
<hansard version="2.2" noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd">
  <session.header>
    <date>2018-06-19</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>6</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
      <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
        <p class="HPS-SODJobDate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Tuesday, 19 June 2018</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Scott Ryan)</span> took the chair at 12:00, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Line" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Line"> </span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse Bill 2018, National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <p>
              <a href="r6101" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6102" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last night, we were finishing up the issue of 'funder of last resort'. Can the minister provide any further information around the issue of defunct organisations, where the government isn't equally responsible? Has there been any further clarification overnight of how the 93 per cent figure was arrived at? Is there any confirmation of whether those survivors that were in one of those defunct institutions will or won't be covered?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that the figure that's been used by the minister is a derived figure. I refer you to a document entitled <inline font-style="italic">Final information update: during our five-year inquiry</inline>. I'm not sure, Senator Siewert, if you have that document. In that document, there's a chart headed 'Proportion of survivors who told us they were abused in a religious institution'. When you look at that chart, you can see a breakdown, and I am advised that that chart assisted the minister and informed him in relation to that figure.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Not all survivors were abused in religious institutions and, in fact, I think it's likely that some of the survivors in defunct institutions will actually be in non-religious institutions. That's why I want to pursue this a bit further, to find out for those beyond non-religious institutions. I tried to ask this last night: are those survivors that were in defunct institutions, where the government doesn't have responsibility, not going to have access to redress?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, it goes to the point that I was making yesterday evening. Until someone makes an application—let me just assume for a moment they say 'organisation X', and we don't know if organisation X is genuinely defunct. It's possible that organisation X may have transferred some of its property. It may be that there is a corporate structure associated with institution X that requires delving into with an examination. That was the point that I was making yesterday evening, Senator Siewert. I know the point that you're trying to make and I'm trying to assist you, but unless somebody comes out and says, 'This is my claim against this particular—'</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Pratt</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You just don't want to fess up as to whether you're prepared to be a funder of last resort or not.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt, I'll take that interjection. You have to have an application by somebody to be able to ascertain the legal framework of that particular organisation. It's a pretty simple concept.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do understand what the minister is saying in terms of an application. I'm trying to get to the principle here, which is what Senator Pratt was just referring to. Under these provisions—because of the way the national bill has been reworded and because there's no participating government that is equally responsible if people were abused in an organisation that is defunct—there is a bottom line which means that there are potentially survivors who will not be able to access redress because there is no ultimate funder of last resort. That's what I'm trying to articulate, and to find out from government if that is a correct understanding, whether or not someone's applied. Surely, in drafting this bill, you had that concept in mind. What happens when there is a defunct organisation, so there are no corporate responsibilities? It has disappeared. And I admit that it is probably more likely to be non-religious institutions—there could be some religious institutions—where there is no equally responsible participating government. Is that a fact or not? It seems to me that this must have come up in your negotiations with the states and when you were considering this legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, perhaps I can assist you in this way. I'm advised that the funder-of-last-resort policy must necessarily have some limitations; otherwise, it may act as a disincentive for financially viable institutions to opt in to the scheme. Importantly, the scheme's legislation facilitates non-government institutions, where they operate as an umbrella organisation, taking responsibility for defunct institutions that fall under that umbrella. In many cases it is more appropriate for these institutions to take responsibility for their defunct institutions than it would be for governments to step in as a funder of last resort. The policy is also intended to prevent non-government institutions from potentially exaggerating the state of their finances in order to have government step in. The policy provides governments with some degree of certainty as to the funder-of-last-resort liability.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>So basically it is the case that government does not want to be the ultimate funder of last resort, for those reasons. But, as I understand it and as survivors understand it—because survivors have been raising this with us—it is the case that people from a defunct organisation, where there is no longer an organisation, will not be able to access redress, because the government is scared of those messages and has not the wit to find other ways to put in this legislation to stop that happening and to make sure those people who were abused in defunct organisations do actually receive redress. That is the fact, isn't it?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, I've just advised you what I am instructed is the position. Yesterday evening I also canvassed the situations of governments being funders of last resort. I'm happy to repeat what I said yesterday evening: that funder-of-last-resort arrangements will apply where a government has equal responsibility with a defunct non-government institution for the abuse of a child. The relevant government will therefore pay the non-government institution's share of redress. If a survivor is abused in an institution that exists but has simply chosen not to participate in the scheme, governments will not be a funder of last resort. This approach is necessary to ensure that non-government institutions, where they have the capacity to participate in the scheme, are not disincentivised from doing so. I think my two statements provide you with the appropriate ambit to answer the question that you asked.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>They do actually answer my question, and that answer is: there are some people who don't have access to redress because they were in defunct organisations. I wasn't asking about where organisations refused to opt in. We did discuss opt-in institutions yesterday, but the fact is some survivors will not be able to access redress because the government isn't prepared to act as the funder of last resort where there are defunct organisations.</para>
<para>I want to move on to issues related to people in jail, unable to apply for redress. The provisions are subject to the discretion of the operator. The operator may determine that there are exceptional circumstances justifying the application being made. Can you outline what are classed as exceptional circumstances?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On what I just read out earlier: as I said, there are parameters for governments to be funders of last resort. Can I just reiterate to you that, until somebody puts in an application—</para>
<para>The CHAIR: There is a point of order. Minister, resume your seat. Senator Pratt?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Pratt</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If the minister had listened to Senator Siewert's questions, they were about incarceration and not about funders of last resort. I appreciate you were busy talking to your advisers, but I just might draw the minister's attention to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, I was seeking to clarify what you'd said before—so thank you, Senator Pratt! Senator Siewert, could you kindly just repeat what you asked? I'm trying to answer and address your question. Puerile interjections from Senator Pratt are not going to assist the situation at this point.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Senator Siewert, are you seeking the call?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. To be fair, I did end my comments on last-resort funding before I asked my question. I will acknowledge that. My question was about the rules around exceptional circumstances for those in jail. The position in the legislation is that people in jail are unable to apply for redress but the operator has the ability to determine, in exceptional circumstances, if they can. I'm asking: what are those exceptional circumstances for people in jail to be able to apply?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>People with a criminal conviction or who are serving time for a crime will be able to apply. Their eligibility will be assessed on a case-by-case basis by the scheme operator, and each case will be under the advice of the relevant Attorney-General.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was asking: what are the exceptional circumstances? I'm asking particularly around those who are in jail.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Issues like health or whether that person is unlikely to get out of jail—these are the sorts of circumstances that will be taken into account.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What sort of process will be in place to enable people in jail to be able to do that?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that, when they apply, their circumstances will be considered. If their circumstances are about health or they are unlikely to get out—that's the sort of consideration that will be given. If there are other circumstances, then I'm advised that it will be a matter for the relevant Attorney-General to advise the scheme operator.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have had the process explained to us during estimates—the process that will occur for those who have had a serious conviction, as opposed to those who are currently in jail. Will that same process of advice from the attorney-generals from each state be sought for those in jail as well? In effect, will the same process operate for both those with a serious conviction and those who are currently in jail?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In terms of that process, there were arguments put forward that those in jail would be unable to get the direct personal response or the counselling and support services while they're in jail. Do those arguments still hold, or is it being considered that some people in jail would be able to get those parts of the whole redress scheme?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that each state will have to decide how it makes available or provides for those services in the jails, given that the jails are in the jurisdiction of each of those states.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is this something that is going to be covered by the rules, and will there be an agreement with the states about how each state is going to operate it agreed up-front, so that it's not determined on a case-by-case basis how somebody will receive a direct response and/or counselling and support services?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised it will be in the intergovernmental agreement.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am going to try to do this as quickly as possible, but these are the sorts of things that we want to understand about the way the scheme is going to operate. So it'll be in the intergovernmental agreement. Each state will then have prescribed a process under which this will happen if somebody applies and is, in fact, found eligible. That will all be agreed up-front, and will people be able to see those intergovernmental agreements?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've been asked if I could take that one on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does that mean that it's going to take too long to explain it to me or that this hasn't been agreed yet?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that it's a detailed answer, and not all the states have agreed in relation to that, so that's why I'm advised it's best taken on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. That does answer my question. It's a work in progress. While we are talking about questions on notice, you took on notice quite a few yesterday. Are we able to agree, in the chamber, to a date when we will get those answers back? I'm not accusing you of sending it off to the never-never, but I just want to ensure that doesn't happen.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can help you by Friday.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That would be very much appreciated, thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is that a positive thank you?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>A positive thank you? Yes, I'm very sincere when I say 'thank you'. I do have some more questions. Could I move on to applications that can't be made in the final 12 months of the scheme? I note that this provision is, again, subject to the discretion of the operator, and that the operator may determine that there are exceptional circumstances justifying the application being made. Could you outline what would constitute these exceptional circumstances, because, in effect, this takes it to being a nine-year scheme rather than a 10-year scheme, other than under exceptional circumstances?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that that's a complex answer. I can provide more information on notice and that will form part of the information that we can provide by Friday. But I would go back to the comment that I made yesterday evening that the bill does include two reviews and an annual report to parliament on the scheme.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure how that relates to the question I just asked you in terms of, in the last 12 months people can't apply. Do I then take from your answer that that might change under the reviews? Sorry if I'm missing something here.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Insofar as those reviews may provide information, other information may come to light in relation to the scheme and, therefore, it ensures that those issues that are identified can be addressed as part of that review process.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for taking it on notice. Could you also take, as part of that on-notice question, whether exceptional circumstances will be outlined in the rules, please?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. I'll do that, thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:2</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to go back to the question that I was addressing a bit earlier that you took on notice. I had talked about those in jail and those who have a serious conviction. For those with a serious conviction, the process is more articulated in the legislation. Where are the provisions articulated regarding those in jail, to make it the same? We don't take that from the reading of the legislation, sorry.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's in the rules.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There's more detail in the legislation around serious criminal convictions than there is around those in jail. They're treated a bit differently. Doesn't that mean that the issues around those in jail are more subject to disallowable instruments and change in the rules?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised, no. Those provisions were not able to be accommodated in the legislation due to time.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm still struggling, sorry, with your answer, going back to the 12 months of the scheme. I'm still struggling with how that's going to be addressed in the reviews. It's a fairly simple fact that the legislation says that it's only under exceptional circumstances, that somebody seeking redress in that last year can only do it through exceptional circumstances. I'm struggling with the answer to: 'What are the exceptional circumstances?' and the answer on the review, because it's the exceptional circumstances that I'm after there. I do appreciate the fact that you've suggested there may be a change to people being able to seek redress in that last year.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm told that on the review, as part of that process, exceptional circumstances can be identified and parameters of exceptional circumstances can be determined. Again, it goes back to the point that I made earlier about the importance of when an application is made and, then, examining the circumstances of that particular application.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Basically, what you're saying is we can look at all the information, through the reviews, in the run-up to that final year to determine the exceptional circumstances.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think your question goes to the interaction of the reviews and also, basically, that last year of the legislation. The point I'm seeking to make is that it may be that, in some cases, those exceptional circumstances will not arise or will not come to the fore for a period of time; therefore, it goes to the point I was making before. As the scheme progresses, it's likely that we will see the numbers as they come through and, at least, have an assessment of what those numbers are and, if I can put it—numbers, review, people becoming more aware. They all lead to a point where, it's our hope, all those people who need to be covered will be covered. Do you see where I'm going, Senator?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's good to understand the thinking and the process there; thank you, Minister. I have a question or two around direct personal response. Under the previous Commonwealth bill, a note to clause 50(1) provided for a consequence if a participating institution did not comply with the request of a survivor for a direct personal response—that is, the operator had to include details about the noncompliance in the annual report on the scheme, required under clause 122, which would be presented to the parliament by the minister. This hasn't been included in the national bill. Will it now be included in the rules?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Sorry; is that a clause in this bill?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's not in this bill. The easiest way is for me to ask is: what has happened to the provision in the previous bill where, if a participating institution didn't comply with a request for a direct personal response, there was a requirement for it to be in the annual report? It's not there now, so I can't point to it in the current bill. I'm asking: how will that now be accommodated?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised it's in the instrument.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In which instrument? Or is it in the rules?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm told that there will be an instrument for the direct personal response.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Where I'm coming from there is: is it disallowable or non-disallowable?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My understanding is it's not disallowable.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. I should ask in a way so that I differentiate between rules and other instruments. Is it definitely going to be in that instrument?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's the advice, yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just so that I understand: why was it taken out of the national bill itself and put into the instrument, given that it's a pretty important part of the whole Redress Scheme, in terms of the three components? It's pretty important if a participating institution does not comply with the request for a direct personal response.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised it's to enable states and territories and non-government institutions to work through that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't understand why you would need to take it out of the national bill to allow the states and territories to do that. Either they do it or they don't do it, and there is a consequence if they don't do it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that, by doing it this way, there's a degree of flexibility afforded to it in the event that it does need to be changed as a consequence of negotiations with the states and territories and the non-government institutions.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I appreciate that. But including it in the annual report is surely something that is—either you do it or you don't do it, from the operator's perspective.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that it will be reported on.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>And that's in the instrument. Just to be clear: it will be reported on, and that bit is in the instrument?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, I think if I could give you the outline of that, the technicalities of that—I'll take that on notice and give that to you as part of the package of information taken on notice so we can put the actual, technical answer in for you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay. If you could take it on notice, that would be appreciated. I've got a couple of quite technical questions. I'm going to try them and see how we go. You may need to take them on notice. Under the national bill, if an applicant does not provide additional information requested by the operator within the designated period, the operator is not required to give a determination until the information is provided. Why can the operator not progress the application in the same way they can if an institution does not provide the information requested within the designated period?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised it's in order to not compel survivors. Sorry, let me just seek some clarification on that. Senator Siewert, I'm advised that the legislation provides the parameters in relation to compelling the institutions, but it can't compel survivors. You need the survivors to provide information, or otherwise, for their application to be progressed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>So what you're saying is that, if an institution is not doing the right thing and providing the information, the application will progress, and that's an incentive for them to be compliant. I can understand now what you're saying in terms of a survivor—that you don't want to have that same compulsion. I've already had survivors talk to me about filling in the form and being traumatised, and then having to take a break and maybe not engage for a while. There are potentially some issues where an application could be progressed without that information. So I'm wondering: is there going to be a process where an application could progress to a certain point without that information, and then stop until that information is gained?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Senator Siewert.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. I've got another question now which is similar to the other question that I asked around the direct personal response and noncompliant institutions. Under clause 122 of the Commonwealth bill, the operator has to include details about the noncompliance of institutions in providing information—not just direct personal response but in general—in the annual report on the scheme, which would be presented to the parliament by the minister. This is another area that wasn't included in the national bill. Is that going to be included in an instrument or the rules?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, I'm told that it follows on from some more information that we're going to provide you with on notice. Can I include that on notice as well? I will extend the information to what you just asked as well.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay, but last time you did say it's going to be in an instrument. I appreciate you're taking the rest on notice, but can I just find out whether it's going to be in an instrument or the rules?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've been instructed to just take that on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay. I presume that means it hasn't been decided. Is that a correct assumption?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can't add further to what I said before.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I go to the issue of no minimum payment. We've had some discussion about this, and a number of us mentioned it in our second reading contributions. What are the mechanisms that are in place to ensure that an applicant doesn't receive a really insulting low payment? Is it possible that applicants, for example, could be offered just a couple of hundred bucks? Does the government acknowledge that receiving this kind of offer could in fact be retraumatising to people and the fact that there is no minimum payment could very well retraumatise people?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am advised that that will be in the payment framework, but we can provide you with some more detail on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The payment framework is the framework that people don't get access to—sorry; the guidelines are. Did you just say you'd provide the payment framework on notice?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I should have said 'assessment framework'.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the assessment framework that will be available shortly, how is it going to specify that? There's no minimum payment. We still don't have an answer to the question: will people end up with what some survivors have said to me are insultingly low payments? Could you tell me that without telling me to go to an assessment framework that isn't coming up till after we've voted on this?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am advised that, because it's case by case, I really can't take my response any further than what I've said.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Sorry; this is a really, really important issue to a lot of survivors. Let me go back to fundamentals then. Why was there no minimum payment set so that we wouldn't be in the position that we're in right now, where you can't guarantee that some survivors will not get what people have said to me would be an insultingly low payment that would potentially retraumatise people? The question is: why was there no minimum payment?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think this is probably an appropriate time to remind the chamber of some of the details. I know that senators have raised some points on the detail of this Redress Scheme. I think I need to not only address this point but make it really, really clearly. We have responded many times publicly, but I do want to make clear the position on this point. The royal commission made recommendations to government on elements of the scheme including redress amounts, funder of last resort and counselling. However, the key principle underpinning the royal commission's recommendations was the provision of nationally consistent redress to survivors and that the Commonwealth government had the constitutional power to compel states, territories and non-government institutions to opt into the scheme. This understanding is wrong. The Commonwealth has no power to compel the states and territories or non-government institutions to join any national redress scheme.</para>
<para>So, as a consequence of that, the Commonwealth has had to negotiate all the elements of the scheme, including redress amounts, counselling and implementation. Without such negotiation, there would be no national redress scheme, and survivors would not have the redress which they have waited so long to receive. I think it's really important, because a number of the comments that have been made in this chamber have been premised on the point that basically the Commonwealth has the power to compel. Can I make that very, very clear: the Commonwealth does not have the power to compel the states and territories or non-government institutions to join any scheme. As a result, we, the Commonwealth, have had to negotiate all the elements of the scheme—all the elements of the scheme—including a lot of the detail that you've asked me about. Without such negotiation, we wouldn't have had this National Redress Scheme. It's really important that all senators understand that the Commonwealth does not have the power to compel the states and territories and the non-government institutions.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for the history lesson! Did the Commonwealth talk to the states about a minimum payment for the very reasons that I have just articulated, where a scheme that is supposed to be helping people—and will help people, I should say—will actually end up retraumatising some people because the Commonwealth, the states and the territories and the non-government institutions did not agree on a minimum payment? That's my first question. The next question is: have you talked to the states about how you will address this issue of no minimum payment and what it means to survivors and applicants who get what they describe as an insultingly low payment?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can't add anything further to what I've already said.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>So there was no negotiation with the states? I asked: was the negotiation with the states about putting in place a minimum payment? Should I take the answer to that as no? Surely you can answer whether there were negotiations and you couldn't reach agreement or whether it just was not discussed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, I've canvassed this issue. I refer you to my previous answer. I cannot take it any further.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I take that as: no, you didn't.</para>
