
<hansard version="2.2" noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd">
  <session.header>
    <date>2018-11-15</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>7</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a href="Chamber" type="">
              <span style="font-style:italic;">Thursday, 15 November 2018</span>
            </a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Scott Ryan)</span> took the chair at 09:30, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Line" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Line"> </span>
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    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee, Public Accounts and Audit Committee</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Meeting</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator. There being none, we will move on.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>My Health Records Amendment (Strengthening Privacy) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6169" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">My Health Records Amendment (Strengthening Privacy) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The committee is considering the My Health Records Amendment (Strengthening Privacy) Bill 2018, as amended. The question is that Australian Greens amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 8565 be agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Regarding the amendments proposed on sheet 8565, I seek leave to withdraw amendment (2) and I intend to proceed with amendment (1). This is based on some advice that clarifies that the amendment will address the issue of 14- to 17-year-olds.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor will support the amendment. The government concedes that parental access to My Health Records of people aged 14 to 17 is problematic. They have promised a review of this issue, basically saying, 'Trust us; we'll fix this later.' But, given the government's complete bungling of the opt-out period, Labor doesn't trust that assurance. The amendment moved by the Greens was proposed by the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners. The GPs say that it's important to move to ensure the trust of young patients, and Labor will support it. But this amendment addresses only one issue in the government's opt-out scheme.</para>
<para>Today we have seen alarming new reports that a range of health providers will be able to access Australians' most sensitive health information on My Health Record. This could include whether Australians are impotent or have a sexually transmitted disease or an alcohol or drug issue. Labor has been calling for a Privacy Commissioner review of the default access settings for weeks, but the government has stubbornly refused to act, just as they stubbornly refused to act on the opt-out period until yesterday. Now that the government has backflipped on the opt-out period, they should backflip on these concerns and order an urgent Privacy Commissioner review.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When you go to the doctor, when you engage with a healthcare professional, and you are a young person, you have a right to privacy. You have a right to know that the things you discuss of a highly personal nature will be kept between the two of you. This trust that exists between patient and practitioner enables many private, sensitive issues to be discussed. The legislation as drafted wholly failed to protect young people in this regard and to enshrine our right to privacy. It would have enabled health records to be shared automatically with parents or guardians, placing young people at significant risk of information, such as that relating to the disclosure of abuse and to the requirement to access sexual health services, mental health services and reproductive health services, being shared. It would have put all of that at risk and enabled it to be shared with a parent or guardian. It was a travesty, and the youth sector rightly came together and demanded that something be done.</para>
<para>I support this amendment wholeheartedly. I am proud to be a member of the movement that has brought it into being here today. We must always ensure that the right of young people to privacy is protected; that, when our information is accessed, our active consent is first sought so that trust can be maintained; and that rights are preserved. Thank you very much.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that the amendment as amended by Senator Di Natale, (1) on sheet 8565, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a supplementary explanatory memorandum relating to the government amendments to be moved in this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Chair, we welcome the fact that the government has followed Labor's lead on these amendments. When Labor initiated the Senate inquiry into the My Health Record, the health minister dismissed it as a stunt. But the inquiry demonstrated the need for these six amendments, and Labor proposed them more than a month ago. The government announced last week that it would back down and make these amendments to its own bill, but, as usual when it comes to My Health Record, the government has bungled these amendments. The government's proposed restrictions only apply to national system employees, a definition that excludes state public sector and local governments. And, despite the government saying that they would ban employers from requesting or requiring My Health Record information, these amendments don't actually do that. So we will be moving further changes to the government's amendments.</para>
<para>Can I clarify with the government that those amendments that you put with the memorandum of understanding relate to those six government amendments?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>They do indeed, Senator. I'm sorry, it has been difficult through the process to actually put that. It was in front of me yesterday but we didn't have time. There should be a copy in front of you very shortly. They are indeed; they do relate exactly to the amendments on, I think, sheet 5840.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Minister, if I may assist the process: you need to actually move the amendments.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move those amendments. I think they relate—at least yesterday—to sheet 5840.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: No, I believe, Minister, what you're seeking to do is move amendments (1) to (8) on sheet EH276. We can go to other senators, if you want to seek clarification.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Certainly. I've actually been seeking the sheet number.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move amendments (1) to (4) on revised sheet 8539 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 6, page 4 (line 16), omit "or 69A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 7, page 4 (lines 20 and 21), omit the item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 12, page 5 (line 9) to page 8 (line 19), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 16, page 8 (line 32) to page 9 (line 3), omit all the words from and including "sufficient certainty" to the end of subsection 70(3A), substitute "sufficient certainty to initiate consideration of the matter or concerns".</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has bungled the opt-out period badly and lost the trust and confidence of the Australian people in My Health Record. This Centre Alliance amendment is an effort to restore that trust and confidence by limiting the use of the record to health purposes. However, Labor accepts that in very limited circumstances access to My Health Records may be needed by law enforcement or other government agencies. Labor is also satisfied that the government's changes, which require a court order for that access to occur, are appropriate protections, so Labor will not be supporting this amendment.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that the amendments, as moved by Senator Griff, on sheet 8539 be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move government amendments (1) to (8) on sheet EH276 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (table), omit the table (including the note), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: This table relates only to the provisions of this Act as originally enacted. It will not be amended to deal with any later amendments of this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 3 (before line 4), before item 1, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1AA Section 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "national", insert "public".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1AB Section 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "system is a", insert "national public".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, page 3 (after line 5), after item 1, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1A Section 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   national system employer</inline> has the same meaning as in the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline>, disregarding sections 30D and 30N of that Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   prohibited purpose</inline> has the meaning given by section 70A.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1B After subsection 6 ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1A) Despite subsection (1), a person who has parental responsibility for a healthcare recipient aged under 18 is not the authorised representative of the healthcare recipient if the System Operator is satisfied that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) under a court order or a law of the Commonwealth or a State or Territory, the person must be supervised while spending time with the healthcare recipient; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) the life, health or safety of the healthcare recipient or another person would be put at risk if the person were the authorised representative of the healthcare recipient.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1C Subsection 6 ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "If there is no person who the System Operator is satisfied has parental responsibility for a healthcare recipient aged under 18,", insert "or the only such persons are covered by subsection (1A),".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1D At the end of subsection 7 ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Despite this subsection, a nominated representative must not use information for a prohibited purpose within the meaning of section 70A (even though a healthcare recipient may do so): see subsections 59A(2), 70B(2), 71A(4) and 71B(3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1E After section 15</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16 Research or public health purposes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The System Operator's function under paragraph 15(ma) does not include providing de‑identified data to a private health insurer (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Private Health Insurance Act 2007</inline>) or any other insurer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 6, page 4 (after line 19), after subsection 17(4), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (5) To avoid doubt, if the System Operator is required under subsection (3) to destroy a record that includes health information, the System Operator must also destroy the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) any copy of the record;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) any previous version of the record;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) any back‑up version of the record.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, page 4 (after line 19), after item 6, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6A Subsection 59 ( 3 ) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   Imprisonment for 5 years or 300 penalty units, or both.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6B Subsection 59 ( 4 ) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6C After section 59</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">59A Unauthorised use of information included in a healthcare recipient ' s My Health Record for prohibited purpose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A person must not use health information included in a healthcare recipient's My Health Record for a prohibited purpose, if the person obtained the information by using or gaining access to the My Health Record system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For <inline font-style="italic">prohibited purpose</inline>, see section 70A.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Subsection (1) does not apply if the person is the healthcare recipient, but does apply if the person is the nominated representative of the healthcare recipient (despite subsection 7(2)).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6D Subsection 60 ( 3 ) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   Imprisonment for 5 years or 300 penalty units, or both.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6E Subsection 60 ( 4 ) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, page 9 (after line 3), after item 16, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16A At the end of Division 2 of Part 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Subdivision C—Unauthorised use of information included in a healthcare recipient ' s My Health Record for prohibited purpose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">70A Definition of prohibited purpose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) Information included in a healthcare recipient's My Health Record is used for a <inline font-style="italic">prohibited purpose</inline> if the person who uses the information does so for any one or more of the following purposes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the purpose of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) underwriting a contract of insurance that covers the healthcare recipient; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) determining whether to enter into a contract of insurance that covers the healthcare recipient (whether alone or as a member of a class); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iii) determining whether a contract of insurance covers the healthcare recipient in relation to a particular event; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iv) a national system employer employing, or continuing or ceasing to employ, the healthcare recipient;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a purpose prescribed by the regulations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) If the person uses information for purposes that include, or for a purpose that includes, a purpose mentioned in subsection (1), the person is taken to be using the information for a prohibited purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) To avoid doubt, use of information is not for a <inline font-style="italic">prohibited purpose</inline> if the use is solely for:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the purpose of providing healthcare to the healthcare recipient; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) purposes relating to the provision of indemnity cover for a healthcare provider.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) If a fault element applies to an element of an offence or civil penalty provision involving a prohibited purpose within the meaning of subparagraph (1)(a)(iv), absolute liability applies to the element that the employer is a national system employer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (5) References in paragraph (1)(a) to insurance do not include State insurance that does not extend beyond the limits of the State concerned.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">70B Use for prohibited purpose is unauthorised</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) Despite Subdivisions A and B, a person is not authorised under this Division to use health information included in a registered healthcare recipient's My Health Record for a prohibited purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Subsection (1) does not apply if the person is the healthcare recipient, but does apply if the person is the nominated representative of the healthcare recipient (despite subsection 7(2)).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16B After Division 3 of Part 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 3A—Offences and penalties in relation to use of My Health Record ‑derived information for prohibited purpose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">71A Offence for use of My Health Record ‑derived information for prohibited purpose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A person commits an offence if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the person uses information; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) the person does so for a prohibited purpose, and the person knows or is reckless as to that fact; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the information is health information; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) the information is or was included in a healthcare recipient's My Health Record; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the person is not the healthcare recipient.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   Imprisonment for 5 years or 300 penalty units, or both.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Subsection (1) does not apply if the information was not collected from, and is not derived from a disclosure that was made by, a person who obtained the information by using or gaining access to the My Health Record system. For this purpose, it does not matter whether or not any collection or disclosure of the information was authorised under this Act or any other law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (2): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) Strict liability applies to paragraphs (1)(d) and (e).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For strict liability, see section 6.1 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) Despite paragraph (1)(e) and subsection 7(2), subsection (1) of this section applies to a person who is the nominated representative of the healthcare recipient.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">71B Civil penalty for use of My Health Record ‑derived information for prohibited purpose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A person must not use health information that is or was included in a healthcare recipient's My Health Record for a prohibited purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Subsection (1) does not apply if the information was not collected from, and is not derived from a disclosure that was made by, a person who obtained the information by using or gaining access to the My Health Record system. For this purpose, it does not matter whether or not any collection or disclosure of the information was authorised under this Act or any other law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A person bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (2): see section 96 of the <inline font-style="italic">Regulatory Powers (Standard Provisions) Act 2014</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) Subsection (1) does not apply if the person is the healthcare recipient, but does apply if the person is the nominated representative of the healthcare recipient (despite subsection 7(2)).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16C Subsection 75 ( 2 ) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16D Section 76 (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16E Subsection 77(2A) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   Imprisonment for 5 years or 300 penalty units, or both.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16F Subsection 77(2B) (penalty)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   1,500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16G After subsection 97 ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2A) However, the System Operator is not required to give notice of the decision to a person if the System Operator is satisfied that doing so would put at risk the life, health or safety of a person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16H Paragraph 98 ( 1 ) (b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Omit "Medicare;", substitute "Medicare.".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16J Paragraph 98 ( 1 ) (c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the paragraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16K Subsection 105 ( 3 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "disclosure of" (wherever occurring), insert "de‑identified data or".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16L After paragraph 105 ( 3 ) (b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ba) in connection with insurance, other than State insurance that does not extend beyond the limits of the State concerned; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16M Subsection 105 ( 4 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "disclosure of", insert "de‑identified data or".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 17, page 9 (after line 12), at the end of the item, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) The amendments made by items 6C, 16A and 16B of this Schedule apply in relation to the use of information after this Schedule commences, regardless of whether the information was collected before or after that commencement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Page 9 (after line 12), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2—Amendments commencing on Proclamation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">My Health Records Act 2012</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Section 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   data custodian</inline> means the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 Paragraph 15(ma)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the paragraph, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ma) in accordance with the guidance and direction of the Board established under section 82, to prepare and provide de‑identified data, and, with the consent of the healthcare recipient, health information, for research or public health purposes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 Section 16</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "de‑identified data", insert "or health information".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 Part 5 (heading)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "Other", insert "offences and".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 After section 77</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">77A Enforceable requirements in My Health Records Rules must not be contravened: offence</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) An entity commits an offence if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the entity does an act or omits to do an act; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) the result is that the entity contravenes a requirement imposed on the entity by My Health Records Rules made for the purposes of subsection 109(7A) and the entity is reckless as to that result; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the My Health Records Rules provide that the requirement is enforceable for the purposes of this paragraph; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) the entity is not the System Operator, the Data Governance Board established by section 82 or the data custodian.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   100 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Strict liability applies to paragraphs (1)(c) and (d).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For strict liability, see section 6.1 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6 Section 78 (at the end of the heading)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Add ": civil penalty".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">7 Section 78</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Before "A person", insert "(1)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">8 At the end of section 78</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) An entity (other than the System Operator, the Data Governance Board established by section 82 or the data custodian) must not contravene a requirement imposed on the entity by My Health Records Rules made for the purposes of subsection 109(7A), if the My Health Records Rules provide that the requirement is enforceable for the purposes of this subsection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   100 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">9 After Part 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 7—Data Governance Board</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 1—Establishment and functions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">82 Data Governance Board</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The Data Governance Board is established by this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">83 Functions of the Board</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The functions of the Data Governance Board are:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) to oversee the operation of the framework prescribed by My Health Records Rules made for the purposes of subsection 109(7A), including by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) assessing applications for the collection, use or disclosure of de‑identified data and health information for research or public health purposes; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) guiding and directing the System Operator in the performance of its function under paragraph 15(ma) (preparing and providing de‑identified data and health information); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iii) taking steps to ensure the ongoing protection of de‑identified data and health information used by, or disclosed to, persons for research or public health purposes and that the data and information is being used and disclosed only for those purposes; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any other functions conferred on the Board by this Act or the My Health Records Rules.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The Board does not have any functions, and must not perform any role, in relation to the day‑to‑day operation of the My Health Record system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 2—Membership</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">84 Membership</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The Data Governance Board consists of the following members:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the Chair of the Data Governance Board;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) the Deputy Chair of the Data Governance Board;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) at least 7, and no more than 10, other members.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">85 Appointment of members</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) Members are to be appointed by the Minister by written instrument, on a part‑time basis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The Minister must appoint one member to be the Chair and another member to be the Deputy Chair.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">86 Qualifications and experience</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Minister must appoint the following as members:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) a person who represents the System Operator;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) a person who represents the data custodian;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a person who is an Aboriginal person or a Torres Strait Islander.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) A person (including a person appointed in accordance with subsection (1)) is not eligible for appointment as a member of the Data Governance Board unless the person has skills or experience in, or knowledge of, one or more of the following fields:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) population health and epidemiology;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) medical or health research;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) health services delivery;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) technology;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) data science;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (f) data governance;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) privacy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (h) consumer advocacy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">87 Acting appointments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Minister may, by written instrument, appoint a person to act as the Chair:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) during a vacancy in the office of Chair (whether or not an appointment has previously been made to the office); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) during any period, or during all periods, when the Chair:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) is absent from duty or from Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) is, for any reason, unable to perform the duties of the office.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For rules that apply to acting appointments, see sections 33AB and 33A of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The Minister may, by written instrument, appoint a person to act as the Deputy Chair:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) during a vacancy in the office of Deputy Chair (whether or not an appointment has previously been made to the office); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) during any period, or during all periods, when the Deputy Chair:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) is absent from duty or from Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) is, for any reason, unable to perform the duties of the office.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For rules that apply to acting appointments, see sections 33AB and 33A of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">88 Term of appointment and other terms and conditions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A member of the Data Governance Board holds office for the period specified in the instrument of appointment. The period must not exceed 5 years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) A member of the Data Governance Board holds office on the terms and conditions (if any) in relation to matters not covered by this Part that are determined by the Minister.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">89 Remuneration</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A member of the Data Governance Board is to be paid the remuneration that is determined by the Remuneration Tribunal. If no determination of that remuneration by the Tribunal is in operation, the member is to be paid the remuneration that is prescribed by an instrument made under subsection (4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) A member is to be paid the allowances that are prescribed by an instrument made under subsection (4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) This section has effect subject to the <inline font-style="italic">Remuneration Tribunal Act 1973</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) The Minister may, by legislative instrument, prescribe:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) remuneration for the purposes of subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) allowances for the purposes of subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">90 Resignation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A member of the Data Governance Board may resign the member's appointment by giving the Minister a written resignation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The resignation takes effect on the day it is received by the Minister or, if a later day is specified in the resignation, on that later day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">91 Termination of appointment</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Minister may terminate the appointment of a member of the Data Governance Board:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) for misbehaviour; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) if the member is unable to perform the duties of the member's office because of physical or mental incapacity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The Minister may terminate the appointment of a member of the Data Governance Board if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the member:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) becomes bankrupt; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) applies to take the benefit of any law for the relief of bankrupt or insolvent debtors; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iii) compounds with the member's creditors; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iv) makes an assignment of the member's remuneration for the benefit of the member's creditors; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the member is absent, except on leave of absence, from 3 consecutive meetings of the Board; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (c) the member engages in paid work (within the meaning of section 93) that, in the Minister's opinion, conflicts or could conflict with the proper performance of the member's duties (see section 93); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the member fails, without reasonable excuse, to comply with section 29 of the <inline font-style="italic">Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013</inline> (which deals with the duty to disclose interests) or rules made for the purposes of that section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">92 Leave of absence</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The Minister may grant leave of absence to anymember of the Data Governance Board on the terms and conditions that the Minister determines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">93 Other paid work</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A member of the Data Governance Board must not engage in any paid work that, in the Minister's opinion, conflicts or could conflict with the proper performance of the member's duties.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) In subsection (1):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   paid work</inline> means work for financial gain or reward (whether as an employee, a self‑employed person or otherwise).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 3—Meetings of the Data Governance Board</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">94 Convening meetings</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Data Governance Board must hold such meetings as are necessary for the efficient performance of its functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The Chair of the Data Governance Board:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) may convene a meeting at any time; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) must convene a meeting within 30 days after receiving a written request to do so from another member of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">95 Presiding at meetings</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Chairof theData Governance Boardmust preside at all meetings at which the Chair is present.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) If the Chairis not present at a meeting at which the Deputy Chair is present, the Deputy Chair must preside.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) If neither the Chair nor the Deputy Chair is present at a meeting, the other members present must appoint one of themselves to preside.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96 Quorum</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) At a meeting of the Data Governance Board, a quorum is constituted by a majority of members of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) However, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) a member of the Board is required by rules made for the purposes of section 29 of the <inline font-style="italic">Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013</inline> not to be present during the deliberations, or to take part in any decision, of the Board with respect to a particular matter; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) when the member leaves the meeting concerned there is no longer a quorum present;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the remaining members at the meeting constitute a quorum for the purpose of any deliberation or decision at that meeting with respect to that matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96A Voting at meetings</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) A question arising at a meeting of the Data Governance Board is to be determined by a majority of the votes of the members of the Board present and voting.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The person presiding at a meeting of the Board has a deliberative vote and, if the votes are equal, a casting vote.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96B Conduct of meetings</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The Data Governance Board may, subject to this Division, regulate proceedings at its meetings as it considers appropriate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Section 33B of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline> contains further information about the ways in which members of the Board may participate in meetings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96C Minutes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      The Data Governance Board must keep minutes of its meetings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96D Decisions without meetings</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Data Governance Board is taken to have made a decision at a meeting if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) without meeting, a majority of the members of the Board entitled to vote on the proposed decision indicate agreement with the decision; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) that agreement is indicated in accordance with the method determined by the Board under subsection (2); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) all the memberswere informed of the proposed decision, or reasonable efforts were made to inform all the members of the proposed decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Subsection (1) applies only if the Board:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) has determined that it may make decisions of that kind without meeting; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) has determined the method by which members are to indicate agreement with proposed decisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) For the purposes of paragraph (1)(a), a memberis not entitled to vote on a proposed decision if the member would not have been entitled to vote on that proposal if the matter had been considered at a meeting of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) The Board must keep a record of decisions made in accordance with this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Section 33B of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline> contains further information about the ways in which members of the Board may participate in meetings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 4—Other matters relating to the Data Governance Board</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96E Relationship between System Operator and Data Governance Board in relation to data for research or public health purposes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) In performing the function mentioned in paragraph 15(ma), the System Operator must comply with a direction from, and follow the guidance of, the Data Governance Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) If rules made for the purposes of subsection 109(7A) require the Data Governance Board to take steps to ensure that de‑identified data and health information disclosed to persons for research or public health purposes is being used only for those purposes, the System Operator must not take any steps of its own to ensure that the data and information is being used only for those purposes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) Subsection (2) does not imply that the System Operator has a duty to take steps in relation to use of data and information at a time when there are no rules of the kind mentioned in subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96F Board committees</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) The Data Governance Board may establish a committee or committees to assist in carrying out the functions of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The Board may dissolve a committee at any time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) The functions of a committee are as determined by the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) In performing its functions, a committee must comply with any directions given to the committee by the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (5) A question arising at a meeting of a committee is to be determined by a majority of the votes of committee members present.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (6) A committee must inform the other members of the Board of its decisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (7) A committee may regulate proceedings at its meetings as it considers appropriate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (8) A committee must ensure that minutes of its meetings are kept.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96G Delegation of functions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) If the Secretary of the Department consents to the Data Governance Board delegating functions to APS employees in the Department, the Board may delegate any or all of its functions to such an APS employee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Sections 34AA to 34A of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline> contain provisions relating to delegations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) If the chief executive officer (however described) of the data custodian consents to the Board delegating functions to members of the staff mentioned in subsection 19(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Institute of Health and Welfare Act 1987</inline>, the Board may delegate all or any of its functions to such a member of staff.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Sections 34AA to 34A of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline> contain provisions relating to delegations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) In performing a delegated function or exercising a delegated power, the delegate must comply with any written directions of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) The delegation continues in force despite a change in the membership of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (5) The delegation may be varied or revoked by the Board (whether or not there has been a change in the membership of the Board).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96H Annual report</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) As soon as practicable after the end of each financial year, the Data Governance Board must prepare and give a report to the Minister, for presentation to the Parliament, on the Board's activities during the financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: See also section 34C of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>, which contains extra rules about annual reports.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) A report on the Department's activities given under section 46 of the <inline font-style="italic">Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013</inline> does not need to include a report on the activities of the Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">96J Board is part of the Department</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      For the purposes of paragraph (a) of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Department of State</inline> in section 8 of the <inline font-style="italic">Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013</inline>, the Data Governance Board is prescribed in relation to the Department.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">10 Subsection 105 ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   After "System Operator", insert ", Data Governance Board and data custodian".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11 After paragraph 105 ( 6 ) (a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (aa) the Data Governance Board;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ab) the data custodian;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">12 Subsection 109(7A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">My Health Records Rules may relate to research or public health purposes</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (7A) The My Health Records Rules may, in accordance with section 109A, prescribe a framework to guide the collection, use and disclosure of de‑identified data and, with the consent of healthcare recipients, health information, for research or public health purposes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">13 Subsection 109 ( 9 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Omit "the My Health Records Rules", substitute "My Health Records Rules made for purposes other than subsection (7A)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14 After section 109</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">109A My Health Records Rules relating to data for research or public health purposes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Examples of what the rules may do</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) Without limiting subsection 109(7A), My Health Records Rules made for the purposes of that subsection (the <inline font-style="italic">rules</inline>) may do any or all of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) impose requirements on the System Operator, the Data Governance Board established by section 82, the data custodian and other entities, including procedures that must be followed, in relation to preparing, providing, collecting, accessing, using and disclosing health information and de‑identified data;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) provide that any or all such requirements are enforceable for the purposes of paragraph 77A(1)(c) or subsection 78(2);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) make provision in relation to the performance of the Board's functions set out in paragraph 83(1)(a);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) authorise the Board to make written policies and guidelines to be followed by other entities for the purposes of giving effect to the prescribed framework.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Functions of data custodian</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) The data custodian has the following functions, and the rules may make provision in relation to the performance of those functions:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) under the direction of the Data Governance Board and in accordance with this Act—helping to implement the prescribed framework by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) receiving de‑identified data and health information from the My Health Record system; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) as necessary—de‑identifying health information; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iii) as necessary—providing data linkage services (within the meaning of the rules); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iv) preparing and providing de‑identified data and health information to users of data and information whose use has been approved by the Data Governance Board; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (v) ensuring that users of de‑identified data and health information are subject to conditions of use;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any other functions conferred on the data custodian by this Act or the rules.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Limits on rules</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) The rules:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) must not allow the health information of a healthcare recipient to be collected, used or disclosed otherwise than with the consent of the healthcare recipient; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) must not allow de‑identified data or health information to be provided to a private health insurer (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Private Health Insurance Act 2007</inline>) or any other insurer (with or without the consent of the healthcare recipient); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) must not provide that any of the following is enforceable for the purposes of paragraph 77A(1)(c) or subsection 78(2):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) a provision of a policy, guideline or other instrument made under the rules;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) a provision of the rules that requires an entity to comply with such a policy, guideline or instrument.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Constitutional limits on rules</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) If the rules make provision for the disclosure of de‑identified data or health information obtained by using or gaining access to the My Health Record system, the rules must have the effect that the data or information is to be disclosed only:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) by means of a postal, telegraphic, telephonic or other like service; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) by or to a corporation to which paragraph 51(xx) of the Constitution applies; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) by or to a person within a Territory or a place acquired by the Commonwealth for a public purpose; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) by or to the Commonwealth or an authority of the Commonwealth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (5) The rules may make other provision in relation to de‑identified data or health information only:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) to ensure that collection, use and disclosure of data or information does not result in an interference with privacy of the kind the Commonwealth has international obligations to protect against, including under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (in particular Article 17 of the Covenant); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The text of the Covenant is set out in Australian Treaty Series 1980 No. 23 ([1980] ATS 23). In 2018, a text of a Covenant in the Australian Treaties Series was accessible through the Australian Treaties Library on the AustLII website (http://www.austlii.edu.au).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) for purposes related to collecting, preparing, analysing or publishing statistics; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (c) by providing for data or information to be collected from or by, used by or disclosed by or to, any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (i) a corporation to which paragraph 51(xx) of the Constitution applies;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (ii) a person within a Territory or a place acquired by the Commonwealth for a public purpose;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (iii) the Commonwealth or an authority of the Commonwealth.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've made comments previously on the government's amendments, and I now move our amendments relating to those.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Which amendments are these? Senator Bernardi.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was just seeking the call after the amendments had been moved by the government. I wonder whether they'd be in a position to explain what these amendments actually do.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Yes, we're just in the process of Senator Polley moving amendments, so I think we might deal with that.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was seeking the call before because the government had moved amendments and I wanted to know, from the minister, what the amendments actually were.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Yes, and we'll come back to that. We're just in the process of doing that. I will get Senator Polley to finish what she started, and then we'll see if the government wants to respond to the question you've just asked.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move amendments on sheet 8574, circulated in my name:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Amendment (3), item 1A, omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">national system employer</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Amendment (6), item 16A, subparagraph 70A(1)(a)(iv), omit "a national system employer", substitute "an employer".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Amendment (6), item 16A, omit subsection 70A(4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Amendment (6), item 16A, at the end of section 70A, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (6) For the purposes of this section, using information for a purpose includes requesting or requiring the information for that purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Amendment (6), item 16B, before section 71A, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">71AA Definitions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      In this Division:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   My Health Record</inline> of a healthcare recipient includes a My Health Record of the healthcare recipient that has been cancelled or suspended.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">   use </inline>information for a purpose includes request or require the information for that purpose.</para></quote>
<para>The CHAIR: Senator Bernardi, would you like to put your question now?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question simply was: when the original amendments were moved—</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Are these the ones on sheet EH276?</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's the point: I don't know, because I don't have it in front of me. I'm interested in asking the minister, who has moved some amendments, for a brief explanation of what the amendments actually do. Then I will ask the same question of Senator Polley—what her amendments actually do to the government's amendments. This is in the interest of clarification, because I don't have the complete information in front of me.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Bernardi for the invitation to make a contribution on these amendments. There are two amendments. The first is to remove the ability of the system operator—that's actually the Australian Digital Health Agency—to disclose information to law enforcement agencies and other government bodies without a court order or the consumer's express consent. This is actually consistent with the Australian Digital Health Agency's current policy position, which has remained unchanged and has resulted in no My Health Records being disclosed under such circumstances. We did deal, a moment ago, with the Centre Alliance amendment. Whilst it wasn't supported, they intended to delete the new sections 69A and 69B, which deal with very narrow confines under which a court order can be made.</para>
<para>The second element of those amendments is going to require the Australian Digital Health Agency to permanently delete health information it holds for any consumer who has cancelled their My Health Record. This makes it clear that, if a person chooses to cancel at any time, their record will be deleted completely and forever. The new amendments are as follows. Particular concerns have been raised regarding the potential for domestic violence to occur. As a result of that, for example, a parent may be able to access a child's My Health Record and get access to information on where the mum has moved to with the child. The government recognise that this is a serious matter, so we've put in a range of safeguards. There are a series of safeguards already in place in the system. These amendments will apply if a person has parental responsibility or if a person's access to the child is subject to supervision. This isn't intended if the court decides that you have access to 60:40 periods of time. It's only when there are particular supervision circumstances, so they only get access to the child in supervised circumstances. This would be taken into consideration. It also applies if the Australian Digital Health Agency considers that they may pose a risk, so there may be other circumstances where access to this information may pose a risk. This is ensuring that that person can't get access to the child's My Health Record.</para>
<para>The amendments will also provide greater clarity that My Health Records cannot be used for insurance or employment purposes. We've had a lot of discussion about that. This just provides some clarification. It will prohibit an employer from requesting or using health information in an individual's My Health Record, protecting employees and potential employees from any discriminatory use or use of their My Health Record. Information can be obtained from a My Health Record by healthcare providers and individuals. These amendments will also ensure that information derived from the My Health Record system cannot be used for insurance or employment purposes, regardless of where it is being viewed or stored. This will be one of the prohibited uses. This prohibition will apply to any activity for insurance or employment purposes, regardless of whether it is considered to be for the purposes of providing health care. For example, a healthcare provider undertaking a health assessment of an individual for employment purposes, which sometimes happens, would be expressly prohibited from using the individual's My Health Record or from using information that has been derived from that.</para>
<para>Through these amendments we'll also be increasing the maximum penalty levels for breaches of key privacy protections. This was an expressed recommendation of the Senate Community Affairs Legislation Committee. The maximum penalty level is just under double: in broad terms, I think for a corporation it is up to $1.5 million and five years imprisonment and for an individual it is $315,000. In any event, we have reflected the recommendations of the Senate inquiry. These penalty levels are now the maximum penalty levels for breaches of key privacy protections. They will be associated with any misuse of a person's health information obtained by unauthorised access to the My Health Record system or taking My Health Record information outside of Australia. Effectively, for example, if you downloaded something, printed a hard copy, took it outside of Australia and sold it outside of Australia, you wouldn't be subject to Australia's laws in that regard, so that prohibition about taking information outside of Australia ensures that you cannot take those My Health Records out of Australia. But if you were in London, for example, and went to a doctor or practitioner, you could still get access to the benefits of your My Health Record.</para>
<para>This will result in much stronger penalties for persons who collect, use or disclose health information if they are not authorised to do so. An individual who knowingly misuses a person's health information contained in their My Health Record will now face up to five years in jail and a maximum penalty of $315,000. Without going into too much detail, secondary use—if you tell someone something and they use it—is exactly the same; there is not a diminished penalty. The penalty remains at the maximum for the secondary person who obtains information from a prohibited act; they are subject to the same penalties. These increases in penalties acknowledge that as the system grows it will contain a larger volume of health information that needs to have the appropriate level of security. We think these safeguards are appropriate. The amendments also make clear that if a person chooses to cancel their My Health Record at any time it will be deleted permanently, including any backups, saved copies or the like.</para>
<para>In May this year the minister released the framework for the secondary use of the My Health system data, and now these amendments, as I indicated earlier, provide a legislative basis to support another tier of the appropriate use of My Health data for research and public health purposes. The amendments also remove the ability of the Australian Digital Health Agency to provide identified or de-identified information to the private health insurers and other types of insurers for research or for public health purposes. For the purposes of clarity: we're removing the ability that currently exists in de-identified form, to ensure that any of the data cannot be provided to insurers for research and public health purposes. They'll also provide that the minister's rule-making power will include the ability to specify requirements that apply to entities handling information for research and public health purposes, and set out processes for seeking to use or deciding to disclose this de-identified information. The amendments will also remove the ability of the Australian Digital Health Agency to delegate its functions and powers to an entity other than the Department of Health and the chief executive, Medicare. Such functions are delegated as appropriate to ensure the effective management of the system.</para>
<para>Finally, the government remains committed to the My Health Record system being government owned and operated. There was some talk about what would happen if we sold it. Are these same processes going to be in place? We are committed to this being government owned and operated as a national health asset, and the legislation clearly and unequivocally reflects this position. As a package, these amendments comprehensively address the concerns that have been raised by the public and in the Senate inquiries, and enhance the safety and privacy protections in the My Health Record system. The My Health record system will provide significant health and economic benefits for all Australians through avoided hospital admissions, fewer adverse drug events, reduced duplication of tests, better coordination of care for people seeing multiple healthcare providers and better informed treatment decisions. We're committed to this system because it is changing health care in Australia for the better, and we're equally committed to the privacy of the individual's health information. These measures strengthen the privacy protections and demonstrate this commitment.</para>
<para>I thank all senators who have made a significant contribution through the Senate inquiry and through this process. I commend the amendments to the house.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand Senator Polley has some amendments, and I would be interested in a brief explanation of how they alter this. Minister, if I could have your attention for a second, could the government indicate whether they are generally supportive of Senator Polley's amendments to your amendments? That would be of assistance too.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Without verballing Senator Polley, my understanding is that we're agreeing to a minor wording amendment. We think it improves our amendment. I think we're about to move to that amendment now. But the amendment in substance is just a stronger wording of the same amendment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>To assist Senator Bernardi: from the outset this government has bungled the process. The amendments that have just been moved by the government were in fact ones that we have been pushing hard on. But, even though they have attempted to pick up our concerns, as usual they have continued to bungle the process. The government's proposed restrictions only apply to national system employers, a definition that excludes state public sectors and local governments. Despite the government saying that they would ban employees from requesting or requiring My Health information, these amendments don't actually do that. That's why we have moved in our amendments a further amendment to strengthen the concerns that we have and why I moved that we take sheet 8574, circulated in my name. We do appreciate the fact that the government has finally got on board in supporting our amendments and proposing the ones that they did and that, at the end of the day, they've followed the lead of Labor on this very important initiative.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I indicated earlier, we'll be supporting the opposition's amendments. We think they're actually omitting the definition of the national system employer, and they simplify and clarify the language, which is consistent with the government's policy intent.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that opposition amendments (1) to (5) on sheet 8574, which are amendments to the government amendments on sheet EH276, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question now is that government amendments (1) to (8) on sheet EH276, as amended, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill, as amended, agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill reported with amendments; report adopted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>14</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>14</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1117" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>14</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on behalf of the opposition in respect of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017. Almost two years ago—in fact, 716 days ago—I introduced, on behalf of the opposition, legislation into the Senate to ban foreign donations from our political system. In doing so, I reiterated Labor's belief that political donations from foreign sources are eroding our political system and that urgent action is required to address this. After our own legislation here in the Senate was not supported by the government, my leader, Bill Shorten, Leader of the Australian Labor Party, sought to progress this urgent reform in the other place, yet again to no avail. Unable to convince the government that they should outlaw foreign donations, Labor took action. Over six months ago, Labor voluntarily committed to refusing any and all foreign donations. We recognise the importance of the issue, and we didn't need legislation to act. We acted not because we had to but because it was the right thing to do. While I hope to see the swift passage of this legislation today, I call upon the Prime Minister to instruct the Liberal Party to stop taking any and all foreign donations: stop now—not one cent more.</para>
<para>I'm of the view that foreign donations are eroding faith in our democracy, are compromising our representatives and must be stopped. We must accept that the world around us is changing. We operate in a different era, a time of government sponsored hacking attacks and assassinations on foreign soil. We go about our business in the era of fake news campaigns and in an environment that has seen clear attempts by foreign powers to influence those in this chamber and the other. We're in an era of social media campaigns that can be launched within minutes, be funded from anywhere and reach millions of voters. Labor recognise that we must do all we can to combat these external threats to Australian democracy and our democratic institutions. Donations that seek to influence our political system are not only a threat to our electoral system but also a threat to the public faith in our democracy. Our democratic integrity rests not only on the fact that we do the right thing but also that we are seen to be doing the right thing. The Australian public are watching the controversies occurring in other established democracies around the world and wondering why our own elected representatives aren't doing more to protect our system and to protect our democracy.</para>
<para>Labor believes that the time for action is now. We believe that we have an opportunity in this place to finally prohibit foreign money from influencing our political system—and it is not an opportunity we intend to ignore. Almost two years after Labor moved to ban foreign donations, the government has finally presented the final version of the ban on foreign donations which is before the Senate today. The opposition will be supporting this legislation with the various and lengthy amendments we have requested, which have subsequently been listed by the government. We will also be moving a second reading amendment to this legislation with our commitment to lower the disclosure threshold for political donations.</para>
<para>There is broad consensus that we need more transparency around the money that supports political activity in our system. Reducing the disclosure threshold to $1,000 is Labor policy and it has been for a long time. We understand the important of greater financial accountability and we are going to act on that. If we form government, this is a policy we would look to implement, and we would do so with proper consultative process. We understand that there would be a range of entities that would want to have a say on how best to implement greater transparency around a lower threshold. We have shown throughout our consultation around the current Electoral Act amendments that we value the input of many different voices, and we would undertake that process in exactly the same vein.</para>
<para>Labor is of the view that the disclosure threshold of $13,800 is too high. Electors have the right to know who is donating to political parties. We must shine the light on who is making political donations and who is seeking to support a political outcome. Labor has been clear on our plan for reform. We took to the last election a proposal designed to, firstly, ban foreign donations; secondly, reduce the disclosure threshold; thirdly, ban donation splitting intended to avoid disclosure; fourthly, ban the receipt of anonymous donations above $50, fifthly, link public funding to campaign expenditure; and, finally, introduce new offences and increased penalties for breaches of the electoral law. Labor is still committed to taking the commitment to transparency further and has already committed to work towards a system of real-time donation disclosure.</para>
<para>Returning to the bill before us today: the government's approach seeks to define and prohibit a class of foreign donors. It seeks to create an offence within the Commonwealth Electoral Act for anyone seeking to influence our elections through donations or gifts from foreign sources and extends that offence to those wilfully receiving them. In Labor's original legislation we sought to define the money itself, reflecting the difficulty in prohibiting foreign donations in a globalised system. Although approached differently through this bill, the intent is the same: to prohibit those seeking to influence Australian voters from using foreign sources of funding—in particular, foreign states or state owned enterprises.</para>
<para>Although the opposition is today supporting this legislation, with those aforementioned amendments, this process has not been an easy one. The first draft of the bill contains some of the largest unnecessary overreach ever encountered in our political system. The government's first attempt, as the Senate would be aware, captured charities, not-for-profits, advocacy groups, churches, community organisations and single issue campaigners in a web of bans, hurdles and regulatory tape. Rather than focus on the substantive issues of foreign money, the government sought to wage a war on civil society and community organisations.</para>
<para>However, the government did achieve something quite remarkable—and that was to unite everybody from GetUp! to the Institute of Public Affairs, and everybody in between, against their legislation. That was no easy feat and it is one we should acknowledge on their behalf. The original legislation caused such significant unrest within civil society that our trusted charities and not-for-profits created the Hands Off Our Charities Alliance to combat these proposed changes. Such was the opposition to the first iteration of the bill that a number of organisations demanded that it be opposed outright, refusing to believe that amendments could be made to satisfy their concerns. As it was my belief, and that of the opposition, that a ban on foreign donations was a necessary and urgent reform, Labor decided to engage with the government constructively and present an opportunity to fix its legislation.</para>
<para>The bill was referred to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, not once but twice—once to review the bill and the second time to review the proposed changes. Both times, the members of JSCEM worked diligently to engage across the parliamentary and various sectors to make recommendations for reform. I would particularly like to acknowledge the Labor members on JSCEM—Mr Andrew Giles; Mr Milton Dick; Senator Ketter, who is sitting behind me; and Senator Brown—for their service on those inquiries. I'll also mention the work that my staff, particularly Ben Rillo, did in respect of the JSCEM committee.</para>
<para>Following the second review by JSCEM, Labor worked continuously with the office of the minister to ensure that remaining community concerns were addressed and the appropriate amendments made. I will speak further on the government amendments in the course of the committee stage, but there are two key commitments that I believe are integral to restoring faith within the civil society sector. The first is a clearer and more concise definition of what is considered to be an electoral matter. This definition, acting as the gateway to the Commonwealth Electoral Act, should not capture legitimate public policy advocacy and should not be reserved for those seeking to influence a voter or the result of an election. The second is a guaranteed review of the practical operation of the legislation by the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. It's vital that any future government be held to the promise that the operation of this bill will be evaluated by that bipartisan committee and, if necessary, any further changes made.</para>
<para>I'd like to formally acknowledge and thank those members of the organisations and charities which placed their trust in Labor to negotiate amendments and worked constructively with us to review any changes. Today, the integrity of our democracy can be taken a step forward. Today, we can achieve one more step in protecting the very governance of our country and restore some faith in the eyes of the Australian public. I urge all senators to support the bill and the associated government amendments to finally achieve a ban on foreign donations.</para>
<para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">", but the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) supports increased transparency throughout our political system,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) notes the current threshold for disclosure of political donations is too high, at $10,000 (indexed to inflation); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) believes the threshold for disclosure of political donations should be set at $1,000, not indexed to inflation."</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017.</para>
<para>This is a very complicated bill and it has certainly had a very chequered history. It purports to restrict the influence of foreign money over our politics. It doesn't actually achieve that very well. It's a small step forward, and we support those provisions, but it leaves massive loopholes which will allow big money to continue to influence our democracy. That is one of our main beefs with this bill: it's pretending to fix a real problem. It doesn't do a very good job and it ignores the influence of massive corporate donations that continue to flow into the coffers of both big parties. If this were a genuine attempt to clean up our democracy and to get that vested influence and interest by corporate interests and big money truly out of politics, then there would be support for the amendments that I will move to ban those corporate donations from listed vested interests, to cap donations to $1,000 for everybody else and to reduce that disclosure threshold.</para>
<para>When we get to moving those amendments I'll be very interested to see whether we have any real commitment to this issue by both of the big parties. I'm not expecting that they'll support those amendments, because this isn't a real attempt to clean up democracy; this is an attempt to look like they're both doing something while they're still taking the money from the big corporates. The Australian people aren't going to be fooled by this. They know that the so-called reason for this bill, the money that former senator Sam Dastyari accepted from Chinese nationals, would not have been stopped if this bill had been in place. This bill does not stop the very thing that it purports to be introduced for. This is a bill that wants to look like it's doing something while, in fact, it is still letting big money run this place. I think Australians will know that and they will be really disappointed that there is a pretence of addressing an issue while, actually, the real influence of money will continue unabated, and both of the big parties will be very happy with that situation. That is our first concern with this bill.</para>
<para>I rely on the advice of Professor Anne Twomey, a noted constitutional law expert who gave evidence into the multiple hearings in the inquiry into this bill. Professor Twomey said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign nationals can still, under this bill, make enormous and influential donations to political parties, if it is done through a permanent resident or a foreign-owned corporation or a subsidiary that is incorporated in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>There are loopholes so big in this supposed crackdown on foreign donations that it will effectively be business as usual. We accept this is a small step forward but we are incredibly disappointed that the loopholes are so big that this won't actually change the behaviour of the big parties from accepting dirty money from vested interests who want policy outcomes to inflate their own bottom lines. Our democracy has been taken over by corporate interests. Both of the big parties have sold out to their donors. They are not making decisions in the interests of Australians anymore; they are making decisions in the interests of those people who have bought their support and who pay for their re-election campaigns. I think that is an abrogation of our democratic duty, and it is the single biggest issue people raise with me when I am back in my own home state or elsewhere around the country.</para>
<para>People want their democracy back. They are sick of feeling unheard and they are sick of feeling like their opinion doesn't matter anymore and that the decisions made in this place aren't for them, certainly don't help them and often make their lives harder. They can see decisions that make it easier for big polluters. They can see decisions that make it easier for big companies to increase their profit bottom lines. They also see decisions that crack down on people that are already below the poverty line, decisions that make life harder for people, decisions that don't put a roof over the heads of people who are homeless, that don't help women escaping violence to stay safe and keep their children safe, that don't make it easier for people to get a decent education no matter what their bank balance is, that don't put more hospital beds in place. They see those decisions not being made and they see decisions being made that simply make a few rich companies even richer. They know it is because those companies donate to both of these political parties and they know it is because some of the people who sit in these benches will go and work for those very interest groups once they leave parliament. The Australian people know about the cosy relationship between lobbyists, industry and this parliament, and they are fed up. We hear them and we share that view. So that is our first concern with this bill: it's pretending to fix a problem; it doesn't fix that problem and that problem still remains.</para>
<para>The second tranche of this bill deals with a massive increase in red tape on the charity sector. I also accept that this bill has improved. The bill has gone through so many iterations that the charity sector has been thoroughly overwhelmed, and I think it is deliberate. It is hard now to work out precisely what the obligations on those charities will be and it will take more of their scarce resources to work out what those obligations are. I think that is the intent because that will have the effect of silencing them from doing the otherwise very strong advocacy that they are incorporated to do and that they exist to do.</para>
<para>I am concerned that the sheer weight of regulation and its uncertainty will have that chilling effect on charities and not-for-profits doing their important advocacy work. We spoke a lot about this issue in the inquiry hearings into this bill. We do not have clarity on where the distinction lies between permissible advocacy on an issue that charities are formed to deal with, something that relates to their charitable purpose, their whole existence and reason for existence. It is still impossible to tell, and lawyers differ on where the line lies between that legitimate, permitted advocacy and somehow making an implied political comment in the context of an election campaign. It is now hard for not-for-profits to know when they can continue to campaign on an issue—alleviation of poverty, protection of bushland, protection of our oceans. Whatever the issue might be, they don't know if they are allowed to campaign on that in an election context. For example, where one party has a good policy position and another party doesn't, those charities don't know if talking about that is now going to be considered political activity, for which there is this mound of administrative obligations about where their donations are from and when they have to disclose them and what checks they have got to do when all of that regulation and red tape kick in. So, what do you think they'll do? They won't take the risk. They will shut up and they will stop that valuable advocacy work that improves the quality of our democratic debate and advances the public interest.</para>
<para>Charities aren't formed for private interests. The not-for-profit sector is called the not-for-profit sector for a reason. They are not there to advance their own interests or their own profits; they are there to work in the public interest, and their advocacy should be cherished and fostered in a robust democracy. Instead, this bill sneaks in a massive level of regulation that will be very difficult for small not-for-profits and charities to comply with. They are already stretched. They have already faced five years of unfair scrutiny beyond the scrutiny that any other sector is receiving—and I know my colleague Senator Siewert has been tracking this and will speak very passionately about it.</para>
<para>The government has already put incredibly high obligations on the not-for-profit and charitable sector, which they are already complying with. They don't need another level of regulation. They're working in the public interest. They're trying to help people and the planet. Of course they have opinions on government policy, because this government has set to war with the community and the environment, often with the opposition saying absolutely nothing about it or being complicit. There is a strong role for charities and not-for-profits in our democracy, and these laws will make it harder for them to continue that role. Democracy once again will suffer, but I'm sure that's the intent. We'll be moving amendments to try to soften the blow that this will have on the sector. I acknowledge that the blow is smaller than it once was. It was initially a complete outrage; it is now just a massive administrative burden for little gain.</para>
<para>There are also some changes in this bill that relate to election funding. They will change the way that political parties operate and conduct their election campaigns and the way elections are funded. We here at the Greens think that corporate donations should not run our democracy. We support public funding of elections. We don't think that it should be about what favours you can promise your big donor once you're in government in order to get their donation to campaign for your own re-election or election. We don't think it should be about power and money; we think it should be about democracy, and we think those elections should be publicly funded. We'll be moving amendments that say that not only do we want to get rid of the influence of big money from politics but we think there should be election caps on spending. We should take that private money out of the whole process, we should have it publicly funded and we should make sure that people can't massively spam people's televisions, overspend and waste the money that they've been held hostage by their donors to. I'll go through in more detail what our amendments actually do. But we have here a bill that pretends to do something that it doesn't do very well and is actually just a back door to crack down on a sector that's been very inconvenient for the government, because it is criticising their woeful policies.</para>
<para>I want to come to our amendments. I formally move our second reading amendment on sheet 8545:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Leave out all words after "that", insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"the bill be withdrawn because the Senate is of the opinion that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the bill ignores corporate influence over politics and disproportionately targets the not-for-profit sector, which is an attack on public interest advocacy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the bill is likely to discourage charities from engaging in issue-based advocacy in furtherance of their charitable purposes, because of uncertainty in the definition of 'electoral matter';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) there is no public interest benefit to the proposed added layer of regulation for the charitable sector, because the existing regulatory framework for not-for-profit organisations under the Charities Act 2013 is sufficient to prevent charitable organisations from engaging in partisan political activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 should be amended to introduce caps on campaign expenditure by political parties, candidates and associated entities, which are indexed to inflation and subject to periodic review."</para></quote>
<para>We think this bill completely ignores the corporate influence over politics and disproportionately targets the not-for-profit sector, which, as I've said, is an attack on public interest advocacy. We think, because of the uncertainty in the definitions of 'electoral matter', 'implied political comment' and 'advocacy', it will have a chilling effect on not-for-profits and charities speaking out. The government know this, and they haven't fixed it. One wonders whether this is simply a deliberate attack in a long line of attacks on the charities sector. We don't think there's any need for another layer of regulation for the sector because the existing frameworks—the ACNC, the Charities Act—are already sufficient to prevent charities from engaging in partisan political activities. That is already prohibited. What this layer of regulation does is simply stifle advocacy.</para>
<para>As I mentioned already, we think that the electoral laws should be amended to introduce caps on expenditure by political parties, candidates and associated entities. That is our second reading amendment. But we also have some detailed amendments once we get to the committee stage. Chief amongst those is ending the influence of vested interests over our politics. We propose to ban donations from the following sectors: property developers, mining, tobacco, alcohol, gambling, banking, big pharma and defence.</para>
<para>People don't give money to political parties just because they've got nothing better to do with their money. They give money because they want policy outcomes that suit them. They give money because they want policies that will allow them to make more money. It is a very cosy relationship. If you look at the fossil fuel donations, for example, that big coal, big gas and big oil have given to both sides of politics over the last few years and then you look at the policy outcomes that this parliament has delivered for that vested interest, it is very hard to conclude anything other than that this is policy for donations. We were going to have a resource superprofits tax. A Prime Minister got rolled and we ended up with a weaker mining tax. That tax, of course, was then abolished anyway.</para>
<para>There have been so many times when the community has come together and demanded a certain policy, a certain regulation, and there has been that expectation, and then industry has rallied and has pressured the people in this building and, hey presto, the parliament's gone to water and nothing's been done. Perhaps it is the threat of the removal of those donations. Perhaps it is the threat that, if you make a fuss on the issue, you won't get the cushy job after you leave parliament: 'Just sit quietly, otherwise we won't give you that handshake once you leave.' It is about time we got rid of those big vested interests and their influence over our democracy. They have no place in decision-making. Decisions should be made for the benefit of the community. There is no reason for big money in politics. So we would like to completely end the donations from those sectors that I have listed.</para>
<para>The other important reform is that we think donations from everybody else should be capped. We're not just saying that there are a few sectors that we disagree with and that we want to silence them; we actually think that big money doesn't belong in politics. So our next amendment says that we want to cap donations from everybody. We don't care who you are or where you're from; we want to cap your donations at $1,000 per year. You can still make that small contribution, but that is not sufficient to buy a policy outcome. You can still exercise your constitutional right to free speech by donating a small amount if you want to back that cause, but we don't think that's an amount that would be sufficient to buy unfair political influence. And we think that should apply across the board to absolutely everyone. I don't expect that we will get support for that amendment either, because these two parties are hooked on the money from their donors. They are put here by them; they stay here because of that money. They are certainly not going to dry up that money source now. But the Australian people actually want that, and they deserve that. I am proud that the Greens will be moving those amendments.</para>
<para>Our amendments also talk about disclosure. We want to reduce the disclosure threshold to $1,000. I believe that Labor have a similar amendment, and I'm pleased to see that. We'll be supporting their amendment; I assume they'll be supporting ours. We're not sure which amendment will come on first, but that reduction of the disclosure threshold is such an important transparency measure. I've said that we think donations should only be $1,000; ergo, the disclosure threshold is the same as the cap, but I don't expect that our cap will get through. What might get through is that reduction of the disclosure threshold, and I hope that this chamber sees fit to accept that transparency as a principle is an important, crucial bedrock of our democracy. I look forward to that amendment being moved and being debated.</para>
<para>What I'm interested in, though, is whether our amendment for real-time disclosure of donations will get any support. We know it's Labor policy; it's been our policy forever. We know Labor have said that's something that they support, but are they going to vote for it? It's very easy to say you believe in something, but you've actually got to come in here and vote for it if your belief is to mean anything. I think the Australian community will be watching very closely just how legit the other parties are being in this place when it comes to that amendment about real-time disclosure.</para>
<para>I want to harken back to the fact that we've had a few by-elections lately, as people will know. Because of the existing disclosure rules, not only will people face the next federal election without knowing who's donating to the parties at that campaign; they won't even know who donated to the political parties in those by-elections. The voters of Wentworth, for example, don't know who funded the parties' campaigns in Wentworth, they're not going to know who's going to fund those candidates' campaigns as they face the next election and they still won't know who funded the last ones. Because of that delay in disclosure, there is a pall over who's really in charge, and the Australian community, of course, draw the worst conclusion. That conclusion is usually right: that it's the donors' interests that are being put ahead of the community's.</para>
<para>Real-time disclosure, folks. Let's actually be open and transparent. Let the people see where you're getting your money from, and then let them decide whether they think that's a good or bad thing and vote accordingly. But don't hide it. Don't try to pretend that it's not happening. Everybody knows what's going on. They can see that the interests that are being put first in this place are not the community's interests, and certainly not the environment's interests; they're the interests of the people who have made donations. They want to know who's donating to those political parties. Real-time disclosure is the least we can do for the Australian public to clean up our democracy.</para>
