cabanandra. To the end Deb continued her activism, reflecting and sharing her thoughts on the COVID-19 pandemic, about social inequality, about the need for art and about support for science. Her Facebook posts kept us all up to date. She was open and honest, confronting her mortality head on. She knew she had limited time left. She asked the day before she died: what is a life? I'll leave you with Eleni's words on Facebook the day she died:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This morning our wonderful powerhouse mother Deb Foskey abruptly left her body and us behind for another place. Samara … and I are left reeling but are comforted to know she had a nurse with her, and she was conscious, aware and very ready.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After being helped back into bed she calmly told the nurse 'I’m just about ready now' before taking her final breathe.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are so proud and grateful to have been your lucky daughters and know that you had to say goodbye to us to be with your beloved son Bran who you have been separated from these 34 years. We know the two of you are having a beautiful reunion and that he will look after you.</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">We love and remember you always and forever.</para></quote>
<para>Thanks, Deb, for your contribution to this world; for your powerful and feisty presence. You leave a legacy of love, care and respect, and deep relationships with people and the earth. The world is a better place because of you. What does a life mean? You couldn't ask for any more than that.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Collins Class Submarines</title>
          <page.no>128</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to discuss my Collins class submarine motion in the chamber today; a motion calling on the government to retain all Collins full cycle docking activities in South Australia.</para>
<para>The Collins class submarines are a vital capability for Australia, but they've had a chequered history. In 2010, the Royal Australian Navy was not sufficiently confident to deploy a submarine to Hawaii for a multinational exercise, one which it had never missed before. In June 2011 we had a situation where we could not put even one of our six Collins class submarines to sea. It was then that the then defence minister, Stephen Smith, announced a review into the availability of the Collins class submarines. The review, colloquially known as the Coles review, was led by Mr John Coles and delivered a series of reports to government from November 2011 through to 2016. It took more than half a decade and a significant amount of taxpayers' money to get submarine sustainment to world benchmark, where it sits today, by doing submarine intermediate work and midcycle dockings in Western Australia and submarine full cycle dockings in South Australia.</para>
<para>Despite this success, despite the fact that an ASC worker on average has 11½ years experience in the Collins class submarines and despite the fact that only 10 per cent, and perhaps less, of the workforce in Adelaide has expressed an interest in moving to WA, the government is considering moving full cycle dockings to Western Australia. If this shift is announced, ASC at Osborne will immediately see experienced staff leave for higher security employment around the state. This will have an almost immediate effect on our submarine availability. If this goes ahead only a small percentage of the workforce will move, resulting in about 6½ thousand years of corporate knowledge being taken from the Collins submarine enterprise. No other entity in their right mind would give up that sort of corporate experience in a core capability. Submarine availability will suffer and, as a result, it will damage national security.</para>
<para>All Collins class submarine sustainment activities will be situated in one location, creating a strategic vulnerability. All of our Collins submarine eggs will be in a WA basket. The loss of expertise will affect the planned life-of-type extension of Collins, which is the only real risk-mitigation strategy Defence has for the almost-certain further project delays with the future submarines project.</para>
<para>So let's get back to today's motion. The motion was introduced into the Senate on Tuesday 25 February, precisely 11 weeks ago. During the 11 weeks since the motion was introduced, the coalition government made no attempt to engage on this issue. Nothing was said by the Minister for Defence, Senator Linda Reynolds, or the Minister for Defence Industry, Melissa Price; or the Minister for Finance, Mathias Cormann—all representing Western Australia. All the while, government has been keeping ASC workers at Osborne waiting on a decision that was foreshadowed many months ago and promised before Christmas.</para>
<para>Western Australian political interests have been pushing hard to poach the Collins class sustainment work from South Australia. The Western Australian Labor government has been lobbying furiously. Federal Labor has been divided over this. It's clear, however, that Western Australian interests have the upper hand. Labor defence spokesperson Mr Richard Marles said, 'It's a decision for government.' SA federal Labor representatives have been silent. Senator Penny Wong, Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, normally very articulate, has nothing to say about the prospective loss of hundreds of highly skilled shipyard workers from our state. The government clearly knew which way the wind was blowing in the Labor camp. They secretly went to the opposition and secured Labor's agreement to amendments to the motion that would gut it's text—most importantly, removing the calls on the federal government to retain all Collins class submarine full-cycle dockings in South Australia. The secrecy was broken when Western Australian coalition minister Senator Mathias Cormann introduced a last-minute—no, last-second—amendment to remove the call for support for the retention of Collins class submarines in South Australia. South Australian Liberal senators had nothing to say. They clearly had no influence. Liberal senators in the parliament today who remained silent, who betrayed South Australia today, were Minister Simon Birmingham, Minister Anne Ruston, Senator David Fawcett and Senator Alex Antic.</para>
<para>But let everyone understand things clearly: it wasn't just the coalition. The government was able to amend the motion and remove the call for the Collins class sustainment to remain in South Australia, because they had Labor support, including that of SA Labor senators. SA Labor senators missing in action today, who sat silently while the shift of 700 workers to WA was being floated, included Senator Penny Wong, Senator Don Farrell, Senator Marielle Smith—who, incidentally, voted against South Australia in the last similar motion—and Senator Alex Gallacher. And, turning to the Greens, Senator Hanson-Young did not stand up for SA. Now, noting her politics, I would understand that, if she were voting against defence spending. But she wasn't. She just voted against defence money being spent in South Australia. It seems it's okay for her to have defence money spent in WA.</para>
<para>Only two South Australian senators voted for SA today, and they were Senator Griff and myself. The rest put their party ahead of their constituents. They put their personal interests before their constituents' interests. Shame! Nine SA senators either voted against the retention of the Collins class submarines in South Australia—notably Senator Anne Ruston, who sat behind Senator Cormann as a silent assassin of SA interests, while others absented themselves from the Senate chamber, effectively voting in favour, by default—Labor, Liberals and Greens.</para>
<para>Moving Collins class full-cycle dockings from Adelaide to Perth will cost well over $1 billion. That billion dollars will lead to no improvements in submarine capability. On the contrary, it will result in a huge loss of corporate knowledge from Australia's premier submarine sustainment organisation. It will inject significant changes and risks into submarine sustainment at a time when the life of the Collins class submarines will have to be significantly extended, owing to the mismanagement and delays in the procurement of the new Attack class submarines. Shifting full-cycle dockings to WA will indeed increase costs, reduce submarine availability and damage national security. How this could be justified in normal circumstances beats me. How such expense could be justified—$1 billion of taxpayers money—in the budgetary circumstances we face post-COVID-19 is truly gobsmacking. Prior to COVID-19, this did not make fiscal sense. After COVID-19, it's crazy.</para>
<para>I have always supported sensible decisions and sensible legislation put forward by the government, but if this shift goes ahead I'll have to recalibrate my assessment of the government's ability to be sensible. That means I'll have to look much closer at their actions, their motives and their legislation. Now is not the time to take the wrong decision on a key defence capability and very significant part of the industrial capability of my home state of South Australia.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 22:20</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>