<para>Could I seek some clarification, please, around the position on abuse perpetrated by a child, which was canvassed in the DSS submission, No. 1, which says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Rules will exclude from the Scheme any sexual abuse perpetrated by a child, unless the abuse involved physical contact with, or penetration of, another child.</para></quote>
<para>Does this mean that any peer abuse involving physical sexual contact is within the scope of the NRS? The way that response was articulated is a bit confusing, and I'm just trying to clarify that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've been instructed to take that on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I really do appreciate the fact that some of these are complex issues and the government is willing to take questions on notice and provide answers by Friday, but I'm struggling to understand why it can't be clearer in terms of that question. Has that not been determined yet? That is what I'm trying to find out.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Siewert, I've indicated to you that I'll take it on notice. I'm happy to provide that. As we've indicated, we'll be providing these answers by Friday.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. I've got a couple more issues I want to canvass. I indicate that I am genuinely trying to get through these. It would help if I didn't get everything taken on notice. People actually want to hear answers to these questions. I want to ask about the one application rule. If an eligible applicant submits an application involving sexual abuse at two institutions and only one institution is participating, will the applicant be able to access a payment that represents appropriate redress for the abuse at the participating institution and have their application held on file until such a time as another responsible institution opts into the scheme?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. I want to go to some other issues. This scheme only applies to survivors who were sexually abused, although my understanding under the assessment framework is that, if you were sexually abused, other forms of abuse will be taken into account, such as physical abuse.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Presumably, the framework will have a process for addressing that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me say that I understand that the royal commission recommendations were about sexual abuse. It didn't necessarily rule out those survivors who did not suffer sexual abuse but suffered other forms of abuse. This is a question for you, Minister. Is the government considering, or prepared to consider, how to provide support and redress to those survivors of non-sexual physical or mental abuse in another way? I'm not asking about under this scheme. I already know the answer to that. I'm asking if you are prepared to consider or are considering some forms of redress for those survivors.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's a matter for the government, Senator Siewert.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Siewert</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's why I'm asking.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not in a position to answer that question.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could you take it on notice please? I want to ask about indexation and clarify issues around indexation. We've traversed the concerns around indexation. Will that be part of the reviews that are carried out on the scheme?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that the indexation was a recommendation of the royal commission, and it is an acknowledgment of those institutions that did the right thing. It will not be applied for money paid for medical costs or for any money that was not specifically a compensation payment, and anything beyond that is a decision for government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that. You said it's a decision of government. Do you mean a decision of government about whether that would be included in the review? In other words, there's deep concern, which we've canvassed in the debate, around people ending up—it goes back to the minimum payment question—with quite small payments. There's a lot of concern in the community about this. So what I was asking about goes to that fact. Will it be considered in the review? Is your answer, basically, that the government will decide that?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think, clearly, it's a decision of the government at the time of the review.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>So there's no assurance for survivors that at least the issue will be considered in the review? They're concerned about this, really deeply concerned, and now you can't even give them the comfort that at least it will be reviewed in the review process.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have nothing to add to what I said earlier.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On the indexation, in an answer to a question I put on notice, reference No. 3, at estimates about lawyers' fees, in terms of what will be taken into consideration in terms of indexing past payments, part of the department's answer said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If legal fees are specified as a separate component, the legal fees will not be adjusted for inflation and then deducted from the person's redress payment.</para></quote>
<para>So it's just the standard legal fee that was charged at the time that will be taken out?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that there's nothing to add beyond the answer that was provided to you recently by the department.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If there are no legal fees specified, will the department have a process for going back to the applicant to actually try and determine that, because in a lot of cases there will have been a legal fee paid?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised, as I said earlier, that it will not be applied for money paid for medical costs or for any money that was not specifically a compensation payment. I can't add anything further than that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm asking what I thought was a fairly simple question, and that is: if someone just tells you they received a lump sum and doesn't give you a breakdown, will you seek to clarify whether there are expenses in that payment that were not just about compensation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. That's what I wanted to know. I've got one final set of questions around application assistance. We know it's going to be a quite lengthy process. We also know that some people have indicated it could be a retraumatising process. If an applicant wants a psychological assessment done as part of their application, for example, would the scheme fund that? What funding is available for that sort of assistance?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm advised that support will be provided during the application process. Yesterday I addressed this when I responded to a question going to support available for applicants.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can you answer that question, though, on whether they will be able to get that form of assistance?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Insofar as my answer yesterday didn't address your question, we'll take that on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay. I have a couple of other questions for you to take on notice, please. Will there be qualifications and experience requirements for those organisations or people that are providing that form of assistance? Will trauma informed practice be a requirement for agencies providing that assistance? We talked yesterday about existing relationships with therapeutic practices. Will they be able to access those existing relationships for a form of application assistance—does that make sense?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said earlier, we'll take that on notice. In light of the answer that I gave yesterday, anything additional we'll respond to on notice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Some of the therapeutic relationships that people have could well end up being part of the NRS funded network. Some might not be. Could you take on notice whether they have to be part of the relationships that are established for the NRS?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, we will.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. That's the end of my questions.</para>
<para>Bills agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills reported without amendments; report adopted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>11</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Water Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>11</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6112" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Water Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>11</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to put on record that Labor will be supporting the Water Amendment Bill 2018. We understand that this will allow the re-establishment of the Northern Basin Review instrument. When the Labor Party previously supported the disallowance of this instrument, the indication was given by the Hon. Tony Burke that the intention was to enter into good-faith negotiations with the government on a number of issues before revisiting the disallowance. I do note that it was because of our support for the plan that we supported the disallowance motion. In fact, we are the party that delivered the plan. It was Labor that delivered the Murray-Darling plan in government and it is Labor that will fight today to save that plan—the whole plan, the entire plan—for all Australians.</para>
<para>We know that legitimate questions have been posed concerning the content of the Northern Basin Review and, indeed, the SDL adjustment mechanism. We believe that the best way to deal with these concerns is through improved transparency and new auditing and compliance requirements to ensure a healthy working basin. Labor has also been very determined to make sure that decisions about the volumes required to restore the system to health are determined by the Murray-Darling Basin Authority and that they do not, instead, become subjected to daily amendment by political processes. This decision from the Labor Party means that the full Murray-Darling Basin Plan will be back on track with new levels of compliance and transparency. In coming to this decision, we have been mindful of ensuring that all elements of the plan would be properly implemented, that the independence of the Murray-Darling Basin Authority would be preserved and that the demands of the Labor Party, which were put forward in February 2018, would be met. So we are confident that the Basin Plan is back on track, and this is because we received assurances from the government in good-faith negotiations.</para>
<para>As many will know, in the northern basin, you've a much flatter system and a system where, when there's heavy rainfall, it flows, and, each time it flows, much of the water will flow in a slightly different fashion to the way it did the previous time. This is something that's been seen in the southern basin when you get an overbank flow, but, largely, in the southern basin, as we've seen, the water is more predictable. This means there is some degree of uncertainty in the northern basin numbers, and this can have a flow-on effect to the plan and its implementation. But we believe, as the years of data build up, those numbers will always be subjected to new information and the water will continue to flow differently in the north, so we believe that there is a clear need for the northern basin plan review as these numbers must be properly assessed. We have also managed to include something that was not included in the original plan when it was made under Labor back in 2012, and I'm proud of this. For the very first time, there will be a fund for First Nations in the northern and southern basins to acquire water entitlements. To be clear, we think more needs to be done with respect to cultural water, but this is a step in the right direction, and we're pleased that the government has been willing to make it.</para>
<para>It's also pleasing to note the government's plans to establish a Northern Basin Commissioner responsible to the Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources and in consultation with the Minister for the Environment and Energy to oversee the implementation of the Northern Basin Review. The commissioner will report annually on progress on the rollout of toolkit works and measures and other initiatives arising from the northern basin water recovery task force report and this agreement.</para>
<para>We believe that paramount to this agreement is that the plan exists to restore the Murray-Darling Basin to good health. We on the Labor side wholeheartedly believe that having an independent authority is absolutely essential. We know that without an independent authority we will not meaningfully resolve issues with the basin, because we've seen the kind of conflict that happens with competing interests. Labor's decision to support this legislation today means that we firmly believe that the plan is back on track with new levels of compliance and transparency.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to contribute to this debate on the Water Amendment Bill and to put very clearly that the Greens do not support this piece of legislation. We think that it is incredibly irresponsible for the Senate to be even debating, let alone passing, this bill today, particularly when the South Australian royal commission has said that this legislation if it passes will be unlawful, that it is in direct contradiction to what is required under the Murray-Darling Basin Plan and that, indeed, we might end up in the High Court as a result of its passing. So on that assumption I urge both the Labor Party and the Senate crossbench to be very wary of passing this bill today.</para>
<para>This bill is a result of the dirty deal done between the Labor Party and the coalition government, mainly at the behest of the National Party. It's a deal that effectively achieves nothing but cuts to environmental flows. Let's not forget that this legislation is allowing the government to take billions of litres of water out of the environment to hand to big corporate irrigators in the northern basin. Labor has achieved nothing in exchange for its support for this legislation. During the debate on the previous disallowance, after the deal had been announced, we went through all of the things that the Labor Party had suggested they'd achieved. We knew at that time that all of those things had already been put in place. I don't know who was negotiating on the side of the Labor Party but they didn't do a very good job. They've achieved nothing but what the Labor Party perhaps believed at the time to be the resolution of a political problem for them, because of the conflict involving the Victorian Labor Party and the position of the Victorian government.</para>
<para>Labor's cowardice has effectively granted the National Party everything they wanted from the deal. That should be enough to cause suspicion. Let's have a little bit of a recall of the rap sheet of the National Party—part of the coalition here and in charge of the water portfolio under Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Let's have a little bit of a look at what the National Party have achieved since being in charge of the Murray-Darling Basin and look at where all the water is going. We know that the in-laws of the Nationals current federal water minister, Mr Littleproud, are currently being investigated for what's alleged to be the biggest water theft in the Murray-Darling Basin Plan's history. That is fact. That is the truth. The idea that we are now passing a piece of legislation that gives more water to corporate irrigators in the northern basin, while that investigation is underway, is absolutely beyond belief.</para>
<para>We also know that the National Party have been appointing irrigation lobbyists to plum public service jobs in New South Wales—lobbyists like Perin Davey, who was recorded in a backroom conversation with a water bureaucrat, a matter which is currently before ICAC. When the bureaucrat offered her secret departmental documents to help irrigators exploit the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, she said: 'Yeah. That would be fabulous.' Those are just some of the things that have been going on since the Nationals in this place have been in charge of the Murray-Darling Basin.</para>
<para>That puts them as the biggest risk to making sure we have a system that is put back on track. The entire point of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan was to ensure we had a sustainable amount of water for the river, to keep the river alive, to have it flowing right through to the end of the river system, at the end of the Mayo electorate, down at the mouth of the Murray, and to ensure that all of those communities that live throughout the Murray-Darling Basin would have assurance that this river system can survive. Once you start ripping out more water from the environment and saying that big corporate irrigators can keep it, you undermine the plan and the purpose of the plan from the word go.</para>
<para>We often hear about the plan being put at risk and that, if we do what the plan asks for, which is to return water to the river to ensure that the environment gets its fair share, somehow that will put the plan at risk. I can tell you, Mr Acting Deputy President Sterle, it wasn't those of us who are advocating for the environment and ensuring that the river is sustainable who stood up in a pub and boasted that we'd been given the water portfolio just so that we could stop water being taken off irrigators and added to the environment. Of course, that was the former water minister, Mr Barnaby Joyce. His job was to implement the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, and yet he believed that actually his job was to stop it, to undermine the plan—and he did a pretty good job on that. The current water minister, Mr David Littleproud, in his first speech in parliament, said that the balance the Murray-Darling Basin Plan strikes between the environment and irrigation is not fair and that the plan needs to be rewritten. Again, the person in charge of this portfolio is actively undermining the whole purpose of the plan. From his first day in parliament, that is what he said that he would do.</para>
<para>This is a system that desperately needs more water returned from those who have been too greedy, who have taken more than their fair share. It needs to be returned to the river so that everyone has an opportunity to rely on a healthy system into the future. The Nationals have never supported returning the river to a sustainable footing. They've tried, every step of the way, to undermine reform of the system. They are doing the bidding of the big corporate irrigators in the upstream states, and they are unashamed about it. They are absolutely unashamed about it. We had the former Deputy Prime Minister bragging in a pub, and we had the current water minister saying in his first speech that he wanted the rules rewritten. To stand in this place today and to see the Labor Party doing a deal with the Nationals, and with the government, to take even more water out of the system, undermining the plan even further—and its purpose, its objective, which is to help sustain the environment—is just shameful. And it is irresponsible when we know that we might just all end up in court on this because the royal commission in South Australia has said that this Water Amendment Bill may be unlawful.</para>
<para>Let's just have a look at the context of the South Australian royal commission into the Murray-Darling Basin. We now have the government in this place and the Murray-Darling Basin Authority—which is meant to be an independent association—fighting tooth and nail to not have evidence presented to the commission. What are they hiding? What do they not want the Australian people to know? In a time when we've seen corruption, water theft, active undermining of the plan, and rorting of the billions of dollars that have already flown out the door, why on earth would we stand by and allow this government and the authority to say, 'No, we're not going to show up, and we're going to gag our staff from being able to give evidence'? It's gutless, at best, and a total lack of transparency and hiding the truth, at worst. It's contempt for the Australian people and contempt for those South Australians who live at the bottom of the system.</para>
<para>The Murray-Darling Basin Authority are doing everything they can to dodge the royal commission and they have the green light from the Turnbull government. The authority don't want to hand over papers to public scrutiny and they don't want to let their staff or former staff appear before the commission. The Murray-Darling Basin Authority says they are committed to accountability and transparency—and then go to the High Court to avoid having to do it. You can't keep saying you recognise the need for more public scrutiny, while dodging it at every point. You can't seriously claim a commitment to restoring public confidence—which is so desperately needed in this process—when you're using the courts to keep the public in the dark. Remember that the Murray-Darling Basin Authority trying to dodge the royal commission are the same agency that continue to say that they want more transparency, yet they won't bother returning the calls of journalists or senators. They won't bother to hand over documents to show people in this place exactly what the impact of the passage of this bill will be or, indeed, the impact of the amendments to the SDLs that passed this place only a number of weeks ago. They've never been forthcoming with the documents. They don't want the public to know. And now they're using the courts to hide.</para>
<para>You have to wonder why the Murray-Darling Basin Authority need 29 media advisers when they're not prepared to tell the public anything. It sounds like a waste of public money to me. But to deny the state in South Australia transparency into how our state, our residents, our part of the river system, and our communities are being impacted by the Murray-Darling Basin Plan and its implementation is just revolting. It's cowardice, and it's contempt for the people of South Australia because, no matter what the government says, and no matter what the MDBA says, the authority has questions to answer, and genuine questions to answer. David Bell, a water planner who worked for the authority from 2009 until his retirement only last year, said in his submission to the royal commission that he was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… hastily given the task of identifying the key—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">environmental—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">sites in the Basin and to go away for half an hour and come up with an estimate of the SDL—</para></quote>
<para>that is, an estimate of what the sustainable diversion limits should be. That is evidence given to the royal commission. The figure he came up with was around 4,000 gigalitres, based on the best available science. In his submission to the commission, he says that the number was reduced by more than 1,000 gigalitres or 1 trillion litres per year—not because it was the best available science, which is what is required by law; no, it was reduced because, in his view, those, 'responsible for landing the plan politically didn't they think could sell it'. This is the evidence that is being given to the royal commission in South Australia as we speak, and here in this place the government wants us to just tick off on this permanent change, and Labor's rolling over to let it happen. Yet the key bureaucrats who worked on the plan in the beginning said it was fundamentally flawed because of political interference.</para>
<para>South Australia was, of course, bound to lose out when you've got jokers like this pulling the strings. David Bell said he was pressured to come up with a number that everyone could live with except the river. He was pressured to appease hostile states, vested interests and flawed science. Again in this place we see a piece of legislation designed to appease hostile states and vested interests, and it's got nothing to do with the best available science. It's going to do nothing to help save the river for the future.</para>
<para>Mr Bell's original estimate was very similar to the estimate of the CSIRO, which found that anything less than 3,000, which is what we have at the moment, would not preserve the river. It's been condemned to death. Politics has weakened the plan at every step of the way. Every time the plan gets weaker, the river loses and the river's life system gets worse. It's now dying. That is what we're dealing with: a system that is in collapse, dying from the mouth up. South Australia is the canary in the coalmine when it comes to how the Murray-Darling Basin is managed, and we are seeing a river dying right before our eyes. Down at the Lower Lakes and at the Coorong, the mouth of the Murray, dredging has not stopped. The river is still sick. What we're being asked today is to take even more water off the environment so that big corporate irrigators can continue to be greedy.</para>
<para>The royal commission in South Australia is asking questions about this: about the Murray-Darling Basin Authority, about the government, about decisions that have been made and about the undermining of the objectives of the plan to save the river system and to protect the environment. Rather than participating in this process, the government and the MDBA are saying, 'Nope, we'll take you to court so that we can keep our mouths shut, so we can keep the South Australian people and the rest of the nation in the dark.' Our river is dying, and apparently we're not even allowed to ask why.</para>
<para>Billions of taxpayers' money has been spent. Billions has rolled out the door, and yet the river is not recovering. It's not money that is being seen in the communities either. Travel anywhere throughout the Murray-Darling Basin, and you can see that communities are still battling with how they manage to live within an existing industry and with a river that is sick. But there are some people who are getting a good bulk of the money that's rolled out the door, like those that are currently being investigated in Queensland under fraud charges—members who are in-laws of the current water minister. How much money has gone into the pockets of that farm? We're not seeing the water coming down the system. We're not seeing the system recover and—boy, oh boy!—the communities downstream are not seeing it.</para>
<para>In February 2018, the Senate voted to disallow the northern basin amendment. The ultimate effect of the proposed amendment would have been to reduce the amount of surface water required to be recovered for the environment in the northern basin from 390 gigalitres to 320 gigalitres. This in turn would have reduced the total amount of water required to be recovered for the environment under the Basin Plan from 2,750 to 2,680 gigalitres. We now know that because of the deal that was done between the government and Labor, for which Labor really secured nothing more than hollow promises, even more water is going to be taken from the environment's allocation and allowed to be spent by big corporate irrigators in the upstream states. You can't take billions and billions of litres off the environment and think that a sick river is going to cope. It's just not. When we know that the amount of water that was already put aside for the environment under this plan is far less than science asked for—we have now heard that in evidence from the royal commission, from David Bell, the former water planner who worked for the authority—the whole thing is a house of cards and it's crumbling before our eyes.</para>
<para>Over the next couple of hours you'll hear senators in this place stand up and say that you need balance. I wish there were some balance, because all we're seeing is the big corporate irrigators taking more, taking more and taking more, funded by the Australian taxpayer, and apparently we're not even allowed to ask why. The government are covering up evidence being given to the royal commission, they're gagging staff and they're keeping the Australian public and the South Australian public in the dark. This bill is a sham and it should not be allowed to pass.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the second reading of the Water Amendment Bill. In February I spoke on behalf of the ALP in support of the disallowance of Basin Plan Amendment Instrument 2017 (No. 1). At that time I made it clear that Labor were supporting the disallowance, because we would not accept anything less than the delivery of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan in full and on time.</para>