<para>I want to mention one final issue, that there have been so many drafts of this bill. In one of the earlier drafts thrown upon us—out of nowhere—was this notion that the federal laws might be able to be used to override recent state donation bans. I'm from Queensland, where our state government, under pressure from the Greens in our state election, finally brought in laws—which we support, which are great and we think they're good—to clamp down on donations from property developers. Of course, we think they should go further, and we'll be moving amendments to do that. Certainly our member, Michael Berkman, has done that. But it was a small step forward and we support it.</para>
<para>The federal government—very cross about that, because, of course, they get an awful lot of money from property developers—want to try to find a way to override those laws. So they lobbed in provisions to an earlier draft of this bill that would simply override that Queensland property developer ban. They were very open about that at the time. Senator James McGrath, who was caretaking this bill in the course of the JSCEM hearings, is quoted on record as saying that was the very intent. They have since resiled, a little, from that. I understand they've come under some pressure from the Labor Party to do that—certainly, we've made our position known: we don't think it's right that those state bans be overridden by the federal laws—and I understand the drafting has the opposition benches comfortable. But we have advice that says that the drafting of those amendments will still let people get around that Queensland property developer donation ban. We are not satisfied that the drafting closes that loophole, and we cannot support that provision.</para>
<para>I will be moving amendments that say that those state bans should remain; this parliament should not be seeking to overturn those. I am hopeful that maybe we'll get some reform today or when this bill comes to a vote, but our amendments would significantly strengthen this bill, would help clean up our democracy and could restore the confidence of the Australian people. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I go to Senator Reynolds, I need to clarify for the Senate, so there's no confusion: you did say that you would be moving second reading amendments. You don't need to. Senator Farrell already moved that earlier, so we don't need to do it twice.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sorry, I foreshadowed our party's own second reading amendments. Thank you.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to speak in support of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017. I would start by making the observation that, while most Australians would agree that only Australians should have the power to influence the outcome of our national elections, Australia is one of the few Western democracies where foreign money can still be used to influence our own domestic elections.</para>
<para>The introduction of this bill was in response to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters <inline font-style="italic">Second interim report on the inquiry into the conduct of the 2016 federal election: foreign donations</inline>. I was very privileged and proud to have chaired that committee and to have authored the report. One of the observations I make up front is that, despite broad consensus within Australia on the principle of banning foreign donations, there has been significant and also, I think, very important public debate as to who and what activities these bans should be applied to.</para>
<para>I think at the heart of this debate lies the fact that election campaigning today is very different from that in the mid-1980s, when the majority of the current provisions were written. There wasn't the internet, there wasn't the avenue of social media and there weren't many of the other things that go along with modern campaigning. The campaign period has, without question, moved well beyond the time in-between the issuing and the return of the election writs. Campaigning is now 24/7, 365 days a year. It goes for three years. Campaigning today is largely issues based. When I started campaigning, it was based on political party philosophies, policy promises and announcements. It is now far more issues based on issues that are longitudinal. Campaign messaging today is communicated via a wide range of mediums by a much wider range of entities, including charities, industry groups and also religious institutions.</para>
<para>I was delighted as chair of JSCEM that when the inquiry was conducted the government adopted the majority of the committee's 15 unanimous recommendations. I'd like to place on record my gratitude and thanks to all the members of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. We went through what was a very difficult inquiry to come up with those unanimous recommendations. What was at the heart of all our deliberations was the fact that we needed very strong, transparent and very clear electoral laws that were in our sovereign interest. Despite significant public debate—sometimes quite fractious debate—the committee always remained focused on what was in our national interest and what was in the interest of all Australian voters. I think the report reflected that, and the government has adopted the majority of those recommendations.</para>
<para>Before I go any further on the detail of the bill that has flowed from that report, I note that I was sitting here listening to Senator Waters. I have to say that, despite the great respect I have for Senator Waters as a representative of her state, I think everything she said then demonstrates the need for this legislation. It reminded me of the debate and the discussions that we had in the committee and in public on this issue. Senator Waters was very clear on the Greens' position. They agree with the principles, but they just don't want them to apply to them and their own donors. The list of people she wanted banned from exercising a democratic right in this country to influence, get involved and have their say in elections includes industry which supports the coalition—banning industry from being able to donate or having donations capped—but she was completely silent on the donors who directly support the Greens and campaigned on issues for the Greens for three years in the lead-up to an election.</para>
<para>We heard a lot of evidence during the inquiry about Greens' supporters and, quite often, supporters of the Labor Party cause and Labor Party issues. We're not just talking about the unions and GetUp!, which openly and clearly support the Labor Party and frequently the Greens but, of course, never the coalition. What she was completely silent on are the environmental charities that have clearly—not even hidden but in plain sight—campaigned in support of the re-election of those opposite. Again, it is their right to do so, as long as they are not in breach of ACNC guidelines or in breach of the Electoral Act. During the inquiry, peak bodies of multiple charitable and philanthropic organisations admitted that many of those charitable organisations were in breach of the Electoral Act. In fact, they said that hundreds of supporters of the Greens, and occasionally the Labor Party, had been in breach of strict legislative requirements and strict liability requirements of the Electoral Act wilfully and in plain sight for years and years and years. They knew they had two obligations—the ACNC and the Electoral Act—so, guess what? The ACNC guidelines were much looser and enabled them to do a lot more on behalf of political parties in their campaigns. They chose to ignore the Electoral Act. A strict liability law is never acceptable and they should, I think, have been prosecuted for that, but they haven't been. In terms of hypocrisy, if the Greens were serious about applying the principles, they would apply them equally to their own donors and supporters.</para>
<para>What are the facts in this case? Well, according to their own published records, the top 10 environmental charities have had income of over $700 million over the past 10 years. I can tell you now, and I can tell everybody in this chamber and everybody listening, that the majority of that money, I suspect very strongly, does not go into saving koalas, panda bears and whales. It goes into domestic campaigns on issue advocacy that now moves well beyond issue advocacy into campaigning for the election of those opposite and, in particular, the Greens. At every election we now see ads from GetUp!, from the unions and also from environmental groups that are entirely consistent with each other and support Labor and Greens election policies. That is okay, but, again, it has to be transparent, it has to be visible and it has to be subject to the same electoral laws.</para>
<para>How this is relevant to this current debate is that a lot of the money that comes into these organisations is foreign money. It comes into larger charities that have international linkages with large, benevolent foundations. That money comes into this country, it is washed around these environmental groups and then suddenly it pops up in local campaigns against sitting MPs on environmental issues which, guess what, are exactly the same issues that the Greens and the Labor Party are campaigning on in the election. They have made those issues salient and relevant to the elections. It has been sourced, and washed around a bit, from foreign sources.</para>
<para>To the Greens I say, I'm sorry, but there is rank hypocrisy in saying, 'Yes, we want these laws to apply to this group of people who coincidentally all support the coalition and their policies, but we don't want all of our money touched, and we don't want that looked at because they're charities who are advocating for us, not campaigning for us.'</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Waters</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's the opposite of what we're proposing. We're prosing a cap on all donations.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, let's call a spade a spade. This money is going to your re-election. For this side and our supporters who support our policies in the support of business, jobs, growth and all of the things that we stand for, you have to be honest enough to admit that this money is going to your re-election.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Waters interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There was $700 million in environmental groups alone.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Reynolds, can you please take your seat. Senator Waters, you had 20 minutes uninterrupted, and you didn't hold back on your attacks, so I would ask and urge that Senator Reynolds be heard in silence.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that courtesy. That is foreign money coming in—in my words and from my observations from the inquiry and all the evidence we had. To put it pretty simply: with the support that is completely not transparent—it is unaccountable under the Commonwealth Electoral Act and it is unaccountable under the ACNC guidance—this money means that, pretty much, all the Labor Party and, particularly, the Greens have to do at the next election is register their candidates as candidates for the election. Between GetUp!, between the unions and between these environmental groups that have no accountability in this election process and system, as all other donors do, you don't have to do anything. They are already out there running your campaign for you. They are already out there running the election messaging for you. You have to do nothing, and not a single cent of that is accountable.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Waters interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Waters, if you don't believe that, you have a look at all of the election campaigning for the recent by-elections that occurred and how much of that expenditure has been made under the Commonwealth Electoral Act returns.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Waters interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is not. So, therefore, you are benefitting from what the American equivalent of PACs and Super PACs is. Of course you want us and our donors to be exempt from this because you have somebody out there running all of your campaigns for you and funding them with foreign money. Of course you don't want this to happen.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Scullion</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order: we have listened in silence to a contribution that I would have made plenty of interjections on had I not respected the Senate. I wonder if you, Acting Deputy President Sterle, could ask Senator Waters to provide the same respect.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Scullion. There is no point of order. I have already requested that Senator Reynolds be heard in silence.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not surprised that Senator Waters does not like what I have to say, because the truth hurts. There is nothing in what I have said that can be refuted publicly or privately, because it is all on the public record. This legislation is important to make the money that goes not just to those on this side of parliament and the people who support our policies but to all in this chamber and all in that other place. All of it must be subject to the same rules, the same transparency and the same guidelines. This is why I'm very supportive of the JSCEM recommendations that provide greater clarity for charities and also align definitions as closely as possible with the intent and principles of the bill. It is to put all of us and all of those who would seek to support us on the same footing. I think we've got the balance right between ensuring regulatory and compliance burdens are minimised for donors large and small.</para>
<para>One of the most important principles—even the Greens representative was very supportive of these principles that went into this report—is that Australian citizens must have visibility of who is seeking to influence their votes and must also have the confidence that foreigners are not seeking to influence the outcome of their votes. The committee's multipartisan deliberations on this issue, particularly through JSCEM, have been underpinned by some important national principles: national sovereignty, voter transparency and the preservation of democratic freedoms. Again, I think the 15 report recommendations, which are reflected throughout this bill, do reflect the principles of sovereignty, transparency and the preservation of our democratic freedoms and rights.</para>
<para>Committee members and the government also believe that reform to the Commonwealth Electoral Act should be consistent with four principles which have guided and continue to guide JSCEM: transparency, clarity, consistency, and also compliance—transparency via visible timely disclosure; clarity about what is required and by whom; consistency of regulations so that the regulations capture all participants and support an equitable and level playing field; and compliance through enforceable regulations with minimal practical compliance burdens. I commend the government because I believe those four principles are well and truly reflected in this bill.</para>
<para>With these comments I commend the government for their support of a new and easily accessible transparency register, which was a recommendation of the committee. This will provide voters with the ability to readily identify who is seeking to influence their vote. Again, this puts more power and control of their vote with the voters themselves. This register will also assist all third parties, particularly those not compliant with the current legislative requirements—of which, self-confessed, there are many—to better understand and now comply with the regulatory obligations. So I commend the government for their constructive response to the JSCEM recommendations and I strongly and wholeheartedly commend this bill to the Senate. It is the right thing for our country and for the upcoming elections.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise also to make a contribution to the debate on the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2018. This, I consider, is a missed opportunity to finally introduce adequate transparency and integrity measures into our political system. It's a bill I've been following closely since it was introduced in December last year. In fact, I have been to a number of meetings about it. It's a great shame that the government has missed this opportunity to introduce real, long-lasting reform, because it is clear that we need to clean up our politics and our donations in this country. Australians' faith in our democracy is diminishing, unfortunately. They see donations coming from big business flowing to the Liberal, Labor and National parties and they can see that there are policy outcomes expected for those donations. Massive injections of cash from the fossil fuel industry have meant that Australia's governments for years and years have failed to take long-lasting, meaningful action on climate change, and, quite frankly, we are seeing the impacts right now today and into the future. On the other side, the ALP receives donations from the oil and gas industry and apparently has no interest in making gas companies pay royalties or tax on the millions and millions of dollars they are raking in. And, of course, we see the revolving door between politics and big business, which certainly does not help.</para>
<para>Right from the start, when this bill was introduced last year, it was clear that this legislation was not, in fact, as the government articulated, motivated solely by concerns about the influence of foreign money in this country. It was obvious that there were also other objectives and agendas. If they were seriously concerned about the influence of donations on our democracy in this country, why on earth hasn't the government moved and started in the most obvious place—putting caps on donations to all political parties and limiting expenditure to boot?</para>
<para>To address one of the issues that Senator Reynolds just brought up, having a shot at Senator Waters: we have amendments to cap all donations. Senator Reynolds—I hope she's still listening—we are in fact addressing the issue that you were so inaccurately trying to label the Greens as doing. And also, by the way, you labelled our charities and not-for-profit sector most inappropriately. In our set of amendments, we have a cap of $1,000 on all donations. So I'm really looking forward to seeing the government's support for our amendments and, in particular, Senator Reynolds's support for our amendments. This is about a coalition government determined to stifle civil society—and what better example do we have than the comments Senator Reynolds just made? She failed to differentiate between charities and not-for-profits, who provide so many valuable services to our community, and big business. And what do they want? They want to lobby for their own profits. I noticed that that point wasn't made by the senator. Beyond that, her facts about what the charities and not-for-profit sector does were plainly wrong.</para>
<para>This is about a government that clearly wants to silence those in civil society who work every day to make Australia better and to support some of the most vulnerable members of our community. The government doesn't like us raising issues that are uncomfortable for them. They don't like it when we do it in this place. They certainly don't like it when the broader community pushes back at them about their heartless policies on refugees and around their failure to take action on the policies that really count—such as addressing homelessness and the three million people living in poverty in this country. Those are the things that our charities and not-for-profits are working on.</para>
<para>When we first saw this legislation in December, it was obvious that this was about seriously constraining the work of a wide range of charities and not-for-profits by treating their work as politically partisan—and we just saw a classic example of that in this place. It would have forced some charities to choose between public advocacy and accepting international philanthropy. It would have tied up many charities in bureaucratic knots—even more than they have to do already—forcing them to detail political expenditure and their senior employees' membership of political parties. And it would have required a statutory declaration from any donor who cumulatively gives more than $250 annually, an onerous burden that certainly would have impacted charitable giving in this country. Was that the government's intent? That's certainly what it would have done. I've been in this place long enough to know that the coalition—ever since I first set foot in this chamber—has repeatedly tried to undermine charities and not-for-profits.</para>
<para>Having come straight from the not-for-profit sector into this chamber, from the first time I was in here, I knew what the government was up to; I saw very clearly. Having been on the other side, having worked in the not-for-profit sector for most of my career, I knew what they were up to, as did other people in this chamber. The coalition have been intent on gagging charities and not-for-profits, and have repeatedly tried to stop environmental organisations from doing their work—raising uncomfortable facts and trying to protect and arrest the decline, for example, of our endangered species, of which Australia has the unfortunate record of having the highest rate of mammalian species lost in critical weight ranges in the world. I come from a place in Western Australia which is one of the biodiversity hotspots on this planet—some of the species found there are found nowhere else—and I'll campaign to the last breath in my body to protect those species, as will many in community based organisations.</para>
<para>The community sector provides services to our community that the government fails to provide. They stand up for policy change. They don't just support and provide services to some of the most vulnerable members of our community but they also want to change the policy that leads to people being vulnerable in the first place. I know it's uncomfortable for the government when organisations tell the government they need to increase Newstart because, as it currently stands, it leads to people living in poverty. They don't like feeling that heat. They just want to support and make people's lives a little more comfortable when they're living in poverty; they don't want to hear the uncomfortable fact that people are living in poverty because of their policies. That's the fact.</para>
<para>The government wants all these changes, but the charities are already regulated by the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission Act and the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Commission that comes out of that act. Thankfully, the bill has now been amended to address many of the concerns of charities and other parts of civil society—after a long campaign, I've got to say—but it wasn't easy to achieve these changes through that campaign. Over the course of the last year, in the charities and civil society sector hundreds of hours and countless resources have been spent trying to make the government and the Labor Party see sense. The Hands off our Charities alliance and other charities have engaged in the inquiry process. They've spoken extensively to their members, they've hosted democracy sausage sizzles at Parliament House and they've spoken to as many members of this place as possible. The result is a bill that has, fortunately, been improved. The Greens, too, have worked tirelessly to try and make the government see sense in relation to this bill. I pay tribute to my former colleague Lee Rhiannon and to Senator Larissa Waters, who has taken up that portfolio, for the tireless work they have done on this legislation.</para>
<para>In addition to the concerns outlined by Senator Waters, the Greens still have misgivings about this bill as it relates to the charitable sector. We have seen amendments rushed through at the last minute without the time for proper scrutiny, and we are concerned that we will only realise down the track that charities and civil society do face an increased burden of administration that may stymie their important work. I'm deeply concerned about tying them up in red tape when we've been told that the government's trying to get rid of red tape. We know that this government, as I articulated and as we've just heard in this place this morning, sees civil society as playing partisan politics when, in fact, what civil society is trying to do is ensure that we have policies in this country that provide for a better society. We do not want to see civil society silenced, even though they do tell us uncomfortable facts. This is a democracy and they have the right to speak out. They have the right, in fact, under legislation, to be able to advocate.</para>
<para>We've heard the government's agenda, via Senator Reynolds, of trying to provide an excuse to shut down the work of charities which provide essential and valuable work for our communities. Charities and the not-for-profit sector advocate for better outcomes for our community. Whether it is trying to ensure that we don't suffer from the catastrophic impacts of climate change, whether it's ensuring that an oil spill from an accident from the offshore oil and gas industry doesn't impact irreversibly on our marine environment—in other words, ensuring that some of our most important marine environments are protected—whether it's campaigning to make sure that we have an increase in Newstart so that people aren't living in poverty, or whether it is ensuring that we're investing in research for better medical outcomes, that's all the work of civil society. Some organisations I can think of have raised illnesses that the government didn't think were illnesses and weren't on their agenda, and they are now on their agenda and getting the attention they deserve. Civil society organisations are the leaders in this country. They are the ones that lead change. They are the ones that drive change.</para>
<para>The Greens support our charities and not-for-profit sector. We do not want to see them stifled in red tape and gagged. Previously we have seen charities and the not-for-profit sector having contracts that gag them from speaking out if they take money from government. That is not appropriate for those organisations. It is obvious from the past, from those gag clauses, that it was definitely about providing those services and turning a blind eye to the policies that lead to you having to provide those services in the first place. Well, we won't stand for those changes. We are deeply concerned that, even with the changes that have been made, we may, in fact, see an adverse impact on the sector, and we will continue to monitor this extremely closely. This bill has been improved but it shouldn't have gotten to the point where the sector had to run such a campaign to get the changes to reverse this government's agenda.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Democracy is a delicate flower. It needs to be tended. It needs to be nurtured. It is, in fact, one of the crowning glories of our society and the reason that we are, literally, the envy of the world. Our democratic system needs to be protected, nurtured, tended, looked after, and we need to ensure that the regulations and legislation surrounding our democracy are up to date with the times to ensure that we protect it from inappropriate influences. That is why I support this bill.</para>
<para>There are, regrettably, cynical operatives who would seek to occasion damage to our wonderful democracy by undermining it through undesirable practices, and one of those is through foreign donations. Indeed, I have been on the record for many years opposing foreign donations. Indeed, one of my failures as Special Minister of State in a previous manifestation was not being able to convince my party of the need of such a reform. So, today, I am glad that other people have been a lot more successful than I was, all those years ago, when I was Special Minister of State, to be able to get this ban, hopefully, legislated very shortly, because I believe that the integrity of our democracy needs to be protected.</para>
<para>Democracy, as I said, is very fragile. It does rely on the goodwill of the Australian people. It only operates and is capable of operating if people have confidence that the system provides a fair representation of the will of the Australian people. If we have opportunists or, indeed, people with sinister motives seeking to influence the Australian body politic through foreign donations, we have a problem not only because it might undermine the results that come from our voting system but also because people would lose faith in our democratic system. To ensure that the Australian people can retain their faith in our democratic system we need to fine-tune it from time to time to ensure that that integrity is absolutely maintained.</para>
<para>We all know that there was one political party whose parliamentary leader personally negotiated the biggest donation ever in Australian political history. He personally negotiated it, which I think shows a huge lack of integrity. What's more, after the event the donor claimed that he believed that it was a good investment on his part and the beneficiary, the leader of that political party, said that he would be forever grateful. Those sorts of deals in our body politic reflect very badly on it.</para>
<para>I daresay nobody in this chamber needs to ask which political party I'm referring to. Indeed, it was the political party that continually lectures and harangues everybody else about integrity in the political system. You've guessed it. It was the Australian Greens, under the leadership of former senator Bob Brown, who personally negotiated that deal with Graeme Wood—a donation of $1.6 million. That has come to light. At the end of the day at least it was Australian money, but you can foresee with deals such as that that people from overseas might think that with extra money they can influence the Australian politic. Indeed, I submit to this chamber we saw a real live example of a person who, thankfully, is no longer in this place. That person sought to talk about our foreign affairs and issues in relation to the South China Sea in a bid to endear himself and potentially source donations from certain overseas interests. They are the sorts of influences that I believe we should seek to repel from the Australian body politic. They are blots on our political experience in this nation.</para>
<para>I confess that I would like to see some more changes to our electoral system because there are very sinister organisations within the body politic, such as GetUp!, which was initially funded by supporters who were funded by George Soros from overseas. I have given previous speeches in this place outlining the connections with the sinister organisation GetUp!, which makes false claim after false claim after false claim. I will give a few examples. In 2014 GetUp! sought to change its objectives that were lodged with ASIC. It falsely claimed that it was a charity. It put into its objectives that it was a charity—false, false, false.</para>
<para>For four years they continued with that falsehood, until I asked questions of ASIC at estimates as to how this was allowed to be, when GetUp! was not on the register of the ACNC and was not a tax-deductible organisation in relation to donations. What does this sinister organisation do? They simply say that it was an administrative error—an administrative error my foot! You do not deliberately seek to change your objectives by an accident. That requires a deliberate act. They have now, thankfully, altered their objectives, having been exposed for falsely portraying themselves as a charitable organisation.</para>
<para>With GetUp! we also had a situation in which those who believe in transparency—and absolutely demand transparency of any other organisation within the political realm—had the requirement within schedule 1 of their constitution that they would set out the names of all their members. Well, if you go to schedule 1, it is a blank sheet of paper. When I exposed this double standard, also at Senate estimates with ASIC, GetUp! said, 'Oh, it's just an administrative oversight; we're happy to provide the names.' What has happened in recent times? GetUp! have changed their constitution so that they are no longer required to display these unnamed people who secretly deal with GetUp! and pull the strings and manipulate GetUp! Rather than being an administrative error, such as accidentally making themselves a charity and accidentally leaving the names off schedule 1 of their constitution, they deliberately changed their constitution so that they wouldn't have to disclose the names. I wonder why! Might it be that the CFMEU or the Australian Workers' Union might be shown up on that schedule?</para>
<para>When there are organisations such as this within our body politic, I think we need to be alert, and I trust that the government and the Australian Electoral Commission will continue to monitor these types of organisations. Make no mistake: GetUp! is, as I said, sinister. In my own home state of Tasmania, at the last election they flew at least half a dozen operatives into the seat of Bass who went around claiming to be locals, doorknocking all day and making advocacy phone calls of a night, besmirching a great Australian hero, Andrew Nikolic, the member for Bass. Indeed, they went around with a video camera at one stage, following his spouse, his wife, down the street—a simple act of intimidation. These sorts of people do nothing for our parliamentary democracy and our democratic system of government. They then helped the Australian Labor Party with the most dishonest of campaigns: 'Mediscare'. We now know that to be false. But on election day, outside the polling booth in Scottsdale in north-east Tasmania, in the seat of Bass, there was a huge sign saying that the Liberal Party would cut the budget of the local hospital—by more than the total budget of that hospital! It was just a fabricated figure, dishonest in the extreme. But of course the local community, needing their local hospital, were shocked and horrified, and—you cannot blame them—they voted in the mistaken belief that they had to protect their local hospital. It was completely dishonest, a complete manipulation of our political system, which got GetUp! their desired result and saw Andrew Nikolic defeated in the seat of Bass. He is a man that former Prime Minister John Howard, on election night in 2016, named as the first person he regretted had been defeated in that election. He was highly regarded by former Prime Minister John Howard. Yet, these are the sorts of antics that have sadly developed in recent times in our body politic. If we want to protect our body politic, if we want to ensure that the Australian people are able to continue to have faith that the results of elections are a true reflection of the will of the Australian people, I think we need to ensure that those sorts of behaviours are stopped as well. I trust that in future, when the electoral legislation is considered by this place, we do have a look at those sorts of activities, because, if more organisations such as GetUp! continue to pollute the democratic framework of our nation, it will undermine the people's confidence in our system which has served us so extremely well now for over 100 years.</para>
<para>Organisations such as GetUp!, which was originally funded by donations from Mr Bill Shorten's union, the Australian Workers' Union—he did not seek to disclose this to his union membership, but, of course, Mr Shorten has been the beneficiary of GetUp!'s activities for his political ambitions. We have GetUp! allegedly asking its online supporters—alleged members—as to the issues they would want GetUp! to campaign on. When the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters asked them, for the 2016 election, 'What was the result of that survey?' GetUp! wanted to refuse and did not come to the committee to tell them or answer the question. And, of course, what was it? It wasn't a surprise: it was the border protection issue that was of concern to GetUp! members. The issue of health funding and 'Mediscare' was, in fact, down the list. Yet, that is the issue on which GetUp! campaigned, along with—surprise, surprise!—the Australian Labor Party. This was at a time when GetUp! was still claiming full transparency: 'Oh, we accidentally overlooked the names of people on our schedule that we should have disclosed', and, 'Oh, we accidentally said that we were a charity'. No. When you have a look at the conduct of GetUp! from the get-go, right through, you know that they are a blot on our democracy. You know that they do a great disservice in our democratic system by misrepresenting, by manipulation and, indeed, by intimidation.</para>
<para>When we look at our electoral system, can I repeat: it is important that standards of integrity are maintained because otherwise people will lose confidence in the system. The bill that we're discussing, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017, deals with one of those important aspects—that is, the banning of foreign donations. I think all Australians would agree that it should only be Australian money that impacts Australian elections and that people should have the capacity to be able to make their money available, for whatever civic-minded purpose, to assist their political party of choice. But if that money starts coming from overseas then one can be rightly concerned that that money might be for the purposes of determining an outcome within our body politic that is within the interests not of the Australian people but of a foreign entity or, indeed, a foreign country. If some of the allegations are correct in relation to influence of some of the bigger players within the political and international scene, be it Russia or China, then I think we are right, as a parliament, to legislate in relation to issues of foreign donations in our body politic.</para>
<para>I listened with some interest to Senator Siewert's contribution. I can understand the concern of some of the charities that was expressed on the original bill which, as a government that listens to the people, we were able to adjust to ensure that there were no unintended consequences. But let's also keep in mind that some of these so-called charities play a very loose and fast political game. I recall that in my home state of Tasmania some time ago a so-called charity was running TV advertisements encouraging people at the election to 'vote to protect the forests'. It was quite a lengthy advertisement on TV. It just happened that, within the same ad break, there were very short, sharp advertisements telling us that only the Greens would protect our forests. Oh—no collusion between the charitable organisation and the Greens political party; just coincidence! What happens is that, if you want to support the Greens political party, you donate to the charity and get a full tax deduction for your donation, knowing that they'll be using that money for a political advertisement, whereas, if you were to donate your money to the Greens for the political advertisement, you would not be getting the same tax deductibility. I think these things need to be looked at as well to ensure that there isn't this sort of manipulation—a wink, wink and a nod to each other. Indeed, whilst we expect that from the ACTU, the trade union movement and the Australian Labor Party, I think most people are attuned to the likelihood of that happening. But, when it happens with a charitable organisation that has certain status and, just coincidently, there are trailers in the ad breaks for a political party, I think there is something that also, in the future, may need to be addressed.</para>
<para>Suffice to say that this bill deals with the issue of foreign donations—something that I've been concerned about for some time and something that, whilst I was minister, I was unable to achieve. I'm delighted that brighter and better people have been able to get it through my party and, I trust, the parliament as well. It will be for the benefit of the Australian body politic to have this legislation passed, and I commend it to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, the fix is in. The Liberal government and the Labor opposition have done a deal to change electoral law. Under the smokescreen of preventing foreign donations, evidence about which the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters could not find, they have struck a deal to implement changes that amount to a virtual de facto ban on small parties and independents. In conjunction with the changes to the system of Senate voting, the deal will see the disappearance, within a couple of elections, of any party or independent that has not yet consistently won four per cent of the vote or is not backed by a multimillionaire. It will mean the disappearance of parties that 22 out of 100 Australians vote for. I'm talking about parties like the Democratic Labour Party, the Australian Liberty Alliance, the Voluntary Euthanasia Party, the Health Australia Party, the Australian Christians, Drug Law Reform Australia, and the Republican Party. The Liberal-National coalition, Labor, the Greens and One Nation will continue to contest federal elections because they regularly win four per cent of the vote, giving them an entitlement to millions of dollars of taxpayers' money. Extremely wealthy Australians will be able to buy their way into politics via a minor party, including people like Clive Palmer, and two or three parties that win four per cent of the vote in their home state or have a presence in state parliaments may also continue to contest federal elections, but dozens of parties will disappear—literally dozens.</para>
<para>Seventy-eight out of 100 Australians voted for the Liberal-National coalition, Labor, the Greens or One Nation. Many of these Australians might not care if the parties they didn't vote for disappear from the ballot, but they should, because giving everyone an outlet to express their political opinion is in everyone's interests. Small parties that cannot reach the threshold required to achieve taxpayer funding on a predictable basis will not be able to survive today's change in electoral law, because today's change in electoral law will effectively require all parties to permanently employ lawyers and accountants if they want to be sure they comply with the piles of new red tape and avoid the new heavy penalties. But small parties cannot afford to employ lawyers and accountants any more than your local tennis club can. Once today's change in electoral law sinks in, only the most reckless of our smallest political parties will remain—or those with a very wealthy backer.</para>
<para>Let me outline some of the new red tape and new heavy penalties imposed by today's changes in electoral laws. Parties will need to provide an opportunity for donors donating less than $13,800 to affirm that they are not foreigners and will need to verify that donors donating more than $13,800 are not foreigners. Consider for a moment how your local tennis club would go about verifying that a donor is not a foreigner and you will begin to understand the problems to be faced by small political parties. Parties will need to return donations over $250 if they don't have the details of the donor. But how can you return a donation if you don't have the details of the donor? If you can't return the anonymous donation, you have to forward it to the government. Again, I ask those listening to ponder how your local tennis club would deal with this bizarre red tape—and for what benefit? What possible harm could come from receiving an anonymous donation of $251?</para>
<para>Parties will no longer receive around $2.70 of taxpayer funding per vote whenever they win four per cent of the vote. Instead, if a party wins four per cent of the vote, the party will receive either $2.70 per vote or an amount matching their expenditure at that election—whichever is lower. Perhaps this change would be fine if there were no four per cent hurdle for receiving taxpayer funding, but it is disastrous for small parties that sometimes win more than four per cent of the vote and sometimes don't. Currently when such parties win less than four per cent of the vote they make considerable losses, and when they win more than four per cent of the vote they can recoup those losses by receiving taxpayer funding in excess of their expenditure at that election. It more or less evens out. But, with today's change in electoral law, recouping losses will be impossible. Small parties will continue to incur considerable losses at some elections but won't be able to do more than break even at other elections, even when they receive funding. This will accelerate their departure from the political scene. Now, it is true that small parties shouldn't rely on taxpayer funding to keep afloat—indeed, the Liberal Democrats would prefer that all taxpayer funding was abolished—but it is undemocratic and despotic that major parties can rely on taxpayer funding to keep afloat but small parties cannot.</para>
<para>Today's changes in electoral law will require parties to keep records for five years. This might be easy for the Labor Party and the Liberal Party, with their well-established head offices and the continuity of staff, but for small parties that operate out of someone's garage it's a bridge too far. Today's changes in electoral law also quadruple fines on political parties, so a breach of electoral law will be punished with a fine of up to $42,000. This might be small change for the President of the Labor Party or the Liberal Party, but it is more than enough to deter potential volunteers from getting involving in running a small party.</para>
<para>If the threat of massive fines doesn't scare volunteers away then the publication of their names surely will. Today's changes in electoral law require the names of these volunteers who manage parties to be published. The presidents of the Labor Party and the Liberal Party won't mind their names being published, because their involvement is already public knowledge, but many everyday citizens who have non-political jobs and lives outside politics will balk at the idea that their political involvement will be advertised.</para>
<para>What's unforgivable about the piling of red tape and heavy penalties on small parties is that it is of no benefit. Foreign donations, which are a negligible part of party finances, will continue through indirect means. Incidents like the Sam Dastyari saga will still occur, because today's changes to electoral law don't affect donations received for personal gain. And parties will continue to withhold the details of donations over the disclosure threshold of $13,800, because the loophole of subsection 314AC(2) is conspicuously untouched by today's changes.</para>
<para>The fix is in. Today's changes to electoral law, stitched up by Labor and the Liberals, will corrupt our political system. Today's changes, together with the changed voting system, will see our Senate ballot voting papers eventually showing the Liberals or Liberal-National coalition, Labor, the Greens, possibly One Nation and not much else. No matter who wins government, the Greens or One Nation are very likely to hold the balance of power unless another Clive Palmer throws millions of dollars into a new campaign and breaks through, none of which is good for democracy and none of which either the Liberals or Labor should encourage or welcome. And 22 out of 100 voters will be disenfranchised, so political angst in this country will rise further, possibly to dangerous levels.</para>
<para>On behalf of the Liberal Democrats, I stand here to oppose today's changes to electoral law in the strongest possible terms.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Leyonhjelm. I do appreciate your offer to relieve me in the chair whilst I deliver my speech on the second reading. I thank the Senate for their indulgence.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Following a magnificent speech, I call Senator Bernardi to make another magnificent speech!</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm afraid I may disappoint you, Mr Acting Deputy President! I do rise to make a contribution to what I think is a very important debate and a very important change to our electoral laws. Notwithstanding Senator Leyonhjelm's contribution and concerns about some of the impacts that this is going to have on a minor party, as someone who is involved in a minor party I do ultimately welcome the bulk of these changes. It is going to make things more difficult and these are not perfect changes by any stretch, but they are a big step in the right direction. Electoral donation reform in this country is important. I don't think we should have foreign donors. I do believe that only individuals should be able to contribute to political parties. I think disclosure should be in real time, and, indeed, we will be moving an amendment in the committee stage to encourage parties to disclose on their websites those donations in excess of the threshold within 14 days and to notify the Electoral Commission.</para>
<para>In this respect, we put our money where our mouth is on behalf of the Australian conservatives. We are the only party, to my knowledge, that has in the two consecutive years we've existed lodged our disclosure return with the Australian Electoral Commission and published those figures on our website within weeks of being requested to do so. I think—and I'll stand corrected—that in this financial year we lodged our return within a week of the financial year closing. It is not difficult. It entails keeping accurate records during the course of a financial year. It means being diligent and applying rigorous accounting practices, as you would expect in any business, and particularly one that is entrusted with public money.</para>
<para>If you think we're just tinkering around the edges, in donations to the Australian Conservatives, there were circa 30,000 individual contributions in that 12-month period. The sums were in the region of $2.4 million. It's run with a minor staff, so you don't have to have a massive organisation in order to be able to acquit yourself in these circumstances appropriately. Having said that, there are challenges for smaller parties, and finance is one of them. There are huge advantages accrued to the big parties, not only in terms of public funding. They can predict the public funding that they expect to receive, and they can effectively borrow against that and spend accordingly in campaigns, which gives them a modicum of guaranteed success. That's because it's an inescapable law that marketing does attract votes. That is a concern if we are freezing out minor parties from making contributions or making it too difficult to contribute to the political process in a manner that I think many, many Australians would like to see. Senator Leyonhjelm said 22 out of 100 people voted outside of the major parties, and I suspect that will continue. We need to give them choice; we need to give them diversity of voices. Some of them will be successful and some will not, but that is the democratic process.</para>
<para>I come back to some other practical concerns. In the second reading debate, Senator Farrell mentioned that he wanted the disclosure threshold moved to $1,000, and we still have to vote on that. I support that amendment on the basis that it is Labor policy. But there's nothing, really, to be ashamed of. If someone wants to give an amount of money to a political organisation, having their name published is part and parcel, I think, of integrity and openness.</para>
<para>I share Senator Abetz's concerns about some of the—I will use the term 'quasi-political outfits', which are the campaign units and the political parties that do not nominate candidates but basically endorse other parties' candidates and work on their behalf and are not captured currently by the disclosure regime. Senator Abetz mentioned GetUp!, and I'm sure there are many environmental groups that are in that space and a range of other organisations as well. If people really want to get involved in the political discussions and political debate, I don't think we've got anything to fear. We've got to actually stop the manner in which soft dollars are getting into politics and influence. If you want to have an organisation that doesn't have to disclose funding or wants to pursue altruistic objectives, then I don't think they should be political-campaign organisations. Let them be training organisations, let them be charities, if that's what they want to do, and let them get involved in whatever sphere of community life they want to. But, if you want to get involved in politics and you want to advocate in that space in a public manner and try to influence elections or directly support candidates or political parties, I think you need to be captured by the process.</para>
<para>In the interest of giving Senator Griff a bit of time before we move onto other business, I recognise, and I want to put on the record, that this regime is not perfect at all. It is a step in the right direction. I don't doubt at all that it is self-serving for the major parties. I come back to the fact that we all know—or it's available on the AEC website and it's available on the Australian Conservatives website—how much money we received in the last financial year and who our donors in excess of the threshold were, and that's gone through all our divisions around the country. I regret that it will be after the next election that we will know who has tipped the money into the Liberal, Labor and Greens parties, because no-one has decided that they should be disclosing and be as clear and as up-front as my fledgling organisation have been. It is, quite frankly, a direct challenge to them that rapid disclosure is important. That is why, in the committee stage, I will be moving that donations in excess of the threshold should be published on the party's website and disclosed to the Electoral Commission within 14 days of receipt.</para>
<para>I commend the bill, and I hope it does get amended. I only wish that Senator Farrell had moved his amendment in the committee stage so we would know Labor are serious about reform rather than just looking after their own shameless interest.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This bill is well and truly overdue. Frankly, it is only seeing the light of day due to public outrage over a system that encourages cash for favours, a system that has been creatively worked by the major parties over many years and a system that, with the passing of this legislation, will be tighter and have gone a good way towards passing the pub test.</para>
<para>As others in this chamber have already raised, the glaring omission in this bill is timely disclosure of donations, gifts and loans. Donors and financiers have influence; many demand influence. Currently it could take up to 18 months for returns to be made publicly available, but there is a need for the public to know who the influencers are in a more timely way, certainly during an election period. The fact that neither major party has moved to rectify this glaring omission shows the importance to them of keeping their big donors, and hence their big influencers, well and truly out of the picture until one of them has won the election and benefits from the spoils of office. Labor's $1,000 threshold amendment would have got through had they followed through with it, rather than wimping out and putting it up as a second reading amendment. Without doubt, it would have had an effect on limiting some influence—but not all influence. In the end, you and the Liberal Party want to play on the same team in the lead-up to the next election, the same team that accepts money for a degree of influence.</para>
<para>Centre Alliance is serious about giving the public more transparent disclosure of donations. At the very least, there must be a mechanism where the public can determine on a monthly basis the gifts and loans made to political parties and candidates, with the identity of donors and financiers over the threshold also being disclosed. Apart from real-time disclosure, which is our preferred option—and one that I expect will take place eventually and once the Electoral Commission has the capacity for it—monthly disclosure will go a long way to limit undue influence by putting it under the spotlight and allowing the public to have more confidence in the political system. I foreshadow that I will be moving an amendment to that effect that requires political entities and political campaigners to disclose the total value of all gifts on a monthly basis and to disclose the value of gifts and the name and address of the gift giver when that gift, or cumulative gifts, from that gift giver exceeds the threshold. The same, importantly, has to apply to loans. Financiers without doubt have influence, so it is important that their association with a candidate, party or campaigner is captured and made publicly available within 30 days as well.</para>
<para>There are many well-thought-out and valuable clauses in this bill. Political campaigners will now have to be registered and disclose their donations. Election expenditure will be reimbursed in a more equitable manner. Foreign donors will only be able to give up to $1,000—thought that is $1,000 at a time, I note, not in total. The bill is not perfect but it is a great start. But please let us ensure all parties and candidates are up-front and transparent with the public. By being up-front and transparent, undue influence is weakened. Support our amendment for 30-day disclosure and work towards real-time disclosure in the near future. This, and the changes proposed in this bill, will go a long way to restoring public confidence in the political system.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>By all means, changes need to be made to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017. Let's let the public know what electoral funding is. When an election is held, any party or candidate that receives over four per cent of the vote can apply for electoral funding. Federally, you do not have to disclose how much you've spent on your campaign. It is paid for by public funding, which is the taxpayer. At present, for the next election, the funding will be $2.75 per vote on the No. 1 vote. So whoever gets your No. 1 vote will get $2.75 if they get over four per cent of the vote. This was introduced in 1983 under the Hawke government. At that time there was reimbursement of 60c per vote in the House of Representatives and 30c per vote in the Senate of the amount the candidate or party spent on their election campaign—up to a certain amount.</para>
<para>By all means, electoral funding has helped political parties. But my understanding was that it was introduced to actually stop donations coming in. There was no bribery and you weren't corrupted by organisations, so politicians could make decisions that were not based on who gave them donations. Over the years, we've seen huge amounts of money come from organisations to the major political parties. Smaller parties like One Nation rely on membership fees or small donations from people that help us because they believe in our policies. So I can assure you that no big organisations donate to One Nation. It has been through hard work—having fish and chips at meetings or sausage sizzles. We find the big organisations donate to the major political parties. GetUp! and the unions back Labor and fund their campaigns. A lot of people don't know that the unions don't pay tax. Unions are tax-free organisations, so they're not taxed. They donate millions of dollars to the Labor Party to get their mates elected in this place. Then you have GetUp! as well, an organisation that is supposed to be a charity. They fund Labor as well. Really, they should be taxed and we should watch where their donations go. This measure is really going to rein people in. I also think that overseas money should not have an influence on our political scene, so I believe that foreign donations should be totally stopped. I do agree with that.</para>
<para>I notice that Senator Waters spoke about donations from the big organisations, but they say the donations they get are for the hip pocket for their businesses and the money they are going to make. In a lot of cases, the legislation that is made is not about what goes in their hip pocket; it's about saving jobs as well. This is where they say it's coming from the mining organisations. Let me go back to Adani. They will be indirectly employing about 10,000 people in the set-up of that mine and, on an ongoing basis, the mine will employ approximately 1,460 people. Queensland relies on mining for a lot of its budget. About $55 billion a year comes into the coffers of the Queensland state government through mining, so the royalties from mining are very important to Queensland. Mining is also very important because coking coal is used to make the best steel in the world, so we do need mining if we are going to have good-quality steel.</para>
<para>But it's okay for the Greens to receive their donations. Their donations are basically going to shut down mining—jobs gone; they want to shut down fishing—more jobs gone; and they want to shut down farming. So they're quite happy to take their donations to shut down these organisations. It's all right for them to get their electoral funding, but it's not all right for the other side. Let's be fair about this. I quite agree that, with donations that come into political parties, it's like you've got your cake and you want to eat it as well—you have political donations and then electoral funding.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson, it being 11.45, you will be in continuation when the debate resumes.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>30</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator Williams, pursuant to notice given on 14 November 2018, I withdraw business of the Senate notice of motion No. 1 standing in the name of Senator Williams for 10 sitting days after today proposing the disallowance of Census and Statistics (Information Release and Access) Determination 2018.</para>
<para>On behalf of Senator Williams, pursuant to notice given on 14 November 2018, I withdraw business of the Senate notice of motion No. 1 standing in the name of Senator Williams for 12 sitting days after today proposing the disallowance of the Financial Framework (Supplementary Powers) Amendment (Jobs and Small Business Measures No. 2) Regulations 2018.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>30</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>32</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Selection of Bills Committee</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>32</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the 13th report of 2018 of the Selection of Bills Committee, and I seek leave to have the report incorporated in Hansard.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The report read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Selection Of Bills Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">REPORT NO. 13 OF 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1. The committee met in private session on Wednesday, 14 November 2018 at 7.12 pm.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. The committee recommends that—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the provisions of the Migration Amendment (Strengthening the Character Test) Bill 2018 be <inline font-style="italic">referred immediatel</inline>y to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 18 January 2019 (see appendix 1 for a statement of reasons for referral).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3. The committee recommends that the following bills not be referred to committees:</para></quote>
<list>Discrimination Free Schools Bill 2018</list>
<list>Fair Work Amendment (Restoring Penalty Rates) Bill 2018 [No. 2]</list>
<list>National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation Amendment Bill 2018.</list>
<quote><para class="block">4. The committee deferred consideration of the following bills to its next meeting:</para></quote>
<list>Agricultural and Veterinary Chemicals Legislation Amendment (Streamlining Regulation) Bill 2018</list>
<list>Australian Research Council Amendment (Ensuring Research Independence) Bill 2018</list>
<list>Customs Amendment (Peru-Australia Free Trade Agreement Implementation) Bill 2018</list>
<quote><para class="block">Customs Tariff Amendment (Peru-Australia Free Trade Agreement Implementation) Bill 2018</para></quote>
<list>Parliamentary Joint Committee on the Australia Fund Bill 2018</list>
<list>Social Services Legislation Amendment (Ending the Poverty Trap) Bill 2018</list>
<list>Treasury Laws Amendment (Strengthening Corporate and Financial Sector Penalties) Bill 2018.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Proposal to refer a bill to a committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Migration Amendment (Strengthening the Character Test) Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To provide further scrutiny on the impact of this bill on the Australian community</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible submissions or evidence from:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Department of Home Affairs</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">New Zealand High Commission and relevant parties</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Law Council of Australia and relevant legal representative bodies</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Refugee Council of Australia and relevant refugee representative bodies</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Other related organisations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Committee to which bill is to be referred:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To be determined by the committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Friday, 18 January 201 9</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appendix 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SELECTION OF BILLS COMMITTEE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Proposal to refer a bill to a committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Name of bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Migration Amendment (Strengthening the Character Test) Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reasons for referral/principal issues for consideration:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will lower an already low bar for refusing or cancelling the visas of non-citizens, for reasons such as sharing intimate images, verbally threatening someone, associating with members of a gang, or holding a rock in a threatening way.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible submissions or evidence from:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Law Council of Australia, Human Rights Law Centre, Civil Liberties Australia, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, Refugee Advice and Casework Service, Immigration and Advice and Rights Centre, and Refugee and Immigration Legal Service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Committee to which bill is to be referred:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible hearing date(s):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">December 12-13, 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Possible reporting date:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">First sitting week of 2019</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Senate and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the report be adopted.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>33</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) government business orders of the day as shown on today's <inline font-style="italic">order of business</inline> be considered from 12.45 pm today; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) government business be called on after consideration of the bills listed in paragraph (a) and considered till not later than 2 pm today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Non-controversial government business—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 7 Aviation Transport Security Amendment Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 8 Maritime Legislation Amendment Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 9 National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation Amendment Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 10 Shipping Registration Amendment Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 11 Treasury Laws Amendment (Black Economy Taskforce Measures No. 2) Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Excise Tariff Amendment (Collecting Tobacco Duties at Manufacture) Bill 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 12 Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Sector Regulation) Bill 2018</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the order of general business for consideration today be as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) general business order of the day no. 96 (Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) orders of the day relating to documents.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Senators Canavan, Payne and Ruston be granted leave of absence for today, on account of parliamentary business.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Senators Marshall and Dodson be granted leave of absence for today, on account of parliamentary business.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>34</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator. There being none, we will move on.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>34</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>34</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator. There being none, we will move on.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>34</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion to provide for the consideration of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice standing in my name, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent me moving a motion to provide for the consideration of a matter, namely a motion to provide that a motion relating to the routine of business for today, may be moved immediately and determined without amendment or debate.</para></quote>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017, which is before the chamber today, is a very important reform to our electoral system. It's a reform that seeks to ensure that the electoral system in Australia is not subject to undue foreign interference, because Australia is, of course, one of the few Western democracies in which foreign donors can still influence domestic elections. It's also a bill which seeks to ensure that all political actors are subject to similar disclosure, transparency, reporting requirements and are subject to the same ban on foreign political donations. It's very important for this bill to be dealt with before we leave. The government is concerned, given the slowness with which government legislation has progressed through the Senate this week, albeit some very important reforms have been passed. There was the reform to GST-sharing arrangements, which delivered a better deal for Western Australia in a way that's good for the national economy and good for every other state in that it leaves them better off. And, of course, earlier today the Senate dealt with the My Health Record bill.</para>
<para>However, progress has been slow. There are a whole range of bills that are important and that need to be dealt with. The government doesn't have confidence that this will happen unless we move this particular motion. I hasten to say that this bill was introduced some time ago. It's gone through a very thorough parliamentary inquiry process. It's gone through the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters in what I would argue was a non-partisan spirit on several occasions. The government has really worked overtime to ensure that the piece of legislation which is in front of the Senate here today has the broadest possible consensus in terms of support in this chamber. Indeed, I would like to thank publicly on the record the shadow special minister of state and Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, Senator Farrell, for the constructive way in which he and his office have engaged with me and my office in making sure that we reach a sensible balance in relation to the reform proposals in front of us.</para>
<para>Given that there is a consensus—and I believe, a sensible consensus—I think it's important for us to deal with this legislation before we leave the Senate this week so that during the next sitting fortnight this can finally be sent through the House of Representatives in good time for the election which, of course, is due to take place sometime in the first half of next year—more likely towards the latter part of the first half of next year. But, nevertheless, with electoral reforms of this nature there are always a range of practical implementation arrangements and administrative matters that have to be dealt with. The sooner we can provide certainty to organisations like the Australian Electoral Commission and also to all the relevant political stakeholders—political parties, political campaign organisations and associated entities—which will have to comply with the requirements of enhanced transparency and disclosure and also be subject to the ban on foreign political donations, the better. They all deserve certainty.</para>
<para>I would say that, as the government, we very much appreciate the spirit in which the charitable sector and other stakeholders have engaged with the government. We have genuinely sought to listen to legitimate issues that have been raised with us. But, obviously, we've also drawn the line in making sure that the important parts of the reform were maintained in the bill that's in front of the Senate.</para>
<para>One of the issues that was raised early, of course, was in relation to whether or not the charitable sector should be excluded from the scope of this legislation altogether. The reason that couldn't be done is that unless there is a consistent approach in terms of a ban on foreign political donations in relation to anyone who may get involved in political campaigning then, of course, any such ban could easily be circumvented. What we have sought to do in this bill is to get the balance right, so we have narrowed the definition of what 'political expenditure' means to ensure that it is more narrowly targeted. I hasten to add that the definition of political expenditure is, of course, not something that we in this parliament put into the Electoral Act. It is something— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I indicate that the opposition supports this motion. I don't believe we can wait another minute to end the foreign donations in our political system. For 120 years of elections, foreigners have been able to participate in the Australian political process. This legislation, if it passes, will end that. Only Australians—and a few New Zealanders—will be able to participate in a practical way in the Australian process.</para>
<para>We've been trying to get this legislation up for two years. Mr President, you'd know that because, for a period of time, you were Special Minister of State and you would have seen, almost two years ago in this place, that I introduced a bill that was going to ban foreign donations. It didn't get the support of the Senate, so my leader, Bill Shorten, took up the cudgels, and he produced a bill in the lower house of the parliament. Again, that bill failed to get through the parliament. We had to wait until the last day of the last week of the parliament last year before the former Prime Minister, Prime Minister Turnbull, introduced his response to the two Labor bills in respect of foreign donations. We saw, correctly, that he was going to ban foreign donations, but he was also going to do a whole lot of other things that were going to curtail the ability of charities, the non-government sector and civil society to participate properly in the political debate.</para>
<para>There were a lot of people throughout that process who thought that it would not be possible for the government and the opposition to sit down sensibly and negotiate about these things, but, as Senator Cormann has kindly acknowledged, we were prepared to do that. We were prepared to do that because we knew the importance of ridding foreign donations from our political system. We had to do it. We had to sit down with the government, and we did that. My staff—young Ben Rillo there, and the rest of his colleagues in my office—have been working tirelessly for the last 12 months to do that. We've had two JSCEM inquiries into this legislation. There have been 12 months of debate and consultation.</para>
<para>I have to say that the charities have been terrific throughout this process. They have been prepared to accept the fundamental proposition that we have to end foreign donations in our political system. You've only got to look, Mr President—I know you're a fan of the American political system—at what's happened in the United States since the last presidential election on the issue of foreign involvement in their political process.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Alleged.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay—alleged foreign interference in their political process. I don't want there to be one skerrick of concern after our next election that we've got anything like the problems that have occurred in the United States. How do we fix that? We ban foreign donations.</para>
<para>I listened to the contributions of Senator Waters and Senator Siewert, and both of them acknowledged that this legislation progresses that issue. They don't like it. I accept that they aren't going to vote for the legislation. But they both acknowledged this was a step forward. You don't always get everything you want in politics—that's the nature of our system—but this is one of the most significant steps forward in the Australian political system as it relates to donations. This is a significant issue of donation reform. We can't wait any longer. We need to get it done today so that in a week's time we can get it through the lower house. Time is running out. We've only got two more weeks of sitting this year. If we don't get it done today, there's a chance we won't get it done, and a whole lot of question marks will then potentially arise over our next election.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cormann is absolutely right when he says this is an important reform. This is a critical reform, and it is so important that we get it right. The big money that is pouring into our parliament from vested interests, from those huge corporations, is a fungating cancer on our democracy. What it needs is radical surgery, not a bandaid, which is what this bill proposes to do. What we need to do is dry up the flow of money that's coming from those huge corporations. They write the policies that are written and debated by both the major parties. Their voices are heard, and the community is shut out. No wonder people have had a gutful of politics when they can't get an appointment to see their local MP but big corporations can spend hundreds of thousands of dollars in those cash-for-access forums. We have cash-for-access forums where political parties are paid for senators to do their job. They advertise, 'Come and hear what the minister has to say about this policy,' but if you want to hear what he has to say, you have to pay for it.</para>
<para>Big money is a cancer on our body politic and it needs a radical excision, not a bandaid, which is what this bill is. Here we are with a set of sensible amendments to ensure that this legislation does what the Australian community expect of us and gives them a voice ahead of those big, wealthy, powerful vested interests—those corporations. It's true that some of those corporations come from overseas, but the vast majority are here in Australia doing what they can to boost their bottom line. That is why they donate. Does anyone think that these corporations donate because they want to see democracy flourish and because they are philanthropic entities and want to see Australian parliaments become better places? Of course they don't. They give money because it allows them to write policy. That's why we have the coal industry writing energy policy. That's why we have the Business Council writing our tax policy. That's why we have media companies writing our media laws.</para>
<para>Big donations are a cancer on our democracy, and we should be here debating how we fix it. Senator Waters has a range of amendments that do just that. Ban those membership fees. When big companies attend fundraisers and spend hundreds of thousands of dollars it's not declared as a donation. Ban donations from property developers, from the alcohol industry, from the gambling industry and from the mining industry. We should be doing all of those things. We should be putting in expenditure caps so that political parties can't spend hundreds of millions of dollars, as they have done over the last decade, trying to buy votes. It's long overdue that we take the dirty money out of the Australian political system.</para>
<para>We have other amendments to cap all donations to a maximum of $1,000 per year and to have real-time disclosure so we know when every cent is contributed by a punter or a corporation. We'll know when it's made and where it's made. Most importantly, we'll have that information before an election, not a year afterwards. Because of this dirty deal between the Labor Party and the Liberal Party we are being prevented from having a thorough debate around how we can improve our parliaments, how we can bring in the voice of the community and how we can silence those huge corporations that wield far too much influence over our democracy. Now is the time to do it. We could have a meaningful debate where the critically important amendments proposed by the Greens get the airing they deserve. We won't have that, because this debate will conclude in an untimely manner.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The substantive motion Senator Cormann sought leave to move is sensible and practical. It is true that in the Senate this week we have not made rapid progress with legislation. We have transacted the people's business on only two bills—the GST sharing bill and the My Health Record bill. Now that's not a reflection in any way on colleagues. Sometimes pieces of legislation do take time to transact when there are a range of legitimate contributions that colleagues seek to make. So in seeking to suspend standing orders to move a motion to rearrange our schedule and to make provision for dealing with the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017, we're not passing comment on colleagues; we're merely seeking to recognise that we do need to make an adjustment to make sure that we do conclude an important piece of legislation.</para>
<para>Sometimes governments, on these sorts of motions, will talk about the unhelpful approach of the opposition in the course of the week, and we're certainly not doing that on this occasion. The opposition have been helpful and constructive in the course of the week. I do also want to acknowledge the shadow special minister of state, who I know has worked cooperatively, particularly on this piece of legislation with the government. This legislation, obviously, has had the close and appropriate scrutiny of JSCEM. The essence of the legislation we're wanting to deal with is about electoral integrity. We're all keenly aware that next year will be an election year, and I think that, collectively, we want to do what we can to make sure that our electoral processes are the best in the world. I think we can all recognise that we have been very fortunate in Australia to have a robust electoral system—an electoral system where the outcomes aren't questioned; where they are accepted by the community. But that is not a situation that we can take for granted. We do need to continually reform our electoral mechanics and the legislation that underpins that to ensure them so we are not in the situation where we have an electoral system that is open to undue and inappropriate influence. That will reinforce public confidence in our electoral system. If people have confidence in the electoral system, they'll have confidence in the system of government—so it is important legislation that we do need to conclude today.</para>
<para>I should observe that the motion that we're proposing only comes into effect if we haven't concluded the legislation by two o'clock. It might be that we go through the non-controversial legislation quickly and we come back to and can conclude the electoral legislation before two o'clock, but, if not, the motion to suspend standing orders would allow Senator Cormann to move provisions to conclude this legislation by 6.15. It's also important to observe that it is not seeking to remove the general business order of the day, which is Senator Storer's. This motion does make explicit provision for the piece of legislation that he wishes to talk to in general business time to continue to have the opportunity to receive the attention of the chamber. This is a relatively minor change to the proceedings of the day, which a suspension would allow Senator Cormann to move a motion to give effect to.</para>
<para>Mr President, we do have only two sitting weeks after this. There will be a lot of business to transact in those final two sitting weeks. If we can conclude this piece of legislation, that will put us in a better position in those final two sitting weeks, I look forward to working with all colleagues for those final two sitting weeks of this year before Christmas.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support this motion. I want to talk about the importance of this legislation before the Australian people. What I know and what I've observed from Queensland is that we know that there's a high level of cynicism about politics at the moment, and we know that the primary vote for major parties has been suffering as a result. I think it's important that we take every step possible to ensure that the public have confidence in Australian democracy and the system that governs our elections.</para>
<para>What has been acknowledged by just about everyone who has spoken on this legislation, even those who aren't as supportive of it as others, is that it is a step forward. I think that is really important, because if we are to show the Australian people that we are committed and that we want to ensure that we have free and fair elections, it is important that we move forward and have legislation that the Australian people can be confident of.</para>
<para>Another important aspect is that when electoral legislation is being put forward with bipartisan support it means it can stand the test of time. We know that elections come and go, and there might be changes of government. It's important that when those things happen there are improvements in our electoral system that don't change with the whim of who comes to power or who loses power at a particular election. From that point of view it's important that we acknowledge the work of JSCEM, which a number of people have done. I know some of my colleagues have done work on that and I know how much effort they put into ensuring that they could reach an agreement with the government so that the legislation that we take forward is going to advance democracy in this country. At the heart of that, obviously, is the banning of foreign donations. That has received publicity around the world as something that needs to be dealt with, and this is an important step forward for Australia as well.</para>
<para>In my first speech in this place I mentioned changes in fundraising and disclosure and the electoral system, and it's something that in a previous life I had some involvement with. So I certainly am one who thinks further steps need to be taken, and I acknowledge that the Queensland government has taken some of those significant steps around disclosure—and around real-time disclosure. There are other things that we can look at, but it is also worth noting that this is a step forward and it is something the Australian people will support as well.</para>
<para>One of the things we won't cop is hypocrisy from the Greens on this issue. We know that Senator Di Natale likes to talk about the big parties and big money. We know—and it's been on the public record for a long time now—that the biggest corporate donation in Australian history went to the Greens, from the Wotif founder. We also know that they've had significant money come in from Mr Turpie—a $500,000 donation. When talking about big money and its influence on politics, we know that the Greens have absolutely been the ones who have been on the receiving end. If you want to take a principled stand on this, do what the Labor Party did when we said, months ago, that we would stop accepting foreign donations.</para>
<para>I know as a previous state secretary that in Queensland, even when the federal LNP changed the disclosure threshold to above $1,000, we still declared everything over $1,000, because we took a principled stand on that. But no: the Greens won't take a principled stand on this at all. They do try to take credit, though. Senator Waters tried to take credit for the Queensland legislation, but the Greens had no involvement in that whatsoever; they've been completely insignificant in Queensland when it comes to the world-leading reforms that the Queensland government has brought in. So, we won't cop any hypocrisy from them. We are very pleased to support this legislation, because we know it is a step forward. We know that the Australian people will support this and there will continue to be public confidence in the system. But we also acknowledge that there are people in this chamber who want to take another step forward and that there are further things that can be done.</para>
<para>I completely understand that when changes are made, if they are done at a level where there is bipartisan agreement then they are much more likely to stand the test of time and democracy and support for them within Australia are things that will also grow as a result of that. We're very pleased to support this motion and we look forward to getting this legislation passed, because we know that the implementation of this, from an Australian Electoral Commission point of view, takes time. We know it needs to get through the House of Representatives. So the time that is necessary to get it in place before an election is valuable.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What we have here is a deal by these two big parties to ram through a quite complex piece of legislation that manages to achieve looking like it's doing something about a corrupt democracy while in fact letting 94 per cent of the donations to big parties carry on unregulated. That's what the academics have said: only six per cent of the donations come from foreign sources. And this bill—the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017—doesn't even stop all of those. The whole point of this bill, as we understand it, would be to have stopped the donation received by former senator, Sam Dastyari, from Chinese interests. This bill would not stop that. It is not drafted in a way to actually fix the problem of corporate control of our democracy. Everybody in this place knows exactly that. I don't think the Australian public will buy this either.</para>
<para>If you really want to fix the corporate takeover of our democracy and parliament, you will vote for the amendments that we will move today. You will vote to end donations from the most pernicious industries that are trying to exert influence and buy policy outcomes, such as mining, property developers, tobacco, gambling, banks, big pharma and defence. They have no place buying policy outcomes. Let's just end those corporate donations. Are you going to back it? I doubt it, because they fund your re-election campaigns. If you won't come at that, will you come at a cap on donations of $1,000 per year on everyone? It doesn't matter what industry they're from or whether they're an individual or a union. Will you come at an actual cap on big money in politics? Some people have said, 'You're being selective.' If you want to fix this problem, back that amendment. Let's cap donations at no more than $1,000 each year from anyone, no matter who they represent or whether they're individuals or where they're from. Let's actually get big money out of politics.</para>
<para>It's about time we stood here representing people and the community. You stand here representing your corporate donors that pay for your re-elections. You're more concerned about your own careers, about retaining power and potentially going off to a fancy lobbyist job after you leave this place. What an absolute abrogation of the duty that we have to represent the community and the planet and improve people's lives. Let's actually fix homelessness. Let's actually tackle climate change. Let's actually end the pernicious influence of gambling on so many people's lives. There are so many things that we could actually be addressing in this parliament, but, because of the influence of those corporate donors over the policymaking process and because both the big parties take that dirty money, we are not getting the sorts of decisions that advance people's everyday lives and their interests.</para>
<para>Both the parties have taken $100 million in corporate donations in the last six years. Is it any wonder that we don't have a climate policy, at all? Is it any wonder that we don't have action on the real issues that people are facing, like homelessness and environmental destruction or like people being able to afford to send their kids to school and put food on their table? We have real issues that the community is desperate for us to help them with, and you guys just take the money from big corporates. Vote to fix it today. People deserve their democracy back. They deserve a system that actually works for them. We have that chance. Don't use this to pretend that we've fixed some part of the problem; let's actually fix the problem. What do you want to be here for? You've got the chance to make some real reform. Please take it. I'm going to move an amendment today that says, let's cap donations at $1,000 from everyone and let's get big money out of politics, and I beg you to support it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for the debate has expired. The question is that the suspension of standing orders moved by Senator Cormann be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [12:22]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>33</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>17</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C (teller)</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Senate. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That a motion relating to the routine of business for today may be moved immediately and determined without amendment or debate.</para></quote>