<para>Our decision at that time to vote in support of the disallowance wasn't a position reached lightly. We in the Labor Party know the significance of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan because we are the party that achieved that plan in government. I spoke in February of my experience as water minister at the COAG discussions with former Prime Minister Rudd, where, after 100 years of conflict, basin jurisdictions finally reached agreement on the future of the basin. That meeting came after some 11 weeks of negotiations by governments right across the basin. Signatories agreed to the 47 points in the MOU signed by the Commonwealth and the states. And, as I have previously said, to describe that process as 'taxing' probably doesn't even begin to describe what we had to go through to get all of the states as well as the Commonwealth on board, something the coalition under Malcolm Turnbull as water minister could never achieve. But we did it. We did it as a Labor government, with the support of the states. I'm very proud to have been part of this achievement and I'm proud as water minister to have purchased and returned almost 1,000 gigalitres of water to the river. Perhaps Senator Hanson-Young might consider what a Labor government delivered: 1,000 gigalitres of environmental water.</para>
<para>It gave me firsthand experience in the difficulty of balancing and dealing with the competing interests across the basin. That is an insight shared by Labor shadow minister for the environment and water, Tony Burke, who was the minister in the Gillard government when the plan was finally achieved and legislated, in 2012. That was a historic achievement. We reached agreement with all basin states, delivering a plan to return the equivalent of 3,200 gigalitres to the basin. We are very fortunate in the opposition to have Tony continuing as the shadow minister for environment and water, particularly given his intimate understanding of the Basin Plan and his personal commitment to ensuring its protection and implementation. It's an experience and an approach I wish others had, because frankly it is pretty easy to come into the Senate and lecture senators about what you think the right thing to do is.</para>
<para>We see again today that the Greens intend to move amendments to alter the Basin Plan put in place by the Labor government. We have just endured another series of grandstanding and posturing from Senator Hanson-Young. Let's remember, this is the party that voted against the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, just in the way they voted against the carbon price and sat with Cory Bernardi when the CPRS was voted on.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Hanson-Young interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You wouldn't want to have a plan that actually did something, would you—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Please refer to senators by their appropriate titles.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bernardi—my apologies, Mr Acting Deputy President. You wouldn't want to have a plan that actually did something, because you might have to stop posturing. A thousand gigalitres of water I bought as water minister on behalf of taxpayers, and on behalf of taxpayers you voted against the plan.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, address your comments to the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>People can decide who's grandstanding and posturing, and who actually wants to deliver something. What we see over and over again is too much grandstanding and posturing from the Greens, and too many in the coalition who are not committed to the plan. We in the Labor Party are committed to the plan that we put in place, and in opposition we will do everything we can, as we are doing, to force this government to deliver on the plan, notwithstanding the views of some of those inside the National Party, particularly the former minister. We in the Labor Party understand that grandstanding and posturing might play to some but delivers to none. What we have to do is be responsible and achieve reasoned, well-informed positions that deliver outcomes, and that is approach we will continue to take.</para>
<para>The review of the water recovery targets of the northern basin was always envisaged as part of the final Murray-Darling Basin Plan. We had a range of concerns about the review and about the implementation of the plan more broadly, hence the Labor Party supported the disallowance of the instrument to which I have referred. That was a big thing to do, given this is a plan we put in place in government. The Northern Basin Review came after years of backsliding under the coalition government and particularly under former Deputy Prime Minister Joyce. The review was delivered in the context of extraordinarily serious allegations of water theft and corruption in the northern basin—allegations which, frankly, confirmed the worst fears of South Australians.</para>
<para>These were bad enough, but worse still was the response from the Turnbull government to these allegations. The then Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources, Mr Joyce, responded to the allegations by saying that it was an issue for New South Wales—washing his hands of it. He told irrigators in Shepparton that the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners </inline>report was a plot to steal their water. Not only did he completely fail to act appropriately in response to revelations not just of poor conduct and policy implementation but of corruption and theft in the northern regions of the basin but he also continued to actively undermine the plan. That probably is a demonstration of why it has to be supported. If Mr Joyce thinks it should be actively undermined, it probably does something he doesn't like.</para>
<para>Who could forget his standing up in the House of Representatives and declaring that a key component of the overall package required to deliver the equivalent of 3,200 gigalitres back to the river didn't have a hope in Hades of being delivered? The bloke in charge of delivering it said, 'It doesn't have a hope in Hades of being delivered.' This was the Deputy Prime Minister and minister responsible for the implementation of the Basin Plan, standing up in our parliament and undermining the very legislative instrument he was responsible for delivering. Not only do I blame him; I blame Prime Minister Turnbull, who gave this portfolio to Mr Barnaby Joyce.</para>
<para>The component that the then Deputy Prime Minister, Mr Joyce, was undermining was key to South Australia's agreeing to the plan. It was supported by a funding package of $1.77 billion that Labor delivered in 2012. Labor was not going to see Mr Joyce undermine the plan and risk setting the basin back another century. Frankly, his statements and his attitude are no surprise. This is the same bloke who, during the millennium drought, told South Australians, 'Move to where the water is.' Remember, if Mr Turnbull complains about the problems that Mr Joyce has caused in this portfolio, Mr Turnbull has only himself to blame. He chose to hand the water portfolio to the National Party and in particular to Mr Joyce. That decision was made not in the interest of the Murray Darling Basin, not in the interest of the security of the plan, not in the national interest, but in Mr Turnbull's own narrow personal political interest: 'How do I keep Barnaby onside?'</para>
<para>In the lead-up to the vote on the disallowance Labor made clear what we wanted to see from the Turnbull government to support the northern basin proposal. We made clear we were willing to work with the government and the authority to resolve our concerns and deliver an outcome in the interests of the whole basin. We weren't willing to support its proposal until the government demonstrated it was serious about tackling the allegations of theft and corruption in the basin and, given the statements by the former DPM, we also wanted greater certainty that the full 450 gigalitres of up water would be delivered, which is key to returning the full equivalent of 3,200 gigalitres to the basin.</para>
<para>I did acknowledge in February that Minister Littleproud seemed to be far more interested in dealing with the issues and prepared to clean up the mess left behind by former Deputy Prime Minister Joyce. Negotiations ran up to the vote on the disallowance. Unfortunately, time ran out, but we were confident there was a pathway to get the plan back on track. Negotiations with the government have continued and we have been able to agree on a package which addresses our concerns. In particular, we are pleased that we will see an expression of interest to commence the recovery of the 450 gigalitres and a commitment to link the payments for supply measures with efficiency measures for environmental water. That means that if the full 450 gigalitres isn't being recovered the funding for the 605 gigalitres, the project that states are so keen on, won't be provided. I look forward to the government ensuring that that compliance mechanism and funding pressure, whatever instrument is used to get that funding pressure—I'm looking at the officers here—has some teeth.</para>
<para>Importantly, the New South Wales government has also committed to start the 450 gigalitres process. That is also a step in the right direction. In response to allegations of water theft and corruption, the package includes measures to ensure water purchased by the taxpayer for the environment is delivered to the environment. And the package includes new measures which we hope will go some way to addressing concerns expressed in the community about transparency of modelling underpinning the implementation of the plan.</para>
<para>This package has been agreed with the government and that fact provides some cautious optimism that the plan can get back on track. But it took significant political pressure to bring the government back to the table. Irrigators, scientists and environmentalists across the basin have been campaigning for the government to change course. Communities and their governments have fought to ensure that what they were promised will be delivered. I acknowledge in particular the work of the former Premier of South Australia Jay Weatherill and the whole of his government. Premier Weatherill was a fierce advocate for South Australia and he fought vigorously for a final Murray-Darling Basin Plan which would ensure the health of the River Murray, and it was a fight he continued throughout his time as Premier. Whilst there is insufficient evidence of this so far, I hope that the new Liberal South Australian government will take just as seriously their responsibility to defend South Australia's interests because our state's interests, regardless of which party one belongs to, are best served by ensuring the plan is delivered on time and in full. I can assure the new state government that all of the Labor people in this parliament as well as in the state parliament will be fighting to ensure that they meet their responsibilities.</para>
<para>The Murray-Darling Basin Plan isn't perfect but it is an historic agreement and it is the only agreement in 100 years that has the chance of ensuring the health of the basin. Labor, in government, fought to achieve the plan and, in opposition, we are continuing to fight to ensure it is delivered on time. We want the plan implemented in full, because it is the first time in our nation's history that all of the basin states and the Commonwealth have actually agreed to work together to secure the health of the river. We are committed to protecting the River Murray and we will always fight to ensure the plan is implemented in full and on time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a brief contribution to the debate on the Water Amendment Bill 2018. I'm pleased to see the Assistant Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources is in the chamber to hear my important contribution. This bill reflects a bipartisan agreement which will ultimately facilitate the immediate passage of the Northern Basin Review amendment, which the Senate disallowed on 14 February 2018. Ordinarily, a legislative instrument that has been disallowed must not be introduced within six months after the day of disallowance. This is an important principle. It's reasoned and well considered. It is a principle that Centre Alliance believes should not be circumvented. It is for this reason we will be opposing the bill.</para>
<para>There is no need to expedite this bill. There is no need to usurp section 48 of the Legislation Act 2003. In just under two months the government could reintroduce the Northern Basin Review instrument. This approach would adhere to the well-established principles that we have established in law. While I normally welcome the coalition and Labor sitting down and working out their differences, I'm surprised that Labor's change in position has occurred without any new information being made public. I note that any new amendment under this new bill must be the same in substance as any earlier disallowed amendment and therefore would have already been subject to a consultation process. However, as noted by the committee, the Australia Institute contended that the original Northern Basin Review instrument contained changes that were never subject to public consultation, with the changes included several months after a public consultation process on the instrument had concluded.</para>
<para>When I spoke on the disallowance of the Basin Plan Amendment Instrument, or the Northern Basin Review, I called for the plan to be paused so that the issues raised in the various reviews, including the Matthews review and, of course, the MDBA's own water compliance review, could be addressed and relevant recommendations implemented. No-one, including Labor, can put their hand on their heart and say that all of this has been fixed. While this view, to pause the plan, is not shared by the government and, now, not by Labor, I believe it is the most appropriate course of action in order to reinstate public confidence in the plan. We should not forget we are dealing with a substantial amount of taxpayers' money—more than $10 billion. This is why I have been advocating for a more transparent Basin Plan.</para>
<para>In closing, Centre Alliance will be reviewing the Northern Basin Review instrument when it is re-tabled and will consider any new information that is made public at that time, but, unlike Labor, we won't be making a different decision based on information and circumstances that have not changed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek to speak in respect of the Water Amendment Bill 2018. Labor support the Water Amendment Bill 2018 because we need to get the Murray-Darling Basin Plan back on track.</para>
<para>The basin's sustainable health has always been a priority for Labor. In 1994, the Keating Labor government brokered the COAG agreement that established the framework for the Murray-Darling Basin reform that survives to this very day. In 2007 the Murray-Darling Basin Authority was established, and Senator Penny Wong, as water minister, started to acquire water for environmental use. In 2012 Tony Burke finally achieved what had escaped governments for 100 years, namely an agreement on a plan that prioritised the sustainable health of the entire Murray-Darling Basin system.</para>
<para>The goal of the plan is to deliver a healthy river, and Labor still puts that outcome ahead of politics. We delivered a plan for the recovery of 2,750 gigalitres for the environment and an additional 450 gigalitres of water for the environment from on-farm infrastructure. The plan includes a mechanism to allow 450 gigalitres of water to be added as well as a reduction of up to 650 gigalitres, but only if the health of the environment isn't jeopardised. To test that requirement the plan includes environmental targets that need to be delivered. The 450 gigalitres came with a funding package of $1.77 billion that Labor delivered in 2012. That package is for on-farm water projects that provide the Commonwealth with water and money to remove constraints in the basin to allow the water to get to where it is required. Barnaby Joyce put the 450 gigalitres of water for the environment in doubt. The package of measures Labor recently agreed on with the government overcomes that problem by locking in that 450 gigalitres once again. So the Greens can grandstand, as they have continued to do for the whole period of the debate about the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, but the reality is that the agreement that has been reached is what will enable the plan to be implemented. And let's not forget that they voted with Bob Katter against the plan in 2012—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, would you please refer to members of the other place by their appropriate titles.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not sure what else—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>'Mr Joyce', 'Mr Katter'—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, 'Mr'.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Mr Bob Katter and Ms Hanson-Young voted against the plan in 2012—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young voted against the plan—that's the point I'm trying to make here—as did Mr Katter. They voted against the plan when they had the opportunity to support the plan. And, of course, if they had their way—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Hanson-Young interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator, I know you're up for re-election and you're trying to make an issue—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Please address your comments through the chair, Senator Farrell.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, through you, because I'm sure—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I'd remind Senator Hanson-Young that interjecting is disorderly.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm sure, Acting Deputy President Bernardi, that you know that the only reason Senator Hanson-Young is taking this stand is not to benefit the Murray-Darling, not to benefit irrigators in South Australia and not to benefit the people of South Australia but simply to grandstand, firstly in the lead-up—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Ketter interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, that's right, Senator Ketter—not Katter, but Senator Ketter! She's grandstanding in the lead-up to her preselection. I know that she's beaten Mr Simms; I predicted that, as you might recall, on the night of the state election. She's managed to get the No. 1 spot and now she's grandstanding in the lead-up to the next federal election. But the reality—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Hanson-Young interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Look, if you were trying to save the Coorong, Senator Hanson-Young, you'd be supporting the Labor Party's plan, the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, and supporting what Labor has done to restore the health of the Murray-Darling Basin. And you shouldn't—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Farrell, I recognise that you're building up some momentum but I'd ask you to address your comments through the chair, and I would ask Senator Hanson-Young to cease interjecting. It is disorderly.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Hanson-Young interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll finish on this point in respect of Senator Hanson-Young. She's seeking to use the Murray-Darling Basin for the benefit of her own re-election, not for the benefit of South Australian irrigators and not for the benefit of the community. She did that in 2012 and she's continuing to do it today. If they'd had their way then, we still might not have a plan at all. Not to agree to this bill today would further delay the implementation of the plan—and delay hurts the river.</para>
<para>The agreement we've got includes the checks and balances needed to make sure that the plan gets back on track and that we're making progress towards a sustainable future for the health of the Murray-Darling Basin. The government has committed to the commencement of the recovery of the 450 gigalitres of environmental water through an expression of interest. Payment for the 605 gigalitres of supply projects is linked to the delivery of the 450 gigalitres of water for the environment. If the 450 gigalitres isn't being recovered, then funding for the 605 gigalitres won't be provided. The package is clear that the government will prioritise the removal of constraints, because there's no point in having water for the environment if we can't use it. It is also clear that the key to river health is the ability to move 80,000 megalitres per day across the South Australian border.</para>
<para>There is also a provision to make sure that irrigators can't take environmental water. The <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> report revealed that some people were taking water, both legally and illegally, that was meant for the environment and diverting it instead to irrigation. That has to stop. Labor has ensured that the package agreed with the government includes, firstly, funding for more metering so we know what water is being used; secondly, no meter, no pump rules; thirdly, embargoes on environmental water; and, fourthly, daily extraction limits to protect environmental water. Labor will continue to work to make sure that all basin jurisdictions work together to deliver the plan for the sake of the future health of the river system and future generations of Australians.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to make a contribution in this debate on the Water Amendment Bill 2018. I want to stress at the outset that I don't come with any particular point of view other than that South Australia is pre-eminent in its use of water, its frugal use of water, and its complex and good investment in infrastructure to get exactly the right outcome. That is because we, who are at the end of the river, have learnt through experience that we have to use it well.</para>
<para>My involvement, I suppose, goes back to my membership of the Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Committee. By being on that committee, we had the opportunity to take evidence up and down the river and to participate in additional estimates and a number of inquiries over a number of years about the whole complex area of management of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan. I do have to pay credit to former ministers Senator Wong and Mr Burke with respect to the absolute endeavour they brought to the table to get this plan into government policy and legislation. I know that there are those in the chamber who will never be in government and who will never be charged with making the complex legislation and policy that goes with an enormous endeavour that took over 100 years to come to fruition. But I do say this: everywhere in the Murray-Darling Basin, every community, will have a coherent, consistent position which is evidence based for their community, but the problem is that we are trying to manage the entirety of the system. That is where all of the divergent views and issues come to the fore and that is where someone at the bottom of the river will say, 'You're stealing water from us.'</para>
<para>I find it intriguing and really inconsistent in this current era of technology that we don't have telemetering, that we don't have a really good, hard system of validation of taxpayers' expenditure with respect to the use of water. If we have capitalised water, as we have, it's extremely valuable; it's a tradeable commodity. But, intriguingly, we don't have compliance systems that enforce the observance of profit metering. A community should not have to get into a boat and sail up the river listening for pumps that are operating. You should be able to see that metering on the internet, in real time, live. People should not be in a position where they can take one litre extra of water. The technology is there to ensure that that doesn't happen.</para>
<para>We know that the plan goes from 2012 to 2019, when the hard markers start coming in. We have to start delivering that taxpayer investment in better environmental outcomes for the river. Senator Wong went completely through the performance of the former water minister, which was nothing short of disgraceful. A minister of the Crown was trying to dismantle complex policy that has taken generations to achieve. They were trying to overturn it all, throw it all out, for cheap political stunts in some areas and they were misleading whole communities about what was actually going on in this complex area of government policy. It is, I think, an occasion where people can have shallow political views in a complex area of really good government policy. So, unless we can actually meter, monitor and publicise who is taking the water that they've paid for and not a litre more than they're not entitled to, we will always have these allegations.</para>
<para>The allegations are well publicised. You have to pay credit to the ABC. I know some on the other side don't like the ABC, but the work they've done in this space is exemplary. They have presented factual information about untoward activity in certain areas of this river, which needs to be fixed. It needs to be fixed by the New South Wales regulators and it needs to be monitored by the Murray-Darling Basin Authority. And all of the competent respective authorities up and down the river need to assure the taxpayers that what they're paying for is delivered and no-one is taking a litre of water that they're not entitled to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Gallacher! You will be in continuation upon resumption of debate. It being 2 pm, we'll move to questions without notice.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>19</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax</title>
          <page.no>19</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Regional Development, Territories and Local Government, Senator Scullion. Research into the distribution of the benefit of the Turnbull government's Personal Income Tax Plan reveals that Hinkler, Wide Bay, Lyne and Cowper, all held by Nationals MPs, are amongst the 10 worst-off electorates. What advice has the minister sought about the inequitable distribution of the Turnbull government's income tax plan and its impact on regional development?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One thing I can say: I know that the Nationals representatives in each of those electorates that you mentioned, Senator Ketter, know that their electorates are going to be far better off under a coalition government than they're ever going to be under those on the other side. Some of the questions that will be absolutely central to any decision about who will represent them at the next election will be: 'Who is the best at running the economy? Who provides the best growth for the economy? Who is best placed to ensure that we have jobs into the future, not only for myself but—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Scullion, please resume your seat. Senator Cameron, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is on relevance. The question goes to what advice the minister has sought about the inequitable distribution in National Party seats.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I note that the minister has been speaking for 55 seconds, and he has a minute and five seconds remaining to answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, my apologies. I should have simply rejected the premise of that question, which I do now. The most important thing is not only jobs for those people who are in those electorates right now but that more and more people are thinking about the future. They're thinking about the future of their children. They're wondering if their business will be a business of the future or a victim of those on the other side, who are economically illiterate. I know that everybody who lives in each and every one of those electorates will be saying, 'It is only the coalition that can provide support for businesses, support for partnerships and support for growth and jobs.' There is absolutely no doubt about that. I can tell you that, if you talk to the people in those electorates, they will tell you now—and you can do any polling you like, asking: 'Who do you trust with the economy? Who do you trust with the future of your kids?'—that it is not those on the other side they trust. They trust the coalition, and their trust is well founded.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I will call Senator Ketter when the chamber comes to order. Senator Ketter, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Has the minister been lobbied by Mr Pitt, Mr O'Brien, Dr Gillespie or Mr Hartsuyker about the fact that their communities will receive a disproportionately low share of the benefit from the Turnbull government's Personal Income Tax Plan?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>All of those very fine members, in fact, lobby me all the time about a whole range of issues; I can tell you that. That's what makes them such good members: they're always ensuring that the government understands what the needs of their constituents are. They're always helping the government to understand. It's not only me; I know the whole frontbench here would have heard from those very, very good members. They are constantly saying, 'If we get the economy right, we can get everything else right.' If we don't have a strong economy, we can't make investments in social services, we can't make investments in education and we can't make investments in health. The people in those electorates well understand that, without a strong economy, we cannot make the essential investments for the future of those electorates and, in fact, for the future of our country. That is why they support the economy in the hands of the coalition. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will call Senator Ketter when there's order. Senator Wong! Senator Cormann and Senator Wong! Order, Senator Wong!</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cormann interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senators Cormann and Wong! I did call Senators Cormann and Wong. Senator Ketter, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given that under Labor's bigger, better, fairer income tax cut 72 per cent, or 49,000 people, in Hinkler; 72 per cent, or 53,000 people, in Wide Bay; 72 per cent, or 52,000 people, in Lyne; and 73 per cent, or 60,000 people, in Cowper will be up to $928 better off, will the minister encourage the Prime Minister to adopt Labor's bigger, better and fairer income tax cut in the interests of regional Australia?</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I'll call Senator Scullion to answer the question when there's order.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In all of those electorates and right across Australia, there's one thing that is so well known: you can't trust Labor! You can't trust what they say. They've come up with another spaghetti mix, a goanna's guts, of promises that they don't understand themselves. They're saying, 'Trust us; it's all going to be all right.' Every other time they have let down the Australian people. They have taken a perfectly good economy that's been left by the coalition, and they have broken it. They have broken it again and again. They have broken the economy, and they have broken their promises. The great thing is that, in all the electorates across Australia, they know that Labor can't be trusted generally. But one thing is absolutely for certain: they cannot be trusted with the economy and the fantastic future that the coalition can bring.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>20</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I draw to the attention of honourable senators the presence in the gallery of parliamentary staff from the Inter-Parliamentary Study Program. On behalf of all senators, I wish you a warm welcome to Australia and, in particular, to the Senate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>20</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>20</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Jobs and Innovation, Senator Cash. I wonder: can the minister update the Senate about recent measures in the federal budget to encourage jobs growth in Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Duniam for his question. Senator Duniam, like those of us on this side of the chamber, would know that the Turnbull government's budget continues the coalition's plan for a stronger economy that grows businesses and creates more jobs. It is a fact that, since we were elected in September 2013, in excess of one million new jobs have been created for Australians. That's one million new jobs created for Australians. That's a million more opportunities for aspirational Australian families.</para>
<para>Let's, colleagues, now compare this to the Labor Party. Labor's deputy leader, Tanya Plibersek, has today admitted, colleagues, that she doesn't even understand what the word 'aspiration' means. This is what Tanya Plibersek said to Sky News this morning:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Honestly, this 'aspiration' term—it mystifies me.</para></quote>
<para>That explains a lot about Labor's job-destroying policies. I believe it was Paul Keating who, but a few years ago, said the Labor Party had lost its aspiration. Well, that's because the Labor Party never ever knew what the word actually meant.</para>
<para>On this side of the chamber, the term 'aspiration' does not mystify us. In fact, we positively embrace it. It is at the heart of everything we do. Australians, we are known in this country for our aspiration. Why? Because Australians want to get ahead. They want to get a job. They want to provide for their families. And they want to keep more of their own money by not paying as much tax. There's only one side of government that understands that, and that's the Turnbull government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister for that answer, and I further ask: how are these measures giving Australian businesses the tools to expand and hire more workers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, our government's budget measures are assisting local businesses, particularly in regional Australia, to expand into global markets. Regional Australians are also known for their aspiration. That is why, as a government, we're investing $20 million in the new Export Hubs program. This is all about helping our small businesses in regional Australia. We want them to expand, we want them to become exporters and, ultimately, we want them to create more jobs for Australians. This is all about giving local businesses the information they need about their competitive strengths in order to enter global supply chains. Again, this is all about a government that understands that, if you put in place the right policy framework and you grow our businesses, they employ more Australians, because they're creating more jobs.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Finally, I want to ask: what job opportunities will arise from the government's investment in the space industry?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As colleagues would know, this government is also about creating new industries, and we have announced the creation of Australia's first ever space agency. The global space economy is worth about US$345 billion. Australia currently only has 0.8 per cent of that. We want Australians to get more of a share of the global space economy. It's also estimated that between now and 2030 investing in our space industry will create around 20,000 new jobs for Australians. Again, this is the first time an Australian government has given Australian businesses access to the world's biggest space missions and projects. Again, those of us on this side of the chamber know that, when you create new industries and invest in your businesses, they'll create jobs and employ more Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Cormann. Research into the Turnbull government's personal income tax reveals that the Prime Minister's own electorate of Wentworth will be the biggest winner from the government's tax changes, while the electorates of Braddon and Longman are amongst the 10 worst-off electorates. Can the minister confirm that an average income earner in Wentworth will receive a tax cut nearly three times bigger than an average income earner in either Longman or Braddon?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm sure I answered a question like this yesterday. What that question proves is the Labor Party just doesn't get aspiration. Now, of course, we've got an admission from the highest level of the Labor Party that the Labor Party doesn't get aspiration.</para>
<para>On this side of the chamber, we understand about the aspiration of working families wanting to get ahead. We understand that working families around Australia want to see a stronger economy. They want to see a government that has a plan for stronger growth, more jobs and higher wages, which, of course, we will deliver. I went through these stats yesterday. Somebody earning $30,000 a year will, under our plan, get an 8.3 per cent income tax cut every year for the first four years, while someone on $200,000 a year will get a 0.2 per cent income tax cut every year for the first four years. It stands to reason that if you earn $30,000 you only pay $2,200 worth of tax, whereas, if you earn $200,000, you will pay $67,000 worth of tax.</para>
<para>All of these attempts at class warfare will not get you anywhere, because all Australians want to get ahead. All Australians have an aspiration for their children and grandchildren to do better than they did and to get ahead. They understand that we need to ensure we provide the right incentive for people to get ahead. We need to provide the right reward for effort and the right encouragement to work harder. People don't want to see their kids and grandkids penalised for working harder, which is precisely why we are pursuing our long-term plan for income tax relief for families around Australia: to provide cost-of-living pressure relief for low-income families and also to ensure we address bracket creep and provide the right incentive for all working Australians to get ahead. That is what our side of parliament stands for.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bilyk, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why does the Turnbull government think the only way to help low- and middle-income earners is to give $25 billion a year to big business and high-income earners?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>You know, this is another thing that Labor doesn't understand. Labor doesn't understand that nine out of 10 working Australians work for private sector business, and the future job opportunities, the future job security, the future career prospects and the future wage increases of nine out of 10 working Australians depend on the future success and profitability of the businesses that employ them. Labor wants to stand in the way of lower, globally more competitive business tax rates here in Australia. In doing so, Bill Shorten, as the most socialist, antibusiness Leader of the Opposition in the history of the Commonwealth, is standing up for the best interests of big business in the United States, in the United Kingdom and in France. He is helping big business overseas to take investment and jobs away at the expense of working families in Australia. That is what Bill Shorten is doing. He knows it. He is just playing politics because he thinks it's going to get him into the Lodge.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bilyk, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>NATSEM has said about stage 3 of the government's Personal Income Tax Plan:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It means higher income inequality—the rich get more of the tax cuts than the poor.</para></quote>
<para>How can the government claim that its Personal Income Tax Plan is fair?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can tell you why we can say that our income tax plan is fair. Right now, the top 20 per cent of income earners in Australia pay 61 per cent of income tax revenue generated in Australia. You know what'll happen if we legislate our full seven-year long-term plan in full—if we legislate our full long-term plan for income tax relief for all working Australians? You know what'll happen? The top 20 per cent of income earners in Australia will still pay 61 per cent of all income tax revenue generated. You know what will happen if we don't legislate our plan for income tax relief for hardworking families? Families will go backwards. The Australian Labor Party want Australian families to be poorer. The Australian Labor Party want Australian working families to be poorer. You know that bracket creep is a drag on economic growth. You know that slower economic growth means less opportunity in particular for low-income earners. You know that low-income earners are most exposed to the risk of lower economic growth, yet you are standing in the way of a plan for stronger growth and more jobs, and you should stand condemned for it. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Facilities: Chemical Contamination</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. I refer to the crisis regarding contamination by PFOS chemicals that's been documented in the media over the last week. In my home state of Victoria alone, it's been reported that there are possibly 16 sites where elevated levels of toxic firefighting contamination have been found. Given that, what is the government's plan to undertake a thorough clean-up of this pollution and provide compensation for those who have lost income and value on their property because of the contamination?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Rice for that question. Our priority, as has been documented for some time, in relation to this issue is the health and wellbeing of the affected communities in managing the potential impacts of PFAS on the environment. That is why we are continuing to support local communities affected by PFAS contamination with a new $73.1 million package. We are providing $55.2 million for a drinking water program—and I should acknowledge here that a number of senators in this chamber, and indeed a number of members in the House of Representatives, have strongly represented their communities in this space, including and in particular, of course, Senator Burston in more recent times, which is a matter of public record. So we're providing $55.2 million for a drinking water program. The program has commenced and will continue to support property owners in communities surrounding Army Aviation Centre Oakey and RAAF bases Williamtown, Tindal and Pearce who use bores as their primary source of drinking water. We know that the human body gets rid of PFAS over time, so it is important to focus on reducing exposure by providing alternative water to communities.</para>
<para>We are also providing $17.9 million to the Department of the Environment and Energy as part of our ongoing commitment to respond to PFAS contamination issues, protect the environment and minimise human exposure, including by continuing the work of the PFAS task force. In developing our response, the government has been guided by expert advice on the potential health effects of PFAS. The independent expert health panel's recently released report on PFAS exposure concludes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is no consistent evidence that exposure to PFAS causes adverse human health effects.</para></quote>
<para>Their findings support our approach to responding to PFAS contamination, which focuses on removing exposure pathways, removing sources of contamination and remediating contamination where possible. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Department of Health maintains there is no consistent evidence that the toxins cause 'important' health effects. In contrast, the US EPA has concluded that these chemicals are a human health hazard that can cause immune dysfunction and cancer. Given this, when will the government ratify the United Nations Stockholm convention agreement to ban PFOS chemicals and bring Australia into line with the 171 other countries that have ratified this agreement?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The best available advice in front of the government is consistent with what Senator Rice referenced in her question. That is the advice that we're acting on. If there is anything further that either the Minister for Health or the Minister for the Environment and Energy wants to add to this, I will come back to the chamber.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yet the government, through the study you were talking about, Minister, is admitting that the evidence linking PFAS to negative health effects is not conclusive. Isn't that justification for applying the precautionary principle and offering to buy out residents who want to leave? What will the government say to people if it refuses to buy them out and the four-year study does, in fact, conclude that there are negative health effects and that they have been suffering them for years?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The advice in front of us is that there's no conclusive evidence in relation to the link between PFAS and the health effects that Senator Rice references. We are, of course, taking action. We are taking precautionary steps. We're not going as far as Senator Rice is suggesting because, in all of the circumstances and based on all of the advice in front of us, we don't believe that that would be justified at this point in time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Child Care</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. Will the minister update the Senate on the implementation of the government's new childcare package?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Stoker for her question and her very strong interest in ensuring that Australian families have access to the best possible child care and early childhood education services. One of the benefits of a strong economy, of the Turnbull government's strong economic management, is that we as a government are able to deliver the biggest improvements to childcare support for Australian families in 40 years. From 2 July—in just under two weeks time now—nearly one million Australian families are set to benefit from a better, fairer childcare system in the future. Nearly one million families are set to reap the rewards of an additional $2½ billion in support for childcare services, because we want to make it easier for those families in terms of juggling their household budgets and in terms of meeting their work and family obligations.</para>
<para>We're increasing the subsidy rate—indeed, targeting that increase towards the lowest-income-earning families. Around 370,000 Australian families earning less than around $67,000 will see the rate of the childcare subsidy increase from around 72c in the dollar to 85c in the dollar under our reforms. Other families on medium incomes will also see real benefits. And 85 per cent of all families using the childcare system will no longer be subject to the dreaded annual childcare rebate cap—a cap that currently means that midway through the year many families run out of childcare support and have to pay full-tote odds. Instead, that's being abolished for those families, ensuring that they can work as many hours and days as suits them without childcare costs being an impediment. All up our program is estimated to result in around 230,000 Australians choosing to work or work more, increasing their workforce participation, ensuring that we have a virtuous cycle there. The strong economy is allowing us to make this investment and this investment in a fairer childcare system is going to help underpin a strong economy into the future.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stoker, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister explain how families will benefit under the package?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Based on analysis of many of the families who have registered for the new system to date, they are set to benefit by around $1,300 per child per annum. Indeed, a family that has two children in childcare services is going to be more than $2,600 per annum better off on average under these reforms. And they apply right across Australia. In Senator Stoker's home state of Queensland, nearly 200,000 families are set to benefit. Across the electorate of Longman in Queensland, some 7,100 families are set to benefit. In Tasmania, some 17,700 families will benefit—in the electorate of Braddon, around 3,100. Across my home state of South Australia, some 61,000 families will benefit, including more than 4,700 families in the electorate of Mayo. Each of these families is benefitting because we're making an investment in a better system, a fairer system—one that is possible because of the Turnbull government's strong economic management.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stoker, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What do families need to do in order to benefit from the Turnbull government's new childcare package?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Already more than 900,000 Australian families have registered to receive the new childcare subsidy. I thank those families who've taken that step to update their details, to follow the simple process of doing so. Some 97.5 per cent of providers have completed the transition steps as well. We're working to make sure that each of those providers, one by one, successfully transitions. The transition is proceeding extremely smoothly, but we urge any family who's not yet updated their details to do so—to visit education.gov.au/childcare, to log into their myGov account or to take advantage of the dedicated call lines we've established through Centrelink, which have had far lower take-up rates than anticipated and through which people can get the help required—to ensure that anybody, in addition to the more than 900,000 people who've made the switch today, can receive every cent they're entitled to and the childcare support that will allow their families to choose to work the hours and days that suit them into the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax</title>
          <page.no>24</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Cormann. Treasury has confirmed that the $42 billion stage 3 of the government's Personal Income Tax Plan, which doesn't start for six years, goes to the top 20 per cent of income earners. Given that stage 3 of the government's income tax plan will cost $10.4 billion a year by 2028 and that it grows at 12 per cent a year, can the minister confirm that, over the longer term, stage 3 of the government's tax plan is the most expensive?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What I can confirm is that over the longer term our budget remains in surplus. We inherited a weakening economy, rising unemployment and a rapidly deteriorating budget position. Under our sound economic and fiscal management, economic growth is stronger, employment growth is much stronger and our budget position has been rapidly improving.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I didn't ask about macroeconomic parameters; I asked a very specific question about legislation that is before this chamber, which is the cost of stage 3 of the government's tax plan.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll take that as a point of order. The minister's been speaking for 22 seconds. He has a minute and 38 seconds to continue his answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What I can confirm is that the government's personal income tax relief plan is fully factored into our budget bottom line and that our budget remains in surplus all the way through from 2019-20 to 2028-29. In fact, we exceed a surplus of one per cent as a share of GDP by 2026-27 so that our plan is more than affordable. What I would say to—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order on relevance: the specific question went to whether or not stage 3 of the government's tax plan will cost $10.4 billion a year by 2028, a 12 per cent growth rate per year. Is that true or not? That was the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Carr. The question contained lengthy figures in the preamble. The minister's entitled to address those in his answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Self-evidently, out of $144 billion, a component that costs $44 billion is not the most expensive. That's simple maths. What I would say to the Labor Party is that if you are worried about the third stage taking effect so late in the piece then why don't you go to the next few elections—in opposition, I hope—promising to abolish it? Just get out of the way and let the government get on with its job to implement the plan for jobs and growth that we believe is required for the best opportunity for all Australian families to get ahead, and promise to the Australian people that you will jack up their taxes. You've already admitted to more than $200 billion in higher taxes, which would hurt the economy, hurt families and cost jobs. Just add this to the ledger. Just go to the next few elections and say that you're going to increase taxes on everyone. We already know you're increasing—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cormann! Senator Collins on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Jacinta Collins</name>
    <name.id>GB6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, thank you, Mr President—again, direct relevance. The question is simply this: can the minister confirm that, over the longer term—over the longer term—stage 3 of the government's Personal Income Tax Plan is more expensive? We don't care for the minister's suggestions about what others should do. This is question time, and he should answer questions.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Collins. The minister—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I'll address the point of order when there's silence. Senator Collins, the minister is entitled to address the figures outlined in the first part of the question as well.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr President. In an abundance of openness and transparency—much more openness and transparency than was displayed by the Labor Party when Kevin Rudd and Julia Gillard were in government—we have released figures over the medium term. I tell you: I was trying to get your figures on your resource superprofits tax for months. You kept them hidden. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask if the minister could on notice confirm that, in the longer term, stage 3 is the most expensive. I also ask him this question: why is this government stubbornly holding income tax cuts for low- and middle-income Australians, due to begin this year, hostage to tax cuts for the wealthiest 20 per cent of income earners which don't start for another six years—six years under your own time frame?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Unlike the Labor Party, we have a long-term plan. The Labor Party doesn't understand what a long-term plan is all about. We have a long-term plan for stronger growth, more jobs and higher wages. We have a long-term plan for income tax relief for hardworking families, which prioritises low- and middle-income earners in the first instance and which provides cost-of-living pressure relief for low- and middle-income earners in the first instance but which also provides incentive, reward for effort and encouragement to all working Australians. The Labor Party happens to think that anyone who earns more than $95,000 a year is somebody that is among the undeserving rich, because that is the effect of the policy that you've announced today.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cormann! Senator Cameron on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. The question went to: why is this government holding low-income earners hostage to its so-called long-term tax plan? The minister hasn't gone to that issue.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Quite to the contrary, the question asked why. The minister is addressing the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, I answered that question directly. We're not. We're just putting forward a long-term plan that provides cost-of-living pressure relief for low- and middle-income earners, at the same time as providing the appropriate incentive, reward for effort and encouragement to all working Australians. If Labor is concerned that it will take six years for it to take effect, promise at the next election that you'll get rid of it.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given the overwhelming majority of senators in this place support stage 1 of the government's income tax plan, why won't this government get on with giving low- and middle-income earners their tax cut which starts this year rather than stubbornly holding these cuts hostage to tax cuts that are at least two elections away?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think that Senator Wong is getting rather presumptuous now, because she is assuming what the view of the Senate is. She's making an assumption as to what the view of the Senate is before—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, you know what? We happen to think that it is not prudent for the Liberal-National Party coalition to give a right of veto on economic policy to the Labor Party. We happen to think that the Labor Party doesn't have such a good track record on managing the economy and jobs that we should give you a right of veto over our long-term plan for stronger growth and more jobs. When you lost government in 2013, when Senator Wong—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>was defeated as finance minister in 2013—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Ian Macdonald interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong and Senator Macdonald!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>she left behind a weakening economy—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>rising unemployment, a rapidly deteriorating budget position—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>an unsustainable spending growth trajectory—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong! Senator Wong!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong! Senator Wong! I've called you to order four times, Senator Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, you were completely disorderly, and I called you to order on a number of occasions.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order from Senator Cormann.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong! On a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order, Senator Wong—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cameron interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Jacinta Collins interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron and Senator Collins!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong seems to have missed which side of the chamber she is on. She gets to ask the questions; we get to answer the questions! She was clearly not interested in listening to the answer to the question that she asked.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senators, interjections are always disorderly. I would hope senior members of the Senate would lead by example. Senator Cormann, you have seven seconds to continue your answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was just making the point again that, on this side of the chamber, we are so committed to the future success of Australian families that we would never give the Labor Party a right of veto over our plan for more jobs and higher wages. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>27</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I draw to the attention of honourable senators the presence in the gallery of the Hon. Gabrissa Hartman MP from the Parliament of Nauru. On behalf of all senators, I wish you a warm welcome to Australia and, in particular, to the Senate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>27</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Employment</title>