<para>I also move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the procedural motion moved by Senator Cormann be now put.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the procedural motion moved by Senator Cormann be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [12:29]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>40</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>17</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [12:35]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>41</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>17</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<para>That today—</para>
<para>(a) if by 2 pm consideration of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017 has not concluded, then:</para>
<para>   (i) after ministerial statements the bill be called on immediately until determined,</para>
<para>   (ii) divisions may take place after 4.30 pm for the purposes of the bill only, and</para>
<para>   (iii) the time allotted for all remaining stages be until 6.15 pm;</para>
<para>(b) paragraph (a) of this order shall operate as a limitation of debate under standing order 142; and</para>
<quote><para class="block">(c) after consideration of the bill has concluded, the routine of business shall be consideration of general business order of the day no. 96 (Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018) for not more than 90 minutes and then the Senate shall return to its routine of business.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Cormann be agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [12:39]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>42</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>17</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>42</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Research Council Amendment (Ensuring Research Independence) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1150" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Research Council Amendment (Ensuring Research Independence) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>42</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A Bill for an Act to amend the Australian Research Council Act 2001, and for related purposes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Question agreed to.</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>42</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to table an explanatory memorandum relating to the bill.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARUQI</name>
    <name.id>250362</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table an explanatory memorandum and seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard </inline>and to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Research Council Act 2001 (ARC Act)</inline>. The intent of the Bill is to remove Ministerial discretion from approving or rejecting research grants recommended and administered by the Australian Research Council (ARC). The ARC is established as an independent Commonwealth body under the <inline font-style="italic">ARC Act</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, the Act gives the Minister the power approve or reject research grants that have been recommended by the ARC, including powers relating to the approval of expenditure on research programs, primarily sections 51–53 of the ARC Act (in Division 1 of Part 7). This Bill amends various provisions in the Act to remove the Minister's discretion to approve or reject a research proposal recommended by the ARC by providing that the Minister must approve a research proposal and the associated expenditure recommended by the ARC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is not remotely novel to suggest that academic research grant funding in Australia should be completely independent of the Government of the day. That is why today, I am introducing a Greens bill to amend the ARC Act to remove political interference from research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This would mean that research projects, recommended by experts at the Australian Research Council, after a thorough vetting and peer review by the ARC, will be free from political and ideological interference.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No Minister should be able to dictate which research projects get funded and which ones don't. The true test of academic freedom is that it must be free from political interference, no matter who is in Government. It should be based only on an independent rigorous assessment process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know that this isn't currently true. It has been recently revealed that under this Government, former Education Minister, Senator Birmingham, vetoed eleven grants worth $4.2 million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The reality is that it is entirely possible under the current system for the Minister to reject a research grant, which has been approved by the ARC, on almost any ground including disagreement with the subject matter or even the political leanings of the researcher. It is not hard to imagine that if we continue down this road, any number of research areas could be vetoed. If the Minister is a climate denier, defund all climate work. If the Minister is a coal hugger, defund all renewables work. If the Minister hates non-Western culture, bam there it goes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We need to trust the research process. I was an academic for many years; I know getting an ARC grant is no easy thing. In 2017, the ARC approved only 18% of discovery grant applications and 17% of Discovery Early Career Researcher Awards. In 2018, only 20% of Future Fellowships applications were awarded.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Academics have a right to be supported in developing and maintaining their pursuit of research with freedom and trusting the centuries old tried and tested process. Funding should not be tied to ideological leanings of Ministers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This approach is not without precedent, there are other similar bodies which have grant-making responsibilities but operate without Ministerial involvement in funding approval decisions. The National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) reports to the Health Minister, who does not have any formal role in the grant approval process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There's no need for a Minister to be involved in which research projects get approved and funded. It may assist the Senate to be reminded of the rigour with which applications for funding through ARC are assessed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To begin with, the Grant Guidelines are developed in consultation with the research community in Eligible Organisations. Every Application is checked by the ARC against the eligibility criteria set out in the relevant scheme Grant Guidelines. This is done initially by General Assessors, who are distinguished academic researchers drawn from the ARC College of Experts. Detailed Assessors who are experts in the subject matter, drawn from the ARC Assessor Community, then review the project. The applications are then ranked and brought to a Selection Advisory Committee who make a recommendation to the Minister.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is a highly organised and strategic process based on the age old process of peer review. The Minister simply isn't qualified to make these decisions. It doesn't even seem like the then Minister for Education Senator Birmingham bothered to find out more about any of the projects or contact the researchers before striking his red pen through it.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We as a country are poorer when political interference tampers with academic research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For individual researchers it devalues their work and their time. Brett Hutchins, Professor of Media and Communications Studies at Monash University and Libby Lester, Professor of Journalism, Media and Communications at University of Tasmania had their research on environmentalism knocked back by the Minister for no reason. They said "We can live with rejection – it is a professional by-product of producing research. However, the rules through which funding decisions are reached should be transparent and the reasons for rejection should be communicated clearly to researchers and their universities. Neither has occurred on this occasion".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Academic Mark Stevens was another academic who had his research vetoed. After political interference from Minister Birmingham to veto his successful grant, he was forced to move overseas and now lectures at the University of Essex in the United Kingdom. He said that the veto had "very real, human effects" and his family had been put through hardship by having to move overseas to find work. "Securing that grant would have been a way of staying in Australia, where [my wife and I] were born, raised, educated, and where we worked".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the research community it undermines confidence and job security. The universities themselves have come out strongly against political interference. Universities Australia chief executive Catriona Jackson said "You don't expect the federal sports minister to choose Australia's Olympic team. Our world-leading researchers depend on an impartial system that funds research on the basis of merit – this is why we rely on the competitive peer-review system to fund the highest quality applications."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is just one of a litany of attacks on universities by the Liberal-National Government. The contempt for higher education from this Government is really troubling. The funding cut of $2.2 billion, effectively reintroduced a cap on a sector still reeling from billions cut from their budgets under the Gillard Labor Government. We have attacks on freedom of protest at universities by the Government and we have this ridiculous proposal for a national interest test for research grants.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And just when you think the Morrison Government is beginning to end its war on universities and students by lifting the cap on places at regional universities, we find out they are robbing Peter to pay Paul by cutting research grants to fund this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There is no end to their attack on higher education.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government and the opposition response has been weak. Merely publishing the reasons for the veto is not good enough. It is already too late. There is no justification for the veto and it has to go. No Minister, no matter which party they are from, should be able to undermine the rigorous approval process of academic research grants.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the Senate.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>43</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Abortion</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to request, I will now go to Senator Anning for matter No. 1205.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANNING</name>
    <name.id>273829</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 1205, standing in my name for today, relating to Queensland abortion laws, be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to this motion being taken as formal?</para>
<para>An honourable senator: Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is an objection. Senator Whish-Wilson?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, I was going to ask if you could explain the request. I want to understand why he was given precedence.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I had a number of requests from senators that, given the limited time available today, I move through the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> on a numerical basis.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So it's possible to make requests in future?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I always indicate to the Senate at the start of general business that I essentially seek permission to deal with them in a manner that facilitates all of them being dealt with in a convenient way, but any senator, under the standing orders, is entitled to ask that their motion be dealt with on numerical basis—that is, in the order listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>. That is why I started with 1190, and the next number listed, because 1200 has been postponed, is 1205.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Could I ask for clarification? What form would the request take?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senators approach me all the time with respect to a number of matters being dealt with today.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We don't have to put it in writing to you?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No. You're allowed to stand up in the Senate chamber, Senator Whish-Wilson, and ask, as other senators have done, that this matter be dealt with.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So is it possible to make a request to you now about other motions that—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would do it with whoever is in the chair at the time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>44</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aviation Transport Security Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6183" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Aviation Transport Security Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>44</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Aviation Transport Security Amendment Bill 2018 responds to expert advice that concluded that when it comes to small airports, the level of red tape involved in the transport security process is excessive when weighed against the security threats they face. Accordingly, the legislation proposes the creation of a model TSP for small industry participants. The model TSP would ensure operators were aware of their responsibilities under the Aviation Transport Security Act 2004. It would allow operators of airports that are assessed as low risk to focus on implementing and maintaining the robust security measures in their plan rather than focus on red tape and reports for the Commonwealth. This is an approach that reflects informed risk management. It has broad support across the aviation sector and has been positively examined by a Senate committee. The opposition will support this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contribution. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>44</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Maritime Legislation Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6193" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Maritime Legislation Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>44</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Act 2012 and the Navigation Act 2012 give AMSA the ability to make what are known as marine orders. Marine orders are designed to be legislative instruments allowing AMSA to keep pace with developments in a rapidly changing industry. For example, Marine Order 15 relates to fire protection for ships and Marine Order 17 concerns regulations for carrying dangerous liquids.</para>
<para>The original intent of the marine orders as defined in the Navigation Act 2012 was that they would be legally enforceable and, particularly, that they would include a provision for penalties for noncompliance. However, the government has lately faced legal questions concerning the enforcement of marine orders. This legislation clarifies the situation to give marine orders the status of regulations, as was the original intention. The amendment to the Marine Safety (Domestic Commercial Vessel) National Law Act 2012 inserts a definition for regulations that includes marine orders, with relevant exceptions. The amendment to the Navigation Act 2012 makes the same change. Labor supports these changes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contribution. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>45</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6205" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>45</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to incorporate my remarks rather than work through them, verbatim, in the chamber.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The </inline> <inline font-style="italic">speech</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">I rise to speak on the National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation Amendment Bill 2018 and I am pleased to indicate that Labor will be supporting the Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The legislation which first established the National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation (NHFIC) was passed by the Parliament at the end of the Winter Parliamentary Sittings on 28 June 2018, also with Labor's support.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, at that time there was no opportunity for the House of Representatives to consider any amendments to the Bill that might be forward by the Senate prior to the NHFIC's proposed establishment date of 1 July 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In order to prevent any undue delay in the NHFIC's establishment, and to facilitate its board being put in place in a timely fashion, Labor reached an agreement with the Government to withdraw our amendments and allow for that Bill's unamended passage.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This support was contingent on the Government providing an undertaking to introduce, and support, new legislation containing Labor's amendments in these Spring parliamentary sittings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We received that written undertaking from then Treasurer Scott Morrison, and this Bill honours that commitment from Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Labor are very pleased to have seen the NHFIC set-up, as the establishment of a bond aggregator to assist the community housing sector was a key part of Labor's Plan for Housing Affordability & Jobs released in April 2017.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill itself contains 3 amendments to the original legislation - including Labor's sensible and measured amendments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These include a requirement that at least one director on the Board of the National Housing Finance and Investment Corporation has relevant skills and experience in social and affordable housing gained in the community.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This proposal was put forward by a number of community housing providers during the Senate Inquiry into the NHFIC, including St George Community Housing Limited who stated - and I quote:</para></quote>
<list>"We would suggest that it benefits the objective of the NHFIC to have a Director or Directors with experience and expertise related directly to social and affordable housing and the economics and social benefits of related projects housing provider sector."</list>
<quote><para class="block">A further amendment will bring forward the review of operation of this Act to as soon as possible after the period of 2 years beginning when this Act commences.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This review is to allow for key issues surrounding the loan cap, funding for capacity building, and the use of the National Housing Infrastructure Facility (NHIF) to be canvassed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The remaining amendment proposed by the Government contained in Schedule 1 establishes a $1 billion special account for the purpose of the Affordable Housing Bond Aggregator (AHBA).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment will allow the NHFIC to draw down on a $1 billion line of credit to support the AHBA. The existing $150 million appropriated for the AHBA is to be credited to the special account.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Funding gap</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Labor sees considerable benefit in a bond aggregator ­however, it is regrettable that the Coalition Government in its more than 5 years in office has ignored the other key issues holding back the Australian community housing sector from delivering affordable rental housing at the scale.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And that scale of need is significant. Research released just today by the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI) has identified that the current unmet need for social housing across the country is more than 430,000 dwellings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet the Government, contrary to all expert advice, have failed to address the so-called 'yield' or 'funding' gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know that policies to address the yield gap are necessary to complement the work of a bond aggregator, and such policies are key features of successful aggregators operating overseas.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When last in Government, Labor took decisive steps to address the funding gap via the National Rental Affordability Scheme (NRAS).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The NRAS scheme has delivered more than 36,000 new dwellings, with more than 2/3rds owned or managed by community housing providers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That scheme has delivered real relief to its tenants that were experiencing rental and housing stress. The Department of Social Services annual report indicates that NRAS has increased the availability of affordable rental housing to low and moderate income households and has reduced the rent for dwellings in the scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Importantly, NRAS reduced the proportion of NRAS households in rental stress by more than 20 percentage points and 60,000 people have benefited from the Scheme, including more than half of tenants with household incomes of less than $40,000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Regrettably, the Coalition axed the expansion of the NRAS scheme to 50,000 dwellings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since that time Labor has been consistent in its calls for the Government to develop, as a matter of urgency, a policy and funding framework that bridges the yield gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet it has become abundantly clear that the Coalition Government has no intention of addressing this issue, or having any meaningful policy to address the broader issues of housing affordability and supply.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Only a Labor Government will tackle the housing affordability crisis. We have announced a comprehensive series of policies to this end, and will have more to say in the lead up to the next election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the House.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contributions. I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>46</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As no amendments have been circulated, does any senator require a committee stage? If not, I shall call the minister to move the third reading.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Shipping Registration Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6175" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Shipping Registration Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>46</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Shipping Registration Amendment Bill 2018 will make minor amendments to the shipping registration process to modernise the system. The amendments remove the shipping registration certificate from existing regulations and allow them to be directly approved by the Australian Maritime Safety Authority. Mr Acting Deputy President Sterle, I know that this legislation is of great interest to you. By taking the certificate forms out of the regulations, they can be updated and changed as needed without going through the lengthy process of amending the regulations themselves. The bill includes a suite of other minor associated reforms, including requiring the Australian Maritime Safety Authority to publish forms on its website, clarifying responsible authorities for a variety of existing provisions and creating the ability for the Australian Maritime Safety Authority to exempt some ships from ship-marking requirements—for example, heritage ships. It also allows for the authority to specify the forms that must be used in applications for shipping registration. Labor supports these minor reforms.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>47</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As no amendments have been circulated, does any senator require a committee stage? If not, I shall call the minister to move the third reading.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>47</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Black Economy Taskforce Measures No. 2) Bill 2018, Excise Tariff Amendment (Collecting Tobacco Duties at Manufacture) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <p>
              <a href="r6199" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Black Economy Taskforce Measures No. 2) Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6194" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Excise Tariff Amendment (Collecting Tobacco Duties at Manufacture) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>47</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor will be supporting the Treasury Laws Amendment (Black Economy Taskforce Measures No. 2) Bill 2018 and the Excise Tariff Amendment (Collecting Tobacco Duties at Manufacture) Bill 2018. These two bills implement three measures announced in the 2018-19 budget under the banner 'black economy package'. The measures add $4.2 billion to revenue over the forward estimates.</para>
<para>Schedule 1 to the black economy bill denies an income tax deduction for certain payments if the associated withholding obligations have not been complied with. Withholding payments such as pay-as-you-go earnings can currently be claimed as a deduction, even if the required withholding obligation hasn't been met. The government argues that this will provide a greater incentive for employers and entities engaging contractors to comply with their withholding obligations. This measure has an unquantifiable gain to revenue. This implements a recommendation of the Black Economy Taskforce's final report.</para>
<para>Schedule 2 to the bill requires entities providing road freight, IT or security, investigation or surveillance services that have an ABN to report to the ATO information about transactions that involve engaging other entities to undertake those services for them. This is an expansion of the taxable payment reporting system introduced by the former Labor government for the construction sector. It has already been expanded by the government to courier and cleaning services, with Labor's support. The measure increases revenue by $605.8 million over the forward estimates. The measure was a recommendation of the Black Economy Taskforce's final report.</para>
<para>The bills also amend the excise acts to establish a framework to make excise duty on tobacco due and payable at the time of manufacture. Presently, excise on tobacco goods is generally due and payable upon entry into Australia for consumption at the rate of excise applying at that time. The change in timing is to reduce the importation of illicit tobacco. The measure had a net gain in revenue of $3.6 billion over the forward estimates.</para>
<para>While we support the bill, it would be remiss of me not to note how a desperate government has thrown fiscal responsibility out the window, and at best now relies on accounting tricks to deliver its projected surplus. The sneakiest thing of all in the most recent budget is taxing tobacco 12 weeks earlier upon entry into Australia rather than, at present, when it leaves the warehouse. That will boost tax receipts once and once only in 2019-20 by $3.27 billion. As many commentators note, the Prime Minister, the former Treasurer who delivered this budget, is a former advertising executive and, like many advertisements, the projected budget surplus relied on a gimmick. Without that timing trick, the return to surplus would be pushed back a year to 2020-21. Nonetheless, I reiterate that Labor will support these bills.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contribution. As a government which inherited a $50 billion deficit and will deliver a surplus next year, we won't be lectured to by the Labor Party on fiscal matters, but I commend the bills to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>48</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As no amendments to the bill have been circulated, I shall call the minister to move the third reading unless any senator requires that the bill be considered in Committee of the Whole.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Sector Regulation) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6145" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Sector Regulation) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>48</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution on behalf of the opposition to the consideration of the Treasury Laws Amendment (Financial Sector Regulation) Bill 2018. The opposition will be supporting this bill in the Senate, as we did in the House. We will support this bill because it is designed to increase competition in our banking sector, and you will always find the opposition leading the charge in the parliament when it comes to championing competition in financial services.</para>
<para>It is important that we don't overstate the impact of this bill in improving competition. The bill covers off an important area of law but it doesn't represent a seismic shift in competition. The changes in this bill are small ones. That is not to say that these small changes are not welcome. This bill will make some changes to provide opportunities for new market entrants who are doing exciting things, who are communicating with their customers in different ways and who are trying to increase competition and diversity in financial services. The major change that is being made by this bill is that it will increase the ownership threshold applying to companies that want to provide life insurance or general insurance, or to become authorised deposit-taking institutions or relevant holding companies in Australia, from 15 per cent to 20 per cent. Although the impact of this bill will be small, the impact will be an overwhelmingly positive one, which is why Labor is happy to support this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank senators for their contributions and I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>48</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As no amendments to the bill have been circulated, I shall call the minister to move the third reading unless any senator requires that the bill be considered in Committee of the Whole.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1117" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>48</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said earlier, when speaking on this Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017, it's good that something is going to be done about foreign donations into political parties, but does it go far enough and is it really going to stop it? Foreign donations could actually go through Australian subsidiary companies here in Australia. Is that going to be picked up? I do have a concern about that. The Greens raised the point of the $1,000 donation limit for disclosure, and the Labor Party also think about disclosure. I can speak from experience, because I'm the only one in this place—apart from Senator Leyonhjelm, who has the Liberal Democrats, and Senator Bernardi, who has the Australian Conservatives—who actually knows about running a political party. No-one here on the benches of the Labor or the Liberal-National Party would have any idea. To understand the Electoral Act—they wouldn't have a clue what they were talking about.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McAllister</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Like running in a ballot—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You know about collecting your public funding over the years. Let me start here: 2007. The Australian Labor Party's public funding—this is taxpayer funded dollars—was $22 million. The Liberal Party had $18 million and the Australian Greens had $4 million. Then we can go to 2010. Again, the Australian Labor Party got nearly $21 million, the Liberal Party got nearly $21 million and the Greens got $7 million. In 2013 the Liberal Party got almost $24 million, the Labor Party got almost $21 million and the Australian Greens got $5½ million. And in the last election, 2015-16, the Liberal Party got $24 million, the Labor Party got $23 million and the Australian Greens got nearly $7 million. This is all about the electoral funding—the whole bill is.</para>
<para>The bill states that you are to put in the receipts to get the funding back. In Queensland, that's how the election is run. In Queensland and in Western Australia you actually have to put in the receipts to receive the funding back. That's what should happen. Or, possibly—another case in point is that the donations a political party gets should be taken off the amount of electoral funding that it's entitled to get back through the taxpayer. So you can't have your cake and eat it too. You shouldn't be getting these donations from big corporations and the unions.</para>
<para>There are hardworking Australians who pay their dollars to the unions—$14 or up to $20 a week that they're paying. They're struggling to pay their bills—their electricity bills, keeping food on the table for the kids and all the other expenses—but, no, they pay their union fees. Those go, in turn, to get these union bosses elected to the parliament here. Then they turn around; they're not worried about Australian jobs, because they're signing international free trade agreements that are giving away jobs overseas—like the 5,000 jobs under the China free trade agreement and the TPP-11 that's just been signed. Also, we can look at the Indonesian free trade agreement and what is under the South Korean free trade agreement.</para>
<para>This is Labor representing those hardworking Australians out there. You take their money to run your campaigns so you can have your jobs in here.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Watt</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you really want to talk about this?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't see you standing up and fighting for the Australian jobs. What have you done for apprenticeship schemes? Nothing! You've actually done nothing for apprenticeships in this country at all. Then, Senator Cameron had the audacity to get up and have a go at me as if it were absolutely nothing that I fought for 1,600 apprenticeship schemes in Australia, because—do you know what, Mr Acting Deputy President McGrath?—it was out in the bush. It was to try and help those ones—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Watt</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You cut a lot more—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've done a lot more in the last 2½ years than Labor has ever done to get jobs for the youth in this country. In the last 2½ years that I've been here I've done a lot more than what the Labor Party have done.</para>
<para>The fact is that it's a start, and I'm pushing for more. You scoff at the fact that it's a $60 million cost to the taxpayer under my apprenticeship scheme. But the fact is that I would rather see that paid than have them paid Newstart allowance or a benefit to sit around doing absolutely nothing. At the end of the day, we're going to have our own skilled tradesmen and women in this country and not open up the floodgates that you've allowed with people coming to this country.</para>
<para>On this electoral allowance: what I'm saying is, let's be fair to the taxpayer. You can't have your cake and eat it too. If you're going to get your political donations then that comes off the top figure of the electoral funding. You can't have both. I'll find it in my notes here—it was actually the New South Wales Electoral Commission that did away with electoral donations from unions to political parties. Once I find it, I'll go back to it.</para>
<para>Even under this bill, what we're talking about are receipts. There should be receipts. People should put in their receipts to prove it to the Australian people, and there should be a cap on donations. If you're going to have donations then there should be a cap of $13,800 from everyone. I think $1,000 is too low, because it's extremely hard to keep a note of that, to report all that.</para>
<para>The Labor Party and the others in this chamber, and the Greens, have raised the fact that you can't debate me on my policies. So you throw out, 'Racist party'. Just yesterday it came from Senator Cameron. You throw out 'racist'. You have no basis for it whatsoever. I challenge anyone to put up anything racist that I've said. Criticism of policies about the direction of this country is not racism. You can't debate me on my policies; you've got to throw words around. Debate me on my policies. Don't get in the gutter, although that's what you're so used to—getting into the gutter, gutter politics—and people are fed up with it. There should be a cap on donations up to $13½ thousand from individuals, corporations, unions, GetUp!, anyone. There should be a $13½ thousand limit. Let's limit it to that and see what happens then. You might get out and really do the hard campaigning instead of getting your money from hardworking Australians, as the Labor Party do, or big corporations, where the other side of this chamber, the government side of this chamber, get their money from.</para>
<para>There have been stories put around, but I just want to tell you, in talking about electoral funding: I was out of this party for 13 years, from 2002 until the very end of 2015, but I came back in to lead the political party known as Pauline Hanson's One Nation. So, I was not the leader of the party for any political elections that the party stood in during that time. Can I also say that, at the time, after the 1998 state elections in Queensland and also the federal elections, I was a threat to major political parties, and, therefore, a case was made against me to charge me. That charge saw me in the criminal court. But people should know that it was a charge of: were there actually 500 members of the political party when we registered in Queensland in 1998? The fact is that the charges brought against me said, 'No, they weren't people of the political party but people of the support movement.' Therefore, I was taken to the criminal court over this.</para>
<para>I should never have been charged in the first place, because, under the Electoral Act, it stated that an entity of a political party had the right to register a political party, as was found in my final appeal, the third appeal. But what's interesting about all this is that the Electoral Act said there should be a fine or six months imprisonment, but the Labor Party in Queensland, under Peter Beattie, only months before my court case, changed the act to make it seven years, retrospectively. So, when my sentence was handed down, it gave the judge the authority to give me a sentence of up to seven years. On the three charges, I was given three years on each charge to be served concurrently with a non-parole period.</para>
<para>This was political. It was the Liberal Party, under Tony Abbott, who set up the slush fund, and it was the Labor Party that actually saw it through in the courts. Because of that, the electoral funding that we received from the 1998 state election was $502,000. That electoral funding was put into a lawyer's trust account. That money then went to pay back our candidates, because we paid back 75 per cent of our candidates' personal campaign costs, and the rest of the money was paid to run the campaign. I had to pay that money back, because I was the party agent, although I did not receive any of it. I ended up getting money only through the generous donations of the Australian people, so I was able to pay that. Otherwise, I was going to have to sell my home, which I worked hard for and had paid for. My sentence was overturned. That money has never been repaid to the party, and I have advocated that I would be giving it back to the people who donated that money to me. I received no compensation for my wrongful imprisonment, which was 11 weeks in maximum security.</para>
<para>So, for the Labor Party to go on about electoral funding and accuse me—I have fought for 18 years to get myself back into this place, to stand up and represent the Australian people. If you are fair dinkum about this—the amendment I'm putting up is that no electoral funding be paid to any political party candidate or independent; no-one at all—if you are fair dinkum about worrying about the people out there, those millions and millions of dollars at every election, as I've just read out, costing the Australian taxpayers around $60 million in public funding, could then go back to hospitals and schools, which you go on so much about, or infrastructure that is much needed in this country, and looking after the nursing homes and looking after the farmers during times of drought, or looking after people with depression, where suicides are happening in this country. If you are really serious about it, stop putting your hand out and taking the electoral funding every time an election's held, because the people are fed up with it. It's take, take, take. That's what people see from this house all the time—that you're not prepared to be up-front and honest with the Australian people.</para>
<para>And you accuse me of it. Well, the people have had a gutful of it, and so have I. If you've got anything to say, then back it up with some facts. Because I stood and I abided by the rules, the laws, and I was entitled to electoral funding like anyone else, that's no reason to continue to drag this up. The people aren't satisfied with it. I did those 11 weeks—and I'm not going to go on about that, because I don't feel sorry for myself, but the people have a right to know what was done to me by the Liberal Party and also by the Labor Party in Queensland, because you wanted to get rid of me, and you still want to get rid of me. All this here about electoral funding is about that: it's about trying to get rid of the minor parties and those independents who wish to stand and to have true democracy in this country. That's what it's about, because you're both joined in this—joined at the hip in this legislation—because you can see the damage we are doing to your vote. That's what this is all about. Forget about the foreign investors, because they can go behind the scenes; they can do it through the Australian subsidiaries. They'll find ways to do it, as they have done. Be up-front with the people, and if you're really honest about this then make your donations to $13,500 or back my amendment that says: no more electoral funding for political parties, independents—anyone. Give the money back to the people, where it belongs.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before turning to the substance of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017, I would like to take a moment to reflect on the tortuous path to get here. The government's initial legislation was entirely inappropriate. It left charities and not-for-profits terrified that they would be stripped of their ability to participate in public debate. It has taken a year of fighting, both inside and outside this place, to drag the government to a position that is acceptable. I've been meeting with members of Hands Off Our Charities throughout this time. This organisation deserves our thanks. The organisations involved and their work on this issue showcase exactly what the community sector has to offer: a genuine commitment to ensuring that Australia has a vibrant and free public debate about the issues that matter.</para>
<para>I've spoken in this chamber a number of times this year about the importance of advocacy by the community sector. It's a belief that the government doesn't seem to share. Throughout its life, this government has shown hostility to civil society. The government's first draft of this bill was simply the latest in a series of aggressions towards the sector that included the abortive push to deny environmental groups legal standing and the outrageous gag clauses that prevent charities that deliver government social services from speaking out on policy issues. The government seems to think the only role for charities should be to provide services that the government can't be bothered to provide itself, and this is a mistake.</para>
<para>The community sector brings a depth of knowledge and understanding to public debate, and advocacy is a core part of its mission. Take Foodbank, for example: when they're not having their funding cut by the government for no apparent reason—like this week—their core mission is to provide food relief to vulnerable Australians and their families. Solving hunger in the long term, however, requires much more than putting meals on the table; it means addressing the fundamental drivers of poverty. So Foodbank have a separate research and advocacy strategy to shine a light on hunger and its causes. Hands Off Our Charities put it quite well in the communique they issued earlier this year: 'The people of Australia, and our country's civil society, need to be free to air their views, however uncomfortable for governments or political parties. And this best guarantees that our laws and policies truly support the Australian community.'</para>
<para>Democracy doesn't start in this place. It starts with free, well-informed debate in our media and around our kitchen tables. And those debates need honest voices that are genuinely interested in the public interest. That's why it's important that there be proper rules governing foreign donations. The community sector not only needs to have the ability to speak it needs to have the ability to be heard. We've seen from overseas what can happen when genuine public debate gets crowded out by loud voices funded by foreign interests. Restrictions on foreign donations do not just protect the integrity of our electoral system; at best, they also strengthen the conversations we have about the issues that matter. That is why Labor is happy to support the bill today, subject to important amendments that reflect the concessions we have fought for.</para>
<para>Thanks to the work that the Labor team has done with the sector, charities will have new clarity around their rights and obligations when engaging in political advocacy. We have ensured that only when an organisation spends money to influence a vote will it need to comply with the Electoral Commission's rules. And unless they're spending over $500,000 a year on electioneering—and currently no charity does that—charities and not-for-profits will still be able to use overseas donations to do their everyday work. We've also protected the rights of donors who support charities in their vital work. Civil society plays a unique and important role in public debate and Labor is proud to support it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak in particular on the government amendments to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017. Australia is one of the few Western democracies in which foreign donors can still influence domestic elections. The government's bill before us today will ensure that our electoral system, most importantly, protects our national sovereignty—and Australians should expect no less of a modern and vibrant democracy such as ours. Reform is necessary to support the integrity of Australia's electoral system and Australia's sovereignty by ensuring that only those with a meaningful connection to Australia are able to influence Australian politics—in particular, Australian elections—through political donations. Importantly, the bill before us will assure Australians that all political campaigning that targets Australian voters is paid for by Australians first and foremost, be it election advertising, campaign phone calls or how-to-vote recommendations. Foreign governments, foreign billionaires and foreign companies should never have a legitimate role in funding these activities to influence Australian politics.</para>
<para>The Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017 will improve the consistency of the regulatory treatment of all political actors. This includes political actors who have emerged in the Australian political landscape who neither endorse candidates from their own ranks, nor seek to form government themselves, yet actively seek to influence the outcomes of elections through their campaigning activities. While this is a positive indicator of the strength of Australian civil society and of political and civic engagement, it is vitally important that these actors are subject to the public accountability of more traditional actors such as registered political parties or, indeed, candidates.</para>
<para>This bill introduces a registration regime for all third-party campaigners who spend amounts on federal election campaigning above a particular disclosure threshold, and that threshold is $13,800 a year. Groups that spend at this level are already required to report annually to the Australian Electoral Commission on that expenditure. A registration regime will improve the transparency for voters and enable voters who receive material attempting to influence their vote to look up on a register the entity that has sent the material or that has provided that material. Registration will also assist the AEC's compliance and education activities by identifying the political actors and providing a contact person for AEC communications. Registration of third-party campaigners reflects current practices in other jurisdictions, in places like the UK, Canada and New Zealand. Similar to Australia, these are vibrant, robust and mature modern democracies.</para>
<para>In the 2015-16 financial year, which included the last election, you will recall third-party campaign groups spent almost $40 million—an extraordinary amount—on election advertising, polling and campaigning. These are third-party campaign groups; these are not political parties themselves. It is clear that elections are no longer just fought between political parties and candidates. For that reason, it is appropriate that all participants who choose to expend significant amounts of political expenditure are subject to the same transparency as those political parties and candidates that are fighting it out on the ground.</para>
<para>In recognition of the prominent role that a smaller subset of third-party campaign groups plays in public debate and their growing influence in elections, organisations that spend over half a million dollars in any financial year will have disclosure obligations imposed upon them in line with those imposed on political parties. These highly political organisations that choose to campaign at this level cannot use foreign donations for any purpose. By contrast, because many third-party campaigners such as charities spend far less on campaigning and also carry out non-election activities, they will not be prevented from receiving foreign gifts. Instead, third parties will be prevented from using foreign money for their electoral expenditure.</para>
<para>The bill does not restrict federal election campaigning—not in the least. It merely requires that Australian money be used for this category of expenditure. The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters has undertaken over the last couple of years very significant work on the topic of foreign political donations and this bill over the course of the 45th Parliament. JSCEM tabled two advisory reports on the bill. The first was delivered in April 2018 and made 15 separate recommendations. The government has responded positively to those recommendations by sharing draft amendments with the committee to give effect to those recommendations. The government invited the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters to provide its views on those draft amendments before they were circulated in the Senate. The joint standing committee made 12 further recommendations in relation to the draft amendments, and they included supporting the passage of the bill, subject to their final suggestions. The government has agreed to all of those final recommendations, and government amendments were circulated to senators at the end of October, reflecting endorsement of the last of the recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters.</para>
<para>The final amendments simplify red tape and make the penalties more proportionate to the size of any breaches incurred while also ensuring that the measures that reduce the regulatory burden do not compromise the bill's ability to protect Australia's national sovereignty. Importantly, these amendments clarify that spending solely on issue advocacy is not treated as electoral expenditure when that spending is not aimed at influencing voting in a federal election. The government's amendments also go further than the committee's recommendation in one important regard. In evidence submitted to the committee inquiry, representatives from the not-for-profit sector indicated that there has been widespread and inadvertent noncompliance with the longstanding disclosure obligations in their sector, so the government's amendments guarantee statutory forgiveness for historical noncompliance with third-party disclosure obligations.</para>
<para>The amendments also clarify the overlap of state and Commonwealth disclosure regimes, which is an issue that has arisen in recent state based litigation. The amendments ensure that, on the one hand, state or territory laws do not regulate donations for federal campaigns while, on the other hand, they give assurance that Commonwealth laws do not apply to money that is directed towards non-federal campaigns, so this includes state, territory and local government elections.</para>
<para>Subsequent to the previous inquiries of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, the government has engaged further in constructive dialogue with the opposition and with stakeholders in the charitable sector. A final suggestion raised in these discussions was for a post-implementation review in two years time. The government has confirmed its support for that proposal. There will be another federal election under the belt by that stage, so the timing is appropriate. That will be achieved by way of a Senate motion that will be moved after the bill has been passed by the parliament.</para>
<para>The reforms in this bill are very important and necessary to support the integrity of Australia's electoral system and Australia's sovereignty. They will ensure that only those with a meaningful connection to Australia are able to fund Australian political activity. They will ensure that the Commonwealth electoral funding and disclosure regime keeps pace with international developments to prevent foreign interference. These reforms also provide transparency for Australian voters ahead of the next election.</para>
<para>There has been considerable support for this legislation, particularly from the not-for-profit sector. With your indulgence, Mr Acting Deputy President, I will enlighten the chamber on some of the support for this bill and the government's amendments. Universities Australia said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Universities Australia welcomes the proposed amendments to the Bill, and believes they effectively resolve the concerns that the university sector had with the original Bill.</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">Universities Australia strongly supports the amendments proffered by the Government to resolve the university sector's concerns with the original Bill. Additionally, we believe the amendments will provide greater clarity to the disclosure requirements in the Commonwealth Electoral Act, which will be warmly welcomed by universities and other organisations in the research sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Universities Australia urges the Parliament to adopt the proposed amendments to the Bill prior to its passage. We believe that the amendments represent a sound response to the Committee's advisory report on the Bill …</para></quote>
<para>Very encouraging words indeed. Philanthropy Australia said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We welcome the manner in which the Australian Government has responded to the recommendations of the previous JSCEM Inquiry into the Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We also recognise the work of the members of JSCEM and their clear commitment to ensuring that any Bill which is passed is fit-for-purpose …</para></quote>
<para>That was in their submission to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters inquiry in September. Professor Tony Cunningham AO from the Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… there will be no impact on our members—</para></quote>
<para>that's the members of the Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes—</para>
<quote><para class="block">and the health promotion work they undertake. Furthermore, the greater clarity given to the academic exemption also provides an additional reassurance that the work of medical researchers would not fall under the remit of this legislation.</para></quote>
<para>Professor Cunningham goes on to say that the Association of Australian Medical Research Institutes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… encourage the committee and the Parliament to support these amendments being made to the Bill.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Hugh de Kretser of the Human Rights Law Centre said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This proposed law adopts a far more sensible approach to regulating election communications while ensuring charities and other community groups are free to speak up about their work.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We welcome the major improvements to this bill and thank MPs across the parties for their constructive engagement on this issue.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Joseph McCarthy of the University of Melbourne said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Given the narrowed scope of the new defined term 'electoral matters', universities will not be subjected to onerous political campaigner reporting requirements. Importantly, philanthropic donations will not be captured, thus enabling the university to continue to receive these vital funds to advance its academic activities.   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… the University welcomes and supports the proposed changes to the Bill, and thanks the Australian Government for addressing the concerns raised by the sector.</para></quote>
<para>Krystian Seibert from the Centre for Social Impact at Swinburne University of Technology said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed amendments are sensible and well targeted and have therefore been welcomed by various stakeholders across the not-for-profit sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government should be commended for listening to the widespread and serious concerns raised about the bill from a diverse range of stakeholders, and for responding so comprehensively to both these concerns and the various recommendations made by the JSCEM when it first examined the bill earlier this year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It’s reasonable to expect that where charities do undertake electioneering activities, they should meet some basic transparency requirements regarding how much they spend on these activities and whether they received any larger donations to fund this spending. And charities are already required to do that anyway under the existing law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… it’s a hard argument to make that charities should receive a special exemption.</para></quote>
<para>The Australian Major Performing Arts Group said that they welcomed the proposed amendments to remove the term 'political purpose'. It effectively addressed their major concern. The Australian Performing Arts Group welcomed the proposed amendments to the exemptions and they welcomed the narrowing of entities required to register. They also said that they appreciated the bipartisan approach to developing what they believe are effective amendments.</para>
<para>Ms Jill Reichstein from the Australian Environmental Grantmakers Network said they congratulated the government for listening and responding, resulting in a significantly improved bill. They said, 'The narrower definition provides greater clarity for philanthropic funders, thereby enabling donors to support important advocacy activities undertaken by the charitable sector, with less concern that their funding could trigger electoral laws.' The Australian Environmental Grantmakers Network also said that they were pleased that the bill continued to encourage international donors to fund Australian environmental issues.</para>
<para>A joint submission to the JSCEM from the Lord Mayor's Charitable Foundation, the Reichstein Foundation, the Ian Potter Foundation, the Australian Communities Foundation, the Foundation for Rural & Regional Renewal, the Vincent Fairfax Family Foundation, the Myer Foundation and the Sidney Myer Fund collectively said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We welcome the way in which the Australian Government has responded to the recommendations of the previous JSCEM Inquiry into the Bill.</para></quote>
<para>They also said that the proposed amendments which were the subject of the inquiry were therefore very welcome and addressed many of the concerns raised about this bill.</para>
<para>Mr Gideon Rozner from the Institute of Public Affairs said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The IPA therefore welcomes these amendments, insofar as they achieve the government's objective without casting a net that is unduly and unreasonably wide.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… the government's amendments represent a substantial improvement on the bill in its original form.</para></quote>
<para>Finally, Research Australia's Ms Nadia Levin said that Research Australia 'called for the bill to be amended to avoid these unintended consequences, and are gratified to see that this outcome has been achieved with the latest amendments'. The Health and Medical Research Centre is regularly invited to respond to reviews by government departments and is pleased to see that these activities do not fall within the new definition of electoral matters.</para>
<para>To summarise them, the proposed amendments essentially ensure three things. Firstly, they ensure that key political actors who spend significant amounts of money on electoral expenditure are subject to appropriate disclosure obligations, with obligations commensurate to their level of electoral expenditure. Secondly, the amendments clarify that spending solely on issue advocacy is not treated as electoral expenditure when that spending is not aimed at influencing voting in a federal election. This has been clearly the main concern for the charities and other organisations that have lobbied the JSCEM and also the government on laws where those groups do not specifically also seek to influence voting in elections. Thirdly, the proposed amendments importantly override state laws to the extent that they would prevent donations or compel reporting of donations that were made for Commonwealth electoral purposes or were made available for Commonwealth purposes, not pledged or reserved for use in state and territory jurisdictions.</para>
<para>So the reforms in this bill clearly are vitally important and necessary to support the integrity of Australia's electoral system and, of course, Australia's sovereignty. They do that by ensuring that only those with a truly meaningful connection to Australia are able to fund Australian political activity. This bill and its amendments will ensure that the Commonwealth's electoral funding and disclosure regime keep pace with the international developments that will prevent foreign interference. The reforms also provide transparency for Australian voters ahead of the next federal election.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to contribute to the consideration of the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill today, to make a few points about the importance of the law keeping pace with a very much changing international global environment in political communications and political influence. We have to recognise the fact that as times change the law has to change. It was not too many years ago, when I first started to get involved in politics, that people who were out campaigning in Australia were 99 per cent funded by people putting their hands in their pockets and by Australian businesses contributing to political campaigns that influence their daily lives. But now you're seeing an increasingly globalised world, where the money trails are complex. They are very long and they are very obscure indeed.</para>
<para>Integrity in our political systems, in our electoral systems, is absolutely critical to the good functioning of government and civil society in this country. I think it is clear, from the discussions over the last couple of years and from the work done by JSCEM, that Australia's regulatory approach has not kept pace with international developments nor with some domestic developments. Internationally, there is an increasing incidence of foreign attempts to influence elections around the world. There are some high-profile cases involving government-to-government hacking of systems and so on, but there is a lot more prosaic funnelling of money through various institutions, various environmental groups, various social organisations, various channels that are, as I said earlier, very hard to track. It is very hard to extract the level of influence they are having within our system.</para>
<para>This is a concern not only in the real sense but also in the perception sense, because perceptions in politics are very important. We need to make sure we have a strong system of integrity and fairness, but we also need people to have confidence in that system of integrity and fairness—that it is actually working and that the accountability and the transparency of all those involved in political finance is utmost in our minds. Again, going back to the global nature, both of money flows and of political influence, we need to always keep that in mind when we are thinking about changes to our electoral legislation.</para>
<para>It's also important that we provide consistency in regulation so that, where large sums of money are involved, we seek to reduce foreign influence on Australian political actors by restricting the ability of that foreign money to finance domestic election campaigns. This is vitally important. One thing that has slightly puzzled me is some of the reactions to the initial tranche of legislation that the government put forward in this respect. Obviously, there was a very good JSCEM process—the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters—which looked thoroughly into this bill, but, on the original tranche of legislation, there was another committee called the Select Committee into the Political Influence of Donations. I was on that committee at that time, and I asked the head of GetUp!, Mr Oosting, a pretty simple question, I thought. I asked: 'I know it's fully legal, but does a body like GetUp! accept foreign donations?' Mr Oosting's response was: 'Over time, we've received a very small number of foreign donations—roughly 0.5 per cent of our total income has come from forces overseas. That has included environmental foundations who have supported our work and one of our sister organisations, which is a global body called Avaaz. The maximum it's ever been is about 1.4 per cent of our income. I believe that was three years ago.'</para>
<para>That was at a time when GetUp! was launching a vociferous campaign against the government's approach to restricting foreign donations, and it does beg the question: if GetUp!'s income from foreign donations is so small, why was there a vociferous campaign launched against this government? It does make one think that perhaps it's because GetUp! is opposed to anything this side of politics does, as opposed to the contents of the actual laws themselves. I won't dare impugn the words Mr Oosting said. I take them at face value and assume that their source of funding wasn't coming from overseas. But, given that, why else attack the government so strongly over this legislation?</para>
<para>As I said, there was a very good process through the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters looking at that original tranche of that legislation. As is good process in this place, that committee, looking at things from a number of different perspectives, came up with a set of recommendations, and the government took notice of those recommendations and has amended the legislation to take into account some of those recommendations in a constructive way. The government has always been on the record as being appreciative of the constructive approach and the goodwill demonstrated by all sides in that Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. The government absolutely welcomes the cross-party support in the committee's report, which proposed that a foreign-political-donations ban should apply to all relevant electoral expenditure. The government has been back to the joint standing committee twice to ensure the bill aligns with the JSCEM's intentions in its recommendations.</para>
<para>So, again, we've seen with this bill a willingness to listen to voices on the other side, to alter the position, to make sure that we are getting these laws correct. This is a very contested space where we have to get the balance right to make sure we are not going to damage civil society. But, at the same time, we are going to cut off those potentially dangerous layers of money from outside actors seeking to influence the results of Australian elections. It is something that has happened everywhere else around the world. My understanding is that we are one of very few Western democracies that does not specifically ban foreign donations from playing a role in domestic election campaigns. So, in a sense, we are catching up, but it is still important to take those steps and make sure that we close the door.</para>
<para>So what does this bill actually do? It bans foreign donations from financing Australian politics. It does this by prohibiting the giving, and the knowing receipt of, all gifts from foreign donors where the donor intends the gift to be used for electoral expenditure. It penalises donors who make prohibited gifts or false or misleading statements to recipients. It requires donors to affirm to political campaigners, political parties and candidates that they are not foreign for gifts between $1,000 and the disclosure threshold—for instance, that may be a checkbox on a donation form—and it requires political campaigners, political parties, candidates and third parties to verify that donors are not foreign for gifts above the disclosure threshold, which is $13,800 this financial year, and that of course will go up over time.</para>
<para>A menu of alternative forms of proof is listed to help recipients check a donor's status. Recipients may use a listed approved form or undertake other reasonable steps to ascertain that a donor is not foreign. Anti-avoidance rules are included to, for example, adjust the movement of foreign funds between organisations. As part of the anti-avoidance rules the Electoral Commissioner can require an organisation that is part of an avoidance scheme to stop a scheme or not participate in it.</para>
<para>There is a transparency register as part of this bill. Again, that has perhaps caused some confusion. I think it is important to understand that the integrity of Australia's political process can be safeguarded through this increased accountability and transparency but, without the transparency part, there is no accountability. The registration and, more importantly, the publication of data on the transparency register in real time build on the authorisation reforms already introduced by this government by providing further transparency. This greater transparency will provide voters with unprecedented access to information about the political actors shaping political debate. It will also facilitate a more modern enforcement approach to the electoral funding and disclosure regime. By identifying those who comply with the reporting requirements early, the AEC can focus on education and assistance for regulated entities before deadlines have passed so the law is not broken.</para>
<para>Why aren't third parties required to register? In its advisory report, the JSCEM recommended that obligation should be commensurate with the level of expenditure. The government has actioned this recommendation while ensuring third parties are subject to a lesser regulatory burden than political campaigners, those organisations that spend significant amounts on elections. So who must register? The significant political campaigners and associated entities will need to register with the AEC. Following the submission of an annual return, third parties will be automatically added to the transparency register by the Australian Electoral Commission.</para>
<para>There has been significant consultation on this bill. Obviously the JSCEM process itself has been a very important part of that, bringing the major parties in this place together and giving all those who are interested the chance to look at this bill and contribute to its formulation and contribute to the amendments that I have discussed.</para>
<para>The bill was developed in response to growing concerns about foreign donations and the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters' second interim report on its inquiry into the 2016 election. The committee then invited submissions from interested parties. In fact, the JSCEM received over 200 submissions. So you can see that this was an area that elicited great interest, particularly from organisations, community groups and people involved directly or on the periphery of the political process. The committee held nine public hearings in all capital cities except Darwin. Submitters and witnesses to the inquiry included academic citizens, interest groups and, of course, political parties. We do have a legitimate interest in making sure the system is correct and the system works. There was widespread consensus among those submissions that foreign donations should be banned for the reasons I talked about earlier. In view of the extensive consultation undertaken by the committee and its initial report and the high level of public engagement with the committee, the government, in effect, used the committee as a channel for the public consultation and revisions to the draft bill, and that is further demonstrated by the fact that the government went back to the joint standing committee on two occasions for further input into the legislation. Of course, the other party that was significantly consulted during this process was the Australian Electoral Commission, which has to oversee the implementation of this legislation. Obviously, the Attorney-General also played a significant role in the drafting of this legislation.</para>
<para>In the relatively short time I have available to me I want to run through the amendments from the initial bill that came out of the JSCEM process and were reflected back to JSCEM for their endorsement. Firstly, the proposed amendments do three things. They ensure key political actors who spend significant amounts of money on electoral expenditure are subject to appropriate disclosure obligations, with those obligations being commensurate with their level of electoral expenditure. Obviously, we don't want the same level of disclosure from a very small, very local community organisation as we expect from the large national players.</para>
<para>Secondly, the amendments clarify that spending solely on the issue advocacy is not treated as electoral expenditure when that spending is not aimed at influencing voting in a federal election. This has been one of the main concerns of charities and other organisations that spend a lot of effort lobbying on particular laws but do not necessarily go on to seek to influence votes at elections. Obviously, it's a very important part of civil society that groups feel that they can freely contribute to the development of legislation, the development of government policy, without being impacted by these changes.</para>
<para>Thirdly, they override state laws to the extent that they would prevent donations or compel the reporting of donations that were made for Commonwealth electoral purposes or are available for Commonwealth purposes—that is, not pledged or reserved for use in a state or a territory jurisdiction. You have a situation—particularly on that last point, I think it is important to say—where there is some inconsistency between state and federal laws. These amendments make sure that federal laws apply to federal elections and that state laws apply to state elections. It's very important that we keep that distinction, we don't confuse the two levels of government and we don't make it more difficult for people to be able to participate in our democracy at the two respective levels of government.</para>
<para>The government's amendments specifically address recommendations from JSCEM following its first inquiry into the bill. As I stated earlier, most of the recommendations address concerns raised by the charitable and not-for-profit sector. The amendments address these concerns by establishing a single transparency register on which key political actors are required to report their federal electoral expenditure and large gifts that are used to fund election campaigning. The amendments also ensure that pure issue advocacy is not treated the same as campaigning activity. It replaces the original definitions of 'political matters' and 'political expenditure' and replaces those with new terms, 'electoral matter' and 'electoral expenditure'. So, in that way, we are only seeking to capture the activity that is directly aimed at influencing how people vote in federal elections. We are not seeking to in any way restrict people from advocating for a particular position in regard to, for example, a government's policy position or a particular piece of legislation that is going to be before the parliament.</para>
<para>The draft amendments also seek to provide appropriate exemptions to recognising that 'electoral matter' does not include news reports, material created for a dominant artistic or academic purpose, private communications or private lobbying of Commonwealth officials, parliamentarians or political parties. We don't want to stop the flow of communication to politicians or parliamentarians; however, we want to make sure that people feel free to be able to communicate. Obviously free and open communication is one of the central tenants of our society. There are changes to the monetary threshold for rules that regulate gifts and expenditure above which more stringent requirements apply. When an organisation spends a significant amount of money on elections, it will be categorised as a political campaigner and will not be able to receive any gifts from foreigners for any purpose. This treatment applies where electoral expenditure exceeds $500,000. There are significantly more recommendations from the JSCEM report which I'm not going to have time to go through, but I do commend the bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There are not that many times that we have the opportunity to rethink the principles that motivate us in this place to do all that we can to engage the Australian people in the democratic process. Those principles, though, are worth revisiting. We need to be focused always on the importance of maximising the opportunity for all Australians to be active participants in the democratic process, well-informed, and able to assess the information available to them because it is transparent. We need to encourage honest participation, the genuine explanation of policy and discourage the tendency to have, in an election campaign, the misrepresentation or unfair manipulation of data that we see from time to time.</para>
<para>It's also really important to the integrity of our democratic process that we have an effective and efficient regulator, a competent and capable Australian Electoral Commission, one that is sufficient in expertise and flexible enough to deal with the unusual challenges that the election environment can present. It needs to be able to deploy resources to the often unexpected circumstances that can arise in a campaign. The unusual or unexpected arrival of a large number of people at a country polling booth, for instance, can present difficulties, just as those circumstances where a ballot is very close can present difficulties too. And it's quite a challenge to provide sufficient support and opportunity for that body to be able to always tackle that difficult task.</para>
<para>This bill is also about ensuring that our electoral system is one of integrity, one that protects our national sovereignty. It is really important to ensure that only those people who have a meaningful connection to the Australian people, the Australian parliament and Australia's interests are able to have a serious influence on Australian politics.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It being 2 pm, the debate is interrupted. Senator Stoker, you will be in continuation.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that Senator Payne, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, will be absent from question time today. Senator Payne is on overseas ministerial business. And Senator Canavan will be absent from question time today due to ministerial business. During Senator Payne’s absence, I will take questions relating to the Foreign Affairs and Defence portfolios, representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Minister for Defence, the Minister for Defence Industry, the Minister for Veterans' Affairs, the Minister for Defence Personnel and the Minister Assisting the Prime Minister for the Centenary of Anzac. Senator Fifield will represent the Minister for Jobs and Industrial Relations, and Senator Cash will represent the Minister for Women.</para>
<para>In Senator Canavan's absence, Senator Cash will represent the Minister for Resources and Northern Australia, and the Minister for Industry, Science and Technology. Senator McKenzie will represent the Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—We do understand that it is what might be referred to as 'summit season'. We do understand, for example—and this is no criticism of Senator Payne's absence nor Senator Birmingham's absence—that the government is very thinly represented, and this is the only chamber—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cormann interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay, you might take that as a compliment, Senator Cormann! Mathias: not everything is about you! I think it would be a good thing if government ministers could actually make rocking up to parliament a priority. I thank the Senate.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I do take that compliment from the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate. All of us on this side are very happy to be thinly represented!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's about treating the parliament with respect.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Embassy: Israel</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. In an article in this morning's media entitled 'PM flags embassy retreat' it is revealed that Minister Ciobo told the Indonesian Minister of Trade, Mr Lukita, that the chances of Australia moving its embassy in Israel were, 'Less than five per cent'. Is Minister Ciobo correct? Why did Mr Morrison think it was worth putting his domestic political interests before the national interest for a decision with a less than one in 20 chance?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the last part of the question, the Prime Minister did not do that. In relation to the other parts of the question: as I've said to Senator Wong and to the Senate more broadly before, 'Don't always believe everything you read in the newspaper.'</para>
<para>I can also confirm that no such suggestions have been made by the Prime Minister, or the Minister for Trade, Tourism and Investment or the Minister for Foreign Affairs in any engagements with Indonesia on these matters. We don't comment on—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What about Mr Ciobo?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I haven't even finished my answer! I haven't even finished my sentence! My advice is that no such suggestion has been made by Minister Ciobo either. I'm not in the habit of responding to unsourced allegations in the media. The government's position on looking into the merits of moving the embassy to West Jerusalem are clear and, the process has been set out by the Prime Minister very clearly as well. Australia will not conflate two very important but separate issues. We will make judgements in our national interest on the issue in relation to the embassy's potential move to West Jerusalem in the proper way and we will make relevant announcements at the right time.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When pressed about whether a decision would be made in relation to the location of Australia's embassy in Israel before Christmas, Mr Morrison, reluctantly, said, 'Look, that's our intention.' Given that the Indonesian government is clear that the decision is the cause of delay in signing the free trade agreement, why is the Prime Minister delaying his decision to back down at the cost of Australian exporters, businesses and consumers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, I reject the premise of the question. We have an internal government process underway, which will take its course over the coming weeks and be completed by Christmas. It will take full account of our record of support for a two-state solution and the conditions required for progress. It will include external consultation and will report to the National Security Committee of cabinet and the cabinet following normal cabinet processes. In due course, when relevant decisions have been made, relevant announcements will be made about the decision that we have made.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In this morning's <inline font-style="italic">The Daily Telegraph</inline>, it was revealed that Mr Morrison:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… acknowledges his decision … was an error of judgement, made in desperation to hold onto predecessor Malcolm Turnbull's seat, Wentworth.</para></quote>
<para>Isn't it clear Mr Morrison's judgement cannot be trusted, and what is the cost of his poor judgement to Australian exporters, businesses and consumers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, I reject the premise of the question. There has been no such comment from the Prime Minister. When it comes to providing better access to markets around the world for Australian exporting businesses, there has been no better government than the Liberal-National government. What did Labor do over six years in government? What happened to the free trade agreement with China? Nothing. What happened to all these other free trade agreements? We have concluded a free trade agreement with China. We have concluded free trade agreements with Japan and with South Korea, and of course we've also successfully concluded the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement with the remaining 11 countries that were keen to continue. We know that, if we had listened to the Leader of the Opposition, supposedly the alternative Prime Minister of Australia, we would have put our arms up in the air and walked away from it. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Employment</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the minister representing the Minister for Jobs and Industrial Relations, Senator Fifield. Can the minister inform the Senate about how the Liberal-National government's plan for a stronger economy is helping to drive job creation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Duniam, and can I acknowledge your strong advocacy on behalf of the people of Tasmania. It is clear that the government's strong economic plan is working. We are getting the budget under control. We're continuing to guarantee the essential services that Australians rely on. The by-product of a strong economy is jobs, and I'm happy to advise colleagues that the record jobs growth we've seen under the coalition is continuing. The latest data released by the ABS today reveals a rise in total employment of over 32,000 jobs for the month of October. That means there are now more Australians in work than ever before—more than at any other point in our nation's history. There are also more Australians in full-time work than ever before, and the unemployment rate remains at its lowest level in over six years.</para>
<para>The Senate will be pleased to hear that the level of employment in Tasmania is now at a record high. Today's figures also confirm that there are more women in work than ever before, and the full-time employment of women stands at a record high. What this all means is that there are more Australians than ever enjoying the social, mental and financial benefits of having a job. As a government, we remain absolutely focused on creating the right economic conditions to generate more jobs for more Australians, and we have a plan in place. We're delivering on our commitment, and that plan is bearing fruit for Australians.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wonder if the minister can inform us how the government's approach is translating into more money for working Australians?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can indeed. ABS data released revealed the strongest wages growth in three years, confirming that the government's strong economic plan is seeing wages heading in the right direction. As the Governor of the Reserve Bank has repeatedly stated, wage growth is expected to pick up further as the labour market tightens, and today's job figures show good news on that front.</para>
<para>Of course, the government wants to see Australians with more money in their pockets, and it's for this reason that we've cut taxes for around 10 million Australians already, with further cuts to come. Happily, under our stewardship, we've also seen the gender pay gap fall to a record low of 14.5 per cent. We do know that there's more work to be done on this front. Minister O'Dwyer will announce further measures during the inaugural women's economic security statement, to be delivered to the National Press Club next week.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wonder if the minister might be able to tell us whether there are any risks to the continuation of this economic growth and job creation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can. Those risks almost always are on that side of the chamber. The reason is fairly straightforward, Mr President: our colleagues opposite are dangerously under the thumb of militant unions. That poses a serious threat to the continued growth of the economy should those opposite swap places with us. At the Labor Party conference later this year, those opposite will quietly sign up to industrial relations policies which do literally come straight from the last century. They will give militant unions free rein to shut down entire industries, hurting small business and costing jobs, all because the Leader of the Opposition is too weak to stand up to the trade union movement. Those opposite are a real risk and they can't be trusted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. In a Tuesday interview on Sky with David Speers, the minister couldn't explain the government's policy to break up power companies, which he described as 'putting on the table the big stick'. Can the minister explain to the Senate and to Australians how the government would break up private power companies? What exactly is the big stick and exactly when will it be used?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm always bemused when I hear Labor senators selectively quote from a very important interview. Let me confirm for Senator Watt and for the Senate that, on this side of the chamber, we are committed to lower power prices. That is why we are not going to impose the carbon tax after the next election. We know that the Labor Party and the Greens—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is direct relevance. The minister may complain about selective quoting, but the quote was his. He was the one that talked about putting on the table the big stick. The question goes to: what was he talking about?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You've reminded the minister of the question. I note he has been speaking for 28 seconds, and has one minute 32 remaining to answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, that wasn't really a big stick, I've got to say. Let me say for the Senate again: this is a government that is committed to bringing electricity prices down. Of course, if Labor and the Greens were successful at the next election, they would be pushing electricity prices up. Electricity prices would be higher for families and for business. It would hurt the economy. It would put jobs at risk. It would—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong on a point of order, I might anticipate?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He talks about a stick. He says it's big. We're just asking what it is.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll take that as an interjection.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I'll call the minister when there is some semblance of quiet.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The minister has one minute four remaining to answer the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr President. If Labor and the Greens got into government after the next election, not even a big stick could bring down electricity prices. That is the problem. On this side of the parliament, we are on the side of families, we are on the side of business, we are on the side of a stronger economy and we are on the side of those wanting to get a better opportunity to get ahead. If Senator Watt read my interview carefully, he would have seen that I said that as a last resort we are pursuing the divestiture powers that have been well and truly explained. You also know that the Minister for Energy is going through a consultative process to engage with stakeholders. Some of those stakeholders are not that enthusiastic about what the government is proposing to do as a last resort. Of course, when all these consultations have taken place, I'm sure Senator Watt will still be in favour of higher electricity prices, as supported by the Labor Party and the Greens, which would hurt families and business.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm still not any clearer on what the big stick is, but we'll try this one: during the interview, the minister declared, 'As a general rule I support government policy.' What are the exceptions to the general rule? Given the minister refused to explain the government's policy to break up private power companies, is this one of the government's policies he does not support?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Absolutely not. I made a rookie mistake I've got to admit it; I've put my hand up. I made the rookie mistake of repeating part of the question that was put to me, and from memory—David Speers, one of the best interviewers in this place, got me. He was trying to get me to, I guess, move away from the general message, and he said, 'As a general rule, what is your view?'</para>