          <page.no>27</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Subject to popular demand from this side of the chamber, I have a question for the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Senator Scullion. Can the minister update the Senate about how the coalition government's reforms to the Community Development Program will get more Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander jobseekers off welfare and into work?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for the question. This year's budget has been a fantastic win for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, particularly those who are looking for a job to support themselves and their family for the future. Through the Community Development Program, we have been stimulating the remote labour market—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cameron interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cameron!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are moving people from the misery of welfare into the dignity of work.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cameron interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The centrepiece of our reforms is 6,000 real jobs that have been subsidised across remote Australia. This is a direct response to what remote communities have been calling for: real wages for real work. It overturns the decision of those opposite that abandoned CDEP. Subsidies will be available over two years. They will be tapered throughout that period to make sure that the host employers pick up their share over that two-year period. They will ensure that jobs continue long after the subsidy ends.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cameron interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>One of the endless examples of potential jobs in communities is home and community care. I think it's really, really important that the care—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cameron interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, I've called you to order multiple times.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>People keep telling me that they can't find jobs, but let me tell you: there are plenty of job opportunities. There are plenty of people looking for jobs and there are plenty of opportunities, and CDP puts that together. We will include more support to build the capacity of jobseekers so they can move along the pathway to purpose and employment. We also know that the people who live in these communities are themselves best placed to identify the barriers to employment, so we are improving the assessment process so it's done by local people in the local communities, rather than the dodginess of it being done on the phone with Centrelink. This is a very important initiative. This year's tax budget is a win for Indigenous Australians looking to participate in our economy.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Sullivan, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister update the Senate about how the Community Development Program has already resulted in more jobs for remote communities and how these reforms build on this success?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Have you got any contracts?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll take that interjection about 'workers' from those opposite. The fact of the matter is that our reforms have placed jobseekers into 23,500 jobs, and 8,600 of those jobs have been there for over six months. Participation in the program isn't at the woeful six per cent those opposite left us with. It is now, thanks to the coalition, at 73 per cent. This is working because we have listened to communities. They tell us: no work, no pay. The communities have said that at the heart of this is local service delivery. We are supporting 6,000 jobs, award wages, superannuation, leave entitlements. This is coming from the coalition. We are also changing some of the clunky Centrelink interactions. We are increasing the role of local organisations. So it's no surprise that it's working. We asked the communities. They've told the government what they would like to do, and that is exactly what we are delivering.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Sullivan, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister advise the Senate about any other complementary programs to get more Indigenous jobseekers into work?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Since becoming minister the programs in my portfolio have created just over 60,000 jobs. To put that in context: that's around 60 jobs every single day. We are doing this through a suite of new programs that are complementing CDP. Of course, Vocational Training and Employment Centres—VTECs—have ended the Labor cycle of training for training's sake that has plagued Indigenous affairs for decades. It's not only about engaging jobseekers where there is a guaranteed job at the end; it's also providing for a specific role at the end of that.</para>
<para>Providers only actually get paid when they deliver. Providers get paid when the jobseeker has been employed for six months, which has ended that churn of change. If they're employed for six months, 82 per cent of them will be there two years later; that's what the evidence says. The VTECs have created over 7,000 jobs, 70 per cent of those being for the most disadvantaged jobseekers. The best form of welfare is a job and that is exactly what the coalition are going to deliver.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Department of Veterans' Affairs</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Senator Payne, representing the Minister for Veterans' Affairs. On my frequent trips to regional and rural Victoria I also visit the RSLs to talk to vets. Recently, I did a Q&A with 50 veterans in Ballarat and heard some horror stories—not what happened overseas but what happened after they got home. I told them they had to regard the DVA as the enemy, because they treat you as the enemy. Senator, are you aware of a story on the <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> program last night that claimed DVA deliberately deleted an incapacity policy for self-employed vets so that they could deny the compensation claim of veteran Martin Rollins? Has the Minister ordered an investigation into the disgusting treatment of the veteran who had to retire as a paratrooper after damaging his spine?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hinch for his question. I understand that in relation to a number of the claims made on the <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> program last night—I did not see the item myself but I am aware of it—that some of the claims are not entirely accurate. The minister will, obviously, undertake to investigate the claims that have been made and determine which are and which are not accurate. There was an independent investigation made in relation to some of the issues raised which I am advised, at the time, did not find any evidence of impropriety on behalf of the staff. But certainly Veterans' Affairs has acknowledged that some aspects of its client service in that matter could have been managed better. We have, as a government, acknowledged that over time as well. A number of Veterans' Affairs ministers, and I certainly since 2015, have been endeavouring to assist in transition matters in particular, as you would be aware, Senator Hinch, from your interest in this issue.</para>
<para>As part of the independent investigation there were concerns identified in relation to the written responses to correspondence, for example, that said they could certainly have been improved, they could have been more timely and they could have been more sympathetic. A great deal of work has been done within the organisation and within the staff in the organisation to address those sorts of issues and also to address the issues that arise out of the delays with processing claims, and that is a matter which the government has pursued.</para>
<para>I am advised that the Department of Veterans' Affairs itself denies the specific allegation that it removed or cancelled policies to deny veterans their lawful entitlements, and that was one of the aspects which was raised in the program. The particular section of the incapacity handbook that was referred to in the <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> program reflected a policy statement about the treatment of self-employed veterans at a point in time— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Payne, are you aware that over 10 years the DVA engaged three external law firms, the Government Solicitor and a forensic accountant to fight Martin Rollins' claim? How much did it cost the taxpayer to persecute and destroy the quality of life of a man whose only crime was that he served his country?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not aware of the cost to the taxpayer. I will take that part of the question on notice. I don't understand that there was an intention to persecute an individual in any way and certainly not to disrespect the service that a veteran has given to Australia and to the Australian Defence Force. In terms of the other detail in your question I will take that on notice.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you have a final supplementary question, Senator Hinch?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hinch</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, in our campaign to improve question time, I forfeit the supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>29</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. Today is National TAFE Day, which recognises our great TAFE network. Since taking office, the government has cut more than $3 billion from vocational education and government-funded hours delivered through TAFE have dropped by 30 per cent. Will the minister show leadership and join Labor in guaranteeing that at least two-thirds of government funding for vocational education goes to TAFE?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What the Turnbull government has already done is show leadership in the terms we have struck for our Skilling Australians Fund—in the terms we have struck to make sure that no longer, when the federal government hands money over to the states and territories, can they simply then cut an equal amount out of vocational education and training. That's what happened under previous deals that were struck by the Gillard and Rudd Labor governments. You went and did deals with the states and territories to fund vocational education and you provided money, but during those years we saw federal contributions increase and state investment in vocational education and training decrease. There was no net benefit to students, there was no net benefit to TAFE and there was no net benefit at all to vocational education and training. All that happened was that there was a cost shift from state and territory budgets onto the federal budget.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government has taken a far more responsible approach through the Skilling Australians Fund, which we are pleased five jurisdictions have signed up to already—a $1.5 billion fund. We are guaranteeing that every dollar we put in has to be matched by a state and territory dollar, that the cost shift comes to an end and that, when the federal government says there will be real investment in creating more apprenticeship opportunities for more young Australians, that actually is matched by the states and territories—that it results in more apprenticeships and in more investment in, we hope, around 300,000 additional apprenticeship opportunities.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is that I asked a question about TAFE and whether the government will match Labor's promise that two-thirds of government funding for vocational education will go to the TAFE system. That's the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You have restated part of the question. The minister was being directly relevant.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are not going to fall into the trap of Labor's bad policies. Under Labor's bad policies we saw a cost shift happening before—a cost shift which meant that when the federal government provided more money for vocational education and training the states ripped it out. Then we saw under the previous Labor government the disaster that was VET FEE-HELP. Billions of dollars were wasted because the Labor Party never thought that when setting up such a loan scheme it was necessary to have a strong check on who could offer the loans on the courses they offered or on the prices that were charged. The Turnbull government has fixed all of that. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>By 2021, nine out of 10 jobs will require a post-secondary qualification. On National TAFE Day, will the minister support Labor's plan to scrap up-front fees for the 100,000 TAFE students who choose to learn the skills that Australia needs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What I was pleased to see was that in the New South Wales government's budget, which has been announced, they are offering free training for apprenticeships, as a state government should rightly do where they have the opportunity and where they have sound economic management, as the New South Wales coalition government does. That is a state government fulfilling its jurisdictional responsibilities, creating the opportunities that are available. No doubt they see that the investments coming from the Turnbull government from the Skilling Australians Fund helped them to create those opportunities. They are the types of measures that are going to make a great difference in terms of support in that state, in that jurisdiction.</para>
<para>Equally, we're pleased to have seen other states sign up to the Skilling Australians Funds: the ACT and the Northern Territory, South Australia and Tasmania, as well as New South Wales—all of them committed on a pathway to help create more apprenticeship opportunities for more Australians. We hope that, ultimately, everybody will sign to support 300,000 additional apprenticeship opportunities around Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, Labor was joined by business, education, community and union leaders to discuss the future of post-secondary education in this country. Will the government join us in a positive vision for post-secondary education and drop its agenda of cuts to universities, cuts to TAFE and higher fees for Australian students?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has a positive vision for tertiary education in which the taxpayer investment is focused on helping students to get the skills they need for a successful career, to get the jobs they want and aspire to and to ensure that they're trained in areas in which there are jobs and opportunities. That's why, when we set up the VET Student Loans scheme to replace those opposite's failed VET FEE-HELP program, we made sure that loans were available for training in areas where there were real jobs, real outcomes and real opportunities. That is why, in relation to funding for universities, which stands at a record level and continues to grow, we want to ensure that universities also focus on performance, because in recent years, as funding has grown, so too have rates of attrition, so too have noncompletions, and yet student employment or satisfaction rates have dropped in too many instances. We want to ensure that every tertiary education provider focuses on giving training that is job relevant, makes students job ready and helps them get the career they want for Australia's economic future. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Redress Scheme</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Social Services, Senator Fierravanti-Wells. Could the minister please provide an update on the National Redress Scheme?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Brockman for this question. I know that he is very interested in this subject on behalf of Western Australians and all Australians. I thank him for his service as chair of the joint standing committee.</para>
<para>I am pleased to inform the Senate that the Senate has now passed legislation establishing this very important National Redress Scheme. We look forward to the Redress Scheme being truly national, delivering nationally consistent treatment for survivors. In recent weeks, we have seen our state and territory governments agree to join the scheme. I'm pleased that the Northern Territory, South Australia, New South Wales, Victoria, the Australian Capital Territory, Queensland and Tasmania have expressed their commitment to provide redress. The Western Australian government has given a firm commitment to the Commonwealth that Western Australia will join the scheme, and we are hopeful of a public announcement shortly. Importantly, key non-government institutions have also opted in. These include the Catholic Church, the Anglican Church, the Uniting Church, the Salvation Army, the YMCA and the Scouts.</para>
<para>With the passage of the bill through the Senate today, we have taken an important step in delivering a truly national and nationally consistent redress so that no survivors are left in limbo. This is a very good moment for this Senate and this parliament. I thank the Senate for its consideration and passage of this important piece of legislation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brockman, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that answer, Minister. Why is this scheme important to the survivors of institutional child sexual abuse?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This scheme is very important not only because we aim to deliver a nationally consistent redress but because it is tailored to offer valuable assistance to survivors. The Redress Scheme will provide survivors with a payment of up to $150,000. It will provide access to psychological counselling services and, if requested by the survivor, a direct personal acknowledgment and response from the responsible institution to acknowledge the wrongdoing and harm inflicted upon them. In addition, the government will be a establishing community based support services to support survivors during the redress application process, and survivors will also have access to free specialised legal support services. The National Redress Scheme will provide simple and supported redress for survivors.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brockman, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of any other steps being taken to implement the recommendations of the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, the government released its response to the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse. Of the 409 recommendations, 84 deal with redress matters, which the government is addressing through the establishment of the National Redress Scheme. Of the remaining 325 recommendations, 122 are directed wholly or in part to the Australian government, and 104 of these 122 recommendations have been accepted or accepted in principle, with the other 18 noted or requiring further consideration. A national apology to victims and survivors of institutional child sexual abuse will be delivered on 22 October, and a new National Office of Child Safety will be set up in the Department of Social Services from July this year.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minister for Jobs and Innovation</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Jobs and Innovation, Senator Cash. After the Federal Court issued a subpoena requiring the minister to give evidence in relation to her and her office's involvement in leaking information about an AFP raid, the minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have issued instructions for the subpoena to be set aside.</para></quote>
<para>Why is the minister so concerned about giving evidence under oath? What exactly does the minister have to hide?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, you are the one who has questioned me in estimates now for over 40 hours, I think, and you know that everything I have stated is set out on the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record. I have absolutely nothing to hide. This is politically motivated by the AWU. The proceedings are between the AWU and the Registered Organisations Commission, because the AWU did not want to produce the documents to show that donations made by Mr Shorten—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Don't like the answer?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, the point of order is on direct relevance. This goes to the issue of the subpoena and why the minister is refusing to comply with the subpoena. She has been asked why she is so concerned about giving evidence under oath. She ought to answer that question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm listening carefully to the minister's answer to this question. I consider it directly relevant. I also note she has been speaking for only 28 seconds and has just over 1½ minutes remaining to answer.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said, this is politically motivated, nothing more and nothing less. The AWU do not want to produce the documentation to show that the donations were properly authorised.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Attorney-General has now revealed that taxpayers will foot the bill for the minister's application to set aside the subpoena. Who is acting for the minister in relation to this matter, and what is the estimated cost associated with responding to the subpoena?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Joe Ludwig!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And Kevin Rudd. You don't want to go there.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You didn't even hear the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, if you—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You've pulled me up, fair enough, but pull the leader up too.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, I will manage the chamber. There have been a number of questions with interjections around the chamber that I haven't heard.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is abuse of the President.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Macdonald, please remain silent while I'm ruling. Today has been particularly noisy, and it has been difficult to hear questions across the chamber, even from up here.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order: it is lack of courtesy but also against the standing orders that the Leader of the Opposition should continuously argue with you when you are making rulings. I ask you to deal with her as you would deal with any senator. This is not a separate Penny Wong charity event. She needs to perform to the same standards as every other senator should.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have called numerous senators to order today, including senior senators, Senator Macdonald. I was just addressing that issue, and I thought I dealt with it sufficiently just then.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As per the legal services direction—and Senator Wong would know this from her time as a minister—ministers may receive legal assistance when matters arise relating to their duties as a minister. That is what is occurring, and I'm following the process.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is on direct relevance. The question was: who is acting for the minister and what is the estimated cost? It was not a question about the order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, I apologise: I was in consultation with another senator for the 11 seconds of the minister's answer; I will listen carefully to the next 49.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the estimate, I will take that on notice.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Why don't you just be honest?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, Senator Watt is on his feet.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I point out that the minister might also like to take on notice who is acting for the minister. The minister regularly lectures this chamber on the need to speak out against thuggery and intimidation. Last night an elderly woman and a middle-aged man were assaulted in a violent brawl at a Liberal Party meeting, with a witness reporting:</para>
<quote><para class="block">They took him outside and started kicking him. To be honest I thought he was going to die.</para></quote>
<para>Has the minister called out this thuggery?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Watt. I've got Senator Cormann on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order: even with the broadest interpretation of the standing orders, this cannot possibly come within the standing orders as a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, on the point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Let the record show that the Leader of the Government in the Senate does not think thuggery in the Liberal Party should be discussed.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, it's hard to take that as a response to Senator Cormann's point of order. Senator Watt, you've got seven seconds remaining to make the question relevant to the substantive question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Given the minister's very strong interest in thuggery and intimidation in politics and union affairs, has she called out this thuggery in the Liberal Party?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cormann.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I maintain the point of order. This is not a supplementary question consistent with the standing orders.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, on the point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order: the minister's answers in relation to this issue have consistently been to criticise the actions of the trade unions. She has made many statements today, and yesterday, about thuggery and intimidation, which she asserts in relation to one part of politics. This is a question which goes to those statements.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, I am struggling to see how this supplementary question is relevant to the substantive question. What I will do is review the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> and come back to the chamber but, as has been done previously, I will invite the minister to make a statement if she wishes.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think the record would show on numerous occasions that we will call out thuggery whilst those on the other side, whilst they're supported by the CFMEU, embrace it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>32</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That today—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the routine of business from not later than 7 pm shall be government business order of the day no. 3 (Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if a division is called for after 7 pm, the matter before the Senate shall be adjourned until the next day of sitting at a time fixed by the Senate; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Senate shall adjourn without debate after it has completed the second reading of the bill, or at 10.30 pm, or a motion for the adjournment is moved by a minister, whichever is the earlier.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>33</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARSHALL</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by the Minister for Indigenous Affairs (Senator Scullion) and the Minister for Finance (Senator Cormann) to questions without notice asked by Opposition senators today relating to income tax</para></quote>
<para>Today I thought, after the first couple of questions, that we were going to go to an election on tax. We saw the government come in and they were agitated, they were excited, and there was a lot of backslapping and self-congratulating going on. I've never seen a question time in recent times start like that. But, of course, it all came to naught. After a couple of questions, they all started nodding off once again. They all had their heads down in their phones, or wherever they could hide from the answers that were being given to the questions, because they know, just like we know, that the tax system they want to introduce over the next six years is an unfair system. They know that it does not stack up to the proposals that the Labor Party is proposing to put before the Australian people. This will be one of the key battlegrounds in the forthcoming election. As I said, I thought that was going to be sooner rather than later but, no, 'sleepy hollow' started again. I think the election is still some time away.</para>
<para>Today we had Minister Cormann trying to justify the fact that the people in Malcolm Turnbull's electorate of Wentworth will be the biggest beneficiaries of the government's tax plan. The people of one of the richest electorates in this country, if not the richest, will gain most from this plan. And this is the other reason I thought we may be looking at an election: they started to throw the word 'aspirational' around; 'aspirations' were coming up again. And I thought, 'Yeah, you can hear an election coming on when the government starts talking about aspirational voters!'</para>
<para>But look at the context in which the term 'aspiration' was used. Minister Cormann was suggesting to us here that the reason the Australian public will accept their tax plan and the fact that the people in Wentworth are the biggest beneficiaries of their tax plan is that everyone's aspirational; everyone wants to be those people. And we're prepared to wait. Australians are prepared to wait until they become some of the richest people in Australia to get the benefits that those rich people are going to be delivered by this government. That's the argument he would have us accept. That is the argument they propose.</para>
<para>Either they think Australians are absolute mugs or they believe their own delusional rubbish. I think it's a mixture of both, to be honest. It's too tricky, it's too shifty and it's absolutely dishonest. It's a con. They know that they've built themselves a hole from which they will desperately try to get out, and they will do things like shifting the debate to a 'goanna's guts' debate. Now, I've never actually heard that term used before but, again, Minister Scullion, when talking about the tax plan, talked about a 'goanna's guts of a tax plan'. I have no idea what that is. It's the same sort of gobbledygook they talk to us about when they're talking about tax reform. It is hopeless. It is shifty. It is distraction.</para>