<para>Let me say, I always support government policy. I get my opportunity to have my say within government. Do you know what? As a result of the work of all of us—all of us here have the opportunity to have our say. As a result of the involvement of all of us, the decisions that we make are the best possible decisions for the Australian people, and of course I support them unequivocally.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Energy sector stakeholders have said that the government's latest energy policy will create more uncertainty; undermine investment and drive power prices up; is constitutionally questionable; and should be shelved until after the election. Did the minister fail to detail the policy because he doesn't understand it, doesn't support it or because this is just another example of his chaotic and dysfunctional government making policy on the run?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think that is an example of the Labor Party siding with the big end of town against family and small- and medium-sized business. This question is an example of the Labor Party quite happily sitting back and letting the rip-offs continue. If there are rip-offs, are you saying we shouldn't do anything about them? Are you saying we shouldn't pursue regulatory reform to ensure that families and business across Australia get a better deal? Well we believe we should, and we will. There are certain things we would rather not do. There are certain measures we would rather not have to pursue, but, as we've said very clearly, as a last resort, if we have to, we will. That is because people across Australia can be confident that we are on their side; we are committed to bringing electricity prices down. The Labor Party and the Greens would drive them up.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Muslim Community</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. Following the appalling crime that led to the tragic death of Sisto Malaspina this week, the Prime Minister urged Islamic leaders to be:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… proactive. They must be alert and they must call this out in their communities …</para></quote>
<para>The National Zakat Foundation Australia collects millions of dollars in voluntary contributions and distributes these to the victims of domestic violence, people experiencing homelessness or financial hardship and people in need of medical assistance. The Islamic Council of Victoria has run a prison chaplaincy program improving links between the wider Islamic community, the corrections system and Muslim prisoners for 24 years. The United Muslims of Australia in Sydney's west deliver a range of youth programs with the purpose of educating young Muslims, to promote values of mateship, honesty and harmony. Minister, what is it exactly that the Prime Minister wants the Muslim community to do?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not personally aware of all of the organisations that Senator Di Natale has listed there, but if his general point is that there are a lot of Muslim Australians and a lot of organisations involved in the Muslim community who do good work in the great Australian spirit of promoting cohesiveness and providing support then, of course, I completely 100 per cent endorse that. And I know that everyone in this chamber would endorse that.</para>
<para>What the Prime Minister has said is that, clearly in the context of some of the challenges we have been facing and in the context of this absolutely terrible event over the weekend, there are some challenges for government in that there are hundreds of people under investigation at any one point in time—230 Australians right now are having their passports cancelled because of suspicions in relation to relevant activities. It's very difficult for government to provide 24/7 surveillance of all of these Australians. People should reflect on what that—the government providing 24/7 surveillance of individuals on the basis of suspicion—would actually mean. What the Prime Minister has said, appropriately, is that there is a role for leaders in the Islamic community to do more to help us identify earlier when potential issues of concern are emerging. That is of course entirely appropriate. I am sure that all reasonable Australians would share that as a reasonable proposition.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, the Prime Minister also urged Islamic leaders to 'ensure dangerous teachings and ideologies' do not spread in Australia. The Somali community has community support programs focusing on youth and early intervention to take kids to sporting activities and camps. There are drop-in centres like the MyCentre support service providing drug and alcohol counselling delivered by the community. There are countless sermons where imams denounce acts of violence. What is it exactly that you want the Muslim community to do?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I refer Senator Di Natale to my answer to the first question.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, in the absence of any specific proposal, why shouldn't the community assume that all we are hearing is a desperate Prime Minister engaging in race baiting to salvage votes in the lead-up to an election?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, I reject the premise of the question. I have to say that I'm somewhat saddened by the tone and the framing of the question. This is a sensitive issue. It's an important issue. It is an issue that we have to approach in the appropriate way. I believe the Prime Minister has approached it in the appropriate way. I don't believe that Senator Di Natale has. I think Senator Di Natale is actually trying to do what he accuses us of doing. He's trying to pursue a wedge for political advantage in relation to an issue that we need to approach much more carefully in our national interest. I encourage Senator Di Natale to reflect on the way that he just approached this issue in his final supplementary question.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minister for the Environment</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for the Environment, Senator Fifield. In a radio interview last night the Minister for the Environment responded to Senator Fierravanti-Wells's opinion piece that labelled her an L-plate minister by saying:' Good for her, good for her. I'm not an L-plate minister. I'm going to be asking why she would say those comments.' Can you confirm that this phone call took place? Or did Senator Fierravanti-Wells dodge the call?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I must admit that I don't personally monitor the phone traffic between my parliamentary colleagues. I may be the minister for communications, but I don't monitor phone calls between colleagues. The only L-plate political aspirant that I'm aware of is one Mr Latham. I think we recall the banner wrap around polling booths more than a few elections ago when those opposite put forward Mr Latham to be the Prime Minister of Australia. We at the time said that Mr Latham was an L-plater. We had that on our booth wrap.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, it's on direct relevance. This is a statement made by a cabinet minister. It's a public statement about one of your colleagues. We are entitled to ask the minister about public statements. I would ask him on the basis of direct relevance to return to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Wong. Senator Fifield, I think Senator Wong has reminded you of the question that one needs to be directly relevant to.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I admit I was taking to heart the theme of the question of those opposite! But, as I said, I don't monitor phone communication between my parliamentary colleagues, and, although I do try and follow as much as I possibly can of what my colleagues say in radio interviews, I'm not aware of that particular interview, so I can't be of any further assistance.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When asked what year emissions in Australia will begin to drop, the minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At this point I cannot pinpoint.</para></quote>
<para>When will emissions in Australia begin to drop under this government? Given the minister was unable to answer a question in her own portfolio, isn't Senator Fierravanti-Wells right to describe her as an L-plate minister?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Our emissions trajectory is good and we are on par to meet our objectives. Australia's 2030 target of reducing emissions by 26 to 28 per cent to below 2005 levels is strong. It's responsible. Colleagues who follow this closely would probably be aware it's the equivalent of a 52 per cent reduction of Australia's per-person emissions, amongst the highest of any G20 country. Australia's cumulative emissions reduction task to 2030 is projected to be 868 million tonnes, 26 per cent of the target. This is an improvement of over 120 million tonnes over the last estimate, published in December 2016.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The L-plate minister, as her colleagues are now calling her, in her now-infamous interview said of the now-infamous restaurant incident: 'I am deeply, deeply wounded by this.' Did Senator Fierravanti-Wells apologise to the minister for causing this hurt?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Senator Cormann?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order: I'm sure it is against standing orders to audition for the leadership during question time!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order: if that was the case, I doubt it's the first time it's happened! Senator Fifield.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I must say I'm deeply moved by Senator Keneally, who is taking a pastoral interest in the emotional welfare of colleagues on this side. And can I just say what a good thing it is that we have this care and concern expressed from those opposite! But all my colleagues on this side are just focused on one thing, and that is transacting the people's business.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Live Animal Exports</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GEORGIOU</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Senator McKenzie, the Minister representing the Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources. Senator, it's been revealed that the federal government is investigating complaints against senior officers in the Department of Agriculture and Water Resources who allegedly warned staff not to take action against live export companies over animal welfare concerns. Have any of these senior officers been reprimanded as yet? If not, what kind of action could they face?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Georgiou, for your question. As a Western Australian senator, you know too well the value that the sheep export industry provides to your state: $250 million. Ninety per cent of the live sheep trade leaves Western Australia, employing 10,000 Australians through that industry. We know that there have been difficulties within the industry, and it is why the minister for agriculture commissioned both the McCarthy and the Moss reviews to look at the regulatory issues and, indeed, how we can sustainably ensure that this industry delivers not just the protein that is required by the Middle East nations who seek to purchase these sheep—Kuwait, Qatar, the UAE, Oman, Jordan, Israel and Malaysia, totalling nearly two million head a year—but, indeed, to ensure that that is done sustainably, and that means ensuring the highest level of animal welfare standards. We have been unashamedly putting those regulations in place as those reviews have been handed down. As you will see, we will now have an independent observer on each and every ship that leaves Freo over coming months carrying live sheep trade to the Middle East. To ensure that the department, as the regulator, is well versed—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Georgiou, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Georgiou</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On relevance. I asked the minister about allegations about senior officials and if they've been reprimanded yet, and what they could face if they have been.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The senator has reminded the minister of the specific nature of the question. The minister has 26 seconds to turn to the answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As was handed down by the review, the department has conducted internal conversations with a variety of not just departmental officials but those actually leading certain departmental areas after the closure of the animal welfare branch. We've committed to reinstating that branch to ensure that we can all have confidence that the live sheep trade— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Georgiou, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GEORGIOU</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There have also been allegations of falsification of documents in the department to cover up irregularities in the live export sector. Can the minister clarify whether the investigation was centred on animal cruelty or the falsification of documents?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll have to take the detail of that question on notice.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Georgiou, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GEORGIOU</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The live sheep industry supports 2,000 jobs in Western Australia and generates $250 million for the Western Australian economy. What measures can the federal government put in place to protect the industry in the face of a ban under a future Labor government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Georgiou—and I couldn't agree more that the greatest risk to the live sheep trade out of your home state is the election of a federal Labor government. We've been incredibly committed to ensuring that this is a sustainable industry. We will ensure that the two million sheep that leave our shores to the Middle East, even through the summer trade, are transported in a safe and humane manner—not only to underpin the economy of those Western Australian farmers and their communities but, indeed, to provide much-needed protein to the Middle East nations. We stand with the WA pastoralists and graziers to ensure the sustainability of this industry well into the future, by making sure the regulatory system we've set up can give the broader Australian public the confidence that those farmers, producers and, indeed, exporters are delivering that product to those global markets at the highest quality.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Development, Senator McKenzie. Yesterday, I asked the minister to update the Senate about small business policies, particularly investment in Victoria and how that supported economic growth for the nation. Today I would like to ask the minister to update the Senate on how the Liberal-National government's infrastructure investment in Victoria supports economic growth for the nation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Hume, for your question. As you know, Melbourne, in the great state of Victoria, is growing by more than 140,000 people each and every year. This congestion is being felt by families and businesses in our home state. The Liberal-National government has a plan to ease the impact of that population growth with our $75 billion congestion-busting infrastructure package for major road, rail, regional development and other public transport infrastructure.</para>
<para>For more than 50 years, Victorians have been calling for a rail link to Melbourne Airport from Melbourne city. The federal government has put $5 billion on the table to finally connect Tullamarine airport to the city by rail. Victorians will also benefit from the $235 million upgrade to the North East Rail Line between Melbourne and Albury-Wodonga, which will improve the journey for regional passengers and communities along the route, including right throughout the electorate of Indi. We're going further, investing $1.6 billion for the Regional Rail Revival package to deliver improvements across each and every regional passenger line in Victoria. More than 1,000 jobs will be created to deliver much-needed upgrades.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Kim Carr interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Carr, you've been so restrained until now.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Victoria will also benefit from additional funding for crucially important Roads to Recovery blackspot and bridges renewal programs. Victoria's share of federal infrastructure investment includes $3 billion for the East West Link, a key part of our plan to ease congestion in Melbourne. But what did the state Labor Party do to address congestion? They didn't actually build the road. They spent the $1.3 billion, not to build the road. We have record investment to build infrastructure to ease congestion in Victoria to help get people home to their families faster, create thousands of jobs and address the long-term growth of our nation in the fastest growing city in the country.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How will the investment that the minister referred to improve productivity across supply chains and support regional growth and job creation in Victoria?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, we do that by connecting our fabulous fresh produce to global and domestic markets. The Inland Rail project is a transformational job-creating project creating a corridor of commerce from Melbourne to Brisbane. We've already committed to supporting the $440 million Murray Basin Rail Project to connect Mildura to Melbourne. If elected in a couple of weeks, the Victorian state coalition will add an additional $80 million. This is essential to enable the turnaround of fresh local Mildura primary produce, such as table grapes and oranges, to get to the port on time and out to those markets. Daniel Andrews and Labor have failed to commit to this additional $80 million. They're more worried about votes in inner city seats and fighting off an insurgent Di Natale Greens than they are about delivering the essential infrastructure for regional Victoria to grow. Only a Liberal-National government has the vision to grow our regional economies, drive local job growth and create more opportunities for families to keep living and working in regional Victoria.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of any risks to the government's job-creating plan?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I am. The biggest risk to improving Victorian infrastructure is the election of a Labor government, whether it is Bill Shorten or Daniel Andrews. Daniel Andrews and state Labor have been in parliament for 15 of the last 19 years, and the one thing that's gotten bigger and better is congestion in Melbourne. They've actually created it, because Labor doesn't understand that you need to invest in critical infrastructure to deal with population growth. But they've also forgotten regional Victoria. Daniel Andrews thinks that country Victoria ends in Geelong and Ballarat. You've failed to address the rising population in Victoria and now the infrastructure can't cope. As Deloitte Access Economics partner Chris Richardson has said, infrastructure money is at risk of being spent on vanity projects rather than on projects that tackle congestion and growing our regions—sounds just like Jacinta Allan. Only the Liberal-National government will support regional businesses and community through our record investment.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Great Australian Bight: Oil Exploration</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Resources and Northern Australia, who I believe is Senator Cash, as Minister Canavan is away today. As if the climate impacts of extracting the oil reserves in the Great Australian Bight weren't bad enough—we're not going to meet our Paris agreements if we do that—yesterday we saw the release of modelling from Equinor, the foreign company applying to drill for oil in the Great Australian Bight. Their own modelling shows scenarios where, in the event of a spill, it could spread from as far as Albany in Western Australia all the way through to Bondi Beach and up to Port Macquarie. Why is the government backing a foreign oil company rather than the millions of Australians who live, work and play on our beautiful beaches and rely on our coastline?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson-Young for the question. Senator Hanson-Young, I completely reject the proposition of your question. I have to say I think in all of the portfolios in this chamber we back the millions of Australians that you referred to. In relation to the specific issue that you have raised, you would be aware that the bight is one of the most promising frontier oil and gas regions in the world. Australians needs oil and gas from the bight for—as you might be interested to know; the Australian people you referred to would certainly be interested to know—energy security, but also to protect the jobs in manufacturing. And, yes, that is something that we're prepared to do.</para>
<para>Australia has one of the best and safest offshore regimes in the world. And, in fact, Senator Hanson-Young, your former partners-in-crime, in ALP senators Chisholm and Urquhart, said last year in a Senate inquiry into oil and gas in the Great Australian Bight, 'The Australian offshore oil and gas industry is subject to one of the most rigorous environmental and safety regulatory regimes in the world'—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Reynolds on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Reynolds</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm sitting right behind the minister and I cannot hear what she is saying, so I suspect others cannot either.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was calling colleagues to order at the time. If they could keep quiet while I'm repeatedly doing so, that would be much appreciated.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Sterle interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Take a breath, Senator Sterle. It is Thursday; you're going home soon.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I was stating, the government is committed to encouraging the safe and responsible development of Australia's offshore oil and gas resources. This includes the Great Australian Bight, where offshore petroleum exploration activities have been occurring since the 1960s and they've been occurring safely since then. You may be aware that 13 wells have actually been drilled in the region since 1972, and those were drilled in the region without any incident. Not only is the bight one of the largest underexplored basins in Australia, it is considered by many in the petroleum industry to be one of the most prospective new basins in the world.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Canavan last week said that we needed to drill for oil in the Great Australian Bight because petrol prices in Australia were too high, yet he has also said that oil wouldn't be extracted for at least a decade. So why is the minister pretending to the Australian people that putting the bight, our marine life and beaches at risk will lower petrol prices? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, Senator Hanson-Young, you will not be surprised that I am going to reject the entire premise of your question. Minister Canavan is incredibly well informed when it comes to these issues. In particular, his concerns, obviously, are for the drilling of oil in the Great Australian Bight. But, as I have stated, 13 wells have been drilled in the region since 1972 without incident.</para>
<para>You made some comments previously in relation to Equinor. I am advised Equinor is currently preparing its environment plan for its proposed drilling campaign in the Great Australian Bight. Senator Hanson, you may wish to note that before any drilling can occur, and before you make any other statements that are misleading, Equinor has to submit the plan to Australia's independent regulator, NOPSEMA, for assessment and approval.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young on a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll point out for the record that other wells have never been drilled as deep as what Equinor's proposal is. That's why the dangerous situation—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, it is not a time for debate; it is question time.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, could the minister please answer: you've thrown the Great Barrier Reef under a bus. You now want to throw the Great Australian Bight. When are you going to stop selling out Australia's natural resources for big corporate profits?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, thank you for the theatrics. You are—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In the minister's last comment, she referred to 'Senator Hanson' in her answer, and I find that offensive. Please, if she could refer to the senator as Senator Hanson-Young.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will confess to having made the inadvertent error myself. I am sure the minister will keep it in mind.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, there is a fundamental difference between yourself, Senator Hanson, and Senator Hanson-Young. As I was saying, Senator Hanson-Young, thank you very much for the theatrics. In relation to the Great Barrier Reef, those of us on this side of the chamber, I can assure you, are incredibly proud of the work this government has done to ensure the sustainability of the great icon, the Great Barrier Reef, but, in particular, the tens of thousands of jobs that are sustained by our Great Barrier Reef. In fact, it was because of the policies of this government that the Great Barrier Reef was actually taken off the World Heritage watch list.</para>
<para>So, Senator Hanson-Young, in relation to your comments: I believe that those of us on this side of the chamber are the ones who've put in place the policies—you've opposed them every single time—to ensure that the Great Barrier Reef is sustainable for decades to come. And in relation to— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Affairs</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Senator Scullion. I refer to reports today that the minister has granted $1.4 million from the Indigenous Advancement Strategy and Aboriginals Benefit Account funding to a Katherine-based non-Indigenous company, North Australian Rural Management Consultants, which has close links to the Country Liberal Party. How many Indigenous people have been employed and how many Indigenous businesses have been assisted by the $1.4 million grant to North Australian Rural Management Consultants?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much for your interest in this area, Senator McCarthy. I stand by every dollar and every cent of the IAS funding that I have approved, and every IAS grant has been made in accordance with IAS guidelines. I'm actively transitioning IAS funds to the Indigenous organisations that deliver outcomes, and the number is significantly increasing. When I got the portfolio, 35 per cent of the IAS was given to Indigenous organisations. It's now 55 per cent. So we're doing pretty well. Over that period of time, there have been some remarkable outcomes. But from time to time there is a capacity for organisations like the Red Cross. I give them $2 million and they deliver to Indigenous people. CatholicCare, to whom we give $18 million, deliver to youth and the unemployed. We give $1.1 million to World Vision because they're delivering in the area of early childhood. So, if you're suggesting that we cut all these funds—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Really, I'm not sure that's what they're suggesting. To give a clear understanding of what NARMCO do, they're an organisation that do back-of-house accounting and business advice to Indigenous companies. Most of them say, 'Yes, I can do the work, but we're struggling. We're not quite big enough to have in-house.' So we have a business adviser service that provides the accounting services and advocacy services within an Indigenous business. All the reports that come to me are that they do a good job. This contract was provided over three years ago, and they do a remarkable job. There's an allegation that somehow there's a connection to whatever the inappropriate process is. I do note the reason I'm aware of NARMCO is that I became aware of an issue and I specifically asked them for a show cause as to how they were going to manage the possible perception of some interaction. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Reports today reveal the minister has asked North Australian Rural Management Consultants to show cause about any perceived conflicts of interest. What conflicts of interest is the minister concerned about? Has the minister also asked North Australian Rural Management Consultants to address any conflict of interest, given the close links to the Country Liberal Party?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I knew there was a man called Ron Kelly who became the president of the Country Liberal Party. I was informed that he actually works for NARMCO and had been doing so for some time before that event. That is a perceived conflict. So, because this is the process of how you deal with conflicts, perceived or otherwise, we've written to the company and asked them: how are you going to manage that conflict or the perception of it? This is a process that is followed throughout these sorts of circumstances. I have been at pains to ensure that those processes are followed to the letter. We have followed those processes to the letter. The department has provided some advice about how these matters are dealt with, and I have dealt with this in exactly that way.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given that only three of seven Closing the Gap targets are on track and Indigenous Australians live, on average, 10 years less than non-Indigenous Australians, how does giving nearly $2 million to non-Indigenous companies and organisations achieve the stated aims of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What it does is assist the Indigenous companies creating the outcomes of 10 per cent of the 412,000 jobs we created last year. Three per cent of the population created 10 per cent of those jobs. They did it because we had organisations assisting them with areas where they don't have the capacity so that they can get the contracts. That's right: government contracts that went from $6.2 million under your government to over a billion dollars under ours—32 businesses under yours, over 1,000 under ours. That's why we're doing so well.</para>
<para>But they have told us, 'We need help in some areas.' So, on the basis of advice to those companies—we don't trust them—they say, 'Can I have some support from these organisations?' and we provide that support. Those organisations that provide the support are essential in building capacity so that these Aboriginal organisations, this one in particular, can access the economy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Housing</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is also to the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Senator Scullion. What is the Liberal-National government doing to address the urgent and immediate housing need in the Northern Territory community of Borroloola?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for that question. It's a very important one, and we're aware that Senator McCarthy made a number of assertions to Senator Cormann, representing the Prime Minister, yesterday. I don't think Senator McCarthy has a mischievous bone in her body. These matters were 10 years ago, and some things can slip your mind, so she asked the question. But let me tell the Senate about the people of Borroloola. They have been waiting 10 years for $15 million from the federal government to provide housing—$14.6 million, actually. So, if I can just correct the senator: it was sent to the Northern Territory 10 years ago. And I know senators will find this a bit more difficult to swallow: Senator McCarthy has forgotten that she was a cabinet minister in the very same government!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCarthy</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>For the last five years it's been under Minister Nigel Scullion.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That isn't a point of order, Senator McCarthy; that is a point of debate. There's an opportunity for that after question time.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So, we're all pretty interested in how that slipped her mind when she was asking the question yesterday. The $14.6 million was sent to Senator McCarthy's government, and it has been the Northern Territory government's entire responsibility to build those houses—nothing to do with the Commonwealth; no-one's ever suggested that it is anything to do with the Commonwealth government. But they should be commended: they did build houses, in the 2009-10—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy, what is your point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCarthy</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is that it is incorrect. The leasing is with Nigel Scullion.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Please resume your seat. I will not entertain a further point. I will frown strongly upon a further point of order that is a point of debate for after question time.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In 2009-10 they built 67 houses, none in Borroloola; 257 in 2010-11, none in Borroloola—sorry about that, Borroloola; 356 in 2011-12—sorry, none in Borroloola; 261 in 2012-13—sorry, none in Borroloola. That is a total of 941 houses in the four years that she was in government, a part of the executive of the Northern Territory government, and not one in Borroloola—not a single skerrick of a house in Borroloola. So, I think it's pretty nauseating to take a lecture from those opposite.</para>
<para>An opposition senator: Shameful!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Scullion, a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Scullion</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've just been harassed by the senator opposite. She's calling me shameful. She's misled the Senate. She should be rising to her feet and apologising.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, are you rising on this point of order? I was about to rule that it wasn't a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order: if there's anyone who is shameful, it's this minister, who's presided over cuts to Aboriginal services.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is not the place. You know better than that, Senator Wong. Senator Cormann?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong should withdraw that.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't deem the language to be unparliamentary. It is inappropriate to use a point of order for points of debate. Senator Smith, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why is it necessary for the Commonwealth to step in and deliver this important support for residents of this remote community?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The reason we're stepping in is that the Northern Territory government has failed—still, today—to deliver a single house in Borroloola.</para>
<para class="italic">Honourable senators interjecting —</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure if they have any interest in this matter, particularly Senator McCarthy, but, in partnership with the community of Borroloola and the community of the Northern Territory, we have the support of the Northern Land Council. Let me tell you what hasn't happened: Senator McCarthy has never come to me with—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Scullion, please resume your seat. Senator O'Sullivan, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've previously advised the chamber of my sensitive-ear syndrome. This is a workplace health and safety issue, and they need to conduct themselves in a quieter manner.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I had asked Senator Scullion to resume his seat because I couldn't hear a word he was saying.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Jacinta Collins</name>
    <name.id>GB6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's because his microphone was turned off!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, the microphone was on.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Everyone, please be quiet while I'm talking! It is not too much to ask. There were too many interjections during that. It was very hard for anyone to hear.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was told, by the community of Borroloola, that there were particular issues that were going to occur over this wet season and asked if we would be able to do something about it, given that the Territory government are not intending to build any houses until next year. That's the reason we're working with the Northern Territory government and the Northern Land Council—to provide some relief in the way that the Northern Territory government will not.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What other action is the government taking to deliver better housing for residents of remote communities across the Northern Territory?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We've put $550 million on the table for remote housing in the Northern Territory, and I commend the Northern Territory for matching that. I commend a relatively small jurisdiction for matching that. Most importantly, we're making sure that Aboriginal people are there to make sure that the funding isn't raided, to make sure that the administration costs are down, to make sure that Indigenous businesses get the procurement, and to make sure that the Indigenous people make sure that there is Indigenous employment as part of this. Unfortunately, Mr Gunner and the Labor Party have written to the Prime Minister indicating they don't want the Northern Land Council, the Central Land Council, the Anindilyakwa Land Council or the Tiwi Land Council to be a part of that process. We're doing what remote communities have asked us to do. The advice I'd give to Senator McCarthy is that she'd be far better acting on the advice of her constituents.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>69</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the minister representing the Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care, Senator Scullion. The government's own data shows that there are more than 121,000 older Australians waiting for their approved home care package. Around 96,000 are waiting for a level 3 or 4 package. Around 56,000 have no package at all. Why did Prime Minister Morrison approve spending of $8.2 million to advertise home care packages when the government knew the wait time to receive a level 3 or 4 package was more than 12 months, with some waiting for over two years for care?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think we all understand that the demand for home care, particularly for the high-level packages that the senator has indicated, continues to increase because it's a reflection of the desire of older Australians to remain in their homes as long as possible. The government are addressing this demand. As we've indicated here in this place before, there is an additional $1.6 billion investment in home care packages. This will allow for 14,000 new high-level home care packages to be released over the next four years. That's on top of the 6,000 that were released in MYEFO.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Polley</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My point of order is on relevance. My question goes to the judgement of why $8.2 million was spent on advertising home care packages when there's already a blowout of 121,000 older Australians still waiting.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, you've restated the last part of your question. There was a substantial preliminary part of your question. The minister's entitled to address that, and he was being directly relevant.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>More people than ever before are receiving home care packages. Of the 121,487 people, as of 30 June 2018, who are waiting for a package at their approved level, half were already on an existing package. It's very important to note that. They were already on an existing package, so it wasn't as if, as those opposite are trying to assert, no support was being provided. It is also very important in this context that people understand that $5.5 billion is also available as part of the Commonwealth Home Support Program, which assists around 800,000 older Australians. Meals on Wheels, you name it—there are a whole range of support packages that are also receiving care. I have to say: the fact that we even have a queue is something only this government has done. Under Labor there was absolutely no waiting list. We have provided the transparency. We've delivered significant long-term reforms in the provision of home and residential care for older Australians. The average wait time for people waiting for their first home-care package is about one to three months. We have provided an increase of 86 per cent, which is going to lead to more than 74,000 high-level home care packages being available in 2021-22.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's so obvious, Minister, that you just don't get it. Whose idea was it to spend $8.2 million to promote home care packages despite the government overseeing a blowout to the waiting list of in excess of 121,000 Australians?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I've indicated, there is an increase. The number of people in care has actually increased by 24.4 per cent over a year. That has gone from 70,579 people receiving care in 2017 to—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Polley</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask you to ask the minister to be relevant. The question was: whose idea was it to spend the $8.2 million on advertising instead of providing care to older Australians? He hasn't come anywhere near that.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There were other terms in your question. You did use the term 'blowout' and the minister is entitled to challenge that term in his answer and be directly relevant to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If she's concerned about that particular element of her question, the minister responsible is the person who came up with that good idea to ensure elderly people have the information they need. As I've indicated, we're talking about an investment of $1.6 billion, but I don't want to put the $1.6 billion out there and not tell anyone it exists. That might be a trap for those opposite. We want to inform people on how to get access. It's so important for older Australians to understand the nature of those processes. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is this just another example of Mr Morrison's poor judgement? What does the minister say to the 121,000 older Australians waiting for their approved home care packages in response to the government's decision to spend $8.2 million promoting home care packages instead of using the money to get the care that they need?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I indicated in my first answer, there's no point quoting half of the information, trying to make it sound it worse than it is. You need to incorporate—remember, I've just indicated our investment of $5.5 billion. As I've said, over 64,000 of those 121,000 are receiving a home care package, but so many of them will be receiving benefits of $5.5 billion, and we know that they're receiving support services through that record $5.5 billion investment of the Commonwealth Home Support Program, which assists more than 121,000; it assists 800,000 older Australians. We are very proud of our record. We have invested $5 billion, year on year, $1 billion more than those opposite did, and we will invest $5 billion extra over the next— (<inline font-style="italic">Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>70</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foodbank</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I took a question on notice on behalf of the Deputy Prime Minister earlier in the week, and I just want to advise the Senate that, in response to that, he is pleased to see the funding announcement for Foodbank by the Prime Minister. Recognising the important role it plays in regional communities, particularly those affected by drought, the Liberal-National government has increased its funding for food relief, and it looks forward to working closely with Foodbank, SecondBite and OzHarvest to maximise the benefits our vital food relief services provide to vulnerable and homeless Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>71</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Northern Territory: Grants</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>71</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Under the order of the Senate agreed to on 13 November 2018, I seek an explanation from the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Senator Scullion, concerning the failure to respond in full to the order for the production of documents relating to the Indigenous Advancement Strategy.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Those documents have, in fact, been provided to the Senate. I'll just check. My understanding is that's the case. Just give me a moment and I'll check.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the explanation.</para></quote>
<para>On Tuesday, I gave notice and asked the Minister for Indigenous Affairs for advice provided by the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet to him regarding the grants to the NT Cattlemen's Association, the Amateur Fishermen's Association of the NT and the NT Seafood Council that were referred to during estimates on Friday, 26 October. I also asked for copies of grant applications by the NTCA, AFANT and NTSC for funding from the Indigenous Advancement Strategy and any correspondence or other information, including briefs and meeting and file notes from or to the Indigenous affairs minister about these grants. This morning I did receive from the minister some of those documents. I received the briefs provided to the minister by the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet concerning the applications, and I thank him for that. However, I have not received the grant applications from the three organisations under the IAS, because apparently they are commercial-in-confidence documents. I await production of these documents by, as the minister has said, 21 November.</para>
<para>The limited documents I have received do show some interesting facts about the whole process of how these grants to non-Indigenous peak bodies were made. Let's take a moment just to go over the facts. In April this year, the Minister for Indigenous Affairs stood up at the Amateur Fishermen's Association of the NT annual general meeting and said he was giving them $100,000 to help them run detriment cases in land claims. The papers provided to me today show that he did not sign off on an IAS grant to AFANT until 21 May, and the grant was for $155,000. According to departmental advice, it was a non-competitive direct approach to AFANT, which was recommended because:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is a clear need for the stakeholder group to be better informed on Aboriginal issues in the NT …</para></quote>
<para>It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This has been demonstrated by recent NT media on NT land claims which has attracted negative, uninformed comment from members of the recreational fishing community.</para></quote>
<para>I'm wondering why the minister was able to make a promise to AFANT at its AGM in April about a $100,000 grant when at that stage he didn't know where the money was coming from. The AFANT money hadn't even started going through the grants process at that stage.</para>
<para>I also note that nowhere on any of the departmental advice to the three organisations does it mention the funding being used to meet legal costs in running detriment arguments in land claims. It talks about the stakeholder groups needing to be better informed about Indigenous people, how they should be better educated about land rights and native title, and how this funding will help their members to learn more about Indigenous people. In Senate estimates on 26 October, when I asked you, Minister, about the nearly half a million dollars granted under the IAS to the peak bodies, you said the funding was for 'just the legal fees, effectively'. I'm wondering why none of this advice from the department to you, Minister, about these IAS grants refers anywhere to the provision of fees for legal advice.</para>
<para>The minister said that he granted $1.4 million to a non-Indigenous company, North Australian Rural Management Consultants, for accountancy services, because they happen to have some Indigenous organisations as clients. I find this is an extraordinary use of funds that are meant to improve Indigenous communities and Indigenous lives. I would like to make clear, as I wrote to all the peak bodies on 2 November, that I understand and support their efforts to resolve some of these outstanding land claims. Further, I fully support the rights of these organisations to pursue legal assistance for the associated costs of putting forward their arguments in land claim hearings. However, it is my view that using IAS funding that is meant to support Indigenous participation and culture and strengthen Indigenous organisations for this purpose is an inappropriate use of these funds. I am advised that there are alternative and more usual funding streams and access to support for legal representation in land claims through the Attorney-General.</para>
<para>I will continue to ask why the minister did not follow this process. I will certainly continue to seek information and ask questions about the process that the Minister for Indigenous Affairs and the coalition government have followed with the allocation of IAS grants, and I will continue to ask the minister why grants from the Indigenous Advancement Strategy are provided to non-Indigenous companies that are run by his political mates.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for clarifying that we hadn't actually got the documents in time. We have clarified with the senator that we have provided those documents. There are three documents, which are the funding applications. Until we can ascertain that there are no commercial-in-confidence issues with those three organisations, we can't provide them those documents. We indicated that, as soon as that process has been finished and as soon as we have clarified that, we will add those to the tabled documents. This is a standard process and a process that we would always follow.</para>
<para>The senator made a number of remarks about this, and it does give me an opportunity to perhaps clarify the sorts of matters that the land commissioner is considering. First of all, as a principle, I am very, very keen to make sure that these land claims are advanced. The senators opposite may know—I know Senator McCarthy would know—that the longest-standing land claim in the Northern Territory was the Kenbi land claim, and I am very proud to be the minister who signed off on it, eventually. That was a bit of a struggle at the last minute. Aboriginal people who are the beneficiaries of the declaration of that grant are so happy that it was eventually granted. As Senator McCarthy would also acknowledge, I'm sure, many people say that the lands rights process takes so long that many of the people who champion a claim actually pass away.</para>
<para>There are two things that a land commissioner would take into consideration when dealing with these matters. The first is: 'When I make the determination to grant this land, what do those people impacted understand about it? What do they understand about what happens to their rights and what happens to them? Do they know about what I'm about to determine?' The second matter he takes into consideration is: 'What impact am I going to have on those stakeholders?' It's usually referred to as detriment. One is fundamentally an education process and one is a legal process. Let's say you take native title—it's just a legal process. But with both of the processes in this case—particularly the Beds and Banks case, because it's a precedent case and hasn't been dealt with under ALRA before—it is essential that we have both elements. I recall the senator referring to, I think, 52C of the Aboriginal Land Rights Act, under which the Attorney-General may make grants. But, if you look deeper, it is only for legal elements; it is not for where we have an education package because of those two matters.</para>
<para>It is useful to understand what else I have done in these matters. I know Senator McCarthy knows that all the land councils have said, 'We want this advanced as quickly as possible.' There is only a suite now remaining, and we can deal with that suite. I want them dealt with as quickly as possible, and I have committed to resolving those land claims. So I have provided $8 million to the Northern Land Council. I've provided an additional million dollars to the Office of the Aboriginal Land Commissioner because they're going to have more hearings and those sorts of processes, knowing that the land commissioner will ask himself two questions, as I said. The first is: 'Do they understand the legislation around my determination over whatever rights and interests they may have?' The second is: 'Are these stakeholders able to tell me what impact it will have on them?' They are the two fundamental things the land commissioner will actually consider. These grants have been specifically for that. They have been specifically to do that. And I can tell you I'll make sure that it is done in a way that they are not wasted. We put a lot of time and thought into making sure that these investments will advance those processes.</para>
<para>I'll go to some comments that Senator McCarthy made about some associated IAS funding to NARMCO—a very hurtful 'to your mates' at the end. I don't know who writes your speeches, Senator, but you should keep less of that. So we're supporting NARMCO, which is supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander businesses. As I've indicated in an answer to a question today, we should add to that; there are a great deal more. There's $18 million to CatholicCare, $2 million to Australian Red Cross and $1.1 million to World Vision. I know that Senator McCarthy would wish that we ensure that we lift the capacity of Aboriginal businesses to provide services to themselves—in fact, I've done it, because, frankly, they do it better. They can do it as efficiently and they do it better. And I have, in my time here, got the biggest jump ever in Aboriginal businesses providing those services. But, for some time, it will be the case that others do them.</para>
<para>I indicate that I don't know a great deal of detail in terms of NARMCO, but my general understanding is that this is an organisation that specialises in providing back-of-house, principally advocacy services around accounting and finance. They do applications on behalf of people. People want to apply for a particular grant in a particular area, so they go and do those grant applications for them. I understand they have been highly commended by many of the Aboriginal businesses they work for. My understanding is that they predominantly provide a very focused piece of work for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander businesses. I look very carefully at every element of this funding. Every element of this funding is provided under the guidance of the department and under the IAS guidelines. I haven't shifted from those guidelines.</para>
<para>With regard to the opportunity that the senator took to make some comments today and say that we haven't produced the documents, the documents were produced with a statement that said, 'There are three remaining documents, but the process is, because there is a connection between the people who gave us those documents, that we simply need to check.' I expect they will be with the Senate very shortly—within days. It's up to them. I can't see that they would be anywhere else. I'm not sure if someone's held them up. The adviser indicates no. Okay. They should be here very shortly. There are six documents that meet the terms of Senator McCarthy's request—three briefs to me seeking approval for funding in a direct funding application from each organisation. All of those briefs have been tabled. Now, if there's some relevant information—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, I might just correct that, because you've come back to it a few times. They are with the Table Office, so you can seek to table those.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I wasn't aware at all.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. No, that's fine.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So I can table those remaining documents now. Thank you, Madam Deputy President.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. So we're talking about the initial three documents.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No; those have already been tabled, I understand.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No; they haven't been tabled in the Senate.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So the original documents I can table now. I assumed they were tabled. They were with the Table Office this morning; they haven't been tabled. My apologies. With regard to the other application, the hold-up would only be a matter of days, but it is a convention. I'm advised by the department that I have to seek the okay from those three organisations. I can't see it being any material matter. I've actually given a fixed date. I've said the department has to consult with these organisations by 21 November. I've also instructed them just to get it done as quickly as they can, and I'm quite sure the documents will be tabled with the Senate as soon as possible.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>73</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Answers to Questions</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by ministers to questions without notice asked by Opposition senators today.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to take note of answers given by government senators to questions asked by Labor senators. I want to go to a very important question I asked the minister, which was the question as to who actually made the decision to spend $8.2 million on advertising home care packages, when this government knew that the waiting list had blown out.</para>
<para>We know that the government sat on the last two lots of data. They sat on it for weeks and weeks instead of releasing it. When they finally released the last set of data, the waiting list had grown by an additional 13,000 Australians. Now, as it currently stands—we know from the government's own data—there are 121,000 older Australians who are still waiting for their approved packages of care. As I said in my question, there are 56,000 older Australians who have been assessed to get care but are getting nothing—not even level 1 or level 2, let alone levels 3 or 4, which are what the majority of them, 96,000 of them, have been waiting for. This government has failed on every single policy decision when it comes to older Australians. What they've done is spend $8.2 million on advertising home care packages, when the waiting times in some circumstances have blown out to two years.</para>
<para>Just so that those opposite actually understand what they're doing as far as the impact on older Australians goes, let me say that I had a woman email me this morning, having heard the comments I made in a speech yesterday about this blowout in the waiting list, to say: 'People are dying while they wait for their home care package.' That's what the reality is. This lady wrote: 'My husband had cancer of the stomach and liver. He was approved for a level 3 package earlier this year. He was provided with a glossy booklet that promoted and explained how the packages worked et cetera. As my husband's condition seriously deteriorated, I contacted My Aged Care to see when he could start receiving his level 3 package.' It was at this time that this lady learned about the 121,000 older Australians on the national waiting list. She was shocked and in total disbelief that the government promoted the benefit of the home care packages in the glossy booklet but was unable to deliver the care in a timely manner. Her husband passed away last month, before he could receive his level 3 home care package. This poor man went through the whole year very unwell without adequate care. The toll on this lady and her family was just a nightmare. That's just one example. I could go through countless. I outlined three others in my speech yesterday.</para>
<para>The government has been unable to deliver the services. This is a government that has been in charge of this policy area for five years. There have been three ministers. It was this government that actually called a royal commission into its own failures as a government. That's what it's done. It wasn't us calling for a royal commission; it was the government itself, because it has failed.</para>
<para>When the minister today, in his response, tried to suggest it was their idea to have the home care packages, he was blatantly wrong. He doesn't know what he's talking about. They were part of the Living Longer Living Better package, which was developed in consultation with the opposition at the time—that crew over there—and the sector. The framework was already there. All those opposite have had to do is roll out the plans that were established between the Labor government, the sector and the then opposition, and they've failed. They have failed miserably in not being able to do that.</para>
<para>What they want us to do is trust them. Well, the next data is due to be rolled out in the next few weeks, and I warned those opposite yesterday: don't release this new data on Christmas Eve, because you can't hide. They might try to run, but they can't hide from the fact that the waitlist will have blown out by, I would suggest, in excess of another 10,000 to 15,000 older Australians. It was a disgrace and dishonest for the Prime Minister to promise older Australians—when he knifed Malcolm Turnbull—that he would make older Australians a priority. He hasn't. If he calls allowing this wait list to blow out without taking any recourse at all a priority, he is a failure and he should stand condemned.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The cynical use of older Australians by the Australian Labor Party is to be condemned. The simple fact is that, under the previous Labor government, there was no home care approval list. So that of which the Labor Party complain is something they never thought of in government and never implemented, which as a result meant that senior Australians were left in the dark and subjected to unbearable delays in assessment and home care support. When quoting statistics, it's a bit like skimpy bathers: what they show is interesting; what they hide is vital. And what Senator Polley's speech has done is hide that which is vital.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Polley</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise on a point of order, Madam Deputy President. That was a totally disrespectful analysis. Senator Abetz's pathetic attempt—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, that is not a point of order. Please resume your seat.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You know you've got them between the eyes when they make an absolutely vacuous point of order such as that.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Polley</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We'll see who has it between the eyes at the next election.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The honourable senator knows exactly what I am about to say. While you are attacking Mr Morrison personally, I advise you that the Liberal-National Party government is rolling out an additional 14,000 higher level packages.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Polley</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Fourteen thousand over three years.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That began on 1 July. They are being rolled out as we speak. Senator Polley, with her insistent interjections, would hope the Australian people are not informed of this information. But I just happen to have the microphone for a few minutes, so I will repeat the fact that there are going to be 14,000 additional high-level packages. They are being rolled out and have been as of 1 July. We will grow overall home care packages from 87,000 to 151,000 over the next four years. So there is a plan. The plan is being implemented. We are seeking to serve the needs—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Polley interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Reynolds</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise on a point of order, Madam Deputy President. Senator Polley had her opportunity to speak and take note. I think she is now interjecting more than Senator Abetz is actually speaking. I would also point out, on her point of order—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Reynolds, thank you—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Reynolds</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>that Senator Polley was the one who yesterday—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Reynolds, resume your seat, please. Senator Reynolds, when I ask you to resume your seat, I expect you to do so. Senators do have the right to be heard in silence, so let's continue with that.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And, to assist me being heard in silence, I note that Senator Polley's wisely removing herself from the chamber.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Abetz, I do remind you that it is not appropriate to refer to whether senators are in or out of the chamber. You have no idea what may or may not be in their diaries, so do not make that reference.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I wasn't reflecting on whether she was in or out; I was just reflecting on the fact that she was removing herself.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Abetz, I've asked you not to do that. When I asked you not to do that, you simply repeated it. Please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The facts are, which the Labor Party just don't like hearing, that up to three-quarters of the people on the national list are receiving some form of Commonwealth aged-care support, in any event. Is there a backlog? Yes. What did we inherit from the Australian Labor Party? It was a system that did not even have a proper, orderly list. So people were left in mayhem, uncertainty and insecurity. We are seeking to deal with that by allocating further funds and by telling the Australian people in the aged-care sector what they're entitled to with what is in the scheme of things a relatively small proportion of $8.2 million out of $5,500 million. Do the percentages on that; it's a minuscule percentage. To advise them as to what they actually might be entitled to and how the system is going to be rolled out is something that I think is appropriate.</para>
<para>If the Australian Labor Party were genuinely concerned about older Australians, they would repudiate and cancel their policy in relation to the treatment of franked dividends for those Australians who are seeking to prepare for their own retirement to ensure that they are not a burden on their fellow Australians. But what Mr Shorten and the Australian Labor Party are seeking to do is double-tax our older Australians who so heavily rely, through their self-managed super fund, their own investment or indeed other retirement schemes, on the benefit of getting a reimbursement of tax that is already paid. For many thousands of Australians, that impacts people on an income of less than $18,000. The vast bulk of people who will be impacted will be people who earn less than $87,000 per annum, not the filthy rich. But they're the people from whose pockets Mr Shorten and the Australian Labor Party will be pilfering money to put into Labor's spending spree.</para>
<para>Let's be very clear: when it comes to the actual issue that Senator Polley sought to address, the government has a plan. We are caring for more and more Australians and we will continue to do so on the back of sound economic management. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to take note of all answers, but in particular Senator Fifield's answer to Senator Keneally.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley has already done that.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, has she? Okay, thank you. Today in question time we had another display from this rabble, as my good friend Senator Cameron refers to them, or this muppet show of a government. I think he started calling them the mad muppet show. It is no more evident than it was today in every single answer, but in particular the answer from Senator Fifield. The question that Senator Keneally directed to Senator Fifield regarded the latest example of division and dysfunction that we see from the Abbott-Turnbull-Morrison-Joyce-Truss-McCormack—whoever's next—government, and that is the display of disunity, particularly from Senator Fierravanti-Wells in her most recent opinion piece in <inline font-style="italic">T</inline><inline font-style="italic">he</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald </inline>yesterday. It's always interesting to see what happens when former ministers go to the backbench. They discover their honesty gene, their openness gene, and are more at liberty to talk about what they really think about their government's policies and about their own ministerial colleagues. Senator Fierravanti-Wells left us in absolutely no doubt about what she thinks of the new environment minister, Ms Melissa Price, by labelling her 'an environment minister on L-plates'. It's hard to imagine a more cutting jibe to receive from one of your own colleagues than that remark, and Senator Fierravanti-Wells certainly was happy to dish it out. I think we are all surprised to see Senator Fierravanti-Wells be consigned to the backbench after the most recent leadership spill. She at least had the good grace to be quite open with former Prime Minister Turnbull about his performance, more so than many of her colleagues. While many of her colleagues quite openly voted against Mr Turnbull in the most recent leadership ballot, most of them have kept their spots and in some cases have been promoted. Senator Fierravanti-Wells has been picked on and has been consigned to the backbench, so it's no wonder that she wants to tell the Australian public what she really thinks about her colleagues.</para>
<para>What gave rise to these comments from Senator Fierravanti-Wells?</para>
<para>It was about the allegations that surfaced in our last sitting weeks that Minister Price offended a key Pacific leader, former Kiribati President Mr Tong, at a restaurant in Canberra by essentially accusing him of really only turning up to Canberra wanting more cash from the Australian government; she allegedly said that she had her chequebook out. This was an appalling slur to throw against one of our Pacific neighbours, in an area where we should and rightly do have significant influence. That's a pretty good way to make sure that our Pacific neighbours don't really think much of us—to treat them like that. It was, in fact, reminiscent of the comments that we heard from another minister in this government, Minister Dutton, when, in talking about climate change, he was caught saying that it's hard to care about things when you've got water lapping at your door—again, deeply offensive remarks made at the expense of our Pacific neighbours. But that's just another day in the job of a minister in this government.</para>
<para>Of course that's not the only foreign policy faux pas that we've seen from ministers, right up to the Prime Minister of late, with the embarrassing, deeply damaging and growing rift that we see between Australia and our largest near neighbour, Indonesia, over the Prime Minister's clearly political but counterproductive move to announce the possible move of the Australian embassy in Israel. We know that our relationship with Indonesia is vital to our future, whether it be on an economic basis, a security basis or a cultural basis, and we've seen Prime Minister Morrison happy to junk that relationship and put it into real danger just to try to score a few votes in Wentworth, which, of course, miserably failed.</para>
<para>So, whether it be Minister Price wandering around restaurants in Canberra offending Pacific leaders or whether it be the Prime Minister running around with his baseball cap on offending Indonesian leaders, it seems that this government just doesn't care about how Australia is regarded by our neighbours in the Asia-Pacific, which is a very short-sighted approach and one that shows that this government has lost any sense of where it wants to take the country. This latest outburst from Senator Fierravanti-Wells about the L-plate environment minister is just the latest incident of division and dysfunction that we've seen from this government. They have completely lost control. Everyone in Canberra is talking about what a boring week this has been because the government has no agenda that it wants to put forward. All the government have time for is to fight with each other and throw insults at each other in the newspapers. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It hasn't been a boring week. You just haven't spoken enough, clearly, Senator Watt.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just a moment, Senator Brockman. Could you resume your seat. Senator Di Natale?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm seeking an answer as to why Senator Brockman got the call. This is the sixth speaker—is it?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've got my maths wrong, have I? Good. Oh, we started late. Thank you.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, we started late. It's the fourth speaker. Please continue, Senator Brockman.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We started very late, but we'll get there in the end. Reflecting on question time today, reflecting on question time this week and reflecting on question time this year, we've seen a lot of questions from those opposite which remind me greatly—perhaps I'm going to reveal my age a little bit here—of the <inline font-style="italic">Peanuts</inline> cartoon where Lucy sets up the football for Charlie Brown, Charlie Brown runs up to kick it, Lucy pulls it away and Charlie Brown falls flat on his backside. That's what the Labor Party have been doing all week: falling flat on their backsides with a series of questions, including today, where they run up, they think they're on a winner, they think they're going to kick that ball to the other end of the field, but they swing and miss and land on their backsides yet again. They want to bring up things that happened over a decade ago. They want to bring up L-plate leaders. What about the original L-plate leader, Mark Latham, who those opposite wanted to be Prime Minister?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Watt</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's not our problem.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Those opposite wanted Mark Latham to be Prime Minister. It's not your problem now, but it was your problem, Senator Watt.</para>
<para>What are this government and this Prime Minister doing? This Prime Minister and this government are getting on with the job. We're seeing the Australian economy grow at a great rate, 3.4 per cent, surpassing market expectations. It is a stronger rate than the world's seven largest advanced economies—the USA, Canada, France, Italy, the UK and Japan—and faster than the OECD average. What does that economic growth lead to? The most important thing it leads to is jobs, something that those opposite claim to care about—I have my suspicions. What did this government commit to achieving? It committed to achieving one million new jobs within five years, and we have more than achieved that—in fact, 1,144,500 jobs since 2013. Actually, I think that figure is slightly out of date. I think it's more than that now.</para>
<para>We see a government delivering on GST reform. The government has delivered something that many members opposite said could never be done. Western Australian Labor members of parliament said it couldn't be done, because it was too hard politically, but this government has delivered it.</para>
<para>For the first time, we've seen a significant reduction in the welfare rolls. This leads to a double benefit. It means more people are in work, so there is more tax revenue, but it also means that our expenditure is less. And we're giving those people a chance at a new future—not stuck in a welfare-dependent situation. Contrary to what those opposite try to draw out—the political, the 'inside the beltway' stories—this government is getting on with the job.</para>
<para>We are signing free trade agreements. Again, those opposite are walking away from a long-term bipartisan commitment to open and free trade. It is very sad that the Labor Party has fallen so far since the days of Hawke and Keating. I'm surprised to find myself saying that, because Hawke and Keating were certainly no favourites of mine. For the Labor Party to walk away from the benefits of trade and the jobs it creates is quite extraordinary.</para>
<para>Today we had an extraordinary attack on the Home Support Program. Labor didn't even have a list when they were in power. They criticised this government for actually finding out the scope of the issue that needs to be addressed. That is the great evil—when they were last in power, only a few short years ago, no such list existed. Again, our government is getting on with the job. The Morrison government committed $1.6 billion for extra home care packages, a rollout of 14,000 additional high-level packages, growing overall home care packages from 87,000 to 151,000 over the next four years. In so many ways this government is getting on with the job of delivering for Australians, unlike those opposite, who just want to play political games.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, question time was all about captain's calls, big sticks, pinpoints, L-plates and the deep wounds that exist on the coalition side. Captain's calls: here we have a Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, who decided just days out from the Wentworth by-election that it was time to unilaterally announce that Australia was considering moving its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. There was no consultation with our armed forces, many of our public servants had to find out about it from the media and there was no consideration from the Prime Minister as to how this might affect our neighbour to the north, Indonesia. Well, we now know how it affects them. They're very upset and very angry, and understandably so—and we have a free trade agreement that has been put on ice. Senators on the other side have gotten up in this debate and talked about the free trade agreement. They didn't mention Indonesia, the one that this Prime Minister has stabbed in the heart with his captain's call to move the Australian embassy to Jerusalem. We heard from Minister Ciobo that there might be only a five per cent chance of that. He refuses to confirm that he said it. Minister Cormann refuses to confirm that he said it here today in this chamber. So now we just sit here and wait, yet again, for the Prime Minister to make another captain's call.</para>
<para>But that's all right, because they've got their big stick. They're waving their big stick around at the energy companies, with one of the most illiberal ideas you can imagine. That is a party over there, a government, that used to be believe in the market. Now they're talking about the forced divestment of power companies—how extraordinary! Labor shadow Treasurer, Chris Bowen, said this is a policy more suited to Venezuela than to Australia, and he was right. This is the big stick they're waving around, because they have no energy policy.</para>
<para>Amazingly, we have a government that has no policy to bring down the price of energy, to bring down emissions or, indeed, to secure our energy future. We're missing out on jobs. We're missing out on opportunity, because we're not investing in renewables. But don't worry: they've got a big stick; they're going to wave it around. Meanwhile, we have a minister who cannot pinpoint when Australia's emissions are going to start coming down. I'm not asking for the date; I'm asking for the year. She can't tell us that. 'She can't pinpoint it,' she said last night in a radio interview.</para>
<para>Minister Fifield had information that was a bit more specific. Perhaps he should choose to share it with the Minister for the Environment, Melissa Price, who seems intent on proving Senator Fierravanti-Wells's point that Minister Price is an L-plate minister. Anyone who has ever driven with an L-plate driver knows that it can be quite scary. We now have an L-plate driver in the driver's seat of our environment portfolio and, quite frankly, she's driving the environment—she's driving this country—off a cliff. The reality is she is an L-plate minister.</para>
<para>Senator Fierravanti-Wells simply spoke the truth in her opinion piece, yet we have this minister unable to pinpoint when we're going to get emissions down in this country and unable to acknowledge that her words to the former President of Kiribati were deeply offensive. It's no wonder Senator Fierravanti-Wells, who, as a minister, worked so hard in the Pacific portfolio, felt the need to step up and provide some dignity and reflection where Minister Price had failed to do so. But don't worry, Minister Price had her say last night. She's not concerned about the hurt she might have caused to our Pacific neighbours; she's concerned about the hurt that has been caused to her. She is deeply, deeply wounded, she says, as a result of what Senator Fierravanti-Wells wrote.</para>
<para>I think this points to the abject failure of this government—their chaos, their division, their internal bickering, their hurt feelings back and forth. They're not focusing on Australians and Australian families and on what they need and what they desire. From Senator Polley today in her questions and in her speech we heard how many tens of thousands—hundreds of thousands—of Australians are waiting for their home care package or have no home care package at all.</para>
<para>I'm going to end on this point: all of this chaos and division is hurting real people. When the government is focused on itself and not on real people, what we have are real Australians who are really dying as they wait for their home care. There is a whole range of other areas where this government has cut, but this is shameful today. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Muslim Community</title>
          <page.no>78</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Finance and the Public Service (Senator Cormann) to a question without notice asked by Senator Di Natale today relating to the Muslim community.</para></quote>
<para>The Australian Greens would like to send our deepest sympathies of the family and friends of Sisto Malaspina, the man who died in the Bourke Street tragedy. He was an institution in Melbourne. Pellegrini's is the heart and soul of the city. I shared many a meal there with the staff of Pellegrini's and with Sisto, and I am deeply saddened by his loss. We lost a little bit of Melbourne when we lost Sisto.</para>
<para>What happened was a heinous crime. We condemn it in the strongest possible terms. It's something that has impacted not just on our city but, indeed, on the rest of the country. How we respond to this crime is a test for all of us. It's a test of our decency and of our humanity. It's a test of whether we are prepared to come together as a community to prevent further violent crime or whether we are going to seek to use this as a political opportunity.</para>
<para>The Australian Muslim community, its imams and its leaders have worked hard at confronting violent extremism in its all forms. They are the community that is impacted the most by this crime. They feel the pain and loss of a member of the community like Sisto, and they are the target of attacks and taunts from members of the community who seek to smear an entire group because of the actions of an individual.</para>
<para>What we saw from the Prime Minister was a calculated political decision to target an entire community for the actions of one criminal. The Muslim community have worked hard to ensure that they do what they can to engage their young people so that they ensure this is a community that contributes—as it has done for so many generations.</para>
<para>In my question I referenced the work of the Somali community through their community support groups. I referenced the work of MyCentre Support Services. I referenced the work of the imams, the National Zakat Foundation Australia, Muslims Australia and so many more who have done what they can to continue to make a wonderful contribution to this nation. Yet, in response, we saw the Prime Minister—together with his offsider, Matthew Guy—single out Muslim religious leaders for special responsibility. Indeed, this was implying that they are somehow responsible for the actions of this criminal. That is a responsibility that no other individual, religion or community is expected to bear. Somehow, the actions of one person entitle the Prime Minister to denigrate and diminish an entire community of faith. That's not a burden that is placed on any other community.</para>
<para>At times like this, our responsibility is to bring people together. The Prime Minister says that it's critical that the Muslim community do more—that they call this out—when that is what they do with their sermons, with their engagement with the community, with the youth work that's being done and with the donations that are being collected to advance the cause of harmony and unity within that great multicultural nation we call Australia.</para>
<para>As politicians, we shouldn't seek to smear; we should seek to unite. We stand united with the Muslim community. We feel your pain. We feel the pain of Sisto Malaspina and his family. We share in your grief and we stand with you together, not divided. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to speak to Senator Di Natale's motion.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>78</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>78</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Additional Information</title>
            <page.no>78</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Community Affairs Legislation Committee, Senator Gichuhi, I present additional information received by the committee on its inquiry into the provision of the Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission Bill 2018 and the related bill.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics References Committee</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>79</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the report of the Economics References Committee on the banking, insurance and financial services sector, together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>Firstly, I want to thank the secretariat for their sustained hard work on this inquiry, which was run over almost two years since it was referred to us on 29 November 2016. I also want to thank the witnesses who appeared at our three public hearings and the 147 individuals and entities who made submissions. I want to make a special mention here of the consumer group, Choice, which put out a public call for submissions to inform their position. They received an overwhelming 1,300 responses, a clear demonstration of the level of public concern over consumer protections in the financial services sector.</para>
<para>It's important to look at the context of this inquiry which commenced at the time of the absence—and it was a prelude to it in many ways—the banking royal commission. Labor first started calling for the royal commission in April 2016. We listened—and I acknowledge Senator Williams's efforts in this regard—when ordinary Australians told us that they were being ripped off by the banks. We took notice of the evidence coming through the parliamentary committee inquiries, like the three-year inquiry into the impairment of customer loans which, despite reporting in March 2016, this government is yet to respond to. Notably, this report gives voice to concerns similar to those in the royal commission's interim report, including topics such as: financial counselling and legal services; the effectiveness of the enforcement regime; financial advice; conflicted remuneration arrangements and grandfathered commissions; mortgage brokers; fraudulent home loan applications and irresponsible lending; issues with valuations and foreclosure; insurance; engagement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups; credit cards; and gambling limits and credit.</para>
<para>I want to look at two of these issues in a bit more depth. The first issue that I want to cover is remuneration practices within our banks. I want to firstly thank the Finance Sector Union for appearing before the committee and for their tremendous effort in bringing Mr Kilian Colin out from the United States to speak to his experience at Wells Fargo. We heard disturbing evidence of the culture at Wells Fargo and the pressure on frontline staff to sell products at the expense of consumer outcomes. Mr Colin was instrumental in exposing some of those practices at Wells Fargo. He told us:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The unreasonable sales goals at Wells Fargo took a huge toll on workers like myself. Like many retail banks here in Australia, the branch where I worked was structured in such a way that we had to meet a sales quota every day. If I did not meet my sales goals, I could be written up for discipline and risk being fired.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This kind of pressure means that bank employees must always prioritise selling product rather than just focusing on serving customers or what best matches their needs. I had a quota of approximately 10 to 20 sales products a day. That means between two and three new accounts and between two and three new credit cards, loans and daily referrals to insurance and mortgage products. While working as a personal banker I was being trained and working hard to be promoted to a business banker. My supervisor encouraged me to take on both roles in order to get promoted. This resulted in having two sets of sales goals that I had to meet, not only to show my manager that I was qualified for this promotion but also to earn my commission and continue to earn a living wage.</para></quote>
<para>At the time, the National Secretary of the FSU, Mrs Julia Angrisano, added the following Australian context to this issue:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Our members believe that improving the standing of their industry requires a change in the culture of target-driven performance management and cost control introduced and perpetrated by management. We have today heard from a former Wells Fargo worker who spoke of a system that encouraged and turned a blind eye to mis-selling of products that resulted in two million bank accounts reportedly being opened either fraudulently or without the customer's consent. A culture like this exists in Australia's banking and financial services sector. It manifests in the remuneration models and structure that are fixated on revenue and financial measures rather than on developing and promoting a professional approach to the provision of financial services and products based on customer needs rather than rewarding product pushing or denying legitimate claims.</para></quote>
<para>On this same issue, the royal commission interim report said that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The culture and conduct of the banks was driven by, and was reflected in, their remuneration practices and policies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The conduct that is at the heart of the Commission's work is inextricably connected with remuneration practices, with deficiencies in governance and risk management and with the culture of the entities concerned.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At least until very recently, the central tenet of the remuneration policies of not only the four largest banks but other banks as well (apart from the mutuals) has been to reward what the organisation treats as important: sales and profit. If there were exceptions to this approach, they were immaterial.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The conduct identified and criticised in this report was driven by the pursuit of profit – the entity's revenue and profit and the individual actor's profit. Employees of banks learned to treat sales, or revenue and profit, as the measure of their success.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… almost every piece of conduct identified and criticised in this report can be connected directly to the relevant actor gaining some monetary benefit from engaging in the conduct.</para></quote>
<para>Those are extracts from the interim report of the royal commissioner. The similarities between our evidence and these interim findings of the royal commission are striking.</para>