<para>What they ought to do is start acknowledging that the working people in this country who have average incomes need a tax cut. That's what the Labor Party is prepared to give them. We're prepared to back the first tranche of the government's very modest tax cuts for working people. When we're in government we will double that. But at this time, if that's all the government's prepared to give average income earners in this country, we're prepared to back that in. We're prepared to do that today, but we are not prepared to back in tax cuts over six years—two elections away—that deliver massive tax cuts to those who don't need them, to those at the big end of town, to those in the richest electorates. We're not prepared to do that when we need proper investments in our hospitals, in our schools, in our communities. That's what we want to do. We want to give benefits to average-working-wage Australians. They need a tax cut, and we want to give them that. We want to double what the government wants to give them, and we need to make the investments. If there are to be tax cuts in future for the people at the top end of town, that will be when the economy can afford it. But it will be after our investments in education and in the health system for all working Australians in this country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For a moment there I lived in the false hope that Senator Marshall was going to give a serious response to the questions that were answered by government members today, but my hopes have been dashed yet again. That can't be considered as a serious response. Labor may claim to have all the plans that they like, but of course they're not in government, so they actually can't deliver anything. They're not in government. They might aspire to that, if they understand what that 'aspiration' might mean. But they're not in government, so they can't deliver. They can make all the promises they like. In fact, in my home seat, where I live, in Braddon, they're making a whole range of promises at the moment, but they have to win two elections in Braddon before they can deliver on any of those promises. They ought to be focusing on the first one, which probably should have happened in October last year, if the truth be known—if the local member had actually fessed up when she should have fessed up back in October—and we could actually have had that process over and done with already.</para>
<para>The coalition has a comprehensive tax plan to deliver to the country. It was brought down in the budget. As a duly-elected government, I think it's quite reasonable that we aspire to have that legislation passed by the parliament. If the opposition want to put an alternative plan in place, they can win government in their own right. There will be an election sometime next year, and they will have an opportunity to do that.</para>
<para>The opposition asks, 'Why won't you adopt our tax plan?' If you look at the Labor Party's history of tax plans, even the ones that they've announced quite recently, you'd understand quite well why we wouldn't adopt their tax plan. For example, look at their absolutely disastrous retiree tax plan that they released earlier this year—the one that they said was well considered, well thought out and well planned. It would rip out from underneath some retirees up to 30 per cent of their entire income. It lasted two weeks before it was modified. The modifications were allegedly to exempt pensioners from the tax, because Labor's well-thought-out retiree tax would actually impact even pensioners.</para>
<para>After the modifications and a bit more consideration of this disastrous nan-and-pop tax that they were proposing we then found that it didn't even actually exempt all pensioners. There were still some pensioners who would be impacted by this tax that would rip up to 30 per cent of someone's entire income from them. It would strip that away, so someone with a total income of $24,000 a year would lose $5,000. Labor claim that these people are high-income earners. They would have a significant lump of income ripped away from them by this disastrous tax plan, which is, I might add, how Labor propose to pay for their magic tax plan.</para>
<para>They claim that their nan-and-pop tax plan is about fairness, yet they'd rip from nans and pops around this country up to 30 per cent of their income to give tax cuts to other people in the community. I don't know anyone who thinks it's fair that their nan and pop lose up to 30 per cent of their income to pay for their tax cut. I wouldn't want my nan and pop to lose up to 30 per cent of their income so that I can get a tax cut. Yet this is how Labor are intending to pay for the majority of the tax cuts that they've got in the system at the moment.</para>
<para>They trot around asking, 'Why won't you support our tax plan?' I'll tell you why, because I don't believe that the nans and pops of Australia should have up to 30 per cent of their income ripped away to pay for someone else's tax cut. I don't think that that's fair. I think that that demonstrates that the Labor Party and Mr Shorten don't understand what fairness is, just as they don't understand what aspiration is. They don't have a decent plan to manage the economy, as the government have. We can afford the tax cuts that we're proposing because we have managed the economy well and kept the economy strong. We have grown the economy, jobs and wages— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to take note of answers given by Senator Cormann and Senator Scullion. This is a welcome opportunity to demonstrate to the Senate, particularly to crossbench senators, the sharp contrast between the Turnbull government's unfair and divisive tax proposals and Labor's alternative, which was announced today by the Leader of the Opposition and the shadow Treasurer. It won't be news to most people in this chamber that most Australians want a tax system which is fair, efficient and responsible—one which spreads the burden of taxation equitably, one which properly funds our schools and hospitals, and one which allows the country to pay down its debts. Australians don't want a tax system which gives breaks and privileges to those who are already well off, which allows large corporations to pay no tax at all or which shifts the burden of taxation onto those who can least afford it—the 80 per cent of Australians who are middle- and low-income earners.</para>
<para>But let's make no mistake: none of the responses today to any questions actually answered the question that was put. Why? It's because the government's tax plan is a fraud. This is the biggest taxing, biggest spending government, and it has doubled the federal debt. What the government is proposing is the tax plan of economic vandals. They are tearing at the fabric of the Australian consensus between capital and labour that has existed since Federation: that capital could make a decent return and people could live well at the same time. The Treasurer has himself said that slow wages growth is one of the biggest problems that the Australian economy faces, but he has no plan to address that. He has opposed every wage rise ever. He has done nothing to reverse the decision of the Fair Work Commission. He has done nothing other than attack and cut penalty rates.</para>
<para>Today, the Leader of the Opposition gave notice that, next week, he will introduce legislation to stop the Prime Minister's attack on penalty rates. Let's compare the pair. In a final twist of the knife in the heart of working people, this government are refusing to work with Labor to deliver real income tax cuts now. This government can pretend that their never-never land, never-never gonna, six-years-off, fantastical and fanciful tax cuts are real. They are not. They are fooling no-one. If people go back and look at the income tax scale adjustments, it is Labor who has given tax relief. It is Labor who has provided relief to working Australians. It is Labor who has made the tax cuts for working people. It may not come as a surprise to some in this chamber that Paul Keating is a political hero of mine. As a former Treasurer and former Prime Minister, Paul Keating cut the tax scales more than any other Treasurer in Australia's history. The Liberal treasurers have just been pretenders.</para>
<para>There is a message in all of this for the Prime Minister and for the Treasurer. After five years of a government twisting and turning on itself and hanging on every poll—all 34 of them for this current Prime Minister—no-one believes you any more. Work with Labor; work with us to pass some immediate tax relief for working people. It is affordable, because we aren't proposing to give tax cuts to big banks and to foreign billionaires. What this government is doing is playing chicken with working Australians' lives—whether those people have a good week or a bad week. The government is playing chicken with the tax relief that working people could have. And that is actually typical of this government, with its reverse Midas touch.</para>
<para>Do you know what happens when Liberal politicians attend their branch meetings? They say they are the government for tax cuts, for no deficits and for limited government, but the truth is they are none of these things. This government has doubled federal government debt—doubled it! They are a government of tax and spend. They voted with the 'all care and no responsibility' of the Greens political party to scrap the debt ceiling. They scrapped the debt ceiling and still claim they are the responsible party of economic management? Please, give us a break. Senator Cormann has proposed tax cuts for large corporations and for foreign billionaires. But I can assure you that, in our first budget, Labor's plans mean we can deliver a winning trifecta in government. As the shadow Treasurer said this morning: bring it on. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise also to take note of answers from Senator Cormann and Senator Scullion. I thank Senator Kitching, in particular, for that Oscar-winning performance. I have never heard such extraordinary dribble in my life. But that's all right—we will move on from there.</para>
<para>As Chair of the Senate Standing Committee on Economics, I was fortunate enough to hear firsthand from witnesses about the great benefits that will flow from legislating all three stages of the Turnbull coalition government's Personal Income Tax Plan. We heard from businesses large and small, from think tanks, from consulting firms and from industry groups. The overwhelming response from witnesses was that the Personal Income Tax Plan provides much-needed relief to low- and middle-income earners, that it protects against bracket creep and that it does so in a way that maintains the central character of progressivity in Australia's tax system.</para>
<para>Everyone has heard what is contained in our tax plan. Many people have heard how we are executing those tax cuts, but there has not been enough discussion of why we are implementing the tax cuts and why they are so important. Why do we want to provide tax relief?</para>
<para>It is because our taxes should be lower; they should be simpler; and they should be fairer. Fairness is one of the key pillars of our Personal Income Tax Plan and arguably the most important, because Australians value nothing more than they value a fair go. That is exactly what the Personal Income Tax Plan delivers.</para>
<para>This bill was met by the Business Council of Australia with the message:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It will deliver a more competitive personal tax system that improves incentives to work and save. It achieves this while maintaining a highly progressive tax and transfer system.</para></quote>
<para>PricewaterhouseCoopers concluded that the government's proposed Personal Income Tax Plan provides much-needed relief to Australian taxpayers from the pressures of bracket creep, and it does so in a way which retains the central character of progressivity in Australia's tax system. COSBOA, the Council of Small Business Organisations Australia, concluded that the big win for COSBOA's constituents, for small businesses, is the removal of the complexity and the fear that people have about moving into new tax brackets. Contrary to the accusations levelled by those opposite, we heard from many, many witnesses that the tax system maintained its progressivity, something which has been denied today.</para>
<para>Madam Deputy President, can I point you to the distributional impacts of the Personal Income Tax Plan. The Grattan Institute highlighted that high-income earners such as those on the top marginal tax rate would continue to pay a similar proportion of overall personal income tax collections under the government's plan to that under the current system. The Grattan Institute confirmed that progressivity does not change significantly under the coalition's Personal Income Tax Plan. PwC suggested the same thing. There were plenty of witnesses that demonstrated conclusively that progressivity does not change under the Personal Income Tax Plan.</para>
<para>Senator Kitching mentioned that the Personal Income Tax Plan takes place over seven years. Why does it take place over seven years? It's fully factored into the budget bottom line. It's entirely affordable. The budget remains in surplus over that time, and the economy will continue to grow. A long-term plan is fiscally responsible. The budget does return to surplus. It's economically effective. There is more money in the pockets of hardworking Australians. Most importantly, it counters the criticism, which is so often levelled against all governments, of political myopia—which affects those opposite, who are addicted to the sugar hit of a tax-and-spend addiction. Certainly that can be seen from Labor's higher tax collection: retiree tax, housing tax, investment tax, higher income tax, family business tax, savings taxes—a plethora of taxes, more than $200 billion. Senator Marshall suggested that he wanted to go to an election based on tax. I say: bring that on. Bring that on.</para>
<para>The Labor Party doesn't get aspiration; it never has, and Tanya Plibersek proved that today: 'This "aspiration" term—it's a mystery to me.' Well, if ignorance is bliss, certainly the member for Sydney must be ecstatic, because Labor is driven by that obsessive preoccupation that redistribution is so much more important than wealth creation.</para>
<para>The coalition will always be a government of aspiration. It will always be a government of opportunity, of having a go, of taking risks, of reward for effort. We will proudly be the flag-bearers for aspirational Australians every single time. The coalition's Personal Income Tax Plan is clear and concise, pragmatic and— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to participate in this debate to take note of answers provided today by Ministers Scullion and Cormann. I'd like to start with the questions asked of Minister Scullion by Senator Ketter, where Senator Ketter highlighted that the Turnbull government's Personal Income Tax Plan reveals that the electorates of Hinkler, Wide Bay, Lyne and Cowper, all held by Nationals MPs, are amongst the 10 worst-off electorates. The senator asked Minister Scullion if he'd sought any advice on the inequitable distribution of the Turnbull government's income tax plan and its impact on regional communities. What was the minister's response? The minister's response was to reject the premise of the question.</para>
<para>This is not a point where you get to pick alternative facts, Minister Scullion. These are facts. This is the reality of the Turnbull government's Personal Income Tax Plan. The regional communities are going to be hit hard. They are going to be amongst the worst-off electorates. For example, in my home state of New South Wales that I represent here in this chamber, if you look at the electorate of Lyne and the electorate of Cowper, the second question that was asked to Minister Scullion was: have the members for those areas, Mr Gillespie and Mr Hartsuyker, lobbied the government, raised concerns, picked up the phone and tried to speak to someone about the disproportionate impact on their communities? Well, we didn't hear that. We didn't hear that they have done that. They haven't picked up the phone. Apparently they haven't said a peep about how their communities are being affected unfairly by their Liberal counterparts, their coalition partners in government, and the tax plan that they're seeking to implement. Apparently these National Party members in these electorates in the state of New South Wales are quite happy that another electorate in the state of New South Wales, that of Wentworth, is going to be amongst the best off. What a surprise! Malcolm Turnbull's own electorate is going to be amongst the best off in Malcolm Turnbull's Personal Income Tax Plan.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Keneally, I just remind you to refer to those in the other place by their correct titles.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KENEALLY</name>
    <name.id>LNW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much. We know that, under Labor's bigger, better, fairer income tax plan, 72 per cent of the people of Lyne, or 52,000 people, will be at least $928 better off. Of the people of Cowper, 73 per cent, or 60,000 of them, will be at least $928 better off.</para>
<para>I turn to the questions asked to Minister Cormann, first by Senator Bilyk. She posed to him some facts that we now know as a result of analysis done not only by the Parliamentary Budget Office, which I will come to in a moment, but also by NATSEM. The analysis says that, particularly when it comes to stage 3 of Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull's Personal Income Tax Plan, there will be higher income inequality; the rich will get more tax cuts than the poor. We know the electorate of Wentworth will be best off under this income tax plan proposed by the Turnbull government. We know that this Turnbull government would like to see tax cuts for multinationals and millionaires and penalty rate cuts for working people.</para>
<para>We also know that, in my home state of New South Wales, in the electorate of Reid 110,000 people would be better off under Labor's income tax plan. They would be better off the tune of up to $928 a year. We know particularly that the financial benefits of stage 3 overwhelmingly flow to the well-off in the community, but we also know from analysis released today by the Parliamentary Budget Office that stage 3 of the Turnbull government's income tax plan will cost $10.4 billion a year by 2028, and it will grow at 12 per cent a year. We know that Minister Cormann and Treasury have done year-on-year analysis of the Turnbull government's Personal Income Tax Plan and they're not releasing it. They told us in Senate estimates that they had that year-on-year analysis but they're not releasing it. They're asking the Senate—they're asking the crossbench in particular—to vote blindly, it would seem, without that type of information.</para>
<para>One thing we also know as a result of Parliamentary Budget Office analysis is that overwhelmingly the financial benefits of stage 3 flow to men over women at a ratio of three to one. Thirty billion dollars of the $41 billion of stage 3 flows to men—not surprising from a government that doesn't believe that we should axe the tampon tax. They are apparently quite happy to see the benefits of their Personal Income Tax Plan flow overwhelmingly to men. The gender bias deserves to be— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Facilities: Chemical Contamination</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Finance (Senator Cormann) to a question without notice asked by Senator Rice today relating to the contamination of Defence sites.</para></quote>
<para>Around Australia there is a growing scandal, with contamination being found at more and more sites. People are living with upheaval in their lives because, all of a sudden, they've found that the vegetables that they thought they could grow and would make their families healthy are contaminated, that they shouldn't eat their eggs and that possibly there's contamination in the water that's used in so many ways in their daily lives.</para>
<para>But their lives are also in upheaval because of the way the government is handling this crisis. We saw this again from the way that Senator Cormann answered the question. Senator Rice put a very simple and very important proposition to him about the precautionary principle. The precautionary principle sets out that when you're uncertain of a situation you take the precaution. You don't allow people to be exposed to danger, and that is what is happening in this situation. The government tries to wriggle out of this by saying, 'We're supplying people with water.' But we need a lot more done to protect people than just supplying them with clean water.</para>
<para>The fact that the government has come up with a longitudinal study over four years reflects the problem people have at so many of these sites. There are about 16 in Victoria and dozens across New South Wales. We have heard about the situation in Katherine, where you feel that nobody should drink the water at all. What is this government doing? It is allowing people to just continue to try to hold their lives together while it comes up with something. Surely, the fact that the government says that there needs to be a study reveals that it's acknowledging that there could be a problem. Well, as there could be a problem, if the government is committed to the precautionary principle then it should be giving assistance to these people.</para>
<para>Remember how Williamtown played out. It was in October 2015 that we found out through estimates—and this was after I was tipped off by locals who were becoming extremely concerned about what they were hearing in that area—that the government had known about this problem for years. They admitted it. Then we were successful in getting an inquiry. The Senate supported an inquiry into the whole issue. There was a big investigation at Williamtown. But still, three years later, so many of the people of Williamtown tell me they just feel so demoralised and mental health issues are rising. A few have been able to leave, but many can't. Their lives are stranded. They are stranded because their property is worthless. There has been no compensation. Some of them have lost their livelihood as well as the value on their property. And this is what the government is inflicting on communities around the country, because it is not giving the leadership that's needed.</para>
<para>Remember that for the people who are eating contaminated food and living with contaminated water it's not their fault. They didn't know what was going on. They didn't know the levels of pollution coming off the local RAAF base or coming out of the airports because of firefighting programs. They didn't know—but the government now knows. What governments are for is to do the right thing by the public: provide the protection and provide the assistance. We have just not seen that at any stage.</para>
<para>Where the story gets even worse is when you look at what the Department of Health is doing—and the Department of Defence brings this back up to us time and time again when we ask about the impact of contamination. What the Department of Health is saying—and the Department of Defence relies on this—is that there is no consistent evidence that the toxic contaminants cause important health effects. Compare that with the US EPA. They've concluded that these chemicals are a human health hazard and that at high enough levels they can cause immune dysfunction, hormonal interference and certain types of cancers in humans. What a contrast! How irresponsible this government is in the way that it is acting. It is deeply shocking. There are groups coming from these communities—Williamtown being one of them—where they are taking class actions because they've given up on the government doing anything. But, meanwhile, it's hard for them to hold their lives together. I've had young families talking to me about their fears. They thought breastfeeding their baby would be the most wonderful thing and the best for baby. Now they are worried sick that maybe they did the wrong thing in how they were raising their children by feeding them what they thought were fresh vegetables and breastfeeding them. The government is responsible for this hardship. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pauline Hanson's One Nation</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GEORGIOU</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I advise the Senate that from now on I am the Whip of Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party in the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—What we've just heard from Senator Georgiou is further evidence of the absolute catastrophe, the absolute chaos, that One Nation has become in this chamber and, really, all around the country. I'm sure that before long we're going to be hearing from Senator Burston again, and who knows what he's going to say? Who knows whether he's signed up to yet another party? Only yesterday morning he was an Independent and, miraculously, two or three minutes later he was a member of Clive Palmer's new party. Maybe there's been a third change in the last 24 hours.</para>
<para>But really today the focus in the statements we are receiving from Senator Georgiou and, I anticipate, Senator Burston needs to be on the absolute circus that the One Nation party, headed by Senator Pauline Hanson, has become. Just remember that of the 30 members of parliament or senators who have ever been elected in Australia under the One Nation banner there are now 21. Seventy per cent of those people have now either resigned from the party, been kicked out of the party or been kicked out of parliament. Here's another one: Senator Anning. We've got three of them in the room now. All we need is Senator Culleton to come back through and former Senator Roberts to come back through and we can have the full menagerie of One Nation!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Jacinta Collins</name>
    <name.id>GB6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I remember Len Harris.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, there's Len Harris. In fact, I think he's one of the only ones who didn't get thrown out, resign or get kicked out, expelled. Let's forget for a moment the fact that, over One Nation's entire history, 21 of the 30 One Nation MPs or senators have been thrown out for one reason or another and look at things more recently. Let's just think about what's happened since the double dissolution in 2016. I remember very well, because I was there for the induction of new senators, the parade surrounding Senator Hanson and her three new senators: Senator Burston, who's still with us; Senator Culleton, gone; and Senator Roberts, gone. If you look at that photograph of the One Nation senators who appeared down here, the only one still standing as a One Nation senator is Senator Hanson herself. Through her own actions, through letting down her own party members, she has managed to lose three of the four senators she arrived with. Not only that but she's actually managed to lose a fourth in Senator Anning. So this is a person who arrived in Canberra with three senators and has already managed to lose more than that—a total of four.</para>
<para>Obviously I have been very vocal over the last two years about the number of times Senator Hanson and One Nation have sold out their constituency of battlers right around Australia but particularly in my own home state of Queensland. They have sold out battlers on penalty rates by voting with the government to support cuts to penalty rates. They have sold out battlers on everything from childcare payments for low-income families to pensions. At one point they were going to be cutting bereavement allowances for grieving widows, until I and other Labor senators called them out on their behaviour. They have also continued to support this government in its cuts to public health, to hospitals, to schools, to training, to apprenticeships—every kind of government service that is provided to support the battlers Senator Hanson and her colleagues say they stand up for but come down here and vote against. I have lost count of the number of times Senator Hanson and her One Nation colleagues have sold out the battlers they say they care about.</para>
<para>It's no surprise that they keep doing this. Look at their voting record: all up, over the last couple of years, they have voted with this government, the Turnbull government—a Liberal government that is into supporting the top end of town—90 per cent of the time. If you just look at this year, the calendar year of 2018, One Nation and their senators have voted with this government 100 per cent of the time. Every single time there has been a bill before this parliament, where there's had to be a division and where Labor has stood against some action of the government—cutting health care, cutting education funding, cutting pensions, cutting apprenticeships—every single time Labor has voted against that legislation and tried to stop One Nation and the government from hurting battlers, what have One Nation done? They've toddled over and sat down with their friends in the Liberal Party. We know that's where they really line up. They don't actually care about battlers. They spend all their time out in regional Queensland saying that they care about battlers and that they're going to 'take it up to them in Canberra', but what do they do? They come down here, they get their riding instructions from Malcolm Turnbull and his Liberal Party and they continually sell out battlers.</para>
<para>I've noticed that Senator Hanson has had a lot to say about Senator Burston, her former colleague—one of her most loyal supporters over 20 years. She has actually managed to alienate someone who has been one of her closest confidantes for 20 years. I noticed that when Senator Burston raised some objections about the way the party was being run, Senator Hanson turned on him rapidly and said that she felt incredibly let down by Senator Burston. The only person—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, please resume your seat. Senator Georgiou.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Georgiou</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On a point of order: what are the standing orders for speeches of this type of nature?</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Watt interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, please be quiet. Senator Georgiou, any member at any time can seek leave. It is up to members in the chamber to agree to that leave by saying nothing or opposing that request to seek leave. Senator Watt sought leave and there were no voices opposing that, so he has leave to speak. Thank you, Senator Watt.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Madam Deputy President. I'm not surprised that One Nation's last remaining senator, other than Senator Hanson herself, wants to shut this down. They are so embarrassed by their performance and the way that they have continually sold out battlers that they want to do everything they can to stop debate—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, please resume your seat. Senator Georgiou.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Georgiou</name>
    <name.id>269583</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Point of order: how long will this go for? The clock is not counting down.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's right. Because there was silence when Senator Watt requested leave—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Watt interjecting—</para>
<para>The PRESIDENT: Senator Watt, order. No-one requested a time on it and that's why the clock is not running. Thank you, Senator Watt.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I won't be too much longer. I'm not surprised that Senator Georgiou wants to shut this down. You know, the simple way for him to avoid being embarrassed by One Nation's behaviour in the future is to follow what every other senator from One Nation has done and walk out on Pauline Hanson. That way you won't be embarrassed by coming down here and selling out—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, when you're referring to senators and others please use their correct title.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay. As I said, when Senator Burston was the latest person to walk out the revolving door that is the One Nation Party, I noticed that Senator Hanson rounded on him straightaway and said that she felt incredibly let down. She talked about why is she always let down by these people around her? I think that's a very good question. Why is it that after 20 years, 21 out of 30 One Nation MPs or senators have walked out on Senator Hanson?</para>
<para>There's a very serious point here: for all that Senator Hanson complains about being let down by the people around her, the simple truth is that the people who are really being let down by Senator Hanson and One Nation are the very battlers that they say they care about. They say they care about battlers, yet they come down here and vote with Mr Turnbull, the Prime Minister, and his Liberals 100 per cent of the time.</para>
<para>As I've said already in this chamber this week, the debate that we're going to have about tax cuts is going to be the ultimate test of One Nation and where they stand. If they actually care about battlers, they will vote with Labor and the tax plan that we're putting forward, which would deliver a better tax cut for about 75 per cent of people in regional Queensland. If they don't care about battlers and if they yet again vote with the Liberal Party like they have every other time this year—100 per cent of the time this year—then we will know once and for all that Senator Hanson and One Nation are not about battlers; they are for billionaires.</para>
<para>It's about time they actually started following through on what they told battlers in regional Queensland and vote against this bill that is going to deliver massive tax cuts to high-income earners, especially in the Prime Minister's own electorate. Vote against that bill and vote with Labor to split the bill and to back the amendments that will back battlers.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>United Australia Party</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BURSTON</name>
    <name.id>207807</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I wish to advise the Senate that I have joined the United Australia Party. I also advise the Senate that I am the whip for the United Australia Party for the purposes of standing order 24(a) relating to the Selection of Bills Committee.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Burston.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is not granted, Senator Watt.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>40</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Bartlett from 19 to 21 June 2018, for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>40</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to notice of intention given yesterday, I withdraw on Senator McKim's behalf business of the Senate notice of motion No. 1 standing in his name, proposing the Disallowance of the Social Security (Assurances of Support) Determination 2018.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>46</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs References Committee, Finance and Public Administration References Committee</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>46</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>46</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Private Health Insurance Legislation Amendment Bill 2018, A New Tax System (Medicare Levy Surcharge—Fringe Benefits) Amendment (Excess Levels for Private Health Insurance Policies) Bill 2018, Medicare Levy Amendment (Excess Levels for Private Health Insurance Policies) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <p>
              <a href="r6081" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Private Health Insurance Legislation Amendment Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6072" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">A New Tax System (Medicare Levy Surcharge—Fringe Benefits) Amendment (Excess Levels for Private Health Insurance Policies) Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6073" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Medicare Levy Amendment (Excess Levels for Private Health Insurance Policies) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Committee</title>
            <page.no>46</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Di Natale, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bills be referred to the Community Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 13 August 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Private Health Insurance Legislation Amendment Bill 2018;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) A New Tax System (Medicare Levy Surcharge-Fringe Benefits) Amendment (Excess Levels for Private Health Insurance Policies) Bill 2018; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) Medicare Levy Amendment (Excess Levels for Private Health Insurance Policies) Bill 2018.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government opposes this reference. These bills deliver key reforms to support Australia's 13 million private health insurance members, including up to 10 per cent discounts for members under 30 years of age, increased travel and accommodation benefits for members in rural and regional Australia, expanded powers to the Private Health Insurance Ombudsman and clearer information for consumers. These bills and policies have been extensively consulted on with the community and stakeholders throughout 2017 and 2018. Passage of these bills by 30 June 2018 will ensure savings and reforms can be delivered to private health insurance members by 2019.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that business of the Senate motion No. 2, standing in the name of Senator Watt and Di Natale, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:52]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>37</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Anning, F</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>29</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>47</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Minister Representing the Minister for Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Watt, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Minister representing the Minister for Aged Care is required to attend the Senate at 9.30 am on Wednesday, 20 June 2018 to explain:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) when the Minister first knew that the answer provided in question time on 9 May 2018, relating to home care aged packages, was incorrect; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) why the Minister failed to attend the chamber at the first available opportunity to correct the record.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Any senator may move a motion to take note of the Minister's statement, and any such motion may be debated for no longer than 1 hour, and have precedence over all government business until determined.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As recorded in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> on Wednesday, 9 May 2018, Minister McKenzie stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Over 50 per cent of those on the national waiting list are actually in an aged-care package. They're waiting for another type of package.</para></quote>
<para>Most of those in the queue are already receiving some form of care. Almost half are receiving a lower-level package and many others are receiving support through our record $5.5 billion investment in the Commonwealth Home Support Program, which assists around 800,000 older Australians, such as through Meals On Wheels. The minister's answer is consistent with the Department of Health's answers during budget estimates on 30 May 2018. Under this coalition government aged-care funding is up, home care packages are up and residential places are up.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 830, as moved by Senator Urquhart, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:58]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>27</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>38</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens didn't support this motion. That is not because we don't care about aged care but because we want to have a debate on the really substantive matters in aged care. Yes, there was a mistake made. That was corrected here, and we also had a substantive period during estimates when we discussed these matters. We actually want to debate the substantive issues around aged care. There are very substantive issues around aged care. There is a huge waiting list for home care places. That is not questioned; it's the degree. Let's debate the real issues, which are: How do we get people who are in home care packages further up in order to get the higher care packages? What are we doing about complex residential care? Those are the issues I want to talk about. I do not want to argue over whether somebody made a mistake in this place, which they corrected anyway and which we had a substantive debate about in estimates. Let's talk about the real issues in aged care. I'm happy to debate them in this place at any time. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Trade</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that 23 June marks the second anniversary of the historic vote by the United Kingdom to withdraw from the European Union;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges that the vote was conducted democratically and reflects the will of voters on a critical question of national sovereignty; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) calls upon the Australian Government to advance as quickly as possible trade negotiations with both the United Kingdom and the European Union to improve our exporters' access to both markets.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition government moved swiftly after the Brexit referendum to establish the Australia-UK Trade Working Group to scope out a future deal with the United Kingdom once it has exited the European Union. We formally launched negotiations with the EU yesterday, with the first negotiating round to be held in July. The coalition government is pursuing Australia's most ambitious trade agenda. Our foresight to position Australia to secure further market opportunities with both the EU and the UK is a demonstration of our commitment to economic growth and jobs.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Migration</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the comments of the New South Wales Opposition Leader, Mr Luke Foley, highlighting the problems arising in Sydney from recent immigration trends;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls upon the Federal Government to comprehensively review the scope and composition of future migrant intakes; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) urges the Federal Government to ensure that Australia’s immigration intake operates in the economic, social, cultural and security interests of all Australians.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor opposes this motion. Australia is a nation built on migration. We've welcomed 7.5 million migrants since World War II. Migrants have helped to build Australia into the strong, vibrant and multicultural society it is today as well as contributing to our economy. One in three small businesses in Australia is run by migrants, and 1.41 million people are employed by migrant business owners across Australia. I note that the New South Wales opposition leader has acknowledged he made a poor choice of words by apologising for his recent comments.</para>
<para>Labor understands all Australians are frustrated with stagnant wages, with unaffordable housing, with clogged infrastructure and where employers rely on temporary work visas rather than hiring local workers. It's clear that Malcolm Turnbull and his priorities are to blame for failing to invest in infrastructure, for giving an $80 billion tax handout for big business and for putting the banks ahead of doing something about the cost of living, affordable housing and his dodgy crackdown on skilled migration. Labor will oppose this motion.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With a shrinking population in comparison to other states, South Australia is in great need of skilled migrants. We want the government to base migration on a regional basis, using a three-tiered system where annual population growth under 10,000 should have the highest immigration rates, then 10,000 to 50,000 and then beyond 50,000. This will provide crucial assistance to regional areas in South Australia whilst easing congestion in the eastern state cities.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 834, standing in the name of Senator Bernardi, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:10]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>30</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>35</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Broadcasting Corporation</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that the Liberal Party of Australia's Federal Council recently passed a motion stating "That federal council calls for the full privatisation of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, except for services into regional areas that are not commercially viable";</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) further notes the comments of the Treasurer that the government has no plans to privatise the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) congratulates Liberal Party members for continuing to draw attention to the need for structural and budgetary reform of the ABC.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition government will never privatise the ABC. The motion acknowledges that this is the policy of the government. The government will always work to support Commonwealth-funded agencies to be the best possible stewards of taxpayer resources.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 835 standing in the name of Senator Bernardi be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:15]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>30</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>35</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>United States-North Korea Summit</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the historic summit between the President of the United States, Mr Donald Trump, and the leader of North Korea, Mr Kim Jong-un; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) congratulates President Trump for:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) achieving a diplomatic breakthrough his predecessors could not achieve,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) advancing the de-escalation of tensions on the Korean peninsula, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) advancing the cause of denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Department of Health</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Order for the Production of Documents</title>
            <page.no>52</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) in May 2016, Maddocks Lawyers completed a report for the then Minister for Health, Ms Ley, and the Department of Health in relation to the Australian survivors of thalidomide, focusing on the relationship and responsibility of the Australian Government towards these survivors,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) in October 2016, Thalidomide Group Australia submitted an application to the Department of Health seeking access to this report under the <inline font-style="italic">Freedom of Information Act 1982</inline>, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) in November 2016, the Department of Health refused access to this document to Thalidomide Group Australia, citing that the document is subject to legal professional privilege; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) orders that there be laid on the table by the Minister representing the Minister for Health, by no later than 3 pm on 20 June 2018, a copy of the report prepared by Maddocks Lawyers for former Minister Ley and the Department of Health in May 2016.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government opposes the motion. The government maintains that it is not in the public interest to depart from the established position which has been maintained over many years by successive governments—that being to not disclose privileged legal advice. It is integral that privileged legal advice provided to the Commonwealth remain confidential. Access by government to such confidential advice is, in practical terms, critical to the development of sound Commonwealth policy and robust lawmaking.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's very clear in <inline font-style="italic">Odgers</inline> that the Senate does not accept legal professional privilege as a public interest immunity, and the case of Egan v Chadwick has resolved this matter in the courts.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Steele-John be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:21]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>36</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Storer, TR</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>29</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Anning, F</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Smith, DA</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>53</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) 19 June 2018 is National TAFE Day, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the day is an opportunity to celebrate the achievements of the public TAFE system;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) further notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) since 2005, Government Vocational and Education Training (VET) funding has declined by 32 per cent, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the share of publicly-funded students taught at TAFE has fallen from 81 per cent in 2009 to 50 per cent in 2015;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) recognises that TAFE is a cornerstone of Australia’s vocational education and training sector, and that its position and status within the sector is diminished when it is inadequately funded;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) acknowledges that TAFE should never be considered a competitor to the for-profit registered training operators, but has its own important function within the sector and the community more broadly; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) calls on the Government to ensure that TAFEs are always fully-funded and publicly-owned, now and into the future.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is the responsibility of the states and territories to fund TAFE and invest in TAFE facilities. The coalition government is leading the way with the Skilling Australians Fund. We've put $1.5 billion on the table for the states to invest in areas of need for skills training. To date, five states and territories have signed up. Each year the coalition government invests a further $1.5 billion under a special purpose payment to the states, effectively for them to use to support the vocational education and training sector. We want to see the states increasing their funding in vocational education and training, investing in apprentices and trainees, and helping us to deliver up to 300,000 new apprentices during the five-year program.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Broadcasting Corporation</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that on 6 September, 2013, Mr Abbott promised voters "no cuts to the ABC";</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) further notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the 2014-15 Budget cut the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's (ABC) funding by $47 million,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the 2014-15 Mid-Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook cut the ABC's funding by a further $207 million,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) the 2018-19 Budget has cut the ABC by an additional $84 million,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) since September 2013, the ABC has been forced to absorb 1,014 job losses as a result of budget cuts, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (v) trust in politicians is at an all-time low, and that this is not without reason;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) condemns the Liberal Party's decision over the weekend to support the privatisation of the ABC, noting that no members of the Turnbull Government, including the Minister for Communications, spoke against the motion; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) calls on the Turnbull Government to make amends on its broken promises by rescinding its policy to privatise the ABC and reversing its damaging cuts.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government opposes this motion, which is based on a false premise. The coalition government has no policy to privatise the ABC. The coalition government's policy is to retain public ownership of the ABC. The coalition government will never privatise the ABC. Any suggestion otherwise is completely untrue.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that motion No. 839, moved by Senator Hanson-Young, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:28]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>32</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>34</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>4</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bartlett, AJJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
                <name>Cormann, </name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Housing</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Cameron, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the latest census data indicates that there has been a 13 per cent rise in homelessness since 2011,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) a well-functioning social housing system that is affordable for tenants is important in reducing homelessness,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) charging tenants a proportion of income as rent, as opposed to market rent, has proved an effective way to ensure affordability, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) the Productivity Commission's report no. 85, <inline font-style="italic">Introducing Competition and Informed User Choice into Human Services: Reforms to Human Services</inline>, recommends state and territory governments charge new social housing tenant market rents; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Turnbull Government to reject the recommendation that state and territory governments charge social housing tenants market rates.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a matter for the state and territory governments. There are no plans to introduce market rents for public housing. The Commonwealth is establishing a new $1.5 billion a year National Housing and Homelessness Agreement to commence on 1 July 2018.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that motion 847, as moved by Senator Rhiannon and standing in the names of Senator Rhiannon and Senator Cameron, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:33]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines) </p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>35</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>4</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bartlett, AJJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
                <name>Cormann, </name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I just remind senators that, once the count has begun, you need to remain in the seat that you're in.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Israel</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANNING</name>
    <name.id>273829</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the religious and historical significance of Jerusalem; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls for the Australian Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) move the Australian Embassy to the western side of Jerusalem, which in any scenario for peace is not disputed.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANNING</name>
    <name.id>273829</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia has a long, shared history with the Jewish state of Israel. That history dates back to the heroic charge of the Light Horse Brigade at Beersheba on 31 October 1917. The act of gallantry and courage saw the Allied forces liberate much of Palestine from the yoke of the Muslim Ottoman Empire.</para>
<para>Furthermore, Jerusalem, the eternal city, is a location of significant importance for the Jewish and Christian faiths, and it is only fitting that we acknowledge our religious and cultural heritage by moving our embassy to the eternal city. Jerusalem is the home of the Israeli government and the capital of Israel. It is about time Australia accepted this and followed the courageous steps taken by the President of the United States.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government considers Jerusalem to be a final status issue for negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. Australia will continue to maintain its embassy in Tel Aviv. The Prime Minister and the Minister for Foreign Affairs have restated Australian policy on several recent occasions. The government has no plans to relocate the embassy to Jerusalem. Australia considers that, in view of the highly sensitive status of Jerusalem and its consideration as a final status issue, it is not conducive to the peace process to move the embassy there.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 840 standing in the name of Senator Anning be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:40]<br />(Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>4</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Anning, F (teller)</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>50</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McAllister, J (teller)</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DA</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Yemen</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 841 standing in my name for today, relating to the conflict in Yemen, be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to the motion being taken as formal?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is an objection.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In lieu of suspending standing orders, which I'm prepared to do, I seek leave to make a two-minute statement.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for two minutes.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy President—I direct this at you because it's the right etiquette—today the Senate has been very happy to give formality to several motions on what you would classify as complex foreign policy matters, such as motion No. 832, relating to Korea—if those two men getting together in a room in Singapore isn't complex, I don't know what is!—and motion No. 840, relating to Jerusalem. The Senate is happy to give formality to something suits the philosophy or the propaganda of people in this chamber but not to something that is not complex: a motion calling for peace and for United Nations intervention to prevent a humanitarian crisis in Yemen, which everyone internationally recognises is a very serious risk, especially given what's happened in the civil war in Yemen in the last four years. The United Nations themselves have said this is potentially going to be the biggest humanitarian disaster in the last century.</para>
<para>In the last 48 hours, we have had reports of the Saudi-led coalition bombing the airport and Hodeidah port in Yemen, which, the motion says very clearly, is the lifeblood of 20 million people who are at risk. This motion simply calls for peace and United Nations intervention. While I am attempting to move this motion in the Senate, the UN envoy is actually there at the moment doing exactly what this Greens motion calls for. How is that a complex matter? Is it because the Saudis and the Emiratis, part of the coalition, are two of the nations that we want to sell arms to? Is it because we now have a defence policy that wants to loan $4 billion of taxpayer money to the defence industry to sell these people weapons? Is that why it's sensitive? Is that why's it complex? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is denied.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table my statement.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Charity Fundraising in the 21st Century</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Appointment</title>