<para>The second issue I wish to touch on is mortgage brokers, and I thank ASIC for their <inline font-style="italic">Report 516: review of mortgage broker remuneration</inline>, which didn't get much public attention. I believe that, as we're all quite capable of calling out ASIC on its shortcomings, we should also acknowledge when it does things well, and this is one of those examples. ASIC highlighted in a very detailed and methodical way some of the concerns about remuneration in the mortgage-broking industry and the behaviours it was driving. The then deputy chair of ASIC, Mr Peter Kell, stated during one of the hearings:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… we think there are areas of current industry practice that could and should be reviewed, in particular around some of the types of conflicted remuneration involving bonuses and soft dollar commissions that are paid. It is also the case that we would say that some of the other powers that we were talking about earlier would help to ensure that you get the right sorts of outcomes in this sector. Responsible lending is a very important legislative regime and it is one that we think does its job overall, but it is important to supplement it with some of those other powers that we were talking about earlier in relation to product intervention …</para></quote>
<para>Lo and behold, when you turn to the royal commission and look at the time they spent on mortgage-broking, you find the royal commissioner asking questions such as:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Is it desirable to prescribe that some or all of those who are not employees of banks, but deal with bank customers, must act in the interests, or the best interests, of the client? In particular, what duty, if any, should a mortgage broker owe to the prospective borrower? Is value based commission, paid to the broker by the lender, consonant with that duty? Should a mortgage aggregator owe any duty to the borrower? Again, are the remuneration arrangements for aggregators consonant with that duty?</para></quote>
<para>Again, important work started by our inquiry is now being very appropriately dealt with by the royal commission.</para>
<para>Whilst elements of our work have now been overtaken, we have made three very clear and sensible recommendations to the government:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.34 The committee recommends that the Commonwealth Government give the Royal Commission into Misconduct in the Banking, Superannuation and Financial Services Industry an extension of time to report—</para></quote>
<para>It has become very clear that only 27 witnesses have been able to appear before the banking royal commission out of over 10,000 submissions; that no hearings have been held in South Australia, Western Australia or Tasmania; and that the commissioner should be given more time to appropriately understand these issues—</para>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.38 The committee recommends that the Commonwealth Government provide a response to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services' inquiry into the impairment of customer loans—</para></quote>
<para>The government has had over 2½ years to respond to this largely bipartisan report and recommendations, and the evidence of that inquiry prompted this inquiry in the notable absence at that time of a royal commission—</para>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.40 The committee recommends that the Commonwealth Government consider increased funding for community legal and financial counselling services dealing with victims of financial misconduct.</para></quote>
<para>The sheer volume of concerns raised in this committee as well the extraordinary number of submissions show that there is a need for increased access to financial counselling and legal services out there.</para>
<para>In conclusion, I note that it was more important for the government to consult with its big business mates than with the little guys ripped off by the banks, but this inquiry contributed to the volume of evidence that demanded a royal commission be called. I seek leave to continue my remarks. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOLAN</name>
    <name.id>FAB</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, I present the report of the committee <inline font-style="italic">Contestability and consensus – a bipartisan approach to more effective parliamentary engagement with Defence</inline>and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">   That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I was recently appointed chair of the Defence Subcommittee of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. In order to reflect initial aim, conclusions and recommendations of the inquiry into the benefits and risks of a bipartisan Australian Defence agreement, we decided to title this report <inline font-style="italic">Contestability and consensus</inline><inline font-style="italic">—a</inline><inline font-style="italic"> bipartisan approach to more effective parliamentary engagement with Defence</inline>. At the outset, I would like to emphasise that this is a bipartisan report that has support across the entire committee, amongst those members who have deliberated carefully on the issues, and I believe the report has arrived at the right place.</para>
<para>The inquiry was undertaken by the Defence Subcommittee to consider whether Australia's defence capability planning could be strengthened through a formal bipartisan agreement similar to arrangements that apply in some other countries—the idea being that a bipartisan agreement might take the heat and political opportunism out of the political discourse on defence planning and, in particular, defence acquisitions, with resultant benefits to long-term defence capability planning. The committee considered the bipartisan arrangements and processes that apply in Denmark, Sweden and the USA. The committee found that the international models offered some useful insights for Australia but that none of them were readily adaptable to Australia's constitutional arrangements and political culture. During the deliberations, we concluded that a bipartisan agreement was unrealistic.</para>
<para>The inquiry also caused the Defence Subcommittee to reflect on its experience in undertaking reviews of the Defence annual report. The review of the Defence annual report 2015-16 highlighted the challenges the subcommittee faces in seeking to oversee Defence's implementation of the internal reforms arising from the <inline font-style="italic">First principles review</inline> and the progress of the $200 billion investment in new defence capability outlined in the 2016 defence white paper. To put it as blatantly as possible, most of the assessments that inform and guide defence planning are classified and therefore currently unavailable to parliamentary committees. This makes meaningful parliamentary scrutiny of the decisions and the actions that flow from them absolutely impossible. I am told that this experience is common to other parliamentary committees scrutinising defence projects; notably, the Joint Committee on Public Accounts and Audit and the Public Works Committee.</para>
<para>This committee recognises that the defence strategy and planning documents and the risk and security assessments that inform them must be classified. However, parliament appropriates the money that pays for the work that goes into producing them and it appropriates the money to implement the planning and acquisitions that flow from them. Parliament has a constitutional right to the information necessary to properly oversee defence. A high-security or commercial-in-confidence classification shouldn't be used as a veil to prevent or obstruct parliamentary scrutiny of defence strategy, capability planning, investment decisions and expenditure.</para>
<para>The committee is proposing a way to reconcile parliament's right to know what is done with the money it appropriates on behalf of the Australian people with the need for the protection of classified information. The subcommittee's most important recommendation is to establish a new statutory parliamentary committee with an exclusive focus on defence. This new committee, with a legislated mandate to review defence strategy, planning and investment decisions and with the power to access information under safeguards and protections, similar to those applying to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, would provide a means for the parliament to discuss and debate classified areas of defence policy and reach agreement on solutions that transcend party lines to advance the interests of all Australians.</para>
<para>We know this model works and that it can adequately safeguard classified information. It is routinely demonstrated by the PJCIS. In its recent inquiry into the government's proposed foreign interference laws, the PJCIS provided a forum where senior government and opposition members and senators, informed by the relevant classified information, engaged in robust private debate on the appropriateness of these laws and arrived at a public position on the final forms the laws should take. In the PJCIS, parliamentarians can thrash out ideas to reach an agreed position in the national interest, and it works. Defence is as important and needs the same approach where strategy, capability planning, investment decisions and proposed expenditure can be subject to an informed debate in private to arrive at an agreed public position—thus 'contestability and consensus' in the title. This is a significant reform, but the government and parliament must recognise that the prevalence of highly classified information in the Defence portfolio requires an appropriate response to restore parliament's capacity to fulfil its accountability functions. Otherwise, let's not pretend we have the function.</para>
<para>Finally, while I have only recently taken over as chair of the Defence Subcommittee, I have been a member of this committee for part of the inquiry. I would like to thank the government, opposition members and senators and my deputy chair, Senator Kimberley Kitching, who have contributed to this inquiry and supported its conclusions and recommendations. I would also like to acknowledge the major contribution of the former chair, Senator Linda Reynolds CSC, and that of her deputy, Ms Madeleine King MP. I commend the report.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to take note of the report, and I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics References Committee</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the government response to the report of the Senate Economic References Committee on the site selection process for a national radioactive waste management facility in South Australia. I seek leave to incorporate the document in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE SENATE ECONOMIC REFERENCES COMMITTEE REPORT INTO THE SITE SELECTION PROCESS FOR A NATIONAL RADIOACTIVE WASTE MANAGEMENT FACILITY</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">INTRODUCTION</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government welcomes the opportunity to respond to the findings and recommendations of the Senate Economic References Committee report into the site selection process for a National Radioactive Waste Management Facility (the Facility), and agrees to the Committee's recommendations, either in full or in-principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The process undertaken by the Minister for Resources and Northern Australia and the department, including seeking nominations and making a decision on a site, is consistent with the requirements set out in the <inline font-style="italic">National Radioactive Waste Management Act 2012 </inline>(the Act). In addition to those requirements the department engaged in a comprehensive community consultation process resulting in the communities being empowered to make an informed decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Consultation and engagement with the Aboriginal communities has been and remains respectful and comprehensive; consistent with broader community engagement undertaken over the nomination period. Importantly, independent of an individual's view regarding the project, the process has facilitated aboriginal community members participating in heritage discussions, visiting ANSTO, nominating for committees and where possible engaging in the site characterisation activities. The Government welcomes the recommendation relating to Indigenous engagement, which aligns with the department's existing and future plans.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What constitutes broad support in each community will necessarily vary depending on the different interest groups involved in a particular site. Setting a mandated threshold does not provide comfort that all voices in the community who wish to be heard will be heard. It may also disenfranchise minority elements of the community or result in a minority group having an automatic veto or dictating power over the majority.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Minister's ability to exercise judgement to determine whether there is broad community support, based on the circumstances relevant to each nomination, is consistent with his absolute discretion under the Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government does not support the recommendations proposed in the dissenting statements by the Australian Greens or Centre Alliance which it believes would hinder rather than progress this important national project. However, it will continue to engage with all parties in taking forward the process to select a site and establish the Facility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE SENATE ECONOMIC REFERENCES COMMITTEE REPORT INTO THE SITE SELECTION PROCESS FOR A NATIONAL RADIOACTIVE WASTE MANAGEMENT FACILITY</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Select Committee on Red Tape</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>83</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the government's response to the report of the Select Committee on Red Tape on the effect of red tape on occupational licensing. I seek leave to incorporate the document in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON RED TAPE REPORT:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">EFFECT OF RED TAPE ON OCCUPATIONAL LICENSING</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Interim report</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">November 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government notes the recommendations made in the interim report of the Select Committee on Red Tape in respect of occupational licensing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the submission provided to the Committee, the Department of Education and Training outlined the use of mutual recognition in Australia. Mutual recognition is a method through which the regulatory burden from occupational licensing can be reduced for individuals who are moving and operating between states in a licensed occupation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While the Australian Government administers the legislation for mutual recognition (the <inline font-style="italic">Mutual Recognition Act 1992</inline>), its actual use and application sits with the states and territories. State and territory governments have responsibility for and administer their own occupational registrations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The recommendations made by the Select Committee will need to be considered and responded to by the state and territory governments with the inclusion of the Council for the Australian Federation as appropriate. As a result, the Australian Government has no comment on the recommendations that have been made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends the Council for the Australian Federation, in close consultation with relevant stakeholders, renew its efforts toward occupational licensing reform, with a starting presumption against licensing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Australian Government notes that it has no role in the Council for the Australian Federation and that occupational licensing is a matter for state and territory governments.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Subject to its retention, the committee recommends that occupational licensing be based on specific, measurable outcomes and the identification of best practice models for occupations throughout Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Australian Government notes that occupational licensing is a matter for state and territory governments.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends the expansion of automatic mutual recognition based on the objective of increasing labour force mobility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Australian Government notes that occupational licensing is a matter for state and territory governments.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends the Council for the Australian Federation commission a study into the health and safety benefits of occupational licensing, to strengthen efforts toward reform.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Australian Government notes that it has no role in the Council for the Australian Federation.</inline></para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Select Committee on Red Tape</title>
          <page.no>84</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>84</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the government's response to the report of the Select Committee on Red Tape on the effect of red tape on child care. I seek leave to incorporate the document in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON RED TAPE:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">EFFECT OF RED TAPE ON CHILD CARE (INTERIM REPORT) AUGUST 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">November 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Introduction</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government welcomes the interim report on the effect of red tape on child care by the Senate Select Committee on Red Tape (the Committee), which was tabled on 15 August 2018. The report makes seven recommendations. Additional comments were made by Coalition Senators and a dissenting report, without recommendation, was made by Labor Senators. This response addresses the recommendations of the Committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Overview</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government and state and territory governments have different roles and responsibilities in the early learning and child care sector. The primary role of the Australian Government within the sector is to provide families with financial assistance to help cover the cost of child care and to encourage workforce participation. The Australian Government is investing record sums to support Australian families to access quality child care and has recently introduced the most significant reforms to the early childhood and care system in 40 years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">State and territory regulatory authorities are responsible for the approval, monitoring and quality assessment of early learning and child care services in their jurisdiction. They are also responsible for making the necessary regulatory decisions to ensure families have confidence that their child is receiving quality education and care in a safe environment. They are supported in this role by regular review mechanisms built into the governance of the National Quality Framework (NQF) through the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) Education Council.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While predominantly the responsibility of state and territory regulatory authorities, the Australian Government recognises the need to reduce unnecessary red tape and administrative burden for child care services, so that educators can focus their efforts on providing quality early learning and child care for children. However, regulation of the early learning and child care sector is essential to ensuring the safety, health and well-being of children, and this is the absolute priority for families and the Australian Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new child care package, which was fully implemented on 2 July 2018, seeks to reduce regulation where possible. The centrepiece of the new package, the Child Care Subsidy, replaces the previous Child Care Benefit and Child Care Rebate and is paid directly to service providers to pass on to families as a fee reduction, reducing complexity for both families and providers. It also allows services to offer flexible operating times that better suit their children and families, as well as their business needs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Critically, the child care package is targeted to support those who work the most and earn the least and provides a generous safety net for children who may suffer disadvantage. This requires appropriate regulation to ensure financial assistance goes where it is needed to achieve better outcomes for Australian children and encourages parent workforce participation. The Australian Government must also ensure the integrity of child care fee assistance payments and takes non-compliance and fraud very seriously and is determined to track, detect and take strong action against dishonest individuals and organisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends the Australian Government, through the Council of Australian Governments, expeditiously work toward reducing the regulatory burden in the Family Day Care sector, including by removing limits on the number of educators in each service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Australian Government, through the Council of Australian Governments, promote and/or develop an evidence-base for staffing ratios and staffing qualifications in early childhood education and care, as a quality component of the National Quality Framework.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that, following establishment of the evidence-base for staffing ratios and staffing qualifications in early childhood education and care, the principles of the National Quality Framework be reviewed to ensure they appropriately reflect the evidence-base.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that, in reviewing the principles of the National Quality Framework, Australian, state and territory governments recognise that formal qualifications are not the only prerequisite for the provision of high quality child care, as this can also be provided by parents.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government notes Recommendations 1 to 4.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The NQF is the result of an agreement between all Australian governments and provides a national approach to regulation, assessment and quality improvement for early childhood education and care services and outside school hours care services across Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The objectives of the NQF include ensuring the safety, health and wellbeing of children and improving the educational and developmental outcomes for children attending education and care services, and promoting continuous improvement in the provision of quality education and care services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Quality education and care provided by services is important to families and governments. This means families can go to work, study, and/or volunteer confident in the knowledge their children's care and development are in good hands. The NQF was introduced in 2012 and is now a mature regulatory system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">State and territory governments are responsible for making and administering the legislation that gives effect to the NQF for early childhood education and care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Given any change to the NQF requires the consensus of all Australian governments, these matters are best considered through the COAG Education Council, including the Early Childhood Policy Group. The Australian Government, through the Education Council, will continue to work with state and territory governments and the ACECQA as appropriate to achieve better outcomes for children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a national body, ACECQA works with all governments to provide guidance, resources and services to support the sector to improve outcomes for children. ACECQA is an independent statutory body, with their functions, powers and governance arrangements regulated under the legislation underpinning the NQF.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All Australian governments and the ACECQA are committed to look for efficient ways to implement elements of the NQF. The Australian Government also notes the need to continuously gather evidence and collect data to inform policy setting and government decision making.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2014, the Australian Government initiated and led a review of the NQF, in collaboration with state and territory governments. The purpose of the review was to ensure the goal of improving quality was being met in the most efficient and effective way, to identify opportunities to streamline requirements and to reduce unnecessary administrative burden.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This review was finalised in January 2017, and on 1 October 2017, recommended changes, which streamline and reduce regulatory burden for services, were implemented (by 1 October 2018 in Western Australia). On 1 February 2018, a revised National Quality Standard was introduced in all states and territories. The revised NQS provides greater clarity, uses clearer language and removes conceptual overlap between elements and standards. The number of standards has been reduced from 18 to 15, and the elements from 58 to 40.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Another review of the NQF is expected to be undertaken in 2019. The details, scope and governance of this proposed review are yet to be established by the Education Council.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Department of Education and Training provide a detailed annual report to the Department of Jobs and Small Business, to provide greater transparency about red tape reductions in early childhood education and care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government does not consider there is a need for Department of Education and Training to provide a detailed annual report to Department of Jobs and Small Business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has committed to ongoing review and evaluation of the new child care package to ensure its implementation and impact are understood. External evaluators have been engaged by the Department of Education and Training to conduct an independent evaluation by June 2021, as well as provide advice on ongoing evaluation activities that may be required between 2021 and 2023.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The scope of this impact evaluation does not include evaluating the regulations imposed on child care providers and services under the <inline font-style="italic">Education and Care Services National Law Act 2010</inline> (National Law). Reporting arrangements for red tape reduction in National Law is a consideration for the COAG Education Council, noting there are regular statutory reviews of the National Law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Department of Education and Training and the Department of Jobs and Small Business report in greater detail on the regulatory effect of implementing the Child Care Subsidy, including in relation to Activity Test.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 7</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Australian Government review the objectives of fee assistance to ensure that it is actually targeting maternal workforce participation and children from disadvantaged backgrounds.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government notes Recommendations 6 and 7.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The independent evaluation of the child care package will consider the impact of the child care package on families, providers and services, including in relation to the Child Care Subsidy and the Activity Test.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>If ever there was an area of policy lacking a purpose and coherent framework, it's child care. Let's start with a few basic questions. Why should taxpayers subsidise the cost of child care? Why should people who want children but can't have them subsidise it? Why should people who don't want children subsidise it? Why should gays and lesbians subsidise it? Why should it be subsidised by people who choose to stay at home to look after their kids full-time but whose spouse or partner works and pays tax? What is the public benefit in taking around $9 billion from some people and using it to help pay for the child care of other people's kids? What social evil or negative social outcome is being prevented by this massive transfer of money? How much better is our society now compared to 20 years ago when none of this funding occurred?</para>
<para>If you were looking for an answer in the government's response to the red tape report, you would be disappointed. In one place, it says that the primary role of child care is to encourage workforce participation. In another place, it says it is to improve the educational and development outcomes for children. To make an obvious point, they are not the same; indeed, they are somewhat in conflict with each other. Encouraging workforce participation means making child care affordable to the people who would not otherwise return to work after having children. To some extent, the recent changes are a move in that direction with its better targeting, but, really, the targeting is still farcical. What justification can there be for subsidising the child care of someone earning $349,000 a year? Anyone earning that amount of money is not going to decide to return to the workforce as a result of a subsidy of a few thousand dollars on their child care. Indeed, but for me, the subsidy would have been open-ended, and someone earning $1 million a year would have received a child care subsidy.</para>
<para>Clearly, substantially better targeting is needed. High-income earners should not be receiving a child-care subsidy to encourage them to return to work when the subsidy has no influence on whether or not they return to work. As you come down the income scale, you will eventually reach a point at which the subsidy is, indeed, critical to the decision to return to work. The problem is the government has no idea what that point is. It's locked in a political vice created by handing out other people's money and it's afraid to get out of it. Perhaps it might help if I point out that better targeting might actually allow an increase in the subsidy for those who genuinely need it. In any case, we are spending a vast amount of money to get people to return to work after having children. That's based on precious little information about how well it's working and whether it can be improved without throwing yet more billions of taxpayer dollars at it.</para>
<para>As to the second objective, improving educational and developmental outcomes for children, that of course is a worthy aspiration. The problem here is that the evidence to support the idea that early childhood education actually improves educational and developmental outcomes for all kids is not there. What the evidence shows is that early childhood education is only of benefit when the kids come from dysfunctional households—that is, where the parent is extremely poor and the parents are essentially deadbeats. In normal households, the outcomes are no better than those from staying home with mum. Even if they start school without certain skills—such as being unable to spell 'gender inequality'—they catch up very quickly. That is good, because otherwise the social engineers would be promoting Aldous Huxley's brave new world—children would be taken away and required to attend early childhood education because mothers are deemed incompetent to do the job. As we know, because we have thousands of years of evidence, mothers overwhelmingly do a great job.</para>
<para>The bottom line is this: we are spending $9 billion a year on a program that is barely targeted at the people who need it most—those who wouldn't otherwise return to work and kids in dysfunctional households. Rather, we have a massive feel-good program in which money is given to people who are not poor but who happen to have young children, with much of that money coming from people who earn less than those who receive it. Despite the helpful analysis in the Red Tape Committee's interim report and its very modest recommendations, the government is blind to its failures.</para>
<para>In the past, we didn't fund child care at all. Now we do. Why? The government's response should have sought to tell us. It doesn't.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>87</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Research Council</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a letter in relation to an order of the Senate of 13 November 2018.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>The government has sought to claim executive privilege in regard to the release of the incoming ministers brief from the Australian Research Council, claiming public interest immunity on the basis that release of the documents would prejudice relations with the Commonwealth and the states. I might indicate that this is inconsistent with the approach that's been taken with the release of other incoming ministers briefs in recent times, which we've seen with the Department of Defence, the Special Minister of State and the childcare section of the Department of Education and Training. I know that in 2010 many departmental or government documents were also released. So I put it to the Senate that the government's assertions in this letter that's been tabled by Senator McKenzie on behalf of the Minister for Education are simply not credible.</para>
<para>What we have here is a proposition which really is seeking to disguise or hide the fact that this government is now engaged in a comprehensive assault upon universities and their role in the life of this nation. Hardly a day goes by in which this government does not bring forward yet another attack upon universities. The idea of the university itself seems to be under assault by this government. The idea of autonomous, self-accrediting institutions devoted to free and independent inquiry is something that this government finds that it can't accept. It regards the university system as essentially hostile to its interests, and, as a consequence, the universities are to be harassed by this government. Specifically, we've seen this in the government's rejection of 11 grants in the humanities and social sciences under the former education minister, Minister Birmingham, which he sought to keep secret until it was revealed through the Senate estimates. We saw 11 grant applications from outstanding, internationally renowned scholars—all of which were recommended through proper, due peer review processes and assessed as being worthy of support, and some of which were unprecedented in their areas—subject to veto. This was a clear political intervention in contravention of the Haldane principles, which have been established in our political system, I might say, for well over 100 years. Of course, this is a circumstance we haven't seen since the last occasion when this happened, when Minister Brendan Nelson sought to do similar things.</para>
<para>When I was minister, we established a practice whereby, if the ARC's recommendations were not accepted, there was to be a public declaration setting out the reasons why ministers should reject the grant. Little did we know that that convention, which had been agreed on a bipartisan basis, was to be rejected. These actions were taken in secret, and the scholars were not to be informed. In fact, the ARC appears to have been instructed not to do so.</para>
<para>We now know that the government have further sought to cover up this disgraceful performance by seeking to impose new conditions on research grants in this country, by the establishment of what they call a national interest test. The current application process already has built into it a national interest test. People seeking to secure support from the ARC are required not only to demonstrate how their projects meet the requirements of a peer review by demonstrating their competence, their capability and their contribution to new knowledge but also to meet the national science and research priorities. They also have to demonstrate economic, social and cultural advantages to the nation. These are the terms that Minister Tehan outlined when he spoke on these matters on Radio National only recently. So what's redundant about those arrangements that the minister feels the need to impose yet further restrictions on the grant and, in fact, to delay the current round of grant applications? Some $300 million worth of grants are being delayed until after Christmas—in fact, until February—leaving a high level of uncertainty for those who are seeking the grants, many of whose jobs depend upon access to this money and many of whom won't know whether or not they are to be employed.</para>
<para>On top of that, the minister, as part of this assault on the university system, has now sought further impositions of national interest by declaring a national security provision, notwithstanding that there is a current review put in place through various defence arrangements to see how effectively the Defence Trade Controls Act is working. Not one example of breaches of those national control provisions or the legislation supporting them has been demonstrated through the processes of this parliament. Not one example has there been of the operations of our research agencies in regard to those arrangements. Yet the Department of Defence brings forward new proposals to have unparalleled overreach powers in regard to the capacity to search, seize and suppress research, and to do so without a warrant and without judicial processes. That would be undermining the processes that were established in 2015, which provide that balance between the needs of the security agencies and the needs of our researchers to ensure that they're able to work in collaborations with international research agencies.</para>
<para>On top of that, we now have a situation where the government has sought to claim that it's funding regional students by taking money out of the research budget. For instance, it's funding students at Berwick, claiming that it is a regional campus. It's in suburban Melbourne, some 37 kilometres from the CBD. It just happens to be in a marginal seat. The government is now taking that money out of the research program, costing the Group of Eight universities alone some 550 jobs. We've got the situation at Caboolture, another suburban campus which the government claimed was a regional campus, where money was paid to the University of the Sunshine Coast to take the facility, and money was taken off the Queensland University of Technology, in terms of their grants, not once but twice. Now the government are faced with the reality. When they have frozen the funding arrangements for regional universities, the consequences become clear. And what do they do? They launch an attack on universities themselves.</para>
<para>Today, the minister made further claims there is no research undertaken by the ARC on education. He made assertions that that's the case, when it's demonstrably untrue in terms of what the ARC has actually done. Furthermore, given the fact that this government closed down the Office for Learning and Teaching, which was the body that did the bulk of the education research in this country, it is profoundly ironic that the government should seek to assert that it's the universities themselves that are at fault—for government policies. Is it any surprise the government doesn't want to release documents?</para>
<para>What we've got now is a renewal of the culture wars against the university system in this country. We've got a government that commissioned a review into free speech. What, the IPA don't get enough of a say in this government that they want to impose their desire to get more right-wingers up in universities? We know, of course, that the knuckle-draggers have seized control of this government—the philistines that seek to demean researchers that have an international reputation. This government claim that it's acting in the people's interest, when in reality we know what this is about. It's an attempt to appease the shock jocks and the most backward elements of this coalition. It's a contemptible approach seeking to undermine the fundamental principles of the way in which our university system works—a mechanism that actually undermines the quality of our university system and our capacity, through our research system, to develop new knowledge, new technologies and new jobs, and to keep us at the cutting edge.</para>
<para>This is a government that seems to have stopped listening, dominated by a party that stopped listening about 10 years ago. They continue to repeat the mistakes that we saw in the Howard government, and in their last, desperate throes— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian and Children's Screen Content Review</title>
          <page.no>89</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>89</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a document relating to the order for the production of documents concerning the Australian and Children's Screen Content Review.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Select Committee into Funding for Research into Cancers with Low Survival Rates</title>
          <page.no>89</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>89</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table the government's response to the report of the Select Committee into Funding for Research into Cancers with Low Survival Rates, pursuant to the order for the production of documents concerning government responses to committee reports, and seek leave to incorporate the document in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline><inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">November 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Introduction</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 29 November 2016, the Senate established the Select Committee into Funding for Research into Cancers with Low Survival Rates (the committee) to inquire and report by 28 November 2017 on:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a. the current National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) funding model, which favours funding for types of cancer that attract more non- government funding, and the need to ensure the funding model enables the provision of funding research into brain cancers and other low survival rate cancers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">b. the obstacles to running clinical trials for brain cancers and other cancers with relatively lower rates of incidence, with regard to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">i. funding models that could better support much-needed clinical trials, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ii. funding support for campaigns designed to raise awareness of the need for further research, including clinical trials;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">c. the low survival rate for brain cancers, lack of significant improvement in survival rates, and strategies that could be implemented to improve survival rates; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">d. other relevant matters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee tabled the report <inline font-style="italic">Funding for Research into Cancers with Low Survival Rates</inline> in Parliament on 28 November 2017 making 24 recommendations. The Australian Government notes the recommendations made in the report and provides a response to these recommendations in this document. Many of the report's recommendations address issues most appropriately dealt with at a state and territory level, particularly those related to education and early intervention programs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Development of the Australian Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This response is a whole of government response including activity within a number of Australian Government departments and agencies including</para></quote>
<list>Department of Health;</list>
<list>Department of Social Services;</list>
<list>Department of Human Services;</list>
<list>Department of Industry, Innovation and Science;</list>
<list>NHMRC;</list>
<list>Australian Institute of Health and Welfare; and</list>
<list>Cancer Australia</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government acknowledges the significant contribution that state and territory governments make in the provision of research efforts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Current Australian Government Efforts</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government provides funding and other support for a range of services and programs for research into cancers with low survival rates. These include those outlined below:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Medical Research Future Fund (MRFF)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Clinical Trial Activity</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The current focus of the MRFF clinical trial investment program is rare cancer, rare diseases and unmet need and provides $219 million over six years to stimulate efforts to find cures and transformative new drugs and treatments for those impacted by devastating conditions, including low survival cancers. This investment in activity also serves to build capacity to position Australia as a preferred destination for clinical trials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To date $36.6 million has been announced for clinical trial activity under the MRFF addressing rare cancers, rare diseases and unmet need. This includes $10 million specifically for clinical trials targeting cancers and diseases with low survival rates.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Applications for the recent $33 million grant round are being assessed and outcomes will be announced in due course.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Brain Cancer Mission</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 29 October 2017, the Australian Government announced a $100 million fund for the Australian Brain Cancer Mission, which has since grown to $105 million and is encouraging more generous contributions from the philanthropic, state government and private sector. The MRFF contribution to this Mission is $55 million. The Mission's aim is to double the survival rates and improve the quality of life of patients with brain cancer over the next 10 years to 2027, with the longer term aim of defeating the disease. Cancer Australia is administering the Mission on behalf of the Australian Government supported by a strategic advisory group.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Health and Medical Research Council</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government, through the NHMRC is the premier funder of cancer research in Australia, accounting for 56 per cent of all funding nationwide. In the period 2000 to 2017, NHMRC provided over $2.33 billion to support cancer research – 22 per cent of NHMRC's research funding.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia was established by the Australian Government in 2006 to benefit all Australians affected by cancer, and their families and carers. Cancer Australia's purpose is to minimise the impact of cancer, address disparities, and improve the health outcomes of people affected by cancer in Australia by providing national leadership in cancer control.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia leads a national and collaborative approach to supporting cancer research including in low survival and low incidence cancers through the Priority- driven Collaborative Cancer Research Scheme (PdCCRS) and Support for Cancer Clinical Trials program.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The PdCCRS provides a dedicated and coordinated pool of funding for cancer research from government and other funders to maximise the number of cancer research grants funded in Australia. PdCCRS is priority driven, using an evidence- based approach to determine research. These priorities include the provision of funding for research focused on populations with poorer cancer outcomes – such as those diagnosed with low survival rate cancers. Under the PdCCRS 2007-2017 funding rounds, more than $25 million has been awarded to 72 research projects for cancers with low survival rates. The 2018 and 2019 rounds of the PdCCRS include a dedicated funding stream for children's cancers of low survival that will provide up to $3.26 million to support research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Support for Cancer Clinical Trials program leads a national and collaborative approach to growing Australia's capacity to develop industry-independent cancer clinical trials protocols. Since 2008, Cancer Australia has provided more than $80 million in funding to Australia's 14 multi-site Collaborative Cancer Clinical Trials Groups and a further $13.7 million to six National Technical Services to support the Collaborative Clinical Trials Groups in the development of new industry independent trial protocols including for cancers with low survival rates.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, in 2013 Cancer Australia established and funded the Genomic Cancer Clinical Trial Initiative. The initiative recognises the importance of genomics and enables the collaborative development of mutation-specific clinical trial protocols for mutations that are common across several tumour types. The initiative has supported the development of 20 new clinical trials concepts, including concepts for trials in cancers of low survival rates.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the 2017-18 Budget under the Investing in Medical Research – Fighting childhood cancer initiative, Cancer Australia received $5.8 million over four years to increase Australia's research capacity to advance diagnosis, treatment, management and analysis of childhood cancer, and improve data and awareness of childhood cancer. The measure also saw the establishment of a specific funding stream for low survival childhood cancers through the PdCCRS. Of the $5.8 million, $1.4 million is to fast track international collaborations for research into paediatric brain cancer in Australia, including the Access to Innovative Molecular diagnostic Profiling for paediatric brain tumours (AIM-BRAIN) initiative. Through this funding, Cancer Australia is also supporting participation of Australian children with brain cancer in the Low Grade Glioma (LGG) Avastin international Phase II clinical trial.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Governmen t's Response to Recommendations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<para>2.160 The committee recommends that the Chief Executive Officer of the National Health and Medical Research Council considers identifying low survival rate cancers as a National Health Priority Area in the upcoming 2018-19 Corporate Plan.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NHMRC's strategic priorities, as set out in the Corporate Plan, are based on health system needs, evidence gaps, advice from the Council of NHMRC and government policies, including the National Health Priority Areas (NHPAs) and the Australian Government's Science and Research Priorities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Major Health Issues such as Low Survival Rate Cancers will be taken into consideration in the development of NHMRC's annual work plan as part of the Corporate Plan.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2.164 The committee recommends that the National Health and Medical Research Council introduces the option for extensions to the duration of funding to recipients of research grants, provided that these recipients satisfy certain performance criteria.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The NHMRC has reviewed the structure of its research funding as part of the Structural Review of NHMRC's Grant Program and based on feedback sought from the research sector developed a new grant program that is currently being implemented. Applications for funding under NHMRC's new grant program will open in late 2018-early 2019 for peer review in 2019, and funding commencing in 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the new grant program all Investigator Grants will be for five years duration and include a research support package which allows for longer term projects and more research funding than was previously provided. Synergy Grants will also be for five years and Ideas Grants will be for up to five years. Collectively these three funding schemes will account for about 70 per cent of NHMRC's research expenditure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NHMRC is considering its peer review processes in 2018 and the option to extend grant funding or streamline new applications that are linked to an existing grant may be considered as part of this process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<para>3.85 The committee recommends that the Australian government improves AustralianClinicalTrials.gov.au so it is more accessible and user-friendly.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government recently announced a Helping Our Health awareness campaign to raise the profile of the role and value of clinical trials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">AustralianClinicalTrials.gov.au is a central reference for trusted information in the campaign for information on clinical trials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The clinical trial information provided on AustralianClincialTrials.gov.au is sourced from the Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry (ANZCTR), a critical piece of national research infrastructure. ANZCTR lists trials being conducted in Australia and New Zealand and also includes trials registered on the United States registry ClinicalTrials.gov that have a trial site in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ANZCTR is also part of the worldwide initiative to make public all clinical trials being conducted. Trial registration through ANZCTR has the potential to improve research transparency, facilitate trial participation, avoid research duplication, identify research gaps, and promote collaboration. Improving information on ANZCTR would directly benefit consumers searching for trials on AustralianClincialTrials.gov.au.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NHMRC is actively working with ANZCTR, the Department of Health, the Department of Industry, Innovation and Science and key stakeholders such as the states and territories, researchers and the pharmaceutical industry to improve the quality and timeliness of the information provided to ANZCTR.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Health recently commissioned a review of ANZCTR as part of a program of work being progressed by all jurisdictions through the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) Health Council. The review includes an assessment of current performance and the extent to which the ANZCTR meets the needs of stakeholders, aligns to contemporary best practice, and will consider options to inform a potential next generation clinical trials registry. The outcomes of the ANZCTR Review will be considered as part of a spectrum of related initiatives underway to improve the environment for clinical trials in Australia, which includes a focus on improving ease of navigation and patient access to trials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3.91 The committee recommends that state and territory governments consider:</para></quote>
<list>allowing low survival rate cancer patients participating in clinical trials to access patient travel subsidy schemes;and</list>
<list>agreeing on consistent subsidy rates based on the distance and method of travel, and the average cost of accommodation in the city in which the patient is participating in thetrial.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As noted in the Report, patient travel subsidy schemes are the responsibility of state and territory governments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3.93 The committee recommends that Australian governments improve access to international clinical trials for people with low survival rate cancers, including by:</para></quote>
<list>exploring ways to reduce the financial barriers to accessing international trials to the extent possible; and</list>
<list>further developing the existing capacity for international collaboration on trials.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported in principle, noting that not all responsibilities for the conduct of clinical trials rest with governments. In particular, costs associated with specific clinical trials are a matter for sites and sponsors.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government has committed $261 million over the six years from 2016-17 under the MRFF to support new clinical trial activity with a focus on rare and low survival cancers and diseases, and international collaboration. A total of $36.6 million in funding has already been announced, with $10 million specifically targeting low survival cancers and diseases. These clinical trials will be undertaken in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia has a reputation for excellence in clinical trial research, internationally recognised researchers and medical experts, quality infrastructure and high standards of healthcare. In Australia, clinical trials are conducted within a strong regulatory framework determined by the International Conference on Harmonisation (ICH) and Good Clinical Practice (GCP).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, the <inline font-style="italic">Encouraging More Clinical Trials in Australia </inline>initiative will provide $7 million nationally over four years from 2017-18 to incentivise streamlining of state-based operating systems for trials. The aim is to establish state-based central hubs or coordinating units to fast track trial recruitment and start up. These hubs/units will make it easier for domestic and international sponsors and researchers to establish and run trials and for patients to participate. The initiative is supported by the COAG Health Council's revitalised clinical trials agenda that recognises that patients are at the centre of clinical trials and clinical trials are essential health system activities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In recognition of the importance of international collaboration, the Government has committed a total of $42 million over five years specifically to support international clinical trial collaborations. This investment will allow Australian researchers to expand trial activity overseas and bring new trial arms to Australia to benefit patients.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government will continue its efforts to fund the best quality clinical trials and foster international collaborations to increase access to emerging therapies of potential for Australians, including those with low survival cancer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3.129 The committee recommends that Australian governments, as a priority, further streamline ethics and governance approval processes for clinical trials, particularly where those processes differ between states and territories, and public and private research institutions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported in principle, noting that not all responsibilities associated with streamlining clinical trial approval processes rest with the Australian and state and territory governments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In Australia, clinical trials are conducted within a strong regulatory framework determined by the International Conference on Harmonisation (ICH) and Good Clinical Practice (GCP), enabled by the following processes:</para></quote>
<list>review by a Human Research Ethics Committee (HREC) according to the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research (2007, updated in 2018 by the NHMRC);</list>
<list>Site-Specific Assessments (SSA) undertaken at each trial site by local governance offices, to confirm the capability of the site to conduct the trial;</list>
<list>notification to the TGA if the trial uses an unapproved therapeutic good or identifies an adverse event during implementation; and</list>
<list>registration on a publically available WHO primary clinical trials registry such as Australian New Zealand Clinical Trials Registry (ANZCTR).</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government is already working collaboratively with all jurisdictions to progress important clinical trial reform. The $7 million <inline font-style="italic">Encouraging More Clinical Trials in Australia</inline> initiative (refer Recommendation 5) is a demonstration of this joint government effort.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In partnership with jurisdictions, the Commonwealth is also leading the development of a National Clinical Trials Governance Framework through the Australian Commission on Safety and Quality in Health Care. The outcome will be an important first step towards nationally consistent accreditation of health services undertaking clinical trials in Australia. National consultations on a draft Governance Framework are planned for late 2018 and early 2019. The sector is highly supportive of this initiative, which has the potential to significantly improve the environment for conducting clinical trials in Australia, and to further streamline approval processes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Significant work has already been completed to improve ethics and governance approval processes under the NHMRC's <inline font-style="italic">National Certification Scheme of Institutional Processes related to the Ethical Review of Multi-centre research</inline>, which provides a level of assurance that an institution's ethics review processes conform to nationally consistent standards. In 2018, NHMRC will revise a number of key documents and processes underpinning the National Certification Scheme, with the aim of further streamlining and refining the scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition under the Government's <inline font-style="italic">Expediting Clinical Trial Reform in Australia (2013-14 Budget) and Simplified and Consistent Health and Medical</inline><inline font-style="italic">Research</inline> initiative (2014-15 Budget), the following resources have also been developed:</para></quote>
<list>a streamlined and contemporary national Human Research Ethics Application form for research involving humans;</list>
<list>e-learning modules that provide an introduction to the clinical trials environment, clinical research ethics and ethics review, and research governance processes to further support and streamline the approval process;</list>
<list>a National Good Practice Process for Research Governance in Clinical Trials, which through a national pilot program was demonstrated to significantly reduce governance approval times, and</list>
<list>National Scientific Review Committees to provide independent expert advice to HRECs, sponsors and researchers on the scientific merit and integrity of research protocols.</list>
<quote><para class="block"> </para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Mutual Acceptance (NMA) is a national system for mutual acceptance of scientific and ethical review of multi-centre human research projects conducted in publicly funded health services across jurisdictions. Single ethical and scientific review for a multi-centre human research project can now be provided across the six participating states/territories (Australian Capital Territory, New South Wales, Queensland, South Australia, Victoria and Western Australia). The scope of NMA includes any form of human research as defined in the <inline font-style="italic">National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research</inline> for which an application must be made to a HREC. All jurisdictions are working towards participation, and NHMRC is working with other agencies to identify opportunities for the Commonwealth to become a formal party to the scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 7</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3.132 The committee recommends that the National Health and Medical Research Council develops a standard template and associated guidelines, including timeframes, for ethics and other governance approvals for consideration and possible adoption by each state and territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is partially supported, noting that complementary work is already underway.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NHMRC has developed a number of templates, guidelines and other resources and is working to encourage their wide-spread adoption by the sector as part of the National Certification Scheme. Over 200 Human Research Ethics Committees (HRECs) are registered with NHMRC, 48 of which are also ‘certified' under the National Certification Scheme. NHMRC conducts annual monitoring of all registered HRECs and has adopted timely approval processes as part of its certification standard, namely, 60 calendar days for the ethics review of an application.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Responsibilities for the governance of clinical trials rest with sites, with state and territory governments having a role for trials that occur in public hospitals. Separate work to develop a Clinical Trials Governance Framework is currently underway in collaboration with all jurisdictions. When complete, the Governance Framework will be an important first step towards nationally consistent accreditation of health services undertaking clinical trials in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 8</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4.33 The committee recommends that, through the Council of Australian Governments Health Council, the Australian government leads a process to ensure that arrangements for transitioning children and young people from paediatric to adult oncology services occurs in a consistent and co-ordinated way that preserves continuity and quality of care in the best interests of each individual patient.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The responsibility of transitioning young people from paediatric to adult oncology services rests with state and territory government health services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 9</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports a number of initiatives that aim to provide information and raise awareness of cancers including low survival rate cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia promotes cancer awareness and provides evidence-based cancer information, resources and data for consumers and the community.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia uses a range of channels and approaches to present information and raise awareness of cancer, including low survival rate cancers. These include:</para></quote>
<list>the Cancer Australia website, which provides a central source of knowledge that facilitates access to information;</list>
<list>Cancer Australia's Children's Cancer website;</list>
<list>Cancer Australia's National Cancer Control Indicators website;</list>
<list>dissemination of media releases, media interviews and targeted digital strategies including use of social media platforms, digital channels, animated multimedia and engaging key social media influences;</list>
<list>a dedicated <inline font-style="italic">Consumer Learning</inline> portal to develop consumer confidence and expertise to participate in research and clinical trials; and</list>
<list>promoting cancer awareness, during key cancer awareness months/weeks, including for low survival cancers, such as Lung Cancer Awareness Month, Ovarian Cancer Awareness Month, Pancreatic Cancer Awareness Month and Brain Cancer Action Week.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Through the National Cancer Expert Reference Group (NCERG), the Australian Government is also supporting the promotion of Optimal Cancer Care Pathways to clinicians, consumers and policy makers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 10</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.25 The committee recommends that the Australian government works in collaboration with the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners and the Australian Medical Association to improve awareness of low survival rate cancers amongst general practitioners, including through continuing professional development.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports this recommendation in principle, noting that extensive and broad-ranging collaboration already occurs with the Royal Australian College of General Practitioners (RACGP) and the Australian Medical Association (AMA) to improve awareness and professional development of general practitioners.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia works in collaboration with the RACGP and the AMA across a number of areas, including gaining their input and endorsement of clinical practice projects and guidance; and membership of Cancer Australia working groups and expert reference groups. In addition, Cancer Australia works with practitioners to:</para></quote>
<list>improve awareness of cancers, including low survival rate cancers;</list>
<list>develop position statements, clinical guidance and principles;</list>
<list>target communication strategies to provide health professionals with information on cancer prevention, detection, diagnosis and treatment, including for low survival rate cancers such as gynaecological cancers and lung cancer; and</list>
<list>provide a range of evidence-based professional development learning activities, resources and information via the Cancer Australia website.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia also engages its Intercollegiate Advisory Group (ICAG), to inform national approaches to reducing variations in cancer outcomes, promote the use of best available evidence to achieve effective cancer care, identify collaborative approaches to address cancer control challenges and provide advice on emerging issues nationally and internationally to inform Cancer Australia's work. ICAG includes representation from relevant colleges and cancer organisations, including the RACGP.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 11</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.59 The committee recommends that the Australian Government, in collaboration with state and territory governments:</para></quote>
<list>considers expanding the Australian Cancer Database to capture all cancers, including benign tumours of the brain and other parts of the central nervous system;</list>
<list>in so doing, consults with medical researchers to identify what clinical and lifestyle data might be included in order to benefit oncology research; and</list>
<list>addresses current barriers to data collection and considers ways in which data collection can be improved across Australia, in both public and private health settings.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) works in collaboration with states and territories to produce the Australian Cancer Database (ACD), which is a collection of all notifiable primary cancers (malignant tumours) diagnosed in Australia. This information is collected by state and territory cancer registries and provided to the AIHW to produce the ACD. Common non-melanoma skin cancers (basal and squamous cell carcinomas of the skin) are the only cancers that are not notifiable diseases and therefore not required by legislation to be reported to state and territory cancer registries.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Non-malignant tumours of the brain and other central nervous system are notifiable diseases in Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia and Tasmania so these states can provide data on these tumours to the AIHW to include in the ACD. The AIHW published these data in the report <inline font-style="italic">Brain and other central nervous system cancers</inline> in October 2017. However, these benign tumours are not currently notifiable diseases in other states and territories so data are not available to these cancer registries or for national data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The AIHW has a Cancer Monitoring Advisory Committee that includes medical researchers, and will seek their advice on the clinical and lifestyle data requirements that might be included for the benefit of oncology research. This work is now underway within AIHW to enhance the ACD to include key treatment and health services data sets will capture information on the treatments and health services provided to all people diagnosed with cancer, which may fill some of the current gaps in relation to clinical data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Commonwealth, state and territory stakeholders currently work together to identify barriers to cancer data collection and ways in which cancer data collection can be improved across Australia, in both public and private health settings. The AIHW will continue to take a leading role in improving these cancer data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia also undertakes a variety of initiatives to enhance the collection and reporting of national cancer control data in Australia to improve outcomes for people with cancer, including low survival rate cancers. This includes addressing national data gaps, through the cancer data on Stage, Treatment and Recurrence (STaR) initiative. Through this initiative, the first of its kind in Australia, Cancer Australia is progressing and implementing methods for collecting, collating and reporting national cancer data on stage, treatment and recurrence through routinely-collected data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cancer Australia collaborated with state and territory population-based cancer registries to develop and test business rules for the collection of cancer stage at diagnosis for five cancers, female breast, prostate, melanoma, colorectal and lung cancer. The data is published on the Cancer Australia National Cancer Control Indicators (NCCI) website and will help explore the relationship between cancer stage at diagnosis and survival outcomes and the role of public health initiatives, early detection and awareness campaigns.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through the Fighting Childhood Cancer initiative, Cancer Australia is working to enhance childhood cancer data by collecting multi-year national cancer stage at diagnosis data for 16 paediatric cancer types. These data enable reporting of childhood cancer incidence by stage on Cancer Australia's childhood cancer website and NCCI website.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, Cancer Australia's NCCI website provides a resource for monitoring national cancer trends and benchmarking internationally across the cancer control continuum. The website provides high quality data which allows for monitoring and reporting of national data trends across seven cancer control domains of prevention, screening, diagnosis, treatment, psychosocial care, research and outcomes. The data reported on the NCCI website encompasses multiple tumour types, including cancers of low survival and low incidence and will help improve data availability and access for low survival cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 12</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.62 The committee recommends that the Australian government gives serious consideration to implementing a national network medical and population biobank that includes tumour samples and relevant clinical and lifestyle data associated with each tumour sample.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Limited support for specific biobanks is currently provided through the Australian Government's investment in the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Research Infrastructure Investment Plan, announced in the May 2018 Budget, has provided funding for a scoping study that will look to maximise the broad range of biobanks across individual, institutional, state and Commonwealth collections. This aims to provide significant improvement in research effectiveness across a range of medical, agricultural and biodiversity research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 13</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.98 The committee recommends that the Australian government ensures ongoing funding for genomic research into low survival rate cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported, noting that the Australian Government has committed $500 million towards a landmark ten year commitment to the Genomics Health Futures Mission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Mission will help Australians to live longer and better through access to genomics knowledge and technology, and accelerating precision diagnosis and treatment. Anticipated first priorities for the Mission are rare cancers (including low survival) and rare diseases as these conditions are thought to be more receptive to applied genomics. This Mission is supported by the <inline font-style="italic">National Health Genomics Policy Framework 2018-2021</inline> agreed by all governments with the purpose of creating a shared direction and commitment to consistently and strategically integrating genomics into the health system.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The investment in the Genomics Health Futures Mission is additional to the following significant commitments to harnessing the power of genomics in cancer treatment and cure:</para></quote>
<list>Australian Genomics Health Alliance (AGHA or Australian Genomics), which brings together more than 80 partner organisations across Australia, including Rare Cancers Australia. AGHA's two flagship programs – rare diseases and cancer are underpinned by strong national and international clinical, diagnostic and research partnerships as outcomes usually depend on sharing genomic data from many centres. This NHMRC grant began in 2016 and is worth $25 million over five years.</list>
<list>under the Australian Brain Cancer Mission, further funding has been provided for the Zero Childhood Brain Cancer program that brings together all eight children's hospitals with clinical and research groups working in childhood cancer to offer Australia's first ever personalised medicine program for children with high-risk brain cancer. The funding will allow all children with high risk brain cancer to access a range of genetic and drug testing for their tumours, to identify the most effective personalised treatment. It will also fast track access to novel targeted treatments through national and international clinical trials and establish an immune profiling platform to expand treatment options to include immunotherapies.</list>
<list>Access to Innovative Molecular diagnostic Profiling for paediatric brain tumours (AIM BRAIN) clinical trial, which includes fast tracking of access for Australian and New Zealand children with brain cancer to an innovative international molecular diagnostic profiling platform. This project is being led by the Australian New Zealand Children's Haematology and Oncology Group (ANZCHOG) with support from Cancer Australia. The aim is ultimately to accelerate Australia's capacity to undertake advanced molecular testing for paediatric brain tumours, to provide more accurate diagnoses and ultimately better target treatment to improve survival and decrease side effects.</list>
<list>Australian arm of the International Cancer Genome Consortium (ICGC), which has the goal of obtaining a comprehensive description of genomic changes in 50 different tumour types and/or subtypes of clinical and societal importance across the globe. Australia's focus is on sequencing pancreatic and ovarian cancer types, both of which have low survival rates. The project aims to link the large volume of genomic data already accumulated to clinical and health information to facilitate the development of markers for early disease detection, specific criteria and methods for diagnoses and prognoses, and interventions based on matching the molecular subtype of the patient's disease with the most effective combinations of therapies for low survival cancers. Between 2010 and 2015, NHMRC invested $27.5 million in this project.</list>
<list>Genomic Cancer Clinical Trial Initiative (GTI), through which Cancer Australia supports the provision of expert advice and technical services to Australia's 14 Multi-site Collaborative Cancer Clinical Trials Groups (CTGs) to facilitate collaborative development of genomics-based clinical trial protocols for mutations that are common to several tumour types, including low incidence cancers such as ovarian and pancreatic cancer. This initiative is facilitating personalised medicine approaches by understanding specific genetic changes that are common to different cancers, and through development of drugs which target particular cancer mutations.</list>
<list>NHMRC funding for basic genomics research into low survival cancers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 14</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.99 The committee recommends that the Australian government implements any recommendation from the Medical Services Advisory Committee to list genetic tests for low survival rate cancer patients on the Medicare Benefits Schedule so that these tests are routinely available to these patients and reimbursed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Medical Services Advisory Committee (MSAC) has been working with industry since 2014 to develop streamlined arrangements to assess the clinical utility of germline genetic (or genomic) testing to help manage specific disease areas, such as cancer, cardiovascular disease or mental illness. This approach is to be used to inform consideration of the circumstances under which germline genomic testing for these diseases could be publicly funded. Clinical utility refers to the ability of a test to significantly affect clinical management and patient outcomes. Each assessment covers all elements relevant for assessing risks, benefits and costs of a proposed genomic test.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Genomic testing of the BCRA1 and BRCA2 genes for breast and ovarian cancer, which was listed on the MBS from 1 November 2017, was the first example of such an assessment. Applications for genomic testing for Alport syndrome and childhood syndromes were assessed by MSAC in March 2018 and July 2018 respectively. MSAC supported MBS funding of genetic testing for Alport syndrome. At this point in time, MSAC could not support public funding for childhood syndromes, given the breadth of testing, limited evidence on changes in clinical management, and equity and ethical issues. MSAC is engaging with all relevant stakeholders to develop a way forward. Applications for colorectal and endometrial cancers are currently in the process of being considered by MSAC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 15</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.102 The committee recommends that the Therapeutic Goods Administration, if necessary following the medicines and medical devices review, and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee:</para></quote>
<list>(re-)examine their assessment processes and the appropriateness of those processes for innovative treatments for low survival rate (LSR) cancers, such as immunotherapies; and</list>
<list>pending that examination, consider adopting more flexible and innovative approaches to approving innovative treatments for LSR cancers and assessing them for listing on the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government agrees that improving and streamlining existing regulatory and assessment processes for new medicines are key strategies that will offer the best prospects of maintaining Australia's record of supporting timely access to cost-effective cancer medicines that deliver proven health gains. The Government understands that a strong partnership between industry, prescribers and consumers is vital for this process and is actively working with stakeholders in this area.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Each cancer drug is approved for marketing by the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA), and thus demonstrated to have acceptable quality, safety and efficacy, in a limited range of cancer settings only. It is possible for sponsors to make submissions to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee (PBAC) requesting the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) listing of medicines to treat rare conditions or cancers with low survival rates. In such cases, the PBAC can assess the sponsor's claims of the medicine's comparative effectiveness, even in small numbers of patients, and can advise on a range of tools to manage uncertainty such as special pricing and risk sharing arrangements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There are currently three immunotherapies medicines subsidised on the PBS for five different tumor types: melanoma, kidney cancer, lung cancer, Hodgkin's lymphoma and head and neck cancer. Subsidy has recently been recommended by the PBAC for two further tumor types: Merkel cell cancer and urothelial cancer. The Government will continue to engage constructively with all stakeholders to expand the indications for this important breakthrough in cancer treatment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In October 2016, the PBAC finalised the revision of its Guidelines to ensure that the Health Technology Assessment (HTA) methodologies used are consistent, transparent and incorporate international best practice. The revision provided an opportunity to address matters such as clinical evidence needs, handling the consequences of allowing cross-over in cancer medicine trials and the use of surrogate outcomes to estimate the overall effectiveness of new medicines. The revised Guidelines have enhanced assessment processes for cancer medicines for timely inclusion on the PBS.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government and Medicines Australia signed a Strategic Agreement in April 2017 under which they undertook to work together to improve timeliness, transparency and efficiency in PBS listing processes. This work will assist in improving PBS listing times for innovative cancer medicines recommended by the PBAC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In response to the recommendations of the Review of Medicines and Medical Device Regulation (MMDR Review) and as part of ongoing business improvements, the TGA has recently delivered several reforms which are likely to contribute to the timely registration of medicines for low survival rate cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 1 July 2017, the TGA implemented a Priority review pathway for the registration of prescription medicines. The Priority review pathway involves faster assessment of vital and life-saving prescription medicines. The target timeframe of 150 working days is up to three months shorter than the standard prescription medicines registration process which is 220 days. As at 15 October 2018, seventeen prescription medicines have received priority determination since launch of the pathway, of which eleven were for use in oncology.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Changes to the Orphan Drug Program also commenced on 1 July 2017. The Orphan Drug Program provides an incentive to lodge an application for registration of eligible medicines by waiving the associated fees. One of the new eligibility criteria provides a more generous orphan disease prevalence threshold (fewer than five in 10,000), potentially allowing additional conditions to classify as Orphan on the basis that they are recognised as distinct conditions. Since the change five medicines for use in oncology have been designated as orphan through this scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 20th March 2018, a provisional registration pathway was implemented to allow sponsors to seek time-limited provisional registration of certain prescription medicines on the basis of preliminary clinical data. This pathway allows medicines to be registered on the Australian Register of Therapeutic Goods (ARTG) up to two years earlier than under the standard prescription medicines registration process but are evaluated under the same milestones and evaluation time as for standard prescription medicines of 220 working days. Provisional registration of prescription medicines is limited to two years but up to two extensions of two years can be applied for by the sponsor resulting in provisional registration for a maximum of six years. As at 15 October 2018, five prescription medicines had received provisional determination since launch of the new pathway, of which five are for use in oncology.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 16</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.126 The committee recommends that the Australian government ensures funding is available to researchers investigating whether existing drugs may be suitable for treating low survival rate cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported, noting that the Australian Government has a number of existing research funding schemes via the NHMRC, Cancer Australia and the MRFF that provide opportunities for research into repurposed drugs to tackle low survival cancer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 17</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.128 The committee recommends that the Australian government works with industry to consider a mechanism to repurpose drugs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported in principle, noting that through the $1.3 billion National Health and Medical Industry Growth Plan the Australian Government is seeking to collaborate with industry on a number of fronts, including exploring opportunities to access libraries of drugs for further research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The TGA does have various mechanisms to encourage sponsors to make timely applications for low survival cancers by making the registration process faster and/or easier such as: the expedited pathways, Orphan drug program, literature based submissions and the Comparable Overseas Regulator report-based process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, the TGA is not able to compel a company to apply to register a medicine in Australia, and approval for marketing in Australia cannot be given in the absence of an application. In the past, the TGA has occasionally approached sponsors to request that an application to extend the indications of a registered medicine be lodged with the TGA to address known off-label use. For example, the TGA worked with a sponsor to facilitate an application and subsequently approval of tamoxifen for primary reduction of breast cancer risk in women who are in the moderate or high risk category.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 18</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.131 The committee recommends that the Australian government considers a mechanism to permit access to and properly supervise use of off-label drugs for low survival rate cancer patients without further treatment options, on compassionate grounds.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Prescribing a registered medicine for indications other than the approved indications is what is commonly referred to as off-label prescribing. Off-label prescribing is a clinical decision made between the prescriber and their patient based on the risks and benefits of the use of the medicine in those individual circumstances. Off-label use should always occur in the setting of informed consent. TGA does not regulate clinical practice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the case of prescribing unapproved medicines, the TGA administers a number of schemes to enable prescribers to access these for their patients. These include the Special Access Scheme and Authorised Prescriber Scheme. Doctors who access unapproved medicines through these pathways must do so in the setting of informed consent and in accordance with the Medical Board of Australia's code of conduct, Good Medical Practice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 19</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.133 The committee recommends that the Therapeutic Goods Administration and Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee examine the appropriateness of their approval and assessment processes for existing drugs repurposed for use in low survival rate cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2017, the Minister for Health requested the PBAC Chair to find options within the Committee's scope (as per current legislation) for mechanisms to consider medicines to treat rare conditions. The PBAC Chair is currently progressing this request with the Department and other key stakeholders. As part of this consideration, the committee has requested further work be conducted, and this work is continuing. The advice from the PBAC on this matter will also feed into the broader reforms to PBAC processes being developed with the pharmaceutical industry in response to commitments given in the Australian Government's Strategic Agreement with Medicines Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As noted in the responses to Recommendations 15 and 17 above, the new expedited pathways and Orphan drug program reforms, literature-based submissions and the use of reports from comparable overseas regulators are likely to contribute towards more timely assessment and approval of medicines repurposed for use in low survival rate cancers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 20</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.136 The committee recommends that the Australian government considers whether the Medical Services Advisory Committee and Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee processes can be streamlined where a diagnostic test and treatment for a low survival rate cancer are co-dependent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is supported.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department, together with MSAC and the PBAC, has developed an assessment process for ensuring integrated and streamlined consideration of co-dependent applications, including where a pathology test and a medicinal treatment are co- dependent. This type of application allows MSAC to consider the test and the PBAC to consider the medicine through a parallel assessment process, to maximise alignment of timelines and outcomes. This uses a time schedule that results in coordinated advice being provided to the Minister for Health by the two committees within three weeks of each other.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since 2011, about 30 co-dependent technology applications have been assessed through this coordinated assessment approach involving MSAC and the PBAC. In addition, through a coordinated process, the 2016 PBAC Guidelines and 2016 MSAC Investigative Guidelines updated the published guidance on these arrangements. The Department operates in an environment of continuous improvement, and a planned review of the MSAC Guidelines (and associated co-dependent processes) is anticipated to commence in 2019. The emphasis will be on process efficiencies for applicants, and timely access to treatments for Australian patients.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 21</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.176 The committee recommends that the Australian government, in conjunction with its state and territory counterparts, works to improve access to specialist cancer care co-ordinators or nurses for low survival rate cancer patients in every state and territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">State and territory governments have primary responsibility for the employment of nurses and care coordinators.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government's Integrated Team Care (ITC) program does provide funding for Care Coordinators. Funding is currently being provided through the Northern Territory Primary Health Network to train a number of Care Coordinators in the Northern Territory in cancer care. The ITC program, funded under the Indigenous Australians' Health Program, aims to improve access to coordinated and multidisciplinary care for eligible Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with chronic disease, including cancer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 22</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.179 The committee recommends that the Australian government asks the Medical Services Advisory Committee to review the criteria for reimbursement of ongoing diagnostic testing for low survival rate cancer patients.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The MSAC considers applications for public funding of medical services, including ongoing diagnostic tests such as magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and genomic testing. Applications are currently being assessed for MRI for the diagnosis of prostate cancer, colorectal cancer and breast cancer. An application is currently in process using MSAC's Clinical Utility Card Proforma for genomic testing in the context of colorectal cancer and endometrial cancer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 23</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.181 The committee recommends that the Australian government further simplifies and streamlines the application process for low survival rate cancer patients and their carers when seeking to access the Disability Support Pension, or carer allowance or payment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation is noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government considers the current Disability Support Pension (DSP) application process for people with low survival rate cancers is already sufficiently streamlined. Similarly, the current application process for carer payments (Carer Payment and Carer Allowance) provides an abridged and more simplified process for those who are caring for someone with a terminal illness.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In certain circumstances a claim for DSP can be granted manifestly. This means that on the basis of medical evidence alone the person is considered eligible for DSP without the need for a Job Capacity Assessment (JCA) or a Disability Medical Assessment, subject to meeting all other eligibility criteria. Of particular relevance for people with cancer, DSP may be granted manifestly where a person has a terminal illness with a life expectancy of less than two years or a condition requiring a nursing home level of care. Manifest qualification is accepted if medical evidence indicates the claimant's current medical condition is chronic and debilitating with a prognosis that the condition is terminal, the average life expectancy of a patient with this condition is 24 months or less, and there is a significant reduction in work capacity within this period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A claimant who has evidence that they are a long term patient of a hospital or nursing home, or require nursing home level care (or equivalent) because of illness or infirmity and are unlikely to be discharged in the foreseeable future, is accepted as manifestly qualified for DSP. The medical evidence needs to provide details of: the nature of the impairment and reason for long term hospitalisation; the likelihood of discharge; and ability to perform activities of daily living.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Two lists of conditions are available in the <inline font-style="italic">Guide to Social Security Law</inline> to help Centrelink decision makers determine manifest eligibility for DSP on the grounds of terminal illness, nursing home level care requirements, and/or intellectual disability. It is important to note that the lists supplement, rather than replace manifest guidelines. Therefore manifest grants can still be made for claimants with conditions that are not listed, that is any condition, including cancer, that meets the terminal illness or people requiring a nursing home level of care categories detailed above.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">List 1 catalogues conditions which are accepted as manifest (clearly and obviously meet all the DSP qualification criteria) on diagnosis alone. If the condition listed in the DSP claimant's medical evidence is on this list eligibility will be established without the need for a JCA allowing more timely granting of payment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The second list of conditions includes those which may upon some further investigation, be manifest on the grounds of terminal illness, nursing home level care requirements, or intellectual disability. The Centrelink decision maker will obtain on the spot advice about the condition, treatment regime and likely prognosis by contacting the treating doctor and/or the Centrelink Heath Professional Advisory Unit (HPAU). The treating doctor or the HPAU may be able to confirm the expected prognosis, including whether terminal, or would necessitate nursing home level care, or indicates a manifest intellectual disability, and thereby expedite the claim as manifest without a JCA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To receive Carer Payment and/or Carer Allowance, carers of an adult (over 16 years) are assessed under the Adult Disability Assessment Tool (ADAT), while carers of children (under 16 years) have their care assessed under the Disability Care Load Assessment (DCLA). Both tools contain provisions that streamline the claim process for carers of an adult or child who has a terminal illness, although the provisions differ between adult and child qualification. As the payments target assistance to carers it is necessary to establish the level of care provided to determine payment qualification, and the questions on the claim forms are designed to assess care provision across a broad range of medical conditions and disabilities, including those with a terminal illness such as cancer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For carers of an adult where the treating health professional indicates the care receiver is in the final stage of a terminal illness and is not expected to survive for more than 3 months, the medical component of the Carer Payment or Carer Allowance claim form is significantly abridged. The carer is required to complete the carer questionnaire to determine that a qualifying level of care is being provided.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Qualification for Carer Allowance for a child diagnosed with a terminal condition may be fast tracked through the <inline font-style="italic">List of Recognised Disabilities</inline> – a List that includes certain disabilities or conditions that are consistently severe enough to qualify the parent or carer for the allowance automatically. If the child's disability or condition is not on the List the DCLA is used to determine payment eligibility, and the carer must complete the care needs assessment form to establish qualification.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An abridged process exists for carers of a child with a terminal condition when claiming Carer Payment. If the medical practitioner certifies that the average life expectancy for a child with the same or similar condition is not substantially longer than 24 months, and the child will need personal care for a significant period every day for the duration of the condition, the carer qualifies for payment without completing the care needs assessment form. Carer Allowance is also automatically granted. These terminal child provisions also allow the carer to remain qualified for payment until the child turns 18, rather than having to apply for Carer Payment and/or Carer Allowance under the adult assessment process.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 24</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.223 The committee recommends that the federal, state and territory governments develop and implement a comprehensive Australia-wide strategy to increase 5-year survival rates for low survival rate cancers to above 50 per cent by 2027:</para></quote>
<list>taking into account the recommendations in this report;</list>
<list>consulting with researchers, clinicians, patients and patient groups;</list>
<list>considering the roles of research, early diagnosis and access to medicines; and</list>
<list>assessing the applicability of international approaches, such as the <inline font-style="italic">Recalcitrant Cancer Research Act of 2012 (US)</inline>, to the Australian context.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 25</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5.225 The committee recommends that annual progress reports on the development and implementation of an Australian strategy to improve survival rates for low survival rate cancers are provided to the Council of Australian Governments Health Council and made publicly available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 24 and 25 are noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Minister for Health will continue to work collaboratively and productively with jurisdictions via the COAG Health Council on the range of initiatives important to the sector and to improve health outcomes for all Australians.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>100</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Prime Minister, Indigenous Housing</title>
          <page.no>100</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table responses to questions taken on notice during question time on 14 November 2018 asked by Senators Bilyk and McCarthy relating to the New Zealand Office of Tourism and Sport and to housing infrastructure in Borroloola. I seek leave to have the documents incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The documents read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">PRIME MINISTER</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Dear Mr President</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I write with regard to questions I took on notice from Senator Bilyk during Question Time on Wednesday, 14 November 2018 on the matter of the employment of the Prime Minister as Director of the New Zealand Office of Tourism and Sport.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can confirm that the Prime Minister was Director of the New Zealand Office of Tourism and Sport from 1998 to 2000. This included a period serving in the role following the election of the Clark Labour Government where he agreed to remain on following discussions with then Tourism Minister Mark Burton, with whom he had a very positive and productive relationship, until deciding to return home to Australia to take up an opportunity in the private sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can confirm that the Auditor-General report to which Senator Bilyk referred was an inquiry into the appointments of, payments to, and resignations of, members of the New Zealand Tourism Board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can confirm that the New Zealand Office of Tourism and Sport was responsible to the Minister of Tourism and was a semi-autonomous body within the Department of Internal Affairs. The New Zealand Tourism Board was a Crown entity separately accountable to the Minister of Tourism.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can further confirm that all organisations, government and non-government, including those led by the Prime Minister, which are required to make financial statements are audited on a regular basis as part of their usual obligations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I have copied this letter to the Prime Minister and Senator Bilyk.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Kind regards</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mathias Cormann</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Minister for Finance and the Public Service</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">15 November 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">INDIGENOUS HOUSING</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Dear Mr President</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I write with regard to questions I took on notice from Senator McCarthy during Question Time on Wednesday, 14 November 2018 on the matter of the Government's plan to provide housing infrastructure in Borroloola, which will provide immediate relief to families and children living in some of the worst housing conditions in the country before the wet season.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can advise the Senate that the decision to provide Borroloola with immediate housing relief was a decision of Government made in the normal way and with the full knowledge of the Prime Minister. Furthermore, representatives from the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, as well as the Australian Army and the Northern Territory (NT) Government met with the community on 7 and 8 November 2018, to discuss options for addressing the urgent need for housing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can further advise that the commitment to delivering housing in Borroloola is in addition to the $14.6 million committed to Borroloola under the National Partnership Agreement on Remote Indigenous Housing. The commitment also follows the decision by the Government to provide the NT Government with additional assistance worth $259.6 million to deliver essential services, including to remote communities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The use of former Royal Australian Air Force houses was discussed with the community as a solution which could be immediately rolled out, noting these were existing older stock. All dwellings in Borroloola must be certified, which means they must be appropriate for the cyclone areas and adhere to the building code of Australia. I can confirm that dwellings will not be installed with asbestos.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Following these discussions and further assessment of the options, no former Royal Australian Air Force houses have been purchased. The Government is not pursuing the purchase of any former Royal Australian Air Force houses for use in Borroloola.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government will continue to consult with the NT Government, the Northern Land Council and communities as it works towards a solution for the housing issues in Borroloola.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I have copied this letter to the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, the Special Envoy for Indigenous Affairs and Senator McCarthy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Kind regards</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mathias Cormann</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Minister for Finance and the Public Service</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">15 November 2018</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>101</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>101</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1117" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>101</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In closing this second reading debate, I would like to thank all of those senators who have contributed to the debate so far in relation to the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017. Australia, as I said earlier today, is one of the few Western democracies in which foreign donors can still influence domestic elections. The government's bill will ensure that our electoral system protects our national sovereignty. Most importantly, the bill will assure Australians that all political campaigning that targets Australian voters, be it election advertising, campaign phone calls or how-to-vote recommendations, is paid for by Australians. Foreign governments, foreign billionaires and foreign companies have no legitimate role in funding these activities to influence Australian politics.</para>
<para>I once again thank the members of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters for their significant work on the topic of foreign political donations and on this bill over the course of the 45th Parliament. The government very much appreciates both the constructive approach and the goodwill demonstrated by all members of the committee and their sensible recommendations, which have played an integral part in informing the government's work on this topic, and the ultimate form of this bill.</para>
<para>The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters tabled two advisory reports on the bill, the first delivered in April 2018, which made 15 recommendations. The government responded positively to those recommendations by sharing draft amendments with the committee and inviting its further views on those proposed amendments. The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters made 12 further recommendations in relation to those draft amendments, including supporting passage of the bill, subject to those final suggestions. The government has agreed to all of those recommendations and final amendments were circulated to senators at the end of October, reflecting a positive response to the last recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. I will make some brief comments during the committee stage about some of the most significant government amendments that respond to recommendations from the joint standing committee.</para>
<para>Subsequent to those committee reports, the government has engaged in further constructive dialogue with the opposition and with stakeholders in the charitable sector. I again would like to place on record my appreciation for the constructive way in which the shadow special minister of state, Senator Farrell and his office have engaged with my team. A final suggestion that was raised in these discussions was for a post-implementation review in two years' time. The government is very happy to confirm that we support that proposal.</para>
<para>Given the extensive and cross-party work of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters on the bill over the course of this parliament, it's the government's view that the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters is best placed to run this post-implementation review of the bill's operation. Accordingly, I put on the public record that, after passage of the bill, the government will initiate a referral to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, seeking that it review the bill in two years time. This review will take into account experience from the next election and ensure that the bill's objectives continue to be achieved in a way that minimises red tape. The review will include assessment of any impacts on issue based advocacy. And because the inquiry will need to occur in the next parliament, with a potentially different committee membership, we propose to make this referral by way of Senate motion rather than by way of referral in correspondence.</para>
<para>The reforms in this bill are important and are necessary to support the integrity of Australia's electoral system and Australia's sovereignty by ensuring that only those with a meaningful connection to Australia are able to fund Australian political activity. These reforms will ensure that the Commonwealth's electoral funding and disclosure regime keeps pace with international and domestic developments and provides transparency for Australian voters ahead of the next federal election.</para>
<para>Before I close, I also thank in particular Daniel Clode, senior adviser in my office, who's done an absolutely amazing body of work to help us get to this point. Once again, I thank senators for their contribution and commend the bill to the chamber. In doing so, I table a supplementary explanatory memorandum relating to the government amendments to be moved to this bill.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the second reading amendment moved by Senator Farrell on sheet 8576 be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:40]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>28</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Storer, TR</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>23</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA (teller)</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>11</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Wong, P</name>
                  <name>Abetz, </name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As foreshadowed, I move my second reading amendment:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Leave out all words after "that", insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"the bill be withdrawn because the Senate is of the opinion that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the bill ignores corporate influence over politics and disproportionately targets the not-for-profit sector, which is an attack on public interest advocacy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the bill is likely to discourage charities from engaging in issue-based advocacy in furtherance of their charitable purposes, because of uncertainty in the definition of 'electoral matter';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) there is no public interest benefit to the proposed added layer of regulation for the charitable sector, because the existing regulatory framework for not-for-profit organisations under the Charities Act 2013 is sufficient to prevent charitable organisations from engaging in partisan political activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 should be amended to introduce caps on campaign expenditure by political parties, candidates and associated entities, which are indexed to inflation and subject to periodic review."</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that Senator Waters' motion be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:45]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>9</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>44</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Storer, TR</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.<br />Original question, as amended, agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>104</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to advise the committee—and for the benefit of the Clerks I advise—that, as flagged in my earlier contribution, the opposition will not be proceeding with amendments on sheet 8554 and 8407.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—–I move all government amendments on sheet GJ160, as amended by amendments on sheet UV100, together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (table items 2 and 3), omit the table items, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, heading to Part 1, page 3 (lines 3 and 4), omit ", third party campaigners and associated entities", substitute "and associated entities and the Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, page 3 (after line 10), after item 1, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">election and ballot matters</inline> means matters relating to Parliamentary elections, elections, ballots under the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline> or the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work (Registered Organisations) Act 2009</inline>, and referendums.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1B Subsection 4 ( 1 ) (definition of <inline font-style="italic">electoral matter</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definition, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">electoral matter</inline> has the meaning given by section 4AA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1C Subsection 4 ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">political entity</inline> means any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a registered political party;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a State branch (within the meaning of Part XX) of a registered political party;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a candidate (within the meaning of that Part) in an election (including a by-election);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a member of a group (within the meaning of that Part).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For candidates and groups, see subsection 287(9).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1D Subsection 4 ( 9 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1E After section 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> 4AA Meaning of <inline font-style="italic">electoral matter</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) <inline font-style="italic">Electoral matter </inline>means matter communicated or intended to be communicated for the dominant purpose of influencing the way electors vote in an election (a <inline font-style="italic">federal election</inline>) of a member of the House of Representatives or of Senators for a State or Territory, including by promoting or opposing:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a political entity, to the extent that the matter relates to a federal election; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a member of the House of Representatives or a Senator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Communications whose dominant purpose is to educate their audience on a public policy issue, or to raise awareness of, or encourage debate on, a public policy issue, are not for the dominant purpose of influencing the way electors vote in an election (as there can be only one dominant purpose for any given communication).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of subsection (1), each creation, recreation, communication or recommunication of matter is to be treated separately for the purposes of determining whether matter is electoral matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For example, matter that is covered by an exception under subsection (5) when originally communicated may become electoral matter if recommunicated for the dominant purpose referred to in subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Rebuttable presumption for matter that expressly promotes or opposes political entities etc.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Without limiting subsection (1), the dominant purpose of the communication or intended communication of matter that expressly promotes or opposes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a political entity, to the extent that the matter relates to a federal election; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a member of the House of Representatives or a Senator, to the extent that the matter relates to a federal election;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">is presumed to be the purpose referred to in subsection (1), unless the contrary is proved.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Matters to be taken into account</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Without limiting subsection (1), the following matters must be taken into account in determining the dominant purpose of the communication or intended communication of matter:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether the communication or intended communication is or would be to the public or a section of the public;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether the communication or intended communication is or would be by a political entity or political campaigner (within the meaning of Part XX);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) whether the matter contains an express or implicit comment on a political entity, a member of the House of Representatives or a Senator;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) whether the communication or intended communication is or would be received by electors near a polling place;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) how soon a federal election is to be held after the creation or communication of the matter;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) whether the communication or intended communication is or would be unsolicited.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Exceptions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Despite subsections (1) and (3), matter is not <inline font-style="italic">electoral matter</inline> if the communication or intended communication of the matter:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) forms or would form part of the reporting of news, the presenting of current affairs or any genuine editorial content in news media; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is or would be by a person for a dominant purpose that is a satirical, academic, educative or artistic purpose, taking into account any relevant consideration including the dominant purpose of any other communication of matter by the person; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is or would be a private communication by a person to another person who is known to the first person; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) is or would be by or to a person who is a Commonwealth public official (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>) in that person's capacity as such an official; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) is or would be a private communication to a political entity (who is not a Commonwealth public official) in relation to public policy or public administration; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) occurs or would occur in the House of Representatives or the Senate, or is or would be to a parliamentary committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A person who wishes to rely on this subsection bears an evidential burden in relation to the matters in this subsection (see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> and section 96 of the Regulatory Powers Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1F Section 5 (definition of <inline font-style="italic">electoral matters</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definition.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1G Paragraph 7 ( 1 ) (b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "electoral matters" (wherever occurring), substitute "election and ballot matters".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1H Paragraph 7 ( 1 ) (c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "electoral and Parliamentary matters", substitute "election and ballot matters, and Parliamentary matters,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1J Paragraphs 7 ( 1 ) (d) and (e)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "electoral matters", substitute "election and ballot matters".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1K Paragraphs 91A(1A)(aa) and ( 2 ) (aa)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "electoral matters", substitute "election and ballot matters".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1L Subsection 120 ( 2 ) (at the end of the table)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14 A decision under section 287S or 302H (anti-avoidance) to give a notice to a person or entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1M Section 125</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "The Electoral Commission shall", substitute "(1) The Electoral Commissioner must".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1N At the end of section 125</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Register may be included on the Transparency Register under section 287N.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1P Paragraphs 189B ( 4 ) (b) and ( 5 ) (b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "electoral matters", substitute "election and ballot matters".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1Q Subsection 193 ( 4 ) (definition of <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth country</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "political entity" (wherever occurring), substitute "body politic".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 4, page 4 (after line 4), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Australian resident</inline> in subsection 287(1), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">candidate </inline>has a meaning affected by subsection (9).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 4, page 4 (line 12), omit "$13,500", substitute "$13,800".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 4, page 4 (after line 13), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">disclosure threshold</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">electoral expenditure </inline>has the meaning given by section 287AB.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">foreign donor</inline> has the meaning given by section 287AA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Schedule 1, page 4 (after line 21), after item 6, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6A Subsection 287 ( 1 ) (at the end of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">group</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The meaning of <inline font-style="italic">group</inline> is affected by subsection (9).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (lines 9 and 10), omit "political campaigners and third party campaigners", substitute "entities".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (lines 13 to 17), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">political entity</inline> in subsection287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (lines 18 to 23), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">political expenditure</inline> in subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (line 24) to page 6 (line 12), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">political purpose</inline> in subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Schedule 1, item 7, page 6 (lines 13 and 14), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Register of Associated Entities</inline> in subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Schedule 1, item 7, page 6 (lines 15 and 16), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Register of Political Campaigners</inline> in subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Schedule 1, item 7, page 6 (lines 17 and 18), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Register of T</inline><inline font-style="italic">hird Party Campaigners</inline> in subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Schedule 1, item 7, page 6 (lines 19 to 24), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">senior staff</inline> in subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Schedule 1, item 7, page 6 (lines 25 to 30), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">third party campaigner</inline> in subsection 287(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">scheme</inline> (except in section 287E) means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any agreement, arrangement, understanding, promise or undertaking, whether express or implied and whether or not enforceable, or intended to be enforceable, by legal proceedings; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any scheme, plan, proposal, action, course of action or course of conduct, whether unilateral or otherwise.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">third party</inline>: a person or entity (except a political entity or a member of the House of Representatives or the Senate) is a <inline font-style="italic">third party </inline>during a financial year if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount of electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the person or entity during the financial year is more than the disclosure threshold; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person or entity is not required to be, and is not, registered as a political campaigner under section 287F for the year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: See also subsection (8) and section 287C (entities that have branches or are not incorporated).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Transparency Register</inline> means the Register of that name established and maintained under section 287N.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Schedule 1, page 6 (after line 30), after item 7, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">7A Subsection 287 ( 7 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Schedule 1, item 8, page 7 (line 1), omit "<inline font-style="italic">third party campaigners</inline>", substitute "<inline font-style="italic">third parties</inline>".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Schedule 1, item 8, page 7 (line 2), omit "third party campaigner", substitute "third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Schedule 1, item 8, page 7 (line 4), omit "third party campaigner", substitute "third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Schedule 1, item 8, page 7 (lines 5 and 6), omit "political campaigners and third party campaigners", substitute "entities".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(23) Schedule 1, item 8, page 7 (lines 7 to 24), omit subsection 287(9), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">When a person is a candidate or part of a group</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) For the purposes of this Part:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a person who is a candidate in an election is taken to begin to be a candidate on the earlier of the following days:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the day the person announced that the person would be a candidate in the election;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the day the person nominated as a candidate in the election; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a group is taken to begin to be a group in an election on the day the members of the group make a request under section 168 for their names to be grouped in the ballot papers for the election;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">and the candidate or group ceases to be a candidate or group at the end of 30 days after the polling day in the election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(24) Schedule 1, item 9, page 7 (line 31) to page 8 (line 28), omit section 287AA, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> 287AA Meaning of <inline font-style="italic">foreign donor</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Each of the following is a <inline font-style="italic">foreign donor</inline>:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a body politic of a foreign country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a body politic of a part of a foreign country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a part of a body politic mentioned in paragraph (a) or (b);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a foreign public enterprise;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) an entity (whether or not incorporated) that does not meet any of the following conditions:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the entity is incorporated in Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the entity's head office is in Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the entity's principal place of activity is, or is in, Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) an individual who is none of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an elector;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) an Australian citizen;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) an Australian resident;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) a New Zealand citizen who holds a Subclass 444 (Special Category) visa under the <inline font-style="italic">Migration Act 1958</inline> (or if that Subclass ceases to exist, the kind of visa that replaces that Subclass).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> 287AB Meaning of <inline font-style="italic">electoral expenditure</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) <inline font-style="italic">Electoral expenditure</inline> means expenditure incurred for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter, except to the extent that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the expenditure is, or is to be, paid or reimbursed by the Commonwealth (except under Division 3 (election funding)) to or in relation to a person who is or was a member of the House of Representatives, a Senator or a Minister, because that person is or was such a member, Senator or Minister; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the expenditure is incurred by a person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">service provider</inline>):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) in providing a communication service or communication platform that is used to create or communicate electoral matter; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in providing a service for another person or entity that engaged the service provider, on a commercial basis, to create or communicate electoral matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: For example, expenditure incurred in relation to the communication of electoral matter for which particulars are required to be notified under section 321D is electoral expenditure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: Expenditure by a person who creates matter that is covered by an exception under subsection 4AA(5) is not electoral expenditure. However, as each creation or communication of matter is treated as separate matter under subsection 4AA(2), expenditure incurred by another person who communicates the same matter for the dominant purpose referred to in subsection 4AA(1) may be electoral expenditure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 3: For deemed electoral expenditure for political campaigners, see section 287J.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Expenditure may be electoral expenditure whether the expenditure is incurred for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating particular electoral matter or electoral matter generally.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Expenditure in relation to an election</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) In addition, any expenditure incurred by or with the authority of a political entity, a member of the House of Representatives or a Senator in relation to an election is <inline font-style="italic">electoral expenditure</inline>, except to the extent that the expenditure is, or is to be, paid or reimbursed by the Commonwealth (except under Division 3 (election funding)) to or in relation to a person who is or was a member of the House of Representatives, a Senator or a Minister, because that person is or was such a member, Senator or Minister.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">287AC Implied freedom of political communication</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Part does not apply to a person or entity to the extent that any constitutional doctrine of implied freedom of political communication would be infringed if this Part were to apply to the person or entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(25) Schedule 1, item 10, page 9 (line 1), omit "Political campaigners and third party campaigners", substitute "Entities".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(26) Schedule 1, item 10, page 9 (lines 10 to 13), omit paragraph 287C(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a contravention of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) section 287F (requirement to register as a political campaigner) that would otherwise have been committed by an entity that is not a legal person; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any other provision of this Part that would otherwise have been committed by a political campaigner that is not a legal person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">is taken to have been committed by the financial controller of the entity or campaigner; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a contravention of a provision of this Part that would otherwise have been committed by an entity (except a political entity or a political campaigner) that is not a legal person is taken to have been committed by each member, agent or officer (however described) of the entity who, acting in that person's actual or apparent authority, engaged in any conduct or made any omission contributing to the contravention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(27) Schedule 1, item 10, page 9 (lines 14 and 15), omit "third party campaigners", substitute "third parties".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(28) Schedule 1, item 11, page 9 (lines 18 and 19), omit ", third party campaigners and associated entities", substitute "andassociated entities and the Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(29) Schedule 1, item 11, page 9 (line 21) to page 10 (line 6), omit section 287D, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">287D Simplified outline of this Division</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(30) Schedule 1, item 11, page 10 (line 10), after "in elections", insert ", and to provide for the Transparency Register,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(31) Schedule 1, item 11, page 10 (line 19), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(32) Schedule 1, item 11, page 10 (line 22) to page 11 (line 6), omit subsection 287F(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (except a political entity, a member of the House of Representatives or a Senator) must be registered for a financial year as a political campaigner, in accordance with subsection (2), if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount of electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the person or entity during that or any one of the previous 3 financial years is $500,000 or more; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the amount of electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the person or entity:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) during that financial year is $100,000 or more; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) during the previous financial year was at least two‑thirds of the revenue of the person or entity for that year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A person or entity might be taken to have incurred electoral expenditure in a financial year if the person or entity was required to be registered as a political campaigner for a previous financial year but was not so registered (see section 287J).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(33) Schedule 1, item 11, page 11 (line 7), omit "28 days", substitute "90 days".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(34) Schedule 1, item 11, page 11 (lines 10 and 11), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(35) Schedule 1, item 11, page 11 (line 15), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 200 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, of electoral expenditure incurred in contravention of this subsection—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(36) Schedule 1, item 11, page 11 (lines 16 to 23), omit subsection 287F(4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(38) Schedule 1, item 11, page 12 (lines 25 and 26), omit "except a registered political party or a State branch of a registered political party", substitute "except a political entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(39) Schedule 1, item 11, page 12 (lines 32 and 33), omit "(see also subsection (5))".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(40) Schedule 1, item 11, page 13 (line 6), omit "28 days", substitute "90 days".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(41) Schedule 1, item 11, page 13 (line 9), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(42) Schedule 1, item 11, page 13 (line 12), omit "The financial controller", substitute "A member, agent or officer".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(43) Schedule 1, item 11, page 13 (line 14), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 200 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the court can determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, of electoral expenditure incurred in contravention of this subsection—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(44) Schedule 1, item 11, page 13 (line 15) to page 14 (line 19), omit subsections 287H(4) and (5).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(45) Schedule 1, item 11, page 14 (line 23), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(46) Schedule 1, item 11, page 14 (lines 25 and 26), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(47) Schedule 1, item 11, page 14 (line 27), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(48) Schedule 1, item 11, page 14 (line 29), omit "or third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(49) Schedule 1, item 11, page 14 (line 34), omit "or 287G and the 28‑day period", substitute "and the 90‑day period".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(50) Schedule 1, item 11, page 15 (line 2), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(51) Schedule 1, item 11, page 15 (lines 3 and 4), omit "or third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(52) Schedule 1, item 11, page 15 (line 9), omit paragraph 287K(1)(b).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(53) Schedule 1, item 11, page 15 (lines 20 to 27), omit subsection 287L(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Electoral Commissioner must, subject to subsection (4), register a person or entity in accordance with the person or entity's application under section 287K if the application complies with subsection 287K(2). The Electoral Commissioner must register the person or entity as soon as practicable after receiving the application.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(54) Schedule 1, item 11, page 15 (lines 28 and 29), omit "(subject to paragraph (1)(b))".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(55) Schedule 1, item 11, page 15 (line 31), omit "any of sections 287F to", substitute "section 287F or".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(56) Schedule 1, item 11, page 16 (lines 1 to 7), omit subsection 287L(3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(57) Schedule 1, item 11, page 16 (line 14), omit ", the third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(58) Schedule 1, item 11, page 16 (line 20), omit ", "third party campaigner"".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(59) Schedule 1, item 11, page 16 (lines 23 and 24), omit ", "third party campaigner"".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(60) Schedule 1, item 11, page 16 (line 34), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(61) Schedule 1, item 11, page 17 (lines 2 and 3), omit ", a third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(62) Schedule 1, item 11, page 17 (lines 7 and 8), omit ", a third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(63) Schedule 1, item 11, page 17 (lines 9 to 11), omit "Register of Political Campaigners, Register of Third Party Campaigners and Register of Associated Entities", substitute "Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(64) Schedule 1, item 11, page 17 (line 12) to page 18 (line 31), omit section 287N, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">287N Transparency Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Electoral Commissioner must establish and maintain a Transparency Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Content of Transparency Register</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Transparency Register must include the following information:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the name of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) each person or entity registered as a political campaigner under section 287L; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) each entity registered as an associated entity under section 287L; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) each person or entity that has provided a return under section 314AEB (annual returns by third parties) for that or any of the previous 3 financial years; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) each political entity;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) for political campaigners and associated entities—the name of the financial controller of the person or entity;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) for associated entities—the name of any registered political parties with which the person or entity is associated;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any determination, notice or return published under section 320;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any enforceable undertaking published under subsection 384A(2A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The Transparency Register may include the Register of Political Parties (see section 125).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The Electoral Commissioner must keep the Transparency Register up‑to‑date.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Subsection (3) does not prevent historical data from being included in the Transparency Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(65) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (line 2), omit "register", substitute "Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(66) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (lines 3 to 7), omit subsection 287P(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (except a political entity) whose name is on the Transparency Register must notify the Electoral Commissioner, in an approved form, if information on the Transparency Register relating to the person or entity ceases to be correct or complete.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For who is responsible for notifying the Electoral Commissioner in relation to certain entities that are not legal persons, see section 287C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(67) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (line 9), omit "28 days", substitute "90 days".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(68) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (lines 11 and 12), omit the note.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(69) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19, (after line 13), at the end of section 287P, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (2) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(70) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (line 14), omit "Registers", substitute "Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(71) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (lines 15 and 16), omit "Register of Political Campaigners, the Register of Third Party Campaigners and the Register of Associated Entities", substitute "Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(72) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (line 18), omit "Each of the Registers", substitute "The Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(73) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (line 19), omit "Registers", substitute "Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(74) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (lines 20 and 21), omit "Register of Political Campaigners, the Register of Third Party Campaigners or the Register of Associated Entities", substitute "Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(75) Schedule 1, item 11, page 19 (after line 22), at the end of Division 1A, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Subdivision D—Anti- avoidance</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">287S Anti - avoidance</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Electoral Commissioner may give a person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">relevant person</inline>) a written notice if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) one or more persons or entities (whether or not including the relevant person) enter into, begin to carry out or carry out a scheme; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) there are reasonable grounds to conclude that the person or entity, or any of the persons or entities, who entered into, began to carry out or carried out the scheme or any part of the scheme did so for the sole or dominant purpose of avoiding the requirement to register the relevant person under section 287F or 287H (requirement to register as a political campaigner or associated entity) for a financial year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) as a result of the scheme or part of the scheme:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the amount of electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the relevant person during the financial year is reduced below the amount specified in paragraph 287F(1)(a) or subparagraph 287F(1)(b)(i); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the amount of revenue of the relevant person during the previous financial year is increased; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the amount of electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the relevant person during the previous financial year is reduced; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the relevant person is controlled by another person or entity that is not a registered political party but the other person or entity is controlled by, or controls, a registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) the relevant person operates wholly, or to a significant extent, for the benefit of another person or entity that is not a registered political party but the other person or entity is controlled by, or controls, a registered political party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) as a result of the scheme or part, the relevant person is not required to be registered under section 287F or 287H for the financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: A decision to give a notice is a reviewable decision (see section 120).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: For the definition of <inline font-style="italic">scheme</inline>, see subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The notice must specify that, for the purposes of this Act, the relevant person is taken, from the day specified in the notice, to be required to be registered for the financial year as a political campaigner or associated entity (as the case requires), and the notice has effect accordingly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The day specified in the notice must not be earlier than the day the notice is given to the relevant person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) This section applies whether or not the scheme is entered into, begun to be carried out or carried out:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) outside Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) partly in Australia and partly outside Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(76) Schedule 1, page 19 (before line 23), before item 12, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11A Section 308</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(77) Schedule 1, Division 1, page 19 (after line 24), at the end of the Division, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">12A Paragraphs 321D ( 4 ) (a) and (b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraphs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(78) Schedule 1, item 13, page 19 (after line 29), at the end of subitem (1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The effect of subitem (1) is that a person or entity may be required to be registered as a political campaigner or associated entity before the end of 90 days after the commencement of this item (see subsections 287F(2) and 287H(2) of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(79) Schedule 1, item 13, page 20 (lines 1 to 19), omit subitems (2) and (3), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of determining whether a person or entity:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is required to be registered under section 287F of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as inserted by this Part; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is a third party (within the meaning of subsection 287(1) of that Act);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a reference in section 287F, or in the definition of <inline font-style="italic">third party</inline> in subsection 287(1), of that Act to electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of a person or entity is, in relation to the period beginning on 1 July 2015 and ending immediately before the commencement of this item, taken to be a reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) for section 287F—expenditure disclosed by the person or entity in accordance with section 314AEB of that Act for the financial years beginning on 1 July 2015 and ending on 30 June 2018; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) in any case—expenditure covered by section 314AEB of that Act incurred or authorised by the person or entity during the period beginning on 1 July 2018 and ending immediately before that commencement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Transitional registration of associated entities</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For the purposes of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, an entity in relation to which a return is provided under section 314AEA (annual returns by associated entities) of that Act for the 2017‑2018 financial year is taken, on and after the commencement of this item, to be registered as an associated entity under section 287L of that Act for the 2018‑2019 financial year (whether the return is provided before or after that commencement).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) However, if the entity is not required to be registered as an associated entity for the 2018‑2019 financial year, the entity must notify the Electoral Commissioner that the entity is not required to be so registered within 90 days of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the commencement of this item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the entity did not provide a return for the 2017‑2018 financial year until after that commencement—the day the entity provided the return.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) To avoid doubt, subitems (3) and (4) do not limit the effect of section 287H or 287P of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Application of Transparency Register</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Sections 287N (Transparency Register) and 287Q (Transparency Register to be made public etc.) of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as inserted by this Part, apply as soon as practicable, and no later than 90 days, after the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Section 287P (obligation to notify Electoral Commissioner of changes to information on Transparency Register) of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as inserted by this Part, applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) on and after the day the Transparency Register first becomes available to the public under section 287Q of that Act; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in relation to information that ceased to be correct or complete before that day—as if the reference in subsection 287P(2) to the information ceasing to be correct or complete were a reference to that day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(80) Schedule 1, item 15, page 21 (line 10) to page 22 (line 18), omit section 286A, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">286A Simplified outline of this Part</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(81) Schedule 1, item 16, page 22 (lines 19 to 21), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16 Subsection 287 ( 1 ) (definitions of <inline font-style="italic">designated federal party</inline> , <inline font-style="italic">disclosure period, eligible vote</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">entitlement</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definitions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">16A Subsection 287 ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">federal party</inline> means a registered political party that has:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a federal branch; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) 2 or more State branches that are registered political parties.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(82) Schedule 1, page 22 (after line 27), after item 18, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">18A Subsection 287 ( 1 ) (definition of <inline font-style="italic">Liberal Party</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definition.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">18B Subsection 287 ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">State or Territory electoral law </inline>means a law of a State or Territory that deals with electoral matters (within the ordinary meaning of the expression).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">State or Territory electoral purpose</inline> means a purpose relating to a State, Territory or local government election (and, to avoid doubt, does not include the purpose of incurring electoral expenditure or creating or communicating electoral matter).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">18C Section 287B</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(83) Schedule 1, item 20, page 23 (lines 5 to 16), omit section 287V, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">287V Simplified outline of this Division</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(84) Schedule 1, item 26, page 25 (lines 8 and 9), omit ", third party campaigners".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(85) Schedule 1, item 26, page 25 (line 10), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(86) Schedule 1, item 26, page 25 (line 13), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(87) Schedule 1, item 26, page 25 (line 16), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(88) Schedule 1, item 26, page 26 (line 4), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(89) Schedule 1, item 26, page 26 (lines 24 and 25), omit ", third party campaigner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(90) Schedule 1, item 27, page 27 (line 3), omit "However, a claim must be made for election funding to be paid.", substitute "Election funding of $10,000 (as indexed) is paid as soon as practicable after 20 days after the polling day for the election or elections. However, a claim must be made for election funding of more than that amount to be paid.".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(91) Schedule 1, item 27, page 27 (line 6), after "However,", insert "for an amount of election funding that is more than $10,000 (as indexed),".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(92) Schedule 1, item 27, page 27 (line 24), omit "the election funding", substitute "election funding of more than $10,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(93) Schedule 1, item 27, page 27 (line 26) to page 28 (line 12), omit subsection 293(2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The amount of election funding that is payable in relation to the party is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the total of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) $2.73454 for each formal first preference vote given for a candidate in relation to whom paragraph (1)(a) is satisfied;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) $2.73454 for each formal first preference group vote in respect of a group in relation to which paragraph (1)(b) is satisfied;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">based on formal first preference votes and formal first preference group votes counted as at the day mentioned in subsection (3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the amount worked out under paragraph (a) is more than $10,000—the lesser of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the amount worked out under that paragraph; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the amount of electoral expenditure that is claimed in respect of the registered political party for all elections held that day, and accepted by the Electoral Commission under section 298C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The amounts in subparagraphs (2)(a)(i) and (ii) and paragraph (b) are indexed under section 321.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The amount worked out under paragraph (2)(a) is based on formal first preference votes and formal first preference group votes counted as at the day:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) if the amount is to be paid under Subdivision BA—that is 20 days after the polling day for the election or elections; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the amount is to be paid under Subdivision C—a determination on the party's interim claim or final claim (as the case requires) for election funding is made by the Electoral Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(94) Schedule 1, item 27, page 28 (line 23), omit "the election funding", substitute "election funding of more than $10,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(95) Schedule 1, item 27, page 28 (line 25) to page 29 (line 1), omit subsection 294(2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The amount of election funding that is payable in relation to the candidate is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) $2.73454 for each formal first preference vote given for the candidate in the election, based on formal first preference votes counted as at the day mentioned in subsection (3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the amount worked out under paragraph (a) is more than $10,000—the lesser of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the amount worked out under paragraph (a); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the amount of electoral expenditure that is claimed in respect of the candidate for the election, and accepted by the Electoral Commission under section 298C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The amounts in paragraphs (2)(a) and (b) are indexed under section 321.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The amount worked out under paragraph (2)(a) is based on formal first preference votes counted as at the day:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) if the amount is to be paid under Subdivision BA—that is 20 days after the polling day for the election; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the amount is to be paid under Subdivision C—a determination on the candidate's interim claim or final claim (as the case requires) for election funding is made by the Electoral Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(96) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (line 10), omit "the election funding", substitute "election funding of more than $10,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(97) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (lines 12 to 25), omit subsection 295(2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The amount of election funding that is payable in relation to the group is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) $2.73454 for each formal first preference group vote in the Senate election, based on formal first preference votes and formal first preference group votes counted as at the day mentioned in subsection (3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the amount worked out under paragraph (a) is more than $10,000—the lesser of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the amount worked out under paragraph (a); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the amount of electoral expenditure that is claimed in respect of the group for the Senate election, and accepted by the Electoral Commission under section 298C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The amounts in paragraphs (2)(a) and (b) are indexed under section 321.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The amount worked out under paragraph (2)(a) is based on formal first preference votes and formal first preference group votes counted as at the day:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) if the amount is to be paid under Subdivision BA—that is 20 days after the polling day for the Senate election; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the amount is to be paid under Subdivision C—a determination on the group's interim claim or final claim (as the case requires) for election funding is made by the Electoral Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(98) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (after line 25), after Subdivision B, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Subdivision BA—Automatic payment of election funding of $10,000</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">296 Automatic payment of election funding of $10,000</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) As soon as practicable after 20 days after the polling day for an election or elections, the Electoral Commission must pay $10,000 in relation to each registered political party, candidate, or group in a Senate election, that is entitled to claim, and wishes to receive, an amount under subsection 293(2), 294(2) or 295(2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: The amount of $10,000 is indexed under section 321.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: A registered political party may state under paragraph 126(2)(d) that it does not wish to receive election funding.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The amount must be paid to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) for a registered political party:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) that is a State branch of a federal party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) that the agent of the federal party has agreed may receive the amount;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the agent of the State branch; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) for a registered political party:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) that is a State branch of a federal party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) that the agent of the federal party has not agreed may receive the amount;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the agent of the federal party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) for any other registered political party—the agent of the registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) for a candidate or group—the agent of the candidate or group.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(99) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (line 26), at the end of the heading to Subdivision C, add "of more than $10,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(100) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (line 27), at the end of the heading to section 297, add "for election funding of more than $10,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(101) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (line 28), omit "an amount of election funding", substitute "election funding of more than $10,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(102) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (line 30), omit paragraph 297(1)(a), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) for a registered political party:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) that is a State branch of a federal party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) that the agent of the federal party has agreed may receive the election funding;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the agent of the State branch; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) for a registered political party:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) that is a State branch of a federal party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) that the agent of the federal party has not agreed may receive the election funding;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the agent of the federal party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ab) for any other registered political party—the agent of the registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(103) Schedule 1, item 27, page 29 (after line 31), at the end of subsection 297(1), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The amount of $10,000 is indexed under section 321.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(104) Schedule 1, item 27, page 30 (lines 4 to 6), omit subsection 297(3), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A final claim must specify all electoral expenditure for which election funding is sought, even if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) some of the election funding sought has already been paid under Subdivision BA; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) some or all of the electoral expenditure has been specified in an interim claim.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(105) Schedule 1, item 27, page 30 (lines 11 to 15), omit subsection 298(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A claim made by the agent of a registered political party must specify, in relation to all elections held on the same day, electoral expenditure covered by subsection (1A) for which election funding is sought.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) The electoral expenditure must have been incurred, in relation to the elections, by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) for a claim made by the agent of a registered political party under paragraph 297(1)(a) or (ab):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a candidate endorsed by the party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) for a claim made by the agent of a federal party under paragraph 297(1)(aa) in relation to a State branch of the federal party:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the State branch; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a candidate endorsed by the State branch or by the federal party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the federal party.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(106) Schedule 1, item 27, page 32 (lines 24 to 28), omit subsection 298D(2) (not including the notes), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Within 20 days of the Electoral Commission receiving the claim, the Electoral Commission must pay 95% of the amount:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) payable in relation to the party, candidate or group under subsection 293(2), 294(2) or 295(2); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) reduced by any amount that has been paid in relation to the party, candidate or group in accordance with section 296.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amount must be paid in accordance with paragraphs 298A(c) and (d).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(107) Schedule 1, item 27, page 33 (lines 5 to 10), omit subsection 298E(2) (not including the notes), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Within 20 days of the Electoral Commission receiving the claim, the Electoral Commission must pay the amount:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) payable in relation to the party, candidate or group under subsection 293(2), 294(2) or 295(2); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) reduced by any amount that has been paid in relation to the party, candidate or group in accordance with section 296 or 298D.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amount must be paid in accordance with paragraphs 298A(c) and (d).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(108) Schedule 1, item 33, page 37 (lines 5 to 27), omit section 302A, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302A Simplified outline of this Division</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(109) Schedule 1, item 33, page 38 (line 1), omit the heading to section 302B, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302B Definitions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(110) Schedule 1, item 33, page 38 (line 2), omit "(1) In", substitute "In".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(111) Schedule 1, item 33, page 38 (lines 14 to 21), omit subsection 302B(2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(112) Schedule 1, item 33, page 38 (after line 29), at the end of Subdivision A, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302CA Relationship with State and Territory electoral laws</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Giving, receiving or retaining gifts</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Despite any State or Territory electoral law, a person or entity may:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) give a gift to, or for the benefit of, a political entity, a political campaigner or a third party (a <inline font-style="italic">gift recipient</inline>); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the person or entity is a gift recipient—receive or retain a gift; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) on behalf of a gift recipient, receive or retain a gift;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) this Division does not prohibit the giving, receiving or retaining of the gift; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the gift, or part of the gift, is required to be, or may be, used for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, in accordance with subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A gift, or part of a gift, is required to be, or may be, used for a purpose of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any terms set by the person or entity providing the gift explicitly require or allow the gift or part to be used for that purpose (whether or not those terms are enforceable); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person or entity providing the gift does not set terms relating to the purpose for which the gift or part can be used.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Gifts made or retained for State or Territory electoral purposes</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Without limiting when subsection (1) does not apply, that subsection does not apply in relation to all or part of a gift if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any terms set by the person or entity providing the gift explicitly require the gift or part to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose (whether or not those terms are enforceable); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the effect of a State or Territory electoral law is to require the gift or part to be kept or identified separately (or to require the gift or part to be kept or identified separately in order to be entitled to a benefit under that law); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the gift recipient keeps or identifies the gift or part separately;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">in order to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For the purposes of subparagraph (3)(b)(ii), a gift recipient may identify the electoral purpose for which a gift is to be used at any time prior to using that gift. A person who gives, receives or retains a gift that is used for a State or Territory electoral purpose in contravention of a State or Territory electoral law may be liable to a penalty under the State or Territory electoral law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Example:   A gift is given without expressing an intended purpose, and ultimately is used for a State or Territory electoral purpose. The giving, receipt, retention and use of that gift must comply with the State or Territory electoral law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Using gifts</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Despite any State or Territory electoral law, a gift recipient may use, or authorise the use of, a gift for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, if this Division does not prohibit the use of the gift.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Without limiting when subsection (4) does not apply, that subsection does not apply in relation to all or part of a gift if the effect of the State or Territory electoral law is to require the gift or part to be kept or identified separately (or to require the gift or part to be kept or identified separately in order to be entitled to a benefit under that law) in order to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">When gifts are kept or identified separately</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Without limiting paragraph (3)(b) or subsection (5), an amount that is all or part of a gift of money is kept or identified separately in order to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount is kept in an account where:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the only amounts deposited into the account are amounts to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the only amounts paid out of the account are amounts incurred for a State or Territory electoral purpose; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the amount is designated as an amount that must be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(113) Schedule 1, item 33, page 39 (line 4), at the end of the heading to section 302D, add "by foreign donors".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(114) Schedule 1, item 33, page 39 (line 13), omit "not an allowable donor", substitute "a foreign donor".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(115) Schedule 1, item 33, page 39 (lines 14 to 25), omit paragraphs 302D(1)(e) to (g), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) at the time the gift is made, the amount or value of the gift is at least $1,000; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) acceptable action has not been taken in relation to the gift before the end of 6 weeks after the gift is made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(116) Schedule 1, item 33, page 39 (lines 26 to 28), omit note 1.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(117) Schedule 1, item 33, page 39 (after line 32), after subsection 302D(1), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Exception—obtaining information about foreign donor status</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) Subsection (1) does not apply in relation to a gift made by a person (the <inline font-style="italic">donor</inline>) if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) before the end of 6 weeks after the gift was made, the donor affirmed in writing to the agent or financial controller, or to the political entity or political campaigner, that the donor was not a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) for a gift whose amount or value was, at the time the gift was made, at least equal to the disclosure threshold—before the end of 6 weeks after the gift was made:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the agent or financial controller obtained appropriate donor information in accordance with section 302P establishing that the donor was not a foreign donor; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the agent or financial controller took reasonable steps to verify that the donor was not a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) in any case—the agent or financial controller did not, at any time during that 6‑week period, know, or have reasonable grounds to believe, that the donor was a foreign donor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: A person who wishes to rely on this subsection bears an evidential burden in relation to the matters in this subsection (see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> and section 96 of the <inline font-style="italic">Regulatory Powers Act</inline>).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: A person who makes a false affirmation or provides false donor information for the purposes of paragraph (a) or subparagraph (b)(i) of this subsection may be liable to a penalty (see section 302G).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Exception—private capacity</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1B) Subsection (1) does not apply if the gift was made in a private capacity to the gift recipient for the gift recipient's personal use.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A person who wishes to rely on this subsection bears an evidential burden in relation to the matters in this subsection (see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> and section 96 of the <inline font-style="italic">Regulatory Powers Act</inline>).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Exception—donations given on terms inconsistent with incurring electoral expenditure etc.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1C) Subsection (1) does not apply if using the gift for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, would be inconsistent with the terms of the gift.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A person who wishes to rely on this subsection bears an evidential burden in relation to the matters in this subsection (see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> and section 96 of the Regulatory Powers Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(118) Schedule 1, item 33, page 40 (line 4), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(119) Schedule 1, item 33, page 40 (line 8), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 200 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift at the time the gift is made—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(120) Schedule 1, item 33, page 40 (line 11), omit "Section 93", substitute "Subsection 93(2)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(121) Schedule 1, item 33, page 40 (lines 14 and 15), omit "party campaigners and certain political campaigners", substitute "partiesby foreign donors".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(122) Schedule 1, item 33, page 40 (line 16) to page 41 (line 22), omit subsections 302E(1) and (2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">gift recipient</inline>) contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the gift recipient is a third party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a gift is made to, or for the benefit of, the gift recipient during a financial year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the gift is made by, or on behalf of, a person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">donor</inline>); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the donor is a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) at the time the gift is made, the amount or value of the gift is at least equal to the disclosure threshold; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the gift recipient uses the gift:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) acceptable action has not been taken in relation to the gift before the end of 6 weeks after the gift is made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: The amount or value of the gift might be a debt due to the Commonwealth under section 302Q.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: The physical elements of an offence against subsection (3) are set out in this subsection (see section 302R).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Exception—obtaining information about foreign donor status</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Subsection (1) does not apply if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) before the end of 6 weeks after the gift was made, the donor affirmed in writing to the gift recipient that the donor was not a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) before the end of 6 weeks after the gift was made:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the gift recipient obtained appropriate donor information in accordance with section 302P establishing that the donor was not a foreign donor; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the gift recipient took reasonable steps to verify that the donor was not a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) in any case—the gift recipient did not, at any time during that 6‑week period, know, or have reasonable grounds to believe, that the donor was a foreign donor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: A person or entity that wishes to rely on this subsection bears an evidential burden in relation to the matters in this subsection (see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> and section 96 of the <inline font-style="italic">Regulatory Powers Act</inline>).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: A person who makes a false affirmation or provides false donor information for the purposes of paragraph (a) or subparagraph (b)(i) of this subsection may be liable to a penalty (see section 302G).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(123) Schedule 1, item 33, page 41 (line 24), omit "person commits an offence if the person", insert "person or entity commits an offence if the person or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(124) Schedule 1, item 33, page 41 (line 26), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:50 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(125) Schedule 1, item 33, page 41 (line 28), omit "person is liable to a civil penalty if the person", insert "person or entity is liable to a civil penalty if the person or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(126) Schedule 1, item 33, page 41 (line 30), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 100 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift at the time the gift is made—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(127) Schedule 1, item 33, page 42 (line 3), omit "Section 93", substitute "Subsection 93(2)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(128) Schedule 1, item 33, page 42 (line 6) to page 46 (line 10), omit sections 302F to 302J, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302F Gifts provided for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure etc.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence by gift recipient etc.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">relevant person</inline>) contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the relevant person is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the agent of a political entity; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the financial controller of a political campaigner; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a third party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a gift is made to, or for the benefit of, the political entity, political campaigner or third party by a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the relevant person knows that the donor is a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the amount or value of the gift is at least $100; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) either of the following applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the relevant person knows that the foreign donor intends the gift to be used for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the relevant person accepted the gift intending to use the gift for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) acceptable action has not been taken in relation to the gift before the end of 6 weeks after the gift is made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The physical elements of an offence against subsection (3) are set out in this subsection (see section 302R).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence by foreign donor</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">donor</inline>) contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the donor is a foreign donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the donor makes a gift to, or for the benefit of, another person or entity; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the other person or entity is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a political entity; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a political campaigner; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a third party; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) if the other person or entity is a third party:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the donor intends the gift to be used for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the donor knows that the other person or entity accepts the gift intending to use the gift for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or for the dominant purpose of creating or communicating electoral matter; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) in any case—acceptable action has not been taken in relation to the gift before the end of 6 weeks after the gift is made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The physical elements of an offence against subsection (3) are set out in this subsection (see section 302R).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person or entity commits an offence if the person or entity contravenes subsection (1) or (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) for a contravention of subsection (1) by a third party—50 penalty units; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) otherwise—100 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Section 15.4 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> (extended geographical jurisdiction—category D) applies to an offence against subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) A person or entity is liable to a civil penalty if the person or entity contravenes subsection (1) or (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) for a contravention of subsection (1) by a third party—100 penalty units; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) otherwise—200 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift at the time the gift is made—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Subsection (5) applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether or not the conduct constituting the contravention of subsection (1) or (2) occurs in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether or not a result of the conduct constituting the alleged contravention of subsection (1) or (2) occurs in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302G False affirmation or information that donor is not a foreign donor</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person makes an affirmation or provides appropriate donor information in relation to a gift; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the affirmation or information is for the purposes of paragraph 302D(1A)(a) or 302E(2)(a) or subparagraph 302D(1A)(b)(i) or 302E(2)(b)(i); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person knows that the affirmation or information is false.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The physical elements of an offence against subsection (2) are set out in this subsection (see section 302R).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:100 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Section 15.4 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> (extended geographical jurisdiction—category D) applies to an offence against subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 200 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Subsection (4) applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether or not the conduct constituting the contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether or not a result of the conduct constituting the alleged contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302H Anti - avoidance</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Electoral Commissioner may give a person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">relevant person</inline>) a written notice if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the relevant person, whether alone or together with one or more other persons or entities, enters into, begins to carry out or carries out a scheme; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) there are reasonable grounds to conclude that the relevant person did so for the sole or dominant purpose of avoiding section 302D, 302E or 302F prohibiting, in particular circumstances:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a gift being made to or for the benefit of a political entity, political campaigner or third party (whether or not the relevant person) by or on behalf of a foreign donor; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a gift made by or on behalf of a foreign donor being received, retained or used by or on behalf of a political entity, political campaigner or third party (whether or not the relevant person); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) as a result of the scheme or part of the scheme:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the foreign donor engages in a course of conduct of giving the gift, and one or more other gifts, to or for the benefit of the political entity, political campaigner or third party in those circumstances, where the amount or value of each of those gifts is below the amount specified in the provision but the total amount or value of the gifts is more than that amount; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the foreign donor forms, or participates in the formation of, a body corporate in Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the making of the gift to or for the benefit of the political entity, political campaigner or third party by or on behalf of the foreign donor in those circumstances is otherwise facilitated; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) as a result of the scheme or part, the provision does not prohibit the making, receipt, retention or use of the gift in those circumstances.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: A decision to give a notice is a reviewable decision (see section 120).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: For the definition of <inline font-style="italic">scheme</inline>, see subsection 287(1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The notice must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) specify the conduct constituting the scheme; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) require the relevant person:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) not to enter into the scheme; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) not to begin to carry out the scheme; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) not to continue to carry out the scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person or entity commits an offence if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person or entity is given a notice under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person or entity engages in conduct; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the conduct contravenes the notice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Section 15.4 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> (extended geographical jurisdiction—category D) applies to an offence against subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) A person or entity is liable to a civil penalty if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person or entity is given a notice under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person or entity engages in conduct; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the conduct contravenes the notice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following amounts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 200 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Subsection (5) applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether or not the conduct constituting the contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether or not a result of the conduct constituting the alleged contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(130) Schedule 1, item 33, page 49 (line 6), omit "Exceptions and other", substitute "Other".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(132) Schedule 1, item 33, page 50 (lines 1 to 17), omit section 302P, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302P Information relating to foreign donor status</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">first person</inline>) obtains <inline font-style="italic">appropriate donor information</inline> in relation to a person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">donor</inline>) making a gift, or on whose behalf a gift is made, establishing that the donor is not a foreign donor if the first person obtains information or a document specified in column 2 of the applicable item in the following table:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: A person or entity who obtains appropriate donor information may not commit an offence or contravene a civil penalty provision in this Division (see subsections 302D(1A) and 302E(2)).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: In 2018, trust deeds or other governing documents of entities registered under the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Charities and Not</inline><inline font-style="italic">-</inline><inline font-style="italic">for</inline><inline font-style="italic">-</inline><inline font-style="italic">profits Commission Act 2012 </inline>were generally available on the Australian Charities and Not-for-profits Register as a governing document (see https://www.acnc.gov.au).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of paragraph (a) of item 3 of the table, each of the minutes or other official documents must evidence a different kind of decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For the purposes of item 3 of the table, information may be omitted, redacted or deleted from the minutes, documents or information.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(133) Schedule 1, item 33, page 50 (lines 23 and 24), omit "302L (except section 302J)", substitute "302F".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(134) Schedule 1, item 34, page 51 (line 10), omit "during the disclosure period for the election".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(135) Schedule 1, item 34, page 51 (line 20), omit "Commission", substitute "Commissioner, on the Transparency Register,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(136) Schedule 1, page 52 (after line 2), after item 36, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">36A Subsection 304 ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "during the disclosure period for the election", substitute "while the person was a candidate in the election or by-election".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(137) Schedule 1, item 37, page 52 (lines 5 to 7), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of gifts not disclosed—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(138) Schedule 1, page 52 (after line 9), after item 38, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">38A Subsection 304 ( 3 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "during the disclosure period for the election", substitute "while the group was a group in the election".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(139) Schedule 1, item 39, page 52 (lines 12 to 14), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of gifts not disclosed—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(141) Schedule 1, page 53 (after line 10), after item 45, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">45A At the end of section 304</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (2) or (3) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(142) Schedule 1, item 46, page 53 (lines 11 and 12), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">45B Subsection 305A ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "A person", insert "or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">46 Paragraph 305A ( 1 ) (a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraph, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person or entity makes a gift or gifts to any candidate or member of a group in an election or by-election; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(143) Schedule 1, item 48, page 53 (lines 15 to 18), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">48 Paragraph 305A ( 1 ) (c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraph, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) at the time the person or entity makes the gift or gifts, the person or entity is not a political entity or an associated entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(144) Schedule 1, item 50, page 53 (lines 21 and 22), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">49A Subsection 305A(1A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "A person", insert "or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">50 Paragraph 305A(1A)(a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraph, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person or entity makes a gift or gifts:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) during the period, relating to an election or by-election, specified by legislative instrument by the Electoral Commissioner; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) to any person or entity (whether incorporated or not) specified by the instrument; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(145) Schedule 1, item 52, page 53 (line 25) to page 54 (line 2), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">52 Paragraph 305A(1A)(c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraph, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) at the time the person or entity makes the gift or gifts, the person or entity is not a political entity or associated entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(146) Schedule 1, item 54, page 54 (lines 5 and 6), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">54 Subsection 305A ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "The person must", substitute "The person or entity must, in accordance with this section,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">54A Paragraph 305A ( 2 ) (a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "made during the disclosure period".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(147) Schedule 1, item 55, page 54 (lines 7 and 8), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">55 Paragraph 305A ( 2 ) (b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraph, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) all gifts of more than the disclosure threshold, received by the person or entity at any time, that the person or entity used (either wholly or partly):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) to enable the person or entity to make the gifts mentioned in paragraph (a) of this subsection; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) to reimburse the person or entity for making such gifts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(148) Schedule 1, item 56, page 54 (lines 11 to 13), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of gifts not disclosed—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(149) Schedule 1, item 57, page 54 (lines 14 and 15), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">57 Subsection 305A(2A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) For the purposes of subsection (2), 2 or more gifts made by a person or entity are taken to be one gift if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the gifts are made to the same candidate or group in an election or by-election; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the gifts are made to the same person or entity during the period specified by legislative instrument under paragraph (1A)(a).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(150) Schedule 1, item 59, page 54 (lines 18 and 19), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">58A Paragraph 305A ( 4 ) (c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "organisation", substitute "entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">59 Subsection 305A ( 5 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (2) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(151) Schedule 1, item 61, page 54 (line 23) to page 55 (line 15), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61 Subsections 305B ( 1 ) and ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsections, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) If, in a financial year, a person or entity makes gifts totalling more than the disclosure threshold to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the same registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the same State branch of a registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the same political campaigner;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the person or entity must, in accordance with this section, provide a return to the Electoral Commission within 20 weeks after the end of the financial year, covering all the gifts that the person or entity made to that political party, branch or campaigner during the financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of gifts not disclosed—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of subsection (1), a person or entity who makes a gift to any other person or entity with the intention of benefiting a particular registered political party, State branch of a registered political party, or political campaigner, is taken to have made that gift directly to that party, branch or campaigner.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(152) Schedule 1, item 63, page 55 (line 21), after "person", insert "or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(153) Schedule 1, page 55 (after line 28), after item 63, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">63A Paragraph 305B(3B)(e)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "person", insert "or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(154) Schedule 1, item 64, page 55 (after line 32), at the end of section 305B, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) In addition, this section does not apply in relation to a gift if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the gift was received by, or on behalf of, a person or organisation that was registered under the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Charities and Not</inline><inline font-style="italic">‑for</inline><inline font-style="italic">‑profits Commission Act 2012</inline>; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) no part of the gift was used during the financial year by the person or organisation:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) to enable the person or organisation to incur electoral expenditure, or create or communicate electoral matter; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) to reimburse the person or organisation for incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (1) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(155) Schedule 1, item 70, page 57 (lines 7 and 8), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">70 Subsections 306A ( 4 ) and ( 5 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsections.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(156) Schedule 1, item 73, page 57 (line 29), omit "gift; and", substitute "gift.".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(157) Schedule 1, item 73, page 57 (line 30) to page 58 (line 3), omit paragraph 306B(1)(c).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(158) Schedule 1, item 74, page 59 (line 2), omit "Commission", substitute "Commissioner, on the Transparency Register,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(160) Schedule 1, item 78, page 59 (lines 14 to 16), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, of electoral expenditure not disclosed—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(161) Schedule 1, item 80, page 59 (lines 21 to 23), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, of electoral expenditure not disclosed—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(162) Schedule 1, item 81, page 59 (line 24) to page 60 (line 10), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">81 At the end of section 309</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A return provided under subsection (2) or (3) must also include details of any discretionary benefits (however described) received by, or on behalf of, the person or any of the members of the group from the Commonwealth, a State or a Territory during the period of 12 months before polling day in the election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(163) Schedule 1, item 81, page 60 (after line 10), at the end of section 309, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (2) or (3) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(164) Schedule 1, item 84, page 60 (line 22), omit ", and the senior staff of,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(165) Schedule 1, item 84, page 60 (line 23), omit "Third party campaigners", substitute "Third parties".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(166) Schedule 1, item 84, page 60 (line 24), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(167) Schedule 1, item 84, page 60 (line 25), omit ", and the senior staff of, the campaigners", substitute "the third parties".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(168) Schedule 1, item 84, page 60 (line 28), omit "Commission", substitute "Commissioner, on the Transparency Register,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(169) Schedule 1, item 86, page 61 (lines 4 and 5), omit ", third party campaigner or associated entity", substitute "or third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(170) Schedule 1, item 87, page 61 (lines 20 to 22), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 120 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if an amount is not disclosed under paragraph (2)(a) or subparagraph (2)(b)(ii) and there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, not disclosed—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(171) Schedule 1, item 87, page 61 (line 33), omit "314AE; and", substitute "314AE;".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(172) Schedule 1, item 87, page 61 (after line 33), at the end of paragraph 314AB(2)(a), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) for political campaigners—the total amount of electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the campaigner; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(173) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (lines 1 to 10), omit paragraph 314AB(2)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) include details of any discretionary benefits (however described) received by, or on behalf of, the party, branch or campaigner from the Commonwealth, a State or a Territory during the financial year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(174) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (lines 11 and 12), omit paragraph 314AB(2)(c).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(175) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (lines 13 to 20), omit paragraph 314AB(2)(d).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(176) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (line 21), omit "in any case—".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(177) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (line 22), omit the note.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(178) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (line 24), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(179) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (after line 30), at the end of section 314AB, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (1) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(181) Schedule 1, item 89, page 64 (lines 15 and 16), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">89 Subsection 314AC ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "$10,000, the return must", substitute "the disclosure threshold, the return must (subject to subsection (4))".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(182) Schedule 1, page 64 (after line 23), after item 92, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">92A At the end of section 314AC</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) This section does not apply in relation to an amount if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount was received by, or on behalf of, a person or organisation that was registered under the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Charities and Not</inline><inline font-style="italic">‑for</inline><inline font-style="italic">‑profits Commission Act 2012</inline>; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) no part of the amount was used during the financial year by the person or organisation:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) to enable the person or organisation to incur electoral expenditure, or create or communicate electoral matter; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) to reimburse the person or organisation for incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(183) Schedule 1, item 97, page 65 (lines 6 to 19), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">97 At the end of subsection 314AEA ( 1 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; and (d) in any case—details of any discretionary benefits (however described) received by, or on behalf of, the entity from the Commonwealth, a State or a Territory during the financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, not disclosed in accordance with subsection (1)—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(184) Schedule 1, item 99, page 65 (after line 31), at the end of section 314AEA, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (1) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(185) Schedule 1, item 100, page 66 (line 3), omit "third partycampaigners", substitute "third parties".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(186) Schedule 1, item 101, page 66 (lines 6 to 19), omit subsection 314AEB(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity must provide a return for a financial year in accordance with this section if the person or entity is a third party during the year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(187) Schedule 1, item 101, page 66 (lines 20 to 22), omit the note and the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 60 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if an amount is not disclosed under paragraph (2)(a) and there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount, or an estimate of the amount, not disclosed under that paragraph—3 times that amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(188) Schedule 1, item 101, page 66 (line 23) to page 67 (line 7), omit subsection 314AEB(2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The third party must provide to the Electoral Commission a return for the financial year:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) setting out details of the electoral expenditure incurred by or with the authority of the third party during the financial year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) including a statement that the third party complied with section 302E (donations to third parties by foreign donors) during the financial year, signed by the members, agents or officers (however described) of the third party who have responsibility for ensuring that the third party complies with this Division.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(189) Schedule 1, item 102, page 67 (line 10), omit "campaigner", substitute "third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(190) Schedule 1, item 103, page 67 (lines 12 to 21), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">103 At the end of section 314AEB</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Subsection 93(2) of the Regulatory Powers Act does not apply in relation to a contravention of subsection (1) of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(191) Schedule 1, item 104, page 67 (lines 24 and 25), omit "third party campaigners for political expenditure", substitute "third parties forelectoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(192) Schedule 1, item 104, page 67 (lines 29 and 30), omit "third party campaigners", substitute "third parties".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(193) Schedule 1, item 104, page 68 (lines 1 to 4), omit subparagraphs 314AEC(1)(b)(i) and (ii), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) to enable the person or entity to incur electoral expenditure; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) to reimburse the person or entity for incurring electoral expenditure; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(194) Schedule 1, item 106, page 69 (after line 13), after section 314A, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">314B Relationship with State and Territory laws</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Information on amounts provided or received</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Despite any State or Territory electoral law, a person or entity is not required to disclose under the law an amount, or information relating to an amount, (including a gift or loan) if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount is provided to or for the benefit of a political entity, political campaigner, third party or associated entity (the <inline font-style="italic">gift recipient</inline>); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person or entity is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the gift recipient; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the person or entity providing the amount; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) another person acting on behalf of the person or entity referred to in subparagraph (i) or (ii); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the amount is required to be used by or with the authority of the gift recipient for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, in accordance with subsection (2); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the amount may be used by or with the authority of the gift recipient for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, in accordance with subsection (2), and has not been used for a State or Territory electoral purpose before the end of the period during which the amount is required to be disclosed under the State or Territory electoral law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: If an amount was used for State or Territory electoral purposes during the applicable State or Territory disclosure period, State or Territory electoral laws apply to the amount. A person who does not disclose, under a State or Territory electoral law, an amount used for a State or Territory electoral purpose before the end of that period may be liable to a penalty under the State or Territory electoral law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) An amount is required to be, or may be, used for a purpose of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any terms set by the person or entity providing the amount explicitly require or allow the amount to be used for that purpose (whether or not those terms are enforceable); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person or entity providing the amount does not set terms relating to the purpose for which the amount can be used.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Information on expenditure and debts</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Despite any State or Territory electoral law, a person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">debtor</inline>) is not required to disclose under the law an amount, or information relating to an amount, of expenditure or a debt (except a debt incurred as a result of a loan) if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the debtor is a political entity, political campaigner, third party or associated entity; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) either of the following apply:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the expenditure is electoral expenditure;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the debt was incurred for the purposes of incurring electoral expenditure, or creating or communicating electoral matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Interpretation</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) To avoid doubt, despite any State or Territory electoral law, a person is not required to disclose under the law an amount, or information relating to an amount, whether:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount or information is required to be included in a return provided under this Part; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the amount or information is not required to be included in a return provided under this Part.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Despite any State or Territory electoral law, if, under this section, an amount, or information relating to an amount, is not required to be disclosed under the law, then a total amount, or information relating to a total amount, that is required to be disclosed under the law is not required to include the amount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Amounts made or retained for State or Territory electoral purposes</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Without limiting when subsection (1) does not apply, that subsection does not apply in relation to an amount of a gift if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any terms set by the person or entity providing the amount explicitly require the amount to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose (whether or not those terms are enforceable); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the effect of a State or Territory electoral law is to require the amount to be kept or identified separately (or to require the amount to be kept or identified separately in order to be entitled to a benefit under that law); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the gift recipient keeps or identifies the amount separately;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">in order to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Without limiting paragraph (6)(b), an amount is kept or identified separately in order to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the amount is kept in an account where:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the only amounts deposited into the account are amounts to be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the only amounts paid out of the account are amounts incurred for a State or Territory electoral purpose; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the amount is designated as an amount that must be used only for a State or Territory electoral purpose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(195) Schedule 1, item 109, page 70 (lines 5 to 9), omit item 109, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">109 Subsection 316(2A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "for the purpose of finding out whether a prescribed person, the financial controller of an associated entity or the agent of a registered political party has complied with this Part, by notice served personally or by post on:", substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">for the purpose of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aaa) finding out whether:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a person to whom section 305B (gifts to political parties and political campaigners) applies or may apply; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a prescribed person; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the agent of a registered political party, candidate or group; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the financial controller of a political campaigner or associated entity; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) a third party;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">has complied with this Part, or the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline> to the extent that it relates to this Part; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aab) determining whether to give a notice under section 287S or 302H (anti-avoidance);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">by noticed served personally or by post on:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(196) Schedule 1, item 110, page 70 (lines 14 and 15), omit "third party campaigner", substitute "third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(197) Schedule 1, item 110, page 70 (line 16), omit "third party campaigner", substitute "third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(198) Schedule 1, item 111, page 70 (lines 20 and 21), omit "(2A)(a) requires an officer of a political party, political campaigner, third party campaigner", substitute "(2A)(a) or (aa) requires an officer of a political party, political campaigner, third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(199) Schedule 1, item 111, page 70 (line 23), omit "campaigner or entity", substitute "political campaigner, third party or associated entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(200) Schedule 1, item 111, page 70 (line 25), omit "campaigner or entity", substitute "political campaigner, third party or associated entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(201) Schedule 1, item 113, page 71 (line 7), omit "third party campaigner", substitute "third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(202) Schedule 1, item 114, page 71 (line 9), omit "campaigner", substitute "political campaigner, third party".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(203) Schedule 1, item 117, page 71 (line 30), omit the penalty, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(204) Schedule 1, items 121 to 123, page 72 (line 24) to page 73 (line 5), omit the items, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">120A Subsection 319A ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "lodged a claim or".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">120B Subsection 319A ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "the claim or", substitute "the".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">121 Subsection 319A(2A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) If the return was furnished by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the agent of a registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the financial controller of a political campaigner or associated entity; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a third party;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the request under subsection (2) may be made by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the person who furnished the return; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the person who is currently registered as the agent or nominated as a financial controller; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) for a third party—any person who is a member, agent or officer (however described) of the third party who, acting in the person's actual or apparent authority, has authority to furnish a return.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">122 Subsection 319A ( 4 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "claim or" (wherever occurring).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">123 Subsection 319A ( 9 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) The amendment of a return under this section does not affect whether a civil penalty order may be made against a person because of a contravention of a civil penalty provision in this Part arising out of the furnishing of the return.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(205) Schedule 1, item 124, page 73 (line 9), omit "Commission must publish the following", substitute "Commissioner must publish the following on the Transparency Register".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(206) Schedule 1, item 124, page 73 (line 11) (table heading), omit "Commission", substitute "Commissioner".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(207) Schedule 1, item 125, page 74 (line 6), omit paragraph (b) of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">relevant amount</inline> in subsection 321(1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) paragraphs 293(2)(b), 294(2)(a) and (b) and 295(2)(a) and (b).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(208) Schedule 1, item 129, page 74 (lines 18 to 20), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">129 Subsection 321A ( 2 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "mentioned in the provision", substitute "mentioned in the definition".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">129A Subsection 321A ( 3 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For the purposes of sections 304 and 305A, the dollar amount mentioned in the definition for an indexation year is not replaced if the indexation period begins:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) while a person is a candidate or member of a group in an election or by-election; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) during the period specified by legislative instrument under paragraph 305A(1A)(a).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(209) Schedule 1, page 74 (after line 24), after item 130, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">130A Section 321B (after paragraph (a) of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">disclosure entity</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) a political campaigner (within the meaning of Part XX);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ab) a third party (within the meaning of Part XX);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(210) Schedule 1, item 131, page 74 (line 28), after "person", insert "or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(211) Schedule 1, item 131, page 75 (lines 1 to 7), omit subparagraphs (g)(i) and (ii), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is or will be required to provide a return under section 305A or 305B for the financial year in which the time occurs; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) based on conduct in previous financial years, may be required to provide a return under section 305A or 305B for the financial year in which the time occurs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(212) Schedule 1, item 131, page 75 (lines 8 and 9), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(213) Schedule 1, item 132, page 75 (lines 12 to 15), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">132 Section 321B (note at the end of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">disclosure entity</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the note, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Sections 305A and 305B require returns relating to gifts to candidates, political parties and political campaigners.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(214) Schedule 1, page 75 (after line 15), after item 132, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">132A Section 321B (definition of <inline font-style="italic">relevant town or city</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definition, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">relevant town or city</inline> of an entity or natural person (the <inline font-style="italic">authoriser</inline>) that authorised the communication of electoral matter means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) if the authoriser has a principal office—the town or city in which the office is located; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the authoriser does not have a principal office, but does have premises from which the authoriser operates—the town or city in which the premises are located; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) otherwise—the town or city in which:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the authoriser lives; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) if the authoriser is an entity—the natural person who was responsible for giving effect to the authorisation lives.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">132B After paragraph 321D ( 3 ) (a)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) if the matter forms part of any other promotional item (such as a balloon, pen, mug, tote bag or marquee, but not a sticker or fridge magnet) and contains only the name, logo or other identifying feature of the notifying entity; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">132C At the end of subsection 321D ( 4 )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; or (i) a letter or card that contains the name and address of the notifying entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">132D Subsection 321D ( 5 ) (table items 4 and 8)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "the town or city in which the person lives", substitute "the relevant town or city of the person".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(215) Schedule 1, item 138, page 76 (before line 3), before subsection 384A(3), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Commissioner may publish enforceable undertakings</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) The Electoral Commissioner may publish on the Transparency Register an undertaking given in relation to a civil penalty provision of this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(216) Schedule 1, page 76 (after line 11), after item 138, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">138A Section 387 (heading)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit "Electoral matters", substitute "Electoral papers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(217) Schedule 1, item 139, page 76 (line 16), after "person", insert "or entity".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(218) Schedule 1, item 139, page 76 (lines 17 to 22), omit subparagraphs (c)(i) and (ii), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is or will be required to provide a return under section 305A or 305B of that Act for the financial year in which the time occurs; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) based on conduct in previous financial years, may be required to provide a return under section 305A or 305B of that Act for the financial year in which the time occurs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(219) Schedule 1, item 139, page 76 (lines 23 and 24), omit "political expenditure", substitute "electoral expenditure".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(220) Schedule 1, item 141, page 77 (lines 4 and 5), omit the note, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Sections 305A and 305B of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918 </inline>require returns relating to gifts to candidates, political parties and political campaigners.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(221) Schedule 1, item 143, page 77 (line 27) to page 78 (line 23), omit subitems (3) to (6), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Gifts and loans</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Division 3A, and the amendments of Division 4 (except section 305B), of Part XX of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as inserted or made by this Part, apply in relation to gifts and loans made after the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Annual returns</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The amendments of section 305B, and Division 5A of Part XX, of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> apply in relation to the financial year in which this item commences and later financial years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) If the commencement of this item occurs on a day other than 1 July, the amendments of section 305B, and Division 5A of Part XX, of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> apply in relation to the financial year in which that commencement occurs as if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the following obligations applied only from that commencement:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the obligation to disclose gifts to political campaigners under section 305B of that Act;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the obligation to disclose discretionary benefits under paragraphs 314AB(2)(b) and 314AEA(1)(d) of that Act;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the obligation in paragraph 314AEA(2)(b) of that Act to confirm compliance with section 302E of that Act; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a reference in section 314AEB or 314AEC of that Act to electoral expenditure incurred or authorised by a person or entity, for the period beginning on 1 July in that financial year and ending immediately before that commencement, were a reference to expenditure covered by section 314AEB of that Act incurred or authorised by the person or entity during that period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For the application of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">third party </inline>in subsection 287(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, see subitem 13(2) of this Schedule.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(222) Schedule 1, item 143, page 79 (lines 9 to 12), omit subitem (11), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Requirement to publish determinations, notices and returns</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10A) Section 320 of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as inserted by this Part, applies from the time the Transparency Register first becomes available to the public under section 287Q of that Act, in relation to determinations made, notices given or returns provided after the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10B) The Electoral Commissioner may include on the Transparency Register any claim or return that was previously kept at the Electoral Commission's principal office in Canberra under section 320 of that Act before the repeal of that section by this Part.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10C) Despite the repeal of section 320 of that Act, that section continues to apply, after the commencement of this item, in relation to claims or returns previously kept at the Electoral Commission's principal office in Canberra under that section that are not included on the Transparency Register under subitem (10B).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Indexation</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Section 321 of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as amended by this Part, applies from 1 January 2019.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Section 321A of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, as amended by this Part, applies from 1 July 2019.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Authorisation of certain electoral matter</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) The amendments of section 321D of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> made by this Part apply in relation to any communications made after the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Amnesty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) No action, suit or proceeding lies against any person for failing to comply with section 314AEB or 314AEC of the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline> in relation to any financial year that ends before the commencement of this item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Section 314AEB dealt with annual returns relating to political expenditure. Section 314AEC dealt with annual returns relating to gifts received for political expenditure.</para></quote>
<para>We also oppose schedule 1 in the following terms:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 2, page 3 (lines 11 to 21), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(37) Schedule 1, item 11, page 11 (line 24) to page 12 (line 23), section 287G to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(129) Schedule 1, item 33, page 46 (line 11) to page 49 (line 5), Subdivision C to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(131) Schedule 1, item 33, page 49 (lines 8 to 32), sections 302M and 302N to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(140) Schedule 1, item 40, page 52 (lines 15 to 28), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(159) Schedule 1, items 75 and 76, page 59 (lines 3 to 9), to be opposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(180) Schedule 1, item 87, page 62 (line 31) to page 64 (line 11), section 314ABA to be opposed.</para></quote>
<para>I will go through them in turn. The government proposes to move amendments in response to public feedback and recommendations from the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. We have agreed to address all of the committee's recommendations made in relation to amendments to the bill. This includes recommendations to sensibly adjust the complaints burden for political actors, including relevant charities. We have reduced red tape, simplified compliance arrangements and made penalties more proportionate to the size of any breaches while ensuring that the measures reducing regulatory burdens do not compromise the bill's ability to protect our national sovereignty. Importantly, these amendments clarify that spending solely on issue advocacy is not treated as electoral expenditure when that spending is not aimed at influencing voting in a federal location. The amendments also clarify the overlap of state and Commonwealth disclosure regimes, an issue that has arisen in recent state based litigation.</para>
<para>These amendments ensure that federal law regulates federal elections, including political donations towards federal elections, and state and territory laws regulate donations for elections within their jurisdictions, namely state and local government elections. This week, we also have agreed to a further change, following discussion with the opposition, to make clear that communication that expressly promotes or opposes a member or senator is presumed to be a regulated electoral matter only where the matter relates to a federal election. In other words, criticism of a federal member in relation to their views on a state issue should not be presumed to be a federal electoral matter.</para>
<para>The government has always been open to recommendations on how our bill could be further improved and we have appreciated, as I have indicated in my summing-up speech, the constructive work by the members of JSCEM to help us design a foreign donations ban that is effective and fair. The additional amendments on sheet UV100 simply add two explanatory notes to add additional clarity about circumstances where our amended bill will not interfere with state laws regulating state locations or local government elections.</para>
<para>The government has listened to JSCEM concerns about particular scenarios where additional clarity is desirable. While the government's other amendments already address JSCEM's general concerns, the addition of these two explanatory notes also deal with a specific integrity risk that has been a point of concern. The notes include an example to make clear that silence about the purpose of a donation does not prevent the application of state law where a donation is ultimately used for a state purpose. Under section 15AD of the Acts Interpretation Act, an example like this has the effect of extending the operation of the relevant provision that it illustrates. Those notes recognise that a recipient may identify the true purpose of a gift at any time up until the time the money is spent. These notes explain that deciding to use a particular donation to pay a particular election expense will be enough to make an amount subject to the electoral laws of the relevant jurisdiction. These notes give a very strong level of assurance about where federal law starts and stops and where state law starts and stops.</para>
<para>In relation to some of the other amendments, I have moved government amendments which delete clauses from the bill to streamline obligations and reduce the regulatory burden. The government has already publicly explained in considerable detail where it is making changes to simplify the bill and this information has been released publicly through the website of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. I commend the government's amendments to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I stated in my speech during the second reading debate, the opposition will be supporting this set of government amendments. These amendments are in direct response to the work undertaken by the opposition to fix the government's legislation.</para>
<para>Again, I want to highlight the work of members of JSCEM Mr Andrew Giles, Mr Milton Dick and Senators Ketter and Brown for their ongoing work in this area. I would also like to commend the work of Dr Andrew Leigh MP and all those charities and not-for-profits which placed their trust in Labor to successfully negotiate an outcome.</para>
<para>I also want to speak specifically to the government's amendments dealing with the Commonwealth and state law. There has been continuing fearmongering by the Greens today in order to justify—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Siewert</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Fearmongering!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, that's right—continuing fearmongering in order to justify their opposition to a ban on foreign donations. It was Labor who negotiated this outcome to ensure that state law is protected, as the minister just indicated. Labor was incredibly concerned to hear that the Commonwealth law could be used under any circumstances to override or avoid state disclosure regimes and electoral regulation.</para>
<para>The opposition believes in the right of state jurisdictions to determine their own electoral regulations and we requested that the government close this loophole immediately. Labor has sought constant assurances that state provisions will not be undermined by this bill. Provided this amendment is successful, that assurance and clarity has been provided. As we have stated throughout this process, Labor is committed to reviewing the operation of this legislation and will reserve the right to review the act and its application at a later date. Labor will not accept Commonwealth legislation being exploited by any party or political actor to avoid their obligation in state jurisdictions. I'd like to thank all of my colleagues in Queensland, in particular, for working constructively to ensure that state law is protected.</para>
<para>Meanwhile, the Greens have never engaged in the process of reviewing this legislation and they've never sought the views of the opposition. At least former Senator Rhiannon would engage constructively in policy rather than merely grandstanding.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move amendment (1) on sheet 8547:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Amendment (3), item 1E, at the end of subsection 4AA(5), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; or (g) is or would be made for a charitable purpose.</para></quote>
<para>As I outlined earlier, whilst we acknowledge that this bill has been softened considerably in its impact on the not-for-profit and charitable sector, we are still concerned about the sheer weight of regulation that has now been placed, disproportionately, on that sector by this bill and by five years of attacks by this government on that sector. This amendment seeks to put beyond doubt that any activities conducted by the not-for-profit and charitable sector in furtherance of their charitable purposes are not then required to comply with this new barrage of regulations. So this is an amendment that seeks to ensure that charities are able to continue their legitimate activities in a way that isn't being muzzled by this government, which can't take criticism.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will oppose this amendment. Where charities spend significant amounts of money to influence the outcome of an election they are already subject to disclosure requirements in the Electoral Act. This is necessary to protect the integrity of the electoral process and will continue to be the case.</para>
<para>The Greens are not correct when they claim that the Charities Act already prevents charities from engaging in partisan political activities. The Charities Act prohibits registered charities from having an overall purpose of promoting or opposing a political party or candidate for political office. However, this does not prevent registered charities from undertaking an activity of promoting or opposing a political party or candidate in pursuit of their broader charitable aim. For example, a charity focused on reducing homelessness might lawfully oppose a candidate seeking to eliminate public housing, to use an extreme example to demonstrate the point.</para>
<para>In the 2015-16 financial year, which included the last election campaign, third-party campaign groups spent almost $40 million on election advertising, polling and campaigning and, indeed, issuing how-to-vote cards. It is clear that elections are no longer just fought between political parties and candidates, and it is appropriate that all participants who choose to make significant amounts of political expenditure are subject to consistent transparency, disclosure and reporting requirements that apply to all other relevant political actors.</para>
<para>The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters considered evidence, including photographs in social media, showing charities and not-for-profits opposing the election of some candidates and promoting the election of other candidates. New political actors do not field candidates from their own ranks or seek to form government, but they actively seek to influence who gets elected and can sway the outcomes of elections. While this is a positive indication of the strength of Australian civil society and civic engagement in our democracy, it is important that these actors be subject to appropriate transparency and accountability rules when their election spending is significant.</para>
<para>I would make the general point, which I have made on the public record on many occasions, that a blanket exemption of charities from, for example, the proposed ban in this bill on foreign political donations would make that ban entirely ineffective, because it would create a massive loophole and a massive incentive for those foreign actors intent on influencing the outcome of elections here in Australia to channel their donations through relevant charitable organisations.</para>
<para>We have considered the views, assessment and recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, and we believe that we have ended up with an appropriate balance. Of course, issue advocacy is important and will not be affected through this bill, but, where there is significant expenditure to a relevant level on political campaigns, of course the same or similar transparency, disclosure and reporting requirements should apply and the same ban on foreign political donations should apply.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition will be opposing the amendment moved by the Australian Greens. Labor has worked with the charities and not-for-profits for almost a year, guaranteeing that the bill before the Senate, the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Bill 2017, protects public policy advocacy. Labor has approached this debate and the year of negotiations that has preceded it with careful consideration of why the Commonwealth Electoral Act exists and the important role it plays in ensuring any organisation that seeks to influence an election meets the expectations of the Australian public, especially relating to transparency. In advocating for the charities and the not-for-profits, Labor has ensured that the very definition of 'electoral matter' is sensibly defined. Our changes, moved today by the government, have ensured that those who should not bear the burden of political actors do not and that those who seek to influence elections are regulated appropriately.</para>
<para>Labor has always opposed seeking blanket exemptions in the Commonwealth Electoral Act, and the reason is clear: blanket exemptions, regardless of their intent, create loopholes in our law. Any organisation seeking to deliberately influence an election, insofar as it is still captured by the narrow definition negotiated by Labor, should comply with those transparency measures outlined in the revised bill and the ban on using foreign money. We cannot support an exemption where those seeking to deliberately influence an election can hide behind an unintentional loophole of charitable purpose. That is not good government, not good policy and not good for our charities.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, I would like to ask a question. You referred to foreign political donations. What evidence do you have of this?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There has obviously been a level of public debate and public reporting here in Australia over the last two years in relation to these matters. As I've indicated in my summing-up speech and also in introducing the amendments, Australia is actually one of very few Western democracies in which foreign donors can still influence domestic elections. In the United States, for example, if you are foreigner, you are not allowed to donate towards a presidential or congressional election.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Farrell</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You're not allowed to run, either.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You're not allowed to run for president, that's right. That counts the two of us out, Senator Farrell. But Australia is one of the few Western democracies in which foreign donors can still influence domestic elections. Senator Hanson would remember that the government announced some time ago now, I think this time last year, a package of reforms, of which this is a component, to protect Australia from undue foreign interference in our internal democratic processes.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, if you are going to protect the electoral process and our democracy in Australia from foreign investment in or donations to political parties, how can you assure that, if you have a foreign company, that foreign company will not divest their moneys through their Australian subsidiary companies here?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government, based on advice not just from our own officials but also from the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, has made the ban on foreign political donations as effective as possible considering the constraints that we face under our Constitution. Under our Constitution we are not able to ban donations from Australian residents or from Australian companies, so this ban on foreign political donations has been structured to be as effective as possible, as mindful of the limitations in terms of our authority to legislate to that effect under our Constitution.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, under the Electoral Act you would be changing the electoral funding so it is actually going to be on receipts—is that correct? So $10,000 if you receive four per cent of the vote, and you will automatically receive $10,000 if your electoral funding is more than that? In that case, for anything over $10,000, is it that all candidates, all political parties, must submit their receipts to the Electoral Commission for electoral funding?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson for that question. Public funding entitlements have not changed under this bill. Public funding will continue to be payable in relation to candidates that receive at least four per cent of formal first preference votes and will be calculated in the same way. What has changed is the process. To assist less well financed candidates and to minimise red tape, the first $10,000 of funding will continue to be paid automatically shortly after polling day. A claim setting out electoral expenditure will need to be submitted for more than the first $10,000 to be paid. The amount of public election funding paid will be capped at the amount of electoral expenditure specified in the claim. Claimants must keep records of claimed electoral expenditure for five years after polling day. Records are likely to be receipts and invoices in most instances. In examining claims, the Australian Electoral Commission will be checking that claimed electoral expenditure is accurate and unique. In other words, no double-dipping by claiming the same expense in different claims, for example for different states, or claiming fictional expenditure. Like the way the tax office checks for fraud in claimed tax credits, the Australian Electoral Commission will have flexibility in determining what they need to do to conduct this check at any particular time. This flexibility allows them to minimise red tape. For example, if the Australian Electoral Commission determines there is a high risk that claims will be inaccurate, they might require that all receipts are submitted with the claim. Or they might decide to randomly select claims for audit and ask to see selected claimants' receipts. If they determine there is a low risk of fraudulent claims at a particular time or for a particular type of claimant, they might not ask to see proof of electoral expenditure at all. As the Senate is well aware, the Australian Electoral Commission of course is an independent statutory organisation which acts in an entirely non-partisan fashion.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In your amendment 112, item 33, at the end of subsection 302CA(3), you've got:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a gift recipient may identify the electoral process for which a gift is to be used at any time prior to using that gift.</para></quote>
<para>There is no specification in this as to what the limit or the cost of the gift is. It's just reference to 'a gift'. What is the gift—in relation to what cost?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The relevant limits are of course specified in other parts of the bill and in the amendments, but this is a highly technical question. Given that this will require my advisers to review and reference a number of different parts of the bill, I suggest that we deal with some other matters and I will get back to the chamber at the earliest opportunity.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment moved by Senator Waters on sheet 8547 to government amendment (3) be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para>The TEMPORARY CHAIR: The question now is that the government amendments, as amended, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>The TEMPORARY CHAIR: Because some of the items are opposed, the question now is that item 2, section 287G in item 11, subdivision C and sections 302M and 302N in item 33, items 40, 75 and 76 and section 314ABA in item 87 of schedule 1 stand as printed.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to Senator Hanson's question, section 302CA applies to all gifts, irrespective of value.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Australian Greens amendments (1) to (4) on sheet 8546 revised together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (table items 2 and 3), omit the table items, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 3 (before line 7), before item 1, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1AA At the end of Part I</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4E Concurrent operation of State and Territory laws</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Act is not intended to exclude or limit the operation of a law of a State or Territory that is capable of operating concurrently with this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 4, page 4 (line 12), omit "$13,500", substitute "$1,000".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, items 5 and 6, page 4 (lines 16 to 21), omit the items, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 Subsection 287(1) (definition of <inline font-style="italic">gift</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definition, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">gift</inline> means any disposition of property made by a person to another person, being a disposition made without consideration in money or money's worth or with inadequate consideration, and includes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the provision of a service (other than volunteer labour) for no consideration or for inadequate consideration; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) an annual subscription paid to a political party, to a State branch of a political party or to a division of a State branch of a political party by a person in respect of the person's membership of the party, branch or division; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a payment in respect of attendance at a fundraiser or similar event held by, or for the benefit of, a political entity;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">but does not include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a payment under Division 3; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any visit, experience or activity provided for the purposes of a political exchange program.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments relate to, firstly, the commencement date of these new laws. Importantly, amendment (2) goes to whether or not the federal government can override state donation rules. Senator Farrell has received advice that is in conflict with the advice that I've received, and I've formed my own view on the effect of the amendments. My understanding is that, as the bill is currently drafted, it will still enable property developers to avoid the donations ban that would otherwise apply in Queensland. My understanding is that the Queensland laws will now need to be amended to require that donations be placed into a separate bank account. If that amendment goes through the Queensland parliament—presumably it will—we won't have a problem. But until such time as that amendment occurs, this bill enables the developer donation ban to be circumvented.</para>
<para>I take objection to the description of my legal view of that as being grandstanding. It's quite the contrary. We're actually trying to clean up politics here. We're trying to get big money out of politics and we're trying to make sure that the rules that were brought in in Queensland by your counterpart, Senator O'Farrell, are effective. So we have moved this amendment in—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What is your point of order, Senator Farrell?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Farrell</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order: Senator Waters should call me by my correct name, which is Senator Farrell, not Senator O'Farrell.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sorry. It was my mistake, Senator Farrell. I do apologise. It was not deliberate. I apologise. So that was amendment (2). I'll just move to briefly outline amendment (3). We are seeking here to lower the disclosure threshold for donations to $1,000. We think that enables far more public scrutiny of what money is being received by whom and, in particular, by which political parties.</para>
<para>Amendment (4) goes to the fact that, at the moment, membership fees aren't considered donations and moneys provided to political parties to attend fundraising events are also not considered donations. There is so much dark money flowing around, going into the coffers of the larger political parties, that is not properly accounted for and that is not able to be scrutinised by the public. This amendment, amendment (4), would say that those contributions are to be considered a donation and therefore should be subject to the other rules that donations are subject to; namely, the disclosure threshold—and, if our amendment is successful—a cap on the amount. I moved those four amendments, as listed earlier.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will not be supporting any of the Greens amendments. The first Greens amendment would change the commencement date to push back commencement until after the next election, rather than allowing a ban on foreign political donations to come into effect from proclamation, which would be well and truly in time, before the next election, to ensure we can prevent inappropriate foreign political interference in our next federal election. I don't quite know why the Greens would want to help facilitate continued foreign political interference in our Australian federal election next year. I don't understand the intent behind this amendment, to be honest. It would be bad policy to deliberately delay the start of a foreign political donations ban until after the next election, given the increased evidence around the world of the risk of foreign interference in elections. The parliament needs to act in a timely way to prevent future risks to our democracy.</para>
<para>In relation to amendment (2) Senator Waters is entirely incorrect—Senator Waters is not correct—in her assertion that Queensland laws would need amendment to avoid conflict with federal law. I can only assume that Senator Waters hasn't sufficiently reviewed government amendments that were passed through this chamber a few minutes ago. The government's amendments make it clear that the mere decision to spend a donation on a state electoral expense will invoke state law. That's a very important point. The mere decision to spend a political donation on a state electoral expense will invoke state law.</para>
<para>The government's intent here has been very clear from the start. We have worked successfully with the opposition to refine the way that we are approaching this. Our intent is to ensure that there is clarity, that federal laws regulate federal elections and that state laws regulate elections under state jurisdictions; principally state and local government elections. We also believe it's very important there is clarity for all of the impacted stakeholders who have to comply with various regulatory regimes in terms of where the boundary is between federal law and the regulation of federal elections and state law and the regulation of elections under state jurisdiction.</para>
<para>Government amendments comprehensively dealt with the Commonwealth and state law interactions. This amendment would reverse those changes. If the government's amendments were not made, there would be ambiguity for regulated entities and, in light of recent court decisions, overlap between various state, territory and Commonwealth laws on political donations. Any ambiguity and overlap would increase the regulatory compliance burden for affected entities, with multiple laws in different jurisdictions applying to the same financial transaction. On that basis we would urge the Senate not to support this Greens amendment.</para>
<para>In relation to the disclosure threshold, this amendment would reduce the disclosure threshold from $13,800 to $1,000. This amendment is very badly drafted, because it not only impacts donors but also has the consequence of reclassifying numerous very small organisations as third-party campaigners if they spend more than $1,000 in a year on electoral expenses. The Greens would tie up the sectors that they supposedly support in massive additional red tape; they would choke the charitable sector in massive additional red tape. This change alone would, as I say, drag numerous not-for-profit and charitable organisations under the new reporting rules for third parties. This would sweep up tiny groups like neighbourhood associations, RSL branches, footy clubs and other tiny players who comment favourably or adversely on a federal politician or federal party. This extreme change in this third amendment, in terms of expanding the reporting net, has not been discussed, as I understand it, with the charitable or non-profit sector, and, unlike other major amendments, was not considered by the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. You see, we, the government, have exposed ourselves to proper process; we have exposed ourselves to thorough, constructive and good-faith engagement with the opposition, and so we have a high level of confidence that there is broad support—perhaps not 100 per cent support—for the balance that we have reached. This third amendment would be an extreme change in the reporting net and, as I say, would actually have a massively negative impact on the charitable and not-for-profit sector, which the Greens assert they are standing up for in this chamber today.</para>
<para>The fourth amendment, redefining gifts, is in our assessment lacking in logic. The amendment would treat the cost of food at a fundraising event as if it were a gift. By contrast, the government's amendments, which are supported by the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, have greater logic, because it is only the profit component of an event price that should be treated as a gift.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition will be opposing these amendments by the Australian Greens. Unfortunately, the issues caused by the Greens amendments outweigh any benefit. The Greens amendments seek to place obligations on donors but not on recipients of donations, a clear loophole allowing those receiving donations to flout the law. Most troubling, the Greens amendments seek to delay the commencement of this legislation until after the next federal election, allowing foreign donations to flow into the coffers of political parties for the next poll. Labor has longstanding policy for electoral reform, including lower disclosure and shorter disclosure times. However, the Greens again are seeking to conflate, with a series of poorly drafted changes, the issues that Labor has been negotiating with our trusted charities for close to a year.</para>
<para>The substantive issue here is a foreign donations ban. Labor has sought to ensure that third parties and charities are protected from the government's overreach without creating further issues within the Commonwealth Electoral Act. Labor believes the issues surrounding disclosure require further consideration and consultation with those third parties that we have worked so hard to protect. Labor, as a party of government and as a party who wants the system to work, is committed to addressing these matters constructively and will always do so.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell made a comment then about stopping moneys flowing into political parties from foreign donations. Could I have clarification of what evidence he has of that—what political parties and who received the foreign donations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure if it's customary to have questions of the opposition.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, but you got to your feet.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>But I am happy to answer Senator Hanson's very sensible question. I might add that it is a very sensible question. I certainly don't know every foreign donation—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just give me one.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I can give you one.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sam Dastyari.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No—Mrs Zou, for instance. If we take the last state election in South Australia, there was Sally Zou's contribution to the Liberal Party. She originally wrote a cheque for $1 million which she then took a selfie of, and we understood she was going to donate that to the Liberal Party in South Australia. A $1 million donation by a foreign citizen to a state campaign is a very large amount of money. We had every reason to believe that it was correct that she was going to do that, because she had already set up a foundation. I might have the name of this incorrect, but it was something like the Julie Bishop Glorious Foundation. I see Senator Cormann is laughing there. He would know much more about this particular donation. You wanted me to name one. I think there is a number there that you can refer to. I would be happy, Senator Hanson, to go back and try to provide you with as much information as I can get on all of the political donations.</para>
<para>Just so I'm not seen to be partisan, the reality is that the Labor Party has also been receiving donations from these foreign groups, and we will lose those funds from these foreign groups. But I have to point out that our leader six months ago took the very principled stand of saying, 'We will stop accepting those foreign donations.' So, yes, we have in the past, as a political organisation, accepted foreign donations. It has been legal, up until this legislation, for Australian political parties to do that. Bill Shorten took the principled stand that we would no longer receive or accept political donations. You might recall that, in my initial speech on this matter, I called on the government to take that same principled stand today when this legislation passes and not to wait until it passes the lower house.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm very disappointed that my good friend and valued colleague Senator Farrell allowed himself to be provoked into partisanship, but the only thing that I could detect in the garbled first half of his contribution was that he was talking about a donation that never happened. It took him a very long time to get to the proposition that there was some suggestion of a donation that might happen but never happened. He didn't quite get to that conclusion, but that was the effect of what I heard him say.</para>
<para>Let me give a more coherent answer to the question that Senator Hanson has asked. At present, while details of political donations above the threshold of $13,800 need to be disclosed under the current rules, it is often not possible to ascertain whether a foreign source is involved. Thus it is not possible to ascertain, under the current disclosure rules, how common foreign donations are or what their value is. However, we do know that preventing undue foreign influence and the perception of such undue influence is critical to our democracy. Our amendments will increase the transparency and assurance about the source of donations to help keep foreign donations out of Australian elections.</para>
<para>Media reports increasingly document foreign attempts to influence elections around the world, which is a disturbing development. As I've indicated, Australia is one of the very few Western democracies in which foreign political donations are not as yet prohibited. It is good electoral reform housekeeping for us to catch up with what is already the prevailing law in most other Western democracies. Nobody can actually tell you with precision what has happened in the past, but, given international developments, given what's clearly been a matter of public debate in Australia for some time and given the views and the recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters on what should happen here, this is the best way forward. I hasten to add that it was, of course, the Liberal-National government that put forward this legislation. We put forward this legislation a year ago. It would have been great if we could have passed it more quickly, but we did think it was important to get this right in time for the next election, which is why we engaged in good faith with all relevant stakeholders and the opposition. I was somewhat saddened to see that that level of constructive bipartisanship disappeared for a moment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I commend the government, the opposition and Labor on their stance against foreign donations; the principal parties now won't take these because of the influence it may have over their political decisions in this place. So I ask this question: what is the difference between receiving foreign donations and receiving donations from organisations, corporations or developers—for instance, in the tobacco industry, as the Greens have said? Will these organisations not have influence over government policy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I did actually address this earlier. Under the Australian Constitution, Australians—including Australian businesses, Australian organisations and Australian residents—are entitled to participate in our democracy. There's nothing wrong with Australians seeking to influence each other in terms of how they ultimately vote. The ultimate decision is a decision for individual voters who vote in secrecy. That is, of course, the way the process works. What we are very deliberately seeking here is to prevent attempts of foreign interference in our domestic democratic process. In particular, through the ban on foreign political donations, we are seeking to prevent and prohibit influence by foreign donors on our Australian democratic process. In terms of attempting to do what Senator Hanson appears to be suggesting we should consider, which is similar to what the Greens appear to have been suggesting, the best available advice we have is that that would not be constitutionally sustainable.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, you referred to the Constitution. I have it in my hand now. Can you refer me to the section you are talking about in relation to their right under the Constitution?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll refer you to successive decisions of the High Court that have defined the implied freedom of political expression in our Australian democracy for some time. The Constitution, yes, is made up of the document that Senator Hanson has in her hot little hands, but it also, of course, needs to be considered in the context of decisions made by the High Court interpreting our Constitution over a long period of time. There is a consensus view that it would not be possible to prohibit participation, and, in fact, there have been previous cases in relation to relevant legislation where that has been made very clear. The best available advice that we have is that it would not be constitutionally sustainable to completely prohibit any Australian company or Australian citizen from participating in the Australian democratic process, including by making political donations.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister referred to the incomplete story about Mrs Zou and her $1 million cheque, so I just wanted to complete the story. She did subsequently make a donation of $30,000. It wasn't the $1 million that the opposition had been expecting in South Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question before the chair is that amendments (1) to (4) on sheet 8546 revised, moved by Senator Waters, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I now move Australian Greens amendment (9) on sheet 8546 revised:</para>
<quote><para class="block">   (9) Schedule 1, page 55 (after line 32), after item 64, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">    64A After section 305B</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">        305C Real ‑time disclosure of gifts</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (1) If a person or entity makes a gift to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (a) a registered political party; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (b) a State branch of a registered political party;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the person or entity must, in accordance with this section, notify the Electoral Commission of the gift.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: A contravention of this civil penalty provision may be a continuing contravention (see section 93 of the Regulatory Powers Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: A restricted donor is not permitted to make gifts to political entities. See section 302EA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 3: Persons and entities other than restricted donors are not permitted to make gifts that exceed the disclosure threshold to political entities. See section 302EB.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty: 60 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (2) For the purposes of subsection (1), a person or entity who makes a gift to any person or body with the intention of benefiting a particular registered political party or a State branch of a registered political party is taken to have made that gift directly to that party or branch.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (3) The notification must be made as soon as practicable after the gift is received.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (4) The notification must set out the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (a) the amount or value of the gift;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (b) the date on which it was made;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (c) the name and address of the registered political party or branch.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (5) The notification must be in the approved form.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">      (6) The Electoral Commission must publish the notification on its website, in a readily accessible format, as soon as practicable after receiving the notification.</para></quote>
<para>This is an amendment that would allow and require real-time disclosure of donations made to political parties. I'll move some other amendments that say we think that shouldn't happen for particular vested interests that have a stranglehold on our democratic decision-making process, and I'll move separately another amendment that says we think all donations should be capped at $1,000, because we don't think big money should play a role in decision-making, but this particular amendment relates to real-time disclosure. I will be very interested to see how the chamber votes on this issue because I understand, in fact, that there's some agreement that this is a good idea. Will those parties have the courage to actually vote for it? That is what I am very keen to know.</para>
<para>I want to hearken back to the fact that we've had some by-elections recently. By the time we get to the next general election, the public still won't know who donated to the large political parties at those by-elections, yet we'll be at the next election. So how on earth are people meant to know who is pulling the strings? It's pretty clear that the big donors are pulling the strings, but these parties don't want to tell the public who is donating to them.</para>
<para>So that's why this amendment would give the public the right to know who's paying these folk who are making decisions on behalf of their donors to promote the donors' vested interests and putting the community a distant last. These amendments would give the community a right to know so that, when people cast their vote, they are doing so in full knowledge of the priorities of the people that they might consider voting or not voting for.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government will not be supporting this amendment, nor will we support the other amendment that relates to this particular proposition. It's quite strange, in our view, that the Greens propose that the onus of making real-time disclosure should only be on the donor and not on the political parties that benefit and can most efficiently undertake reporting. This amendment is also contrary to a fundamental principle in the bill in that it would create inconsistency between the transparency of donations to parties and that of donations to political campaigners. I leave it to observers and analysts to speculate as to why that would be. The government's view is that organisations which spend over half a million dollars a year on federal election expenditure, including GetUp!, which indeed spent $10 million in the lead-up to the last federal election—let me say that again: $10 million—should be treated on the same basis as political parties and other relevant actors, and the Greens have not made out a convincing case for why such organisations should get special treatment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition also will not be supporting this amendment. Labor has a clear policy in support of real-time disclosure. We believe that donations over $1,000 should be disclosed and disclosed quickly. Labor has a strong record on transparency in politics, and we approach every issue on the facts before us. As I've stated before, including to members of the crossbench in our discussions on this legislation, real-time disclosure at a federal level requires a significant consultation with the AEC and consideration by those parties who will need to ensure their own compliance. We are committed to achieving this policy, and we will do so with the appropriate consideration should we form government. It's vital that we always approach such issues not just with our values and beliefs but also with the practical view of actually getting it done.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister made reference to GetUp! and the $500,000. What is the government's response to the donations that are made by the unions, which are tax exempt—the millions of dollars that they give to the Labor Party and to other political parties? Is the amount of money they give to the political parties reined in? They are tax exempt—they don't pay any taxes in this country. How do they sit under this legislation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There are longstanding transparency, disclosure and reporting requirements under the Electoral Act, as it stands, that apply to political parties and other relevant political actors, principally associated entities. That is a longstanding arrangement and it is not something that is changed with this bill. What we are doing in this bill is adding a further category—the category of political campaigner—as a new category of political actor that has to comply with the relevant disclosure, transparency and reporting requirements and will be subject to the same ban on foreign political donations. I mentioned the example of GetUp! but, no, I didn't mention $500,000. I mentioned $10 million of expenditure in the 12 months leading up to the 2016 federal election. Off the top of my head, I seem to remember that at various times GetUp! bragged that they had distributed half a million or a million how-to-vote cards—I can't remember, so I'll get it back to you on notice, but half a million or a million seems to ring a bell. I think it was a million how-to-vote cards at 500 polling booths. I'll check it out and get back to you.</para>
<para>The point is that all organisations, including unions, businesses and individuals, have to comply with the requirements in terms of disclosure and reporting that are already in place. The bill in front of us strengthens those requirements in relation to some organisations that currently are not captured. It also ensures that we put in place a ban on foreign political donations, which we believe is widely supported across the chamber.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that Greens amendment (9) on sheet 8546 revised, moved by Senator Waters, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [17:47]<br />(The Temporary Chair—Senator Dean Smith)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>10</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Storer, TR</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Greens amendments (5) and (6) on sheet 8546 revised together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 7, page 6 (before line 19), before the definition of <inline font-style="italic">senior staff</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">restricted donor</inline> means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a person or entity that carries on:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) a property development business; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) a mining business; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) a business manufacturing tobacco products; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) a business manufacturing alcoholic products; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (v) a business providing gambling services; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (vi) a business providing banking services; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (vii) a business manufacturing pharmaceutical products; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (viii) a business manufacturing defence products; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) an associate (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Act 2001</inline>) of such a person or entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 33, page 42 (after line 5), after section 302E, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302EA Donations to political entities by restricted donors</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">donor</inline>) contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the donor is a restricted donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the donor makes a gift to, or for the benefit of, a political entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The physical elements of an offence against subsection (2) are set out in this subsection (see section 302R).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person or entity commits an offence if the person or entity contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty: 2 years imprisonment or 800 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Section 15 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code </inline>(extended geographical jurisdiction—category D) applies to an offence against subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person or entity is liable to a civil penalty if the person or entity contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 800 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift at the time the gift is made—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Subsection (4) applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether or not the conduct constituting the contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether or not a result of the conduct constituting the alleged contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>I will outline for the chamber the effect of these amendments. We have already seen how enormous the influence of big corporates is over this chamber, and the public are absolutely sick of the vested interests of donors getting put ahead of the interests of the community. This amendment would seek to ban donations from eight of the most influential and self-interested industries that so far have had a stranglehold over this parliament. This amendment would completely ban donations from the property development industry, mining, tobacco, alcohol, gambling, the big banks, defence and big pharma. The Australian people have the right to expect that decisions are made in their interests and not in the interests of those big corporations. There have previously been some comments about the questionable constitutionality of these amendments. I would simply direct anyone interested in that to the McCloy case. We are perfectly able to have those restrictions; it is simply a question of whether or not the big parties want their money to dry up. I am not expecting support for this amendment, because we know that both of the big parties have taken $100 million in donations from the big corporates in the last six years, but we live in hope.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me firstly agree with something that Senator Waters has said: the Australian people are absolutely entitled to expect that decisions be made in their interest. Do you know who judges to what extent is we have made decisions in their interest? The judge of that is the Australian people at every election. That is the process. Senator Waters is essentially implying that the Australian people are too stupid to form their judgements in relation to how individual candidates or relevant parties are performing. This is clearly just part of the democratic discourse.</para>
<para>If there is a level of concern about policies, and a view by the Greens about what influences certain policies, then under our democratic system you are entitled to express that view and to inform the Australian people. The Australian people might believe you and then they will vote for you if they think that it is a really terrible thing that there is a particular policy that supports the mining industry, the farming sector or access to pharmaceutical products. If people share your view that that is a bad thing, they'll vote for you; if they believe that policies that support the mining sector, the agricultural sector, the education sector and access to pharmaceutical products for patients across Australia are good things then they will support relevant candidates and parties who promote those particular policy agendas. That is the way democracy works: if you have a concern, you point out your concern and seek to persuade the Australian people of your point of view. Ultimately the Australian people are the judge.</para>
<para>I also agree with Senator Waters—so there are two agreements in relation to one amendment; I am sure the senator is very surprised by that—that the Senate will be opposing this amendment, because the Greens are proposing an entirely arbitrary ban on eight different specific categories of businesses from giving donations. There are clear questions of constitutionality. Senator Waters dismisses this. Clearly Senator Waters doesn't believe in freedom of political communication, but some of us do believe in freedom of political communication.</para>
<para>A level of internal logic and consistency is also lacking. For example, under the Greens amendment, businesses manufacturing pharmaceuticals would be banned, but not those involved in distribution or sale of such products. If you are involved in the manufacture of tobacco you are banned, but if you are involved in the distribution of tobacco you are fine. Even more unusually, the proposed ban will put only donors at risk of criminal offences while keeping it lawful for a recipient to accept such a gift. That doesn't sound very internally consistent.</para>
<para>The more fundamental point is that, under our Constitution, under our principles, under the constitutional principle of implied political freedom of communication, the best advice that we have is that this would not be constitutionally sustainable. In any event, we have great confidence that the Australian people voting at elections are very capable of making judgements on what they think is right and wrong.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation will be opposing this amendment put up by the Greens to state a case that donations shouldn't come from different organisations. I can understand what they are saying, but then again I find it very hypocritical because the Greens are quite happy to take their donations from environmental groups and organisations that are quite happy to see mining, which provides jobs in Australia, shut down. It actually brings in resources and royalties to our nation—a lot of money. And they are quite happy to shut down the fishing industry, with lost jobs again. And, of course, with their native vegetation management acts they are actually destroying Queensland's farming sector. In that case, they are quite happy to take their political donations—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a point of order, Mr Temporary Chair. I would just like some clarification from Senator Hanson. It seems that she's misled the chamber. I am not aware of any donation given by an environmental organisation to my party—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The TEMPORARY CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So, therefore, we won't be supporting their amendment with regard to political donations.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that amendments (5) and (6) on sheet 8546, by leave moved together by Senator Waters, be agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [18:01]<br />(The Chair—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>10</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>33</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will move Australian Greens amendment (7) on sheet 8546 revised. But, before I do that, I flag that I will withdraw amendment (8) on sheet 8546. Coming to amendment (7), there has been a lot of talk here, particularly in relation to the last amendments, where only the Greens and a couple of our other colleagues voted to oppose donations from large corporate vested interests. Some of the earlier criticism was, 'You're singling out these people unfairly.' Folks, now is your chance! This amendment would say that all donations will be capped at $1,000 per year. We don't care who you are—absolutely everyone, whether you're an individual, a union or a business: no more donations of more than $1,000 a year. We genuinely want to clean up politics, and this is how you do it.</para>
<para>There is a small step forward in this bill that restricts some foreign donations. We think you can drive a truck through the loopholes. We want to fix those loopholes with an amendment just like this. Let's get big money out of politics. Let's put people back into the heart of decision-making. Now is your chance to show whether you actually want to fix this problem or whether you just want to look like you're doing something in the hope that this issue goes away. The community wants something done about this. There is widespread support for this amendment. Getting big money out of politics is the single most common issue raised with me as I move around the state and the country.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Colbeck</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Really?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, really. Maybe you should do some more moving or perhaps do some more listening. This is the biggest issue that the community has. They feel disenfranchised by politics, they feel unheard and they feel like the parliament has been sold to the highest bidder. Well, it has. This is our chance to get our democracy back. The Greens are very proud to move this amendment to restrict donations to no more than $1,000 per year. I'm very interested to see how people vote. I hereby move Greens amendment (7) on sheet 8546 revised:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 33, page 42 (before line 6), before section 302F, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">302EB Donations to political entities by donors other than restricted donors</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person or entity (the <inline font-style="italic">donor</inline>) contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the donor is not a restricted donor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the donor makes, in a financial year, gifts totalling more than the disclosure threshold to, or for the benefit of, a political entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The physical elements of an offence against subsection (2) are set out in this subsection (see section 302R).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person or entity commits an offence if the person or entity contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty: 2 years imprisonment or 800 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Section 15 of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code </inline>(extended geographical jurisdiction—category D) applies to an offence against subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person or entity is liable to a civil penalty if the person or entity contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The higher of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 800 penalty units;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if there is sufficient evidence for the court to determine the amount or value, or an estimate of the amount or value, of the gift at the time the gift is made—3 times that amount or value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Subsection (4) applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether or not the conduct constituting the contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether or not a result of the conduct constituting the alleged contravention of subsection (1) occurs in Australia.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The committee has already voted on the substance of the issue that Senator Waters is raising. Greens amendment (7) on sheet 8546 revised is in fact redundant, because it is a consequential amendment in relation to some previous amendments that the committee has already voted to reject. So it should, in fact, have been withdrawn because it can't actually have the effect that Senator Waters is advising the chamber it would have.</para>
<para>Even if this amendment were to apply in the context of the government's bill, it also introduces imprisonment for gifting over the disclosure threshold, which is explicitly contrary to what the cross-party Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, which considered these matters carefully, recommended. So the Greens are proposing to introduce imprisonment offences. But, as I've indicated, this amendment is, in fact, redundant because it is consequential to some amendments that have already been rejected by the committee.</para>
<para>This amendment also lets political campaigners off the hook. Again, I'm not quite sure why the Greens political party takes the view that political campaigners spending substantial amounts of money on political campaigns in the lead-up to elections, seeking to influence election outcomes, should not be subject to the same disclosure, transparency and reporting requirements and the same ban on foreign political donations as other political actors, including political parties. The government's view is that they should apply on the same basis or a similar basis to all those actors.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is exactly the opposite of the point that you just made in relation to my earlier amendment about the disclosure threshold, so it is pretty clear that you're trying to find any pretext whatsoever to not support this. It is not a consequential amendment. I have renumbered it. It is a standalone amendment, and I stand by everything I've said. Your vote will be very telling.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that amendment (7) on sheet 8546, as moved by Senator Waters, be agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [18:12]<br />(The Chair—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Faruqi, M</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>38</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Storer, TR</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M (teller)</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                  <name>Wong, P</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I just want to make a few remarks to reflect on the historic reform to our electoral system that is about to pass the Senate and again thank the opposition for the constructive approach that they have taken to this bill. This bill, once it is legislated, will effect a ban on foreign political donations to further strengthen the integrity of our electoral system. It will ensure that all relevant political actors have to comply with the same or similar transparency of disclosure and reporting requirements. Indeed, it will also ensure that there's clarity around the fact that—</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The CHAIR</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, the time allotted for consideration of this bill has expired. The question now is that the amendment on sheet 8570, circulated by the Australian Conservatives, be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Australian Conservatives' circulated amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, page 51 (after line 31), after item 35, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">35A After section 303</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">303A Live disclosure of gifts</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) This section applies if a political entity or political campaigner is required under this Division, at any time, to make a disclosure in relation to a gift received by the entity or campaigner, as the case may be.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) Within 14 days of receiving the gift, the recipient must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) publish on its website; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) disclose to the Electoral Commission, in the approved form;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the following information:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (c) the amount or value of the gift;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) the identity of the person or entity who made the gift.</para></quote>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question now is that the amendment on sheet 8578 revised, circulated by Centre Alliance, be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Centre Alliance's circulated amendment—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, page 53 (before line 11), before item 46, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">45AA After section 304</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">304A Monthly disclosure of gifts and loans</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Gifts</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1) If, in a calendar month, a political entity or a political campaigner receives one or more gifts, the recipient must notify the Electoral Commission, in the approved form, of the total value of those gifts within 10 days of the end of the calendar month.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (2) If, in a calendar month, a political entity or a political campaigner receives a gift whose value exceeds the disclosure threshold, the recipient must notify the Electoral Commission, in the approved form, of the following within 10 days of the end of the calendar month:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the value of the gift;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) the name and address of the person who made the gift.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Loans</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (3) If, in a calendar month, a political entity or a political campaigner receives one or more loans, the recipient must notify the Electoral Commission, in the approved form, of the total amount of those loans within 10 days of the end of the calendar month.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (4) If, in a calendar month, a political entity or a political campaigner receives a loan the amount of which exceeds the disclosure threshold, the recipient must notify the Electoral Commission, in the approved form, of the following within 10 days of the end of the calendar month:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) the amount of the loan;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) the name and address of the person who made the loan.</para></quote>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question now is that the amendments on sheet 8582, circulated by Pauline Hanson's One Nation, be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Pauline Hanson's One Nation's circulated amendments—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 2, page 2 (at the end of the table), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Page 79 (after line 18), at the end of the Bill, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2—Further amendments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Paragraph 126(2)(d)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the paragraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 Subsection 133(2)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the subsection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 Part XX (heading)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the heading, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part XX—Election financial disclosure</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 Division 3 of Part XX</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   Repeal the Division.</para></quote>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question now is that the bill, as amended, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill, as amended, agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill reported with amendments; report adopted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>145</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the remaining stages of the bill be agreed to and the bill be now passed with amendments.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>145</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1148" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>145</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STORER</name>
    <name.id>275424</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018. Watching <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> on the ABC is rarely less than instructive, and that was certainly the case with this week's program on the recent leadership crisis at the ABC. Instructive it was in a number of ways. First, it was a reminder that no other major media organisation in the country would have the courage to take a look at itself in such depth without fear or favour. Second, it revealed that as the people appointed to run the national broadcaster and chair its board were engaging in a battle for personal survival, the staff at the ABC were getting on with the job. Third, it showed that neither the sacked managing director nor the former chair was suitable to lead and care for our most important cultural institution, as it was put in <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> by Margaret Simons, a distinguished journalist and academic who has reported authoritatively on the ABC for many years. Fourth, it showed that parliament must now take steps to ensure that this never happens again—that there is more independence, integrity and transparency in the process for appointing board directors. That is the point of the legislation I have introduced, the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018, which we are debating today.</para>
<para>I do not intend to bring this to a vote today, but I do hope the provisions of this bill may be incorporated in amended terms of reference for the current Senate inquiry into allegations of political interference at the ABC. On the other hand, I believe it would be useful for the committee to use the process I am proposing as guidelines in coming to a set of recommendations to try to ensure that what we have seen in recent weeks cannot happen again. As the terms of reference of that inquiry indicate, it must examine why it was that the board decided to terminate the contract of Ms Guthrie less than halfway into her contract.</para>
<para>Public knowledge of what happened remains imperfect, despite the best efforts of journalists, including those working for <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>. It is also the case that there is more to learn about the efforts of the government to influence the ABC. We now know that Mr Milne did want the ABC's chief economics correspondent sacked, to 'explore external development opportunities', as he put it to Ms Guthrie. 'What did that phrase mean?' Sarah Ferguson asked Mr Milne on <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>. Mr Milne replied that it was a 'silly corporate euphemism for firing her'. Mr Milne denied that the government had ever placed political pressure on him either to sack ABC journalists or to influence the way the broadcaster reported events. However, he did acknowledge that the communications minister, Senator Fifield, called him frequently to 'discuss issues', as he told <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>. This does leave questions for the Senate inquiry to ask, but it would be a failure if the committee were to simply delve into the past rather than looking to solutions for the future.</para>
<para>The ABC is the most trusted media and cultural organisation in the country. That was the finding of the Roy Morgan research organisation, which reported in May that just nine per cent of those surveyed distrusted the ABC, well ahead of commercial media. According to Morgan, the ABC is by far the nation's most trusted media organisation. This is backed up by the ABC's own research, which has found that 82 per cent of people trust the information provided by the national broadcaster—again, well ahead of its commercial counterparts. Nothing could be more telling in this regard than another recent episode, again with <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners </inline>at its centre. The mere prospect of a <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> program on aged care led the government to announce a royal commission. If the ABC in general, and <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> specifically, did not have a well-earned reputation within the community for accuracy and impartiality, the government would not have acted with such haste. Those opposite knew that it would be better to get in first with a royal commission, that what was coming would make a compelling case for action, as other <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> programs have done in the past. The government knew it would be better to move with speed, rather than having to face the music before taking action. I commend the government for its good sense in this regard.</para>
<para>The ABC has been the prism through which Australians have been able to inform and add to their knowledge about themselves and the world for close to a century. It also provides entertainment as well as services for children and those in the bush that no other organisation has been prepared to do or capable of doing. It is well worth the public money invested in it. Indeed, the ABC continues to do more with less. Since 2014, the government has cut more than $250 million from the budget and another $84 million in the last budget. In the run-up to the Mayo by-election, a ReachTEL poll conducted in my home state of South Australia found that close to three-quarters of Australians wanted the ABC's funding increased or maintained at its current level. That includes more than 70 per cent of coalition voters. Given the results of the Mayo and Wentworth by-elections—the ABC was an issue in both polls—there are lessons for all of us in those findings. The implications are that the public do not appreciate perceptions that the ABC is under political pressure and that its independence is threatened. For those two reasons alone, the bill I have introduced would be an important step forward in enhancing the ABC's independence and ability to withstand political pressure.</para>
<para>Threats to the independence of the ABC are nothing new. By my estimation, since the mid-seventies no fewer than four of the 11 ABC board chairs have had their terms cut short for failing to live up to the expectations of the government of the time, both coalition and Labor. Three managing directors have met the same fate. Some displeased the government of the day; some were not up to the job. What unites them all is that they were subject to less-than-transparent processes which have cumulatively led to a loss of public confidence not in the independence of the ABC but in its ability to withstand attacks on that independence. On that score, Ms Guthrie told <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>, as we saw last Monday, that the minister had complained to the ABC six times in five months. 'Unprecedented in any term' was the phrase used to describe the minister's behaviour. Now another chair and another managing director are gone, mid-term, despite the introduction in 2012 of new measures for board appointments designed, as stated by the government of the day, to ensure 'a transparent and democratic board appointment process that appoints non-executive directors on merit'. 'Transparent' and 'on merit' are the key terms here.</para>
<para>However, in recent years the intent and spirit of this process have been ignored on at least three occasions, leading to public disquiet about the independence and integrity of the ABC. Three appointees to the ABC board by this government were not recommended by the independent nomination panel. A fourth was highly rated by the panel, but then withdrew from the process and was subsequently appointed by the minister. The National Broadcasting Legislation Amendment Bill 2012 led to the establishment of an independent nomination panel designed to nominate appointments of non-executive directors to the boards of the ABC and SBS, based on merit. According to the act, the requirement is for nominees:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(c) having had experience in connection with the provision of broadcasting services or in communications or management; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) having expertise in financial or technical matters; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) having cultural or other interests relevant to the oversight of a public organisation engaged in the provision of broadcasting services.</para></quote>
<para>But the act also enables the Prime Minister of the day to ignore panel nominations, as long as he or she tabled the reasons for that appointment in each house of the parliament no later than 15 sitting days after that appointment is made. The intention was honourable, but it has turned out to be a substantial deficiency. As Senator Nick Minchin, then shadow communications minister, said in this place on 17 November 2009, when the legislation was introduced:</para>
<quote><para class="block">While the government is establishing a Nomination Panel for the appointment process, at the end of the day the scope remains for the minister and the Prime Minister to ignore Panel nominations and appoint whoever they like.</para></quote>
<para>And so it has turned out to be, setting in train a course of events that, once again, sees the ABC with a managing director whose term has been cut short and a chair whose actions have forced him to resign. A bare majority of the current ABC board were appointed as a result of recommendations from the independent nomination panel. Two of the current board were nominated as qualified candidates by the panel and one did not even apply.</para>
<para>The amendment I am proposing is designed to remedy this situation by returning to the spirit and intent of the legislation that set up the independent domination panel and the process surrounding it. It is a modest proposal, a multi-stage, graduated process to enhance independence, transparency, multipartisanship and public confidence in both the appointment process and the future independence of the ABC. What it is not is an attempt to impose US-senate-style confirmation hearings on Australian democracy.</para>
<para>The bill is consistent with the principles of Westminster government. The ultimate appointment of a non-executive director remains the prerogative of the Governor-General, on the recommendation of the Prime Minister, in the case of the chair, or the minister, in the case of a director. The bill requires the Prime Minister, in the case of the chair of the ABC, or the minister, in the case of the other non-executive directors, to publish the name of their proposed appointment at least 30 days before the appointment proceeds, if they intend to ignore the recommendations of the independent nomination panel. This strengthens the integrity of the panel process and of its members. It maintains the confidentiality of those candidates not recommended by the panel and enhances the authority of panel nominations by putting them in the public domain.</para>
<para>The confidentiality of the nomination process before the panel's announcement minimises the likelihood of well-qualified individuals being deterred from putting their names forward. It reduces the prospect that the efforts of the panel will have been a waste of time, as former panel member and former coalition government minister Neil Brown has pointed out when his nominations, and those of other panel members, were ignored. The reasons must be published on the website of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, and the Leader of the Opposition must be informed in writing and invited to comment, within a reasonable period. If the Leader of the Opposition informs the Prime Minister, in the case of the chairman, or the minister, in the case of other non-executive directors, in writing within the specified period that he or she does not agree with the appointment, the Prime Minister must cause a statement of reasons, including an assessment of the appointee against the selection criteria set down for the independent review panel, to be tabled in both houses of parliament. In that situation, the Prime Minister must not recommend the Governor-General make the appointment until after the end of the 90-day period beginning when the statement was tabled in the second of the houses. This strengthens the current legislation, which requires the Prime Minister to consult with the opposition leader only in the case of an appointment of the ABC chair before recommending the appointment to the Governor-General.</para>
<para>Following tabling of the government's statements of reasons in both houses of parliament, it will be open to the Senate to hold an inquiry into the nomination by the relevant committee. It is hoped that this new final step need never be taken and that the modest, measured, graduated steps I am proposing will be sufficient to encourage governments to accept the nominations of the independent review panel. If they are not, the voters would see where responsibility for any consequences of the government's actions lie—with the government and no-one else.</para>
<para>That is where the responsibility rests for the recent episodes centring on the former chair and former managing director of the ABC—with the government and no-one else. They appointed Justin Milne. He headed the board which sacked Ms Guthrie. He was recommended by the independent nomination panel, but, as he told <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>, he put his name forward only after being approached by the minister. We now know that the minister was informed of the breakdown in relations between the board and Ms Guthrie on 12 September, 12 days before her dismissal became public. The minister denies that he has ever, in any way, shape or form, sought to involve himself in ABC staffing matters. Clearly, Mr Milne saw it differently.</para>
<para>In the report commissioned by the minister from his department's secretary and in the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> program, Mr Milne did not deny that he wrote an email to Ms Guthrie about an article by ABC chief economics correspondent Emma Alberici. That email stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">They—</para></quote>
<para>the government—</para>
<quote><para class="block">hate her.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Milne said in the email of Alberici, according to Fairfax Media—</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are tarred with her brush. I think it’s simple. Get rid of her. We need to save the ABC—not Emma. There is no guarantee they—</para></quote>
<para>the coalition—</para>
<quote><para class="block">will lose the next election.</para></quote>
<para>According to the report of the Secretary of the Department of Communications and the Arts, the former ABC chair acknowledged that a conversation with Ms Guthrie about ABC political editor Andrew Probyn was around 'what to do with him'. Mr Milne does not recall but, in the secretary's report, does not deny having used the term 'to shoot him' in reference to Mr Probyn in that conversation. According to the secretary's report, Mr Milne does not consider that either communication was a direction to the managing director.</para>
<para>But it doesn't matter what Mr Milne thinks. What is significant is what Ms Guthrie thought was the message of Mr Milne's communications with her. According to the secretary's report, Ms Guthrie did consider the Alberici email constituted a direction to take action and was consistent with what she regarded as an interventionist approach to the individual staffing and editorial matters which the chair adopted. Equally, Ms Guthrie regarded the 'Probyn phone call' from Mr Milne as providing significant pressure to terminate Mr Probyn's employment. 'Shoot him' and 'get rid of her'—no-one who uses colloquial Australian would have any doubt what those phrases mean, whatever Mr Milne believes.</para>
<para>The current processes for appointing non-executive directors to the ABC board may well have been well intentioned, but they have failed. It is time, in my view, for the Senate to pass the modest, measured, graduated steps I am proposing so that the chances of political interference in the ABC, real or perceived, are reduced and the public can be assured that this pre-eminent cultural institution not only is genuinely independent but also has the protections to withstand attacks on that independence, and so that its autonomy and integrity are strengthened. With a Senate inquiry underway, it is better, in my view, that this committee either consider amending its terms of reference to incorporate the intent of this bill or use this legislation as a road map for making sure the appointment process for members of the ABC board becomes more independent and transparent, as well as improving its integrity.</para>
<para>The independent nomination panel deserve to know that their work will be treated with respect. They also need to know that their reputations are linked to the quality of their recommendations. The public have repeatedly made it clear that they expect their ABC to be free of political interference and to have management and a board that have the back of the staff as a priority. There is much else that needs to be done—greater funding certainty for the ABC, for example—but I believe this bill is a modest, necessary step forward. I do hope the Senate agrees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is useful at the outset of this debate to say something about the existing appointment process for people to be added to the ABC's board. It is worth noting that the coalition government's appointments to the ABC board have been made not in accordance with a process that the coalition designed but in fact according to a process that was designed and legislated by the Labor Party when in government. The government has, despite having no input into that design, followed this process to the letter on each and every occasion that it has made an appointment to the ABC board. The process requires the involvement of the independent nomination panel for ABC and SBS appointments, whose four members are appointed by the secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet.</para>
<para>Let me take you through that process. On each occasion the process involved, first, the advertising of vacancies—or a single vacancy, if there is only one—then assessment of applications by a recruitment firm, which works under the direction of the independent panel. From there a shortlist is prepared for the panel to take to interview. Then a report by the panel to the minister is prepared, nominating candidates as suitable for appointment and making recommendations as to whom to appoint. It is and always has been, under governments of any colour in this place, open to the government to accept or reject these recommendations.</para>
<para>At the moment the ABC Act provides two options for the minister. He or she can put forward a candidate that has been nominated by the panel or can put forward another person whether or not they were nominated by the panel. From there each appointment is considered by cabinet. Appointees are then recommended to the Executive Council and, where a person is appointed to the board and has not been recommended by the panel, the minister must table a statement of reasons in the parliament for having made that decision.</para>
<para>The government has followed this process, as I mentioned, on every single occasion it has made appointments to the ABC and SBS boards. Since its election in 2013 this government has made 14 appointments to the ABC and SBS boards. Let's go through the process that applied to each of those. Seven of those have come through the panel process and have been rated as suitable for appointment. I think they would be pretty uncontroversial. Three have been reappointments of directors that were originally appointed by Labor. Reappointments don't require reference to the panel as a new appointment would. You would expect those ones to be uncontroversial too.</para>
<para>Four of them were not nominated by the panel. Those four, though, as you would expect for all appointments, have been consistently highly qualified individuals with a clear demonstration of the requisite skills range to oversee our broadcaster. Significantly, this government has also made considerable effort to include more women in this process. Half of the appointments made to these boards have been women, and it is worth noting that the ABC board now has a majority of women serving on it.</para>
<para>The government has also made an effort to ensure a geographical spread in the appointments made, particularly on the ABC and SBS boards, so that we have true representation of the needs of the whole nation and, in particular, that we don't neglect the importance of the role of the ABC in regional and rural areas, where, as you may know, Madam Chair, people depend more than they do in the city upon the services of the ABC. Historically these boards have been largely filled up with people who live in the big city centres, particularly in Sydney, and that just wasn't delivering the kinds of services that regional Australia needed.</para>
<para>In addition to the steps that are required for the appointment of directors, consultation with the opposition on the appointment of an ABC chair is an existing legislative requirement. This occurred in the case of Mr Milne, who, despite recent media reports, was one of the candidates that was nominated by the panel. Madam Acting Deputy President, you may recall that the Labor Party welcomed warmly the appointment of Mr Milne as chair in March of last year. In a media release dated 23 March 2017 acting shadow communications minister Mark Dreyfus said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor congratulates Justin Milne on his appointment as the new Chairman of the ABC. Mr Milne is certainly qualified for the role given his extensive experience in, and knowledge of, the media industry.</para></quote>
<para>That seems bipartisan by any measure, so it's worth asking: does this process need more rigour; does it need more independence than presently exists?</para>
<para>As I am sure senators can see, the process for making appointments to the ABC board is already much more complex and involved and much more transparent than is the case with many other types of government appointments. At the end of the day, it's fair to say, in my view, that democratically elected governments are entitled to make decisions for which they can ultimately be held accountable at elections. Whenever people in this place attempt to craft so-called independent appointment processes or, even worse, try to make them even more convoluted, in the way that this bill proposes, those efforts are inevitably proven foolish, naive and dangerous. That's so even when they are made with the best of intentions.</para>
<para>What seems to be being proposed here is something that looks an awful lot like US-style Senate confirmation hearings for appointments to the ABC board and that having these will somehow enhance independence. If anyone had seen the recent US Senate style of confirmation hearings in relation to the appointment of a justice of the Supreme Court of the US, one could only say that that process brought out more of the nature of the partisan than anything that we have in the current system here for selecting ABC directors. If there's anyone listening to this debate who thinks that a Senate committee would appoint an independent group, well, I'll tell you what, I've got a number of schemes I'd like to sell you! The truth is that ministers, cabinet and Executive Council are properly equipped to make government board appointments. They're accountable. Ultimately, they bear the burden of justifying their decisions when it comes to an election, and they must bear responsibility when it comes to the media.</para>
<para>As important an institution as the ABC is, let's get a bit of perspective here. It's not the only, or even the most important, institution that matters in this country; far from it. Appointments to its board are not as important as others to the wellbeing of Australians. Does anyone seriously suggest that the work performed by, for example, the Reserve Bank or our Federal Court and High Court or the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee—any of those—is less vital than the work done by the ABC? It's not an argument that can be sustained. Yet the process to make appointments to the ABC is already more convoluted than making appointments to those entities I have just mentioned, and this bill would make it even more elaborate and even more laborious. If you think that appointments to the ABC require more attention and more of a process than those that apply to our central bank, our highest courts or a body that decides which life-saving drugs to fund for the Australian people, then that says some really interesting and concerning things about priorities.</para>
<para>Underpinning all of this, of course, is a suggestion that the government has sought to interfere with the independence of the ABC, but no-one in the government has ever sought to influence the employment of particular ABC journalists, and, whilst they disagree on many things, this is one fact that both the former chair and the former managing director agree upon. But don't take my word for it; take the word of Labor's shadow minister Ms Rowland. On ABC <inline font-style="italic">News Breakfast</inline> with Ms Trioli, on 16 October, we saw the following exchange:</para>
<quote><para class="block">TRIOLI: …the inquiry found no justification for the view that either the then Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull or other Government Ministers tried to secure the sacking of those ABC journalists.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ROWLAND: Well we knew that, and we knew that because both the Minister had stated that, and the former Prime Minister had stated that.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">TRIOLI: So, so that's dealt with then?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ROWLAND: That is dealt with …</para></quote>
<para>Let's be real about this. The ABC is one of the important underpinnings of media diversity in Australia. It makes a significant and important contribution to civic journalism in Australia and to the important accountability role of the Australian media.</para>
<para>The independence of the ABC is something that the Minister for Communications and the Arts has very regularly, in this place, committed himself deeply to. The ABC has legislated independence in relation to operational, programming, editorial and staffing matters. The government has always respected the independence of the ABC and simultaneously the ABC enjoys more than a billion dollars of taxpayer funds every single year. While there are always complaints in this place about cuts, the ABC enjoys greater funding certainty than any media organisation in this country. I'd even say that it enjoys greater certainty than most government departments that, as a regular exercise, look for efficiencies in the way they do their business. With such a significant contribution provided to them, it's natural that the ABC should have applied to it a higher level of scrutiny to ensure that they are being the best possible custodians—the best possible stewards—of taxpayer money.</para>
<para>We owe the Australian people no less. That's why the coalition has funded the ABC adequately to do its job. That is why, under the coalition government, the ABC has continued to receive over a billion dollars in funding every year. It's a substantial investment of public funds and it ensures that the ABC is able to continue to provide television, radio and digital media services in line with its charter. But the government also has a very important responsibility to the Australian people to repair this budget. The ABC has been asked, like all government entities, to operate as efficiently as it can to contribute to this effort. It's an effort we all must pull together to make. It is always important to remember that, in a rapidly changing media environment, the ABC still has more funding certainty than any other media organisation in the nation—absolutely every single one. It is well equipped to discharge all of the obligations in its charter. Quite frankly, in circumstances where there has been plenty of concern, in this place, in the media and even from some ABC journalists, about questions of its own partisanship, there is absolutely no place for suggesting the appointment process applied by this government is anything other than appropriate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to put on the record remarks with regard to the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Appointment of Directors) Bill 2018, a private members bill brought by Senator Storer. Recent reports of political interference at the ABC have caught the Liberal government red-handed and thrown their record on the politicisation of the ABC board appointments into sharp relief. In addition to financial and ideological attacks on the ABC, the Liberals have shown flagrant disregard for the principle that the ABC board appointments should be merit based and at arm's length from government.</para>
<para>In government, Labor instituted the nomination panel process to safeguard the independence and integrity of the ABC and it governance, yet the Liberals have shamelessly ignored panel recommendations and processes to politicise the public broadcaster. Labor will consider proposals to strengthen the process for board appointments and safeguard against further attempts at politicisation.</para>
<para>The bill that is before us now is one such proposal. In his contribution this evening, Senator Storer noted the opportunity to use the current bill to provide direction and focus to the Senate inquiry into political interference at the ABC. Labor supports the senator's sentiment, as governance options to strengthen independence are critical to getting this right. We acknowledge Senator Storer's considered approach to this very important issue for all Australians. Labor, along with many in the parliament, including Senator Storer, know that we need to work to restore good governance and trust at the ABC. That's why Labor leader Bill Shorten has written to Mr Morrison, requesting to meet and to discuss proposals for reform, and to affirm that Labor expects to be genuinely consulted on all future ABC board appointments, including the new ABC chair. Unfortunately, as we have seen too often already from this new Prime Minister, Prime Minister Morrison has already dismissed that request out of hand.</para>
<para>ABC alumni have called for a thorough, bipartisan parliamentary inquiry before any new appointments are made to the board to assess how well the current appointment system is working and whether changes are required. Minister Fifield has shown that he simply can't be trusted to respect the spirit of the law in the ABC Act or to follow the nomination panel process. It's clear: he will stop at nothing to damage the ABC with budget cuts and meddlesome bills, inquiries and complaints. Labor has no confidence in this conflicted minister, and Prime Minister Morrison must move him out of the communications portfolio without delay. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>151</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>151</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>151</page.no>
        <type>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>151</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>151</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Membership</title>
          <page.no>151</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The President has received letters requesting changes in the membership of committees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be discharged from and appointed to committees as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Fair Dinkum Power—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senators Hanson-Young and Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Di Natale, Faruqi, McKim, Siewert, Steele-John, Waters and Whish-Wilson</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Substitute member: Senator Fierravanti-Wells to replace Senator Molan for the committee's inquiry into discrimination by faith-based educational institutions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating member: Senator Molan</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>152</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Khashoggi, Mr Jamal</title>
          <page.no>152</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On 2 October, Jamal Khashoggi, a citizen of Saudi Arabia, walked into its Istanbul consulate to obtain a simple marriage document while his wife waited outside. What happened next has shocked the world. Khashoggi would never return. Six weeks later, we now know that he was murdered brutally in the consulate in what was a premeditated event. The details of his death have yet to be confirmed, but all reports agree that he was tortured and his body has yet to be located. Horrific rumours abound. We are living in extraordinary times. The norms and values that underpin international peace, security and prosperity are being eroded. As Bill Shorten said in his recent speech at the Lowy Institute:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The international order in which Australia has operated since the Second World War is being disrupted.</para></quote>
<para>The effect of this disruption is becoming increasingly clear. Khashoggi's murder could only have been sanctioned by individuals who calculated their actions would be met with impunity. Indeed, in the immediate aftermath of the event, incorrect claims were made by Saudi officials that the consulate was sovereign, connoting immunity from prosecution and echoing nationalist rhetoric that has now unfortunately become an all-too-familiar excuse for abdicating moral and legal responsibility.</para>
<para>But international law is clear. Khashoggi's murder occurred on Turkish soil, and Turkish law applies. Of great concern, however, is the reason Khashoggi was targeted in the first place—for exercising the right to freedom of speech, a right guaranteed under every human rights treaty. Across the world, freedom of speech and, importantly, freedom of the press are deteriorating. Very few bright spots remain. According to Freedom House, only 13 per cent of the world's population enjoys a free press, and, as <inline font-style="italic">The Economist</inline> recently observed, it is becoming a luxury limited only to Western states. It is axiomatic that, in the absence of an unfettered press, democracy dies and corruption flourishes, and, right now, there are perhaps no regions more hostile to the transparent press than the Middle East and North Africa. Indeed, Freedom House observes that only Israel has something close to resembling a free press, while Iran and Syria are among the world's 10 most restrictive countries on press freedoms. Across the region, the Arab Spring brought freedom to very few countries. Tunisia is perhaps a stand-out. Australians watched with anger and despair in 2014 as one of our own very fine journalists, Peter Greste, along with his Al Jazeera colleagues, was arrested and jailed in Egypt. I acknowledge the efforts of our diplomats and the former foreign minister, Julie Bishop, in securing Peter's release.</para>
<para>Khashoggi's demise is the clearest example yet of the lengths to which some regimes will go to silence freedom of speech. Khashoggi was a veteran Saudi journalist and a former government adviser. After becoming critical of the government and seeing what was happening to his counterparts who expressed criticism, he fled to the United States and lived there in exile. He was a columnist at <inline font-style="italic">The Washington Post</inline>, writing, as its editorial page editor, Fred Hiatt, said, 'out of a sense of love for his country and deep faith in human dignity and freedom'. In what would become his final column, released posthumously, Khashoggi highlighted that the Arab world suffers from poverty, mismanagement and poor education. His articles pleaded for improvements in human rights, for peace in Yemen, for the end of political meddling and corruption across the Arab world, and for women's rights. These pleas of course are not confined to the Arab world. Human rights, democratic values and civil rights are being devalued worldwide. Recently, the United States withdrew altogether from the United Nations peak human rights body, the Human Rights Council. Even here in Australia we all are aware that more can be done to progress human rights.</para>
<para>But Khashoggi's murder has brought human rights back to the forefront of international relations. Condemnation from many in the international community has been swift, but it is only the starting point. Protecting and upholding human rights must be a priority. A United Nations investigation is necessary and those responsible for this heinous act must be brought to justice. That is why I am pleased to learn that Turkey has now called for an international investigation into the killing of Jamal Khashoggi. This was a level of treachery the world has been rightly shocked by. It involved extrajudicial torture, murder and forced disappearance.</para>
<para>Australia and the international community must be unequivocal that such brazen acts, indeed any derogation of human rights, will never, ever be tolerated.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>ParentsNext Program</title>
          <page.no>153</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the ParentsNext program and the negative impact it is having on single parents, of whom we know the majority are single mothers. The ParentsNext program claims to assist parents to plan and prepare for employment by the time their children go to school. What started as a two-year trial commenced rolling out more broadly across the country to all non-remote areas on 2 July this year, affecting any single parent, mostly women, who has been receiving parenting payment for at least six months, has a child under six and has not been receiving income from employment in the last six months. In addition, parents are within scope of the intensive stream if they are an early school leaver, where their youngest child is at least six months old; are highly disadvantaged, where their youngest child is at least six months old; or they have a youngest child aged five years of age. A parent is within scope of the targeted stream if they are also an early school leaver, where their youngest child is at least one; is highly disadvantaged, where their youngest child is at least three; or is from a jobless family, where their youngest child is at least five or they have a youngest child aged five years of age. Basically, any parent receiving parenting payment for more than six months without receiving income from employment will be subject to this stream when their youngest child turns five. Many, though, will be subjected to it much earlier, with two of the three additional criteria for the intensive stream requiring parents to commence when their youngest child is six months old. Even if they have started earning—some of the parents who have contacted me are being caught up—or in fact if they are studying, they are still stuck on ParentsNext.</para>
<para>Once placed on the program, participation is mandatory. Parents are required to meet with their ParentsNext provider and negotiate a participation plan with a case worker, which may see them attending training courses or community groups, or undertaking volunteering. Failure to attend a meeting with your ParentsNext provider, or to attend or undertake the compulsory activities the provider requests of them, places participants at risk of payment suspension. Indeed, during the two-year trial of the program more than 3,500 participants had their payments suspended.</para>
<para>The Department of Jobs and Small Business website gives accounts of a number of participants who have successfully ventured through the program, undertaking volunteering activities, connecting with other parents and commencing study, all with the support of their ParentsNext providers. The Australian Greens support assisting single parents, who are primarily women, into meaningful and productive employment, if that is what is the best option for them. But the experiences of women who have approached me do not paint the rosy picture the department is trying to sell us.</para>
<para>In September I moved to disallow the instrument that puts into effect the eligibility and parameters around the ParentsNext program and its nationwide expansion. The Australian Greens could not support the expansion of a program that is discriminatory towards women, devalues the role of parenting and is overly bureaucratic. Just this week a mother of three young children contacted me, distressed that her payments would be cut, as she could not attend her scheduled ParentsNext provider meeting, which clashed with her son's pre-surgery medical appointment. When she explained the clash to her provider, she was reminded that she was obligated to attend anything that they scheduled or her Centrelink payments would be suspended. Not only does this dismissive and insensitive behaviour unnecessarily contribute to the stresses of being a single mother on income support; it completely undermines the unpaid work of being a mother. Any parent who is facing the stress of their young child requiring surgery should not have to worry about meeting their mandatory participation requirements under a scheme they did not choose to participate in and the threat of their main income source being suspended.</para>
<para>This is no way to assist women to break down barriers to employment and address unemployment. This punishes women for doing the most important work there is—being a mother. Speaking to <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian Australia</inline>, Terese Edwards, the chief executive of the National Council of Single Mothers and their Children, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's offensive that the government believes that … women aren't trying to do what they can to increase the welfare of themselves and their child—</para></quote>
<para>and that the government was now 'blaming women for undertaking unpaid care'. Following our lodgement of the disallowance motion after the expansion of the program had commenced, the government released its evaluation of the two-year trial. From this evaluation it can be gleaned that the level of engagement for participants was directly related to the compulsory nature of the program and the threat of payment suspension. According to reports, participants had been mandatorily required to attend swimming lessons, playgroup sessions and activities such as story time at their library. One woman reported to <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> that she had her payment suspended for failing to attend story time with her child on the day that her child was in kindergarten. This top-down paternalistic program is smothering single mothers and their ability to care for their children. These providers are demanding and unsympathetic, using the threat of a payment suspension to force compliance with a program that is causing significant emotional distress to single parents who are doing it tough.</para>
<para>Many of these single parents are already undertaking training or education to improve their employability yet are still required to negotiate and meet the requirements of a ParentsNext participation plan. These parents are already proactively taking steps voluntarily to become job ready but are being compelled to participate or risk losing their payment. One young mother called my office in absolute tears about the stresses of being on the program while studying law full time as a single parent. Tell me how this is helping this single parent and her children! We've also had other people contacting us about the compulsory nature of the program and having to miss important appointments, because they were unable to negotiate a changed appointment.</para>
<para>If the government looked at the comments on the ParentsNext Facebook page for a few minutes, they could see how this program is negatively affecting single parents. Many are already studying and working, and one noted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have reported income in the last 6 months. I'm working at least 20 hours a week yet I'm still being harassed about the program. I don't need it or want it and I don't fit the eligibility so why do I have to do it?</para></quote>
<para>This program is hurting single parents. It seems to be more about punishing single parents than about helping them. The $350 million in funding which is being spent on this program would be better targeted at early intervention and prevention programs to support parents. This program is ill directed, punishes single parents and is more about control of single mothers—because that's the majority of single parents—than about genuinely offering support. It also significantly undermines the role of parenting.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Victorian State Election</title>
          <page.no>154</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Some months ago, I rose in this place to reflect on the legacy of Dame Enid Lyons, the first woman elected to parliament and a very fierce warrior for the Liberal cause. In the same vein tonight, I rise to reflect on the continuation of that legacy in my home state of Victoria.</para>
<para>As many in the chamber would know, we Victorians are heading to the polls in just nine days now. I believe it's fundamentally important for me to note that, in this election, the Victorian Liberal Party is being represented by a record number of very hardworking, highly talented and truly wonderful women. Aside from the existing members of the Legislative Council and the Legislative Assembly, who are all extraordinarily high-calibre, hardworking and admirable women themselves, we have an additional 20 women standing for the lower house and eight for the upper house in Victoria.</para>
<para>As Senator Reynolds would attest, because she would know, in the Liberal Party we uphold the value of women in the political sphere not as mere tokenism. We're not here for colour and movement; we're here for the public good. We believe in equality of the sexes. It's fundamental to Liberals' DNA, and equality of opportunity should be afforded to both sexes. But, while equal, women also bring unique experiences and perspective to our national debate, and their contributions are valued and, indeed, needed.</para>
<para>I have been extraordinarily honoured to work over the past year with so many of our State candidates. I have given them some encouragement, some advice and a bit of guidance. I don't have time to mention them all by name this evening but I would like to acknowledge their contribution. That said, I would like to note a number of lower house candidates that I've had the pleasure of supporting very closely. Monica Clark is our extraordinary representative for Ivanhoe. Donna Bauer is set to reclaim the seat of Carrum. Freya Fidge is a brilliant fighter for her local community in Geelong. Amanda Millar is our passionate candidate for Macedon. Maree Davenport is taking on Premier Daniel Andrews in the seat of Mulgrave. Katie Allen is an amazing candidate who is running a huge campaign to win Prahran back from the Greens. Cassandra Marr has been fighting tooth and nail in the western suburbs seat of Sunbury. Amy Johnson's endless passion for her community in Wendouree is a wonder to behold. These women have been an encouragement for me personally, and it has been an honour to stand by them as they stand for office. I'd also like to especially thank Moira Deeming, one of our upper house candidates in the Western Metropolitan region. She has been an utterly tireless advocate in that area. She has very small children and has made significant personal sacrifices. She works every single day to build up others and to ensure that Liberal values are real and tangible for all Victorians, not just those in traditionally blue areas.</para>
<para>Regardless of the result next Saturday, these women have all made history. They have paved the way for future generations of women in the Liberal Party. I want them to know that their party is grateful for all that they have done. In light of this, I'd also like to conclude by reflecting on a remark made by Dame Enid Lyons herself in her maiden speech. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I believe, very sincerely, that any woman entering the public arena must be prepared to work as men work; she must justify herself not as a woman, but as a citizen; she must attack the same problems, and be prepared to shoulder the same burdens.</para></quote>
<para>To my sisters in the Victorian Liberal Party who are brave, talented and aspirational: I am so proud of you all. You've worked as hard as your male counterparts—and oftentimes much harder. You have justified yourselves through your intellect and through your passion, and you have fought as fiercely as any of us could have asked you to. I wish you all the very best for next Saturday and I look forward to you all achieving extraordinary success both now and in the future of the Liberal Party.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Media</title>
          <page.no>155</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I again wish to examine how political influence campaigns are being run using multiple Twitter accounts. I recently informed the Senate about the activities of Sleeping Giants Oz, an anonymous, politically motivated Twitter campaign, imported from the US, whose heavy reliance on unverifiable Twitter accounts makes its actual size deceptive. The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters is currently looking at cybermanipulation of elections, including considering the extent to which social media bots may have targeted Australian voters and political discourse in the past; the likely sources of social media manipulation within Australia and internationally; and ways to address the spread of deliberately false news online during elections.</para>
<para>A submission to JSCEM from Digital Industry Group Inc, which includes representatives from Facebook, Twitter and Google, concludes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Fortunately, the experience of DIGI members and the use of their platforms in Australia, to date there is no evidence to suggest that election manipulation has been a widespread problem in Australia as it has been in the U.S.</para></quote>
<para>Similarly a submission from Twitter says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">During the 2016 election, we were not made aware of any activity related to the suppression or interference with the exercise of voting rights in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>These reassurances seem at odds with a recent report in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline> that Twitter accounts linked to the Internet Research Agency, the infamous Russian troll factory, have spread politically charged posts about Australian politics, including the 2016 federal election and last year's same-sex marriage survey.</para>
<para>However, tonight I wish to outline to the Senate how the Australian Labor Party is benefiting from another influence campaign also being conducted via the Twitter sphere. This campaign employs a calculated and malicious strategy of spreading misinformation and political spam via a large web of mainly anonymous but also automated Twitter accounts. These accounts post similar-to-identical pro-Labor, pro-union, anti-coalition content. They primarily engage by retweeting posts from like-minded accounts, creating an echo chamber of reinforcing noise. Twitter is full of anonymous accounts that often exist only to push partisan and frequently toxic debate by interests groups, including fake news. Twitter permits automated retweets and it is easy to make a Twitter bot that will automatically 'favourite' and/or retweet tweets that contain particular words or hashtags.</para>
<para>Many of the accounts to which I refer have tweeted or retweeted hundreds of thousands of times and continue to do so hundreds of times a day, cranking out pro-Labor, anti-coalition messaging on an industrial scale. Often they admit a union connection or Labor viewpoint, together with an eclectic mix of other interests which collectively cover the entire gamut of left-wing concerns. Some accounts run lies and smears against the coalition or needle coalition candidates and parliamentarians while promoting Labor initiatives or running interference for Labor. They are frequently a vehicle for unfounded and defamatory allegations, low-grade research or catalogues of alleged coalition misdeeds which wouldn't be publishable by or rate any interest from the mainstream media. Some recycle media stories which boost Labor or are unflattering to the coalition. For example, @virgotweet, which mainly retweets 80 times a day, recycles old news about alleged coalition scandals and presents it as if new. They typically follow or are followed by a mix of Labor figures and also engage with Twitter feeds of other left-wing organisations. The aim is to discredit the coalition, to promote allies and to distort public opinion by massively amplifying messages which feed into like-minded networks and engage both anonymous and real Twitter users.</para>
<para>These accounts often show signs of direct user engagement via unique tweets and topical comments, which is indicative of their close maintenance and operation. A key account called @Talaolp tweets rather than retweets an unremitting torrent of Labor propaganda. It claims it is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… sharing information about the Liberal Governments, State and Federal, their deception, lies and misinformation to the Australian Public.</para></quote>
<para>Based in Western Australia, @Talaolp has tweeted 230,000 times in the last five years. That's about 125 times a day. Some of its anti-coalition material is scurrilous and intended simply to smear. It typically posts to three other accounts: 'Sir Clyde of Nob' @Nobby15, 'Big Al' @banas51 and 'Mari R' @randlight.</para>
<para>Sir Clyde of Nob, supposedly a retired IT specialist also based in Western Australia, has tweeted 790,000 times over the last nine years, an average of 240 times a day. It mostly retweets, but every seventh to eighth engagement, on average, is a personal tweet or comment on a post, showing frequent personal intervention. It retweets TALAOLP extensively and boasts about its Twitter reach, in a recent week receiving over 1,600 mentions, 1,500 likes, almost 400 retweets and 230 replies. Big Al, who describes himself as a 'lefty' and a 'hard worker', has retweeted over 200,000 times in the last four years, an average of 135 a day, namely retweeting a broad fare of left-wing commentary. Mari R, who says she wants Bill for PM, has retweeted almost 450,000 times over the last seven years, an average of 175 times a day.</para>
<para>Another such account is MSM Watchdog, supposedly dedicated to 'Exposing unconscionable attacks on the poor'. This account has tweeted 447,000 times over the last five years, an average of 240 a day, predominantly retweets of predictable anti-coalition and pro-Labor material. But MSM Watchdog was stung into life by my recent speech on Sleeping Giants Oz, claiming that the Liberal Party hates social media because 'they are hopeless at it.' If being good at it means flooding the twittersphere with propaganda up to 100,000 times a year, I'll take that as a compliment. MSM Watchdog retweets far more frequently than Sir Clyde of Nob. Some days it only retweets hundreds of times; other days there are also some personal tweets and comments. Both accounts appear to be operated closely by individual users but are almost totally reliant on retweets as a method of amplification. Who has either the inclination or the resources to, in the main, retweet 240 times a day, year upon year? I suggest that the description of many accounts as being operated by unionists offers a clue.</para>
<para>Another account, 'Old and Cranky', which describes its owner as a 'true believer still looking for the light on the hill'—good luck!—has tweeted 329,000 times in the last four years, an average of 225 a day, of antigovernment messaging. Its last 3,200 engagements are all retweets. Similarly, 'Gold Coast Nurse', which describes its owner as a proud union delegate and member, tweeted 88 times a day in the last five years and has also not tweeted an original thought in its last 3,200 tweets.</para>
<para>What I have described tonight is the Twitter equivalent of a Labor union telephone tree, a Twitter tree, though perhaps a better analogy would be a jungle, and the law of the jungle applies when it comes to its content. An organised union operation backed by Labor volunteers is the most likely source of this influence campaign, but the anonymity of accounts means we can't be sure exactly who they are. These accounts were active during the 2016 election. They're in full swing and, unless checked, will be active during the next election. Twitter's submission to JSCEM claims:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We focus on developing machine learning tools that identify and act on networks of spammy or automated accounts automatically by tracking account behaviour. This lets us tackle attempts to manipulate conversations on Twitter at scale, across languages, and different time zones.</para></quote>
<para>I submit that Twitter is on a steep learning curve and still has a long way to go, and I would suggest it review the activities of the accounts to which I have referred as well as many other high-volume accounts like 'Wowbagger' and 'Fair Dinkum Troublemaker'.</para>
<para>As we approach the next election, we need to be aware that political interest groups as well as potential state actors are trying to amplify their messaging and distort debate, including by disseminating fake news using social media platforms. In relation to state actors, I again note that a US intelligence report assessed that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Moscow will apply lessons learned from its Putin-ordered campaign aimed at the US presidential election to future influence efforts worldwide, including against US allies and their election processes.</para></quote>
<para>Clearly, there is much to be on guard about as we approach the next election. I will be forwarding this speech to JSCEM as I believe it adds qualitative material.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Marriage, Gender Equality</title>
          <page.no>156</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>A year ago today, Australia celebrated that we as a community had voted yes to marriage equality. It was a huge celebration because it was getting rid of the biggest state-sanctioned discrimination against LGBTIQ+ people in this country. In the year that's passed, we have seen that the sun has kept shining; the sky has not fallen in. In fact, all that's happened is that some 5,000 couples—some 10,000 people that love each other—have been able to get married. We had a celebration here in the Senate courtyard today to celebrate this year of people who loved each other being able to getting married. It was not to celebrate the way that we achieved that. Today is a day to celebrate that resounding statement of Australians' support for marriage equality; it was to note the fact that the resounding vote for marriage equality was the beginning of the legislative process that finally ended with marriage equality being legislated in this parliament on 6 December last year.</para>
<para>Our celebrations today, and our huge celebrations a year ago, were of the fact that, yes, marriage equality is something that the Australian community wants. But the hoops we had to go through to achieve that are not to be celebrated. The postal survey which was imposed was harmful to LGBTIQ people. It was expensive. It was unnecessary. It did massive harm to the LGBTIQ community, and there were repercussions in terms of mental health. In fact, the trauma that people faced in having their human rights put to a public vote is something that some people are still going through today. There are people who did not make it—who, because of the vilification and the persecution and the attacks upon them and their very identity, took their own lives over the last year. They are consequences of our community being put through that public vote on our human rights. So, yes, we achieved marriage equality, but achieving it through the postal survey was not the way it should have been done.</para>
<para>The silver lining is that we did have that resounding show of support from the Australian community—in spite of this government. This government claims it achieved marriage equality. No, marriage equality was achieved by the Australian community in spite of this government, in spite of all the hurdles that were put in the way. It was achieved by our community. It's something that is a huge achievement and probably the biggest achievement yet in my time in this Senate.</para>
<para>A year on, the other thing that we can reflect upon is that, like most social change achievements, the journey is not finished. We achieved the huge social change of marriage equality for LGBTI people, but there is discrimination that still needs to be tackled. We have made many steps forward, but there are many things still to be done. In particular, the ongoing vilification of transgender people is something that this parliament needs to address. We need to make sure that that is not allowed to continue.</para>
<para>The inquiry that we have initiated this week, a short inquiry into ending discrimination in schools, is a case in point of the level of discrimination that is still in our community. Religious schools have still got the ability to expel students who are same-sex attracted, transgender or gender diverse; and they've still got the ability to fire teachers who are same-sex attracted, transgender or gender diverse. Transgender people are still being vilified in our community. Their whole identity is being challenged. There are still assertions in the community that biological sex equals gender, which is absolutely not the case and which strikes at the heart of transgender people's complete identity.</para>
<para>I am hopeful, with the level of support that was shown for the LGBTI community by the Australian community a year ago, that we can harness that level of support again. I know that support is there. We know that, when it comes to discrimination in schools, three-quarters of those in Australian society want to end those harmful exemptions in our antidiscrimination laws. They do not think that it's appropriate that same-sex-attracted or gender-diverse young people should be able to be expelled from schools or that same-sex-attracted and gender-diverse teachers should be fired. So, a year on, I think we need to take stock and to recognise how far we have come, yes, but also how far we've still got to go.</para>
<para>As part of the preparations for putting together the case on how discrimination in schools is still real and still harmful, I have put a call out to people to share with me their stories about the discrimination that is ongoing in schools. I wanted to share with you the story that a woman, Genevieve, shared with me yesterday on my Facebook page, and her experience. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I am a 51yo transwoman who was effectively forced into resignation by a Catholic Diocese. This happened in July 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In Dec 2017 I asked for support to stay in my job as I transition. I was placed on paid leave immediately, I was excluded from teaching, and it was announced at my school that I had left, and would never return.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I was repeatedly told that I was contrary to church teaching, yet no detail was ever offered. As far as I know, there is no defensible theology against trans people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I was eventually told that I would not be returning to the classroom, and that I would not be welcome in ANY school in the entire Diocese.</para></quote>
<para>She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I remained a supportive believer, but religious exemptions to anti-discrimination law were used to pressure me into resigning.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">My resignation was accepted, and some payout was made,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What I am now faced with is that I am a 51yo woman with 5 dependents looking for a job that is completely different. It's now November and I haven't even had one interview.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am now terrified that my savings will disappear and my chance of ever getting gender confirming surgery will disappear as well.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I firmly believe that a religious exemption was used against me when in fact I simply disturbed their conservative sensibilities.</para></quote>
<para>So, as we celebrate achieving marriage equality a year ago today, I think Genevieve's story tells us about the challenges that still lie ahead and the discrimination that is still out there against LBGTI people and particularly transgender, gender-diverse and non-binary people.</para>
<para>So I call upon everyone, as they are celebrating marriage equality and recognising that huge achievement, to vow to work together to get rid of all discrimination in Australian society against LBGTI people. We can achieve it in schools. We can achieve it this year. As the Prime Minister himself said, it's urgent that we end discrimination in schools against students. In fact, the legislation that we have been debating here in this parliament, our Greens private senator's bill, showed how we can easily change our laws to end discrimination against students and against teachers. That's what we need to do, because there is still hurt. There is still pain. There is still suffering from the unfair discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people in our community, and we need to work together to harness the community's support to end all of that discrimination once and for all.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 19:33</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>158</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>158</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>