            <page.no>58</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That a select committee, to be known as the Select Committee on Charity Fundraising in the 21st Century, be established to inquire into and report on the current framework of fundraising regulation for charities and options for reform, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether the current framework of fundraising regulation creates unnecessary problems for charities and organisations who rely on donations from Australian supporters;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether current fundraising laws meet the objectives that guided the decision to regulate donations;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) whether current fundraising compliance regimes allow charities to cultivate donor activity and make optimal use of resources donors provide;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the loss in productivity for the thousands of charities who try to meet the requirements of the seven different fundraising regimes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) whether the current frameworks for investigation and enforcement are the best model for the contemporary fundraising environment;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) how Federal, State and Territory Governments could work together to provide charities with a nationally-consistent, contemporary and fit-for-purpose fundraising regime;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the appropriate donor-focused expectations and requirements that should govern fundraising regulation in the 21st century;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) how the Australian consumer law should apply to not-for-profit fundraising activities;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) what are the best mechanisms to regulate third party fundraisers and to ensure the culture of third party fundraisers matches community perceptions of the clients they work with;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(j) whether a harmonised, contemporary fundraising regime could help in addressing concerns about the potential influence of foreign money on civil society and political debate in Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(k) the cost to the charity and not-for-profit sector, and the communities they serve, of postponing fundraising reform; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(l) any other related matters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) That the committee present its final report on or before the first sitting Thursday in October 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) That the committee consist of six senators, as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) two nominated by the Leader of the Government in the Senate;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) two nominated by the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) one nominated by the Leader of the Australian Greens; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) one nominated by minor party and independent senators.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) That:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) participating members may be appointed to the committee on the nomination of the Leader of the Government in the Senate, the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate or any minority party or independent senator; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) participating members may participate in hearings of evidence and deliberations of the committee, and have all the rights of members of the committee, but may not vote on any questions before the committee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) That the committee may proceed to the dispatch of business notwithstanding that not all members have been duly nominated and appointed and notwithstanding any vacancy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) That the committee elect as chair one of the members nominated by the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, and as deputy chair the member nominated by minor party and independent senators.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) That the deputy chair shall act as chair when the chair is absent from a meeting of the committee or the position of chair is temporarily vacant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) That, in the event of an equality of voting, the chair, or the deputy chair when acting as chair, have a casting vote.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) That the committee and any subcommittee have power to send for and examine persons and documents, to move from place to place, to sit in public or in private, notwithstanding any prorogation of the Parliament or dissolution of the House of Representatives, and have leave to report from time to time its proceedings and the evidence taken and such interim recommendations as it may deem fit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) That the committee have power to appoint subcommittees consisting of three or more of its members, and to refer to any such subcommittee any of the matters which the committee is empowered to consider.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) That the committee be provided with all necessary staff, facilities and resources and be empowered to appoint persons with specialist knowledge for the purposes of the committee with the approval of the President of the Senate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) That the committee be empowered to print from day to day such papers and evidence as may be ordered by it, and a daily Hansard be published of such proceedings as take place in public.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is an objection.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table my statement.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Death Penalty</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator McKim, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) on 18 June 2018, the Australian Parliamentarians Against the Death Penalty hosted a screening of <inline font-style="italic">Guilty</inline>, an Australian film about the final 72-hours in the life of Myuran Sukumaran, the Bali-9 convicted criminal who, along with Andrew Chan, was executed by a firing squad in Indonesia on 29 April 2015, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) on World Day Against the Death Penalty on 10 October 2018, screenings of <inline font-style="italic">Guilty</inline> are being held right around Australia to coincide with the Government's efforts to negotiate a resolution on a moratorium on the death penalty at the United Nations Human Rights Council; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the Government's continued strong opposition to the death penalty and its work in releasing the text of a whole-of-government Strategy for the Abolition of the Death Penalty on 15 June 2018.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that general business notice of motion No. 831, standing in the names of Senators Dean Smith and McKim, be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:50]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>56</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, DA (teller)</name>
                <name>Smith, DPB</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>2</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Anning, F (teller)</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the chamber that there were two voices calling for the division, and one of those people left the chamber before the vote.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw general business notice of motion No. 836 standing in my name for now.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Select Committee on the Future of Work and Workers</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>60</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Watt, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the time for the presentation of the report of the Select Committee on the Future of Work and Workers be extended to 15 August 2018.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporations and Financial Services Committee</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>60</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator O'Neill, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the time for the presentation of the report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services on its inquiry into the Franchising Code of Conduct and Oil Code of Conduct be extended to 6 December 2018.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>World Elder Abuse Awareness Day</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Polley, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) 15 June 2018 was World Elder Abuse Awareness Day,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) World Elder Abuse Awareness Day is a global awareness day highlighting one of the most serious and silent forms of domestic violence, which is elder abuse,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) elder abuse is one of the worst manifestations of ageism in our society and can be physical, sexual, financial, psychological, social or neglectful,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) elder abuse continues to be primarily perpetrated by someone trusted, such as family or friends, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (v) elder abuse is everyone's business and deserves the attention of everyone in the community;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) urges federal, state, territory and local governments to raise awareness and to create communities where older people can live with dignity and respect, free from all forms of abuse; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) encourages all Australians to turn awareness into action, watch out for signs, offer help and stand against any mistreatment of older people.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Preventing and addressing elder abuse is a key priority for the coalition government. The government has committed $37 million to preventing elder abuse, including for the development of a national plan, an elder abuse knowledge hub and specialist frontline services. The government has also set aside funding to work with the states to create nationally consistent power-of-attorney laws and establish a national online register. The government will also provide $254 million over four years to establish a new Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission. The commission will be responsible for the approval, accreditation, assessment, monitoring, compliance and complaints management for all Australian government subsidised aged-care providers.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Palliative Care Week</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Polley, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) 20 May to 26 May 2018 was National Palliative Care Week (NPCW),</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the theme of NPCW 2018 was 'What matters most?', which addresses the need for Australians to plan ahead for their end-of-life care and discuss it with their loved ones and health professionals,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) according to the Grattan Institute's report,<inline font-style="italic"> Dying Well</inline>, published in 2014, 70 per cent of Australians would prefer to die at home surrounded by loved ones, but only 14 per cent do so, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) most Australians die in hospitals and aged care facilities, and many experience what the <inline font-style="italic">Dying Well</inline> report refers to as 'impersonal, lingering and lonely deaths';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) encourages all Australians to make plans for their end-of-life care and to discuss their plans with loved ones and health professionals; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) urges all senators and members to promote to their constituents the importance of planning for, and having conversations about, their end-of-life care.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Miegunyah House Museum</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Moore, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) <inline font-style="italic">Miegunyah</inline>, formerly known as Beverley Wood, is a heritage-listed house in Bowen Hills, Brisbane that was built in the 1880s—it is a living example of Victorian elegance and charm, decorated with iron-lace balustrades, filigree columns and friezes, and furnished in late 19th century styling,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the Queensland Women's Historical Association (QWHA), acquired <inline font-style="italic">Miegunyah</inline> in 1967, began refurbishment and officially opened it as a house museum in June 1968,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) in subsequent years funds have been received from an initial bequest from Miss Hilda Chandler and, later, Commonwealth and state governments, the Brisbane City Council, and contributions from the QWHA,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) funds have enabled slow but steady progress on conserving part of our nation's architectural heritage, to function as a museum and home for the QWHA,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (v) <inline font-style="italic">Miegunyah</inline> is treasured as a venue for a regular program of historical talks, themed exhibitions, seminars and social events, and owes its status not least to the innumerable voluntary woman and man hours put in by QWHA members and honorary architects alike,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (vi) the QWHA:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(A) was formed in 1950, with the aim to stimulate interest in the history of pioneer families and the contribution made by women to the development of Queensland,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(B) set out to educate and preserve a record of culture, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(C) undertakes to collect documentary material, together with personal and household items that demonstrate our constantly changing lifestyle,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (vii) within a year, the QWHA held its first exhibition '<inline font-style="italic">Before 1900</inline>' at Newstead House and, on the centenary of Queensland becoming a separate colony in 1959, its first publication appeared titled '<inline font-style="italic">1859 and Before That</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline><inline font-style="italic">1959 and All That</inline>',</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (viii) today, in the grounds of <inline font-style="italic">Miegunyah</inline>, stands a lamp as a memorial to Martha Young, QWHA president for 12 years from 1954, whose drive, enthusiasm and leadership contributed much to the Association's successes, and who initiated a scheme to identify and mark buildings, properties and sites of outstanding significance to Queensland,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ix) between 1960 and 1983, the QWHA recognised, and marked with plaques, 87 historic sites in Queensland, Britain and France,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (x) with an expanding membership and collection in the 1960s, the QWHA needed a home of its own; fortuitously, colonial house Beverley Wood came on the market, and the QWHA led an appeal throughout the state, during 1967, to raise sufficient funds to save a colonial gem from demolition, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (xi) the successful purchase of the house <inline font-style="italic">Miegunyah</inline>, with the aim of maintaining the property as a Memorial to the Pioneer Women of Queensland, represented a triumph for all members and has strengthened the QWHA's ability to preserve our endangered heritage; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the incredible women's history in celebrating the 50th anniversary of the opening of <inline font-style="italic">Miegunyah</inline> House Museum in 2018.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Brisbane Combined Unions Choir</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Moore, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the Brisbane Combined Unions Choir was formed 30 years ago under the inspiration of union organisers, and continues with support from the Queensland Council of Unions, which still provides weekly rehearsal space—the choir was conceived by a dedicated bunch of unionists, intent upon using the arts to create a political message reflective of, and enjoyable to, working people, who took as their motto the saying, "a movement that sings, shall never die",</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) when the Brisbane Combined Unions Choir met for the first time at the Queensland Teachers' Union building, its inaugural members were dressed in the working gear of their union callings—the choir's first performance was on Queensland's Labour Day in 1988, off the back of a truck,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) across three decades, the Brisbane Combined Unions Choir has had five conductors, commencing with Ms Libby Sara, followed by Mr Michael Roper, Ms Ann Bermingham, Mr Mark Shortis and, since 1997, Ms Marina Thacker—the choir has been involved in many significant events, recorded multiple CDs and produced songbooks of traditional and original political songs, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) the Brisbane Combined Unions Choir have travelled widely in Australia, even overseas, to collaborate with colleagues who enjoy singing and have performed with other union choirs—the key to the choir's success, in bringing happiness to so many, has been the commitment of its members to rehearsals, planning events, and, of course, singing for unionism, peace and social justice; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the strong tradition of union choirs as Brisbane Combined Unions Choir celebrates its 30th anniversary in 2018.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>62</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>62</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend business of the Senate notice of motion No. 3, standing in my name, by omitting '2017-18' and substituting '2018-19'.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Environment and Communications References Committee for inquiry and report by 13 July 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The 2018-19 Budget Measure Great Barrier Reef 2050 Partnership Program, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the delivery of the Reef 2050 Plan, including through the Great Barrier Reef 2050 Partnership Program and through other avenues;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the proficiency of the Great Barrier Reef Foundation and its capacity to deliver components of the Reef 2050 Plan;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the proficiency of other organisations and their capacity to deliver components of the Reef 2050 Plan;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the process of granting funding to the Great Barrier Reef Foundation for the Great Barrier Reef 2050 Partnership Program, the terms of agreement for funding, and the ongoing administration of funding;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the prior activities and operations of the Great Barrier Reef Foundation, including research, public-policy advocacy and fund-raising;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the establishment, governance and membership of the Great Barrier Reef Foundation, including the management of conflicts of interest and commercial interests; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) any other related matters.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition government has delivered an additional $500 million for the Great Barrier Reef. Following close consideration of potential partners, the Great Barrier Reef Foundation was approached to deliver $443 million of this funding not on its own but through numerous delivery partners. The foundation has strong governance arrangements and will work closely with the federal department as well as independent reef advisory bodies and expert institutions such as the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority and the Australian Institute of Marine Science to ensure the investment is delivered to best effect. The foundation will report regularly to the government on grant activities.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education and Employment References Committee</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>63</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Cameron, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Education and Employment References Committee for inquiry and report by 17 September 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The exploitation of general and specialist cleaners working in retail chains for contracting or subcontracting cleaning companies, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) frameworks at both Commonwealth and industry level to protect workers from harm, including exploitation, wage theft, underpayment, wage stagnation and workplace injury;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) measures designed to ensure workers have adequate representation and knowledge of their rights;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) compliance with relevant workplace and taxation laws, including the effectiveness and adequacy of agencies such as the Fair Work Ombudsman and the Australian Taxation Office;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) practices including 'phoenixing' and pyramid subcontracting; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>63</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Farrell, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee for inquiry and report by 17 September 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The use of the Quinoline anti-malarial drugs Mefloquine and Tafenoquine in the Australian Defence Force (ADF), with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the current and past policies and practices for:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) prescribing Quinoline anti-malarial drugs to ADF personnel, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) identifying and reporting adverse drug reactions from Quinoline anti-malarial drugs among ADF personnel;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the nature and extent of any adverse health effects of those who have taken Mefloquine/Tafenoquine on serving and former ADF personnel;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the support available for partners, carers and families of personnel who experience any adverse health effects of Quinoline anti-malarial drugs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a comparison of international evidence/literature available on the impact of Quinoline anti-malarials;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) how other governments have responded to claims regarding Quinoline anti-malarials; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) any other related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>64</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator Birmingham, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That consideration of the business before the Senate on Wednesday, 27 June 2018, be interrupted at approximately 5 pm, but not so as to interrupt a senator speaking, to enable Senator David Smith to make his first speech without any question before the chair.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>64</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that, at 8.30 am today, 2 proposals were received in accordance with standing order 75. The question of which proposal would be submitted to the Senate was determined by lot.</para>
<para>As a result, I inform the Senate that the following letter has been received from Senator Collins:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'The Government's tax plans are fiscally reckless, less progressive and fail Australian jobs.'</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times to each of the speakers in today's debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall ask the clerks to set the clock accordingly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp> (Queensland—Deputy Opposition Whip in the Senate) (17:04):</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution to this debate. It's quite clear that the government's tax plans are fiscally reckless. They are less progressive and they do fail Australian jobs. It's good to see in the newspapers today that, for once, there was accurate reporting of the Labor position on this issue. There was some reporting around the issue of the Senate Economic Committee's report on the personal income tax bill. As Deputy Chair of the Senate Economics Legislation Committee, I had the opportunity to participate in that inquiry. The Labor senators handed down a dissenting report in relation to that bill. In our dissenting report, we accuse the coalition of abandoning all hope of budget repair. We also talk about the fact that this government has an abysmal record on debt and deficit by attempting to legislate for the full package of personal income tax cuts, given the well-known downside risks to Australia's fiscal and economic position.</para>
<para>The position that the government has taken on personal income tax is absolutely irresponsible. What we saw in the course of the Senate inquiry into the bill was that this government has adopted an ideological approach to income tax reform. The government should be looking at outcomes. Is its income tax reform directed at improving workforce participation or is it directed at improving consumer spending? No. These are not the issues which the government has been looking at. Its approach is an ideological one. It comes down to a mantra of lower taxes, looking at bracket creep and making the system simpler. The Treasury officials were obliged to explain that that was the rationale for this piece of legislation.</para>
<para>During the course of this inquiry, we were quite disappointed at the lack of disclosure on the part of the government. We are entitled to know the total cost over the 11-year period of the Personal Income Tax Plan, which is roughly $144 billion. We, of course, know what the cost of the plan is over the forward estimates but, in the intervening years, we are not privileged or trusted with the information as to the annual costings in that intervening period, which is an absolutely ridiculous situation. The Treasury people were prevented from disclosing that information. We know that they had done the analysis but it fell to the Parliamentary Budget Office when I wrote to the Parliamentary Budget Officer to call for some detail around the costings of the government's plan. So we were able to see a breakdown of the seven components of the income tax plan.</para>
<para>The Treasury officials were basically instructed to advise us that the figures were too uncertain. Despite the fact that we said, 'Please tell us that information, but you can put caveats around it or put qualifications; give us confidence intervals as to what degree of weight we can place on it,' they were not prepared to divulge that information. That is a ridiculous situation when we are talking about income tax cuts which are going to cost the budget $144 billion over the longer period.</para>
<para>This is fiscal recklessness on a grand scale. We are assured that we are going to see a return to surplus by the end of the forward estimates but, on the present projections, we are looking at something less than one per cent of GDP in terms of the final surplus figure. That is a wafer-thin surplus. During the course of estimates, I had the opportunity to ask the head of Treasury, Mr Fraser, about his views on the risks associated with the global economy going forward, and he was very unequivocal about the fact that we now have heightened risks in the geopolitical area. That is a huge question mark over the amount of weight that we can place on that and on the level of risk associated with this plan.</para>
<para>During the course of our Senate inquiry we heard that in the budget there are a number of assumptions that underpin this surplus that some might describe as heroic assumptions: the fact that we've got productivity growth in the budget of 1.6 per cent, which is double the average that we've seen historically since the GFC—so, a historic assumption—and assumptions were made on migration. When it comes to wages growth, that's probably the greatest area of concern—a rate of wages growth of 3.5 per cent underpins the budget. Modelling done during the course of our inquiry showed that if wages growth was, for example, one per cent lower than what was being projected, that would have a $39 billion per annum impact on the budget in terms of revenue. The other area we're concerned about is the terms of trade. As I indicated previously, we are going through a period of time of global uncertainty and, if we have global shocks, that also has the potential to impact on our terms of trade. All of these assumptions are very nice for the government to put forward on the basis of this surplus, but I think we are really adopting a very risky approach.</para>
<para>We need to have long-term sustainability when it comes to the budget and when we're talking about the sorts of revenue we're looking at here. We need to ensure that as we go forward we have revenue coming through that is going to pay for the essential services Australians rely on—things like health, education and infrastructure. The moment we see any of these shocks impacting on the budget, we know that a future coalition government cannot be trusted in regard to cuts to health, education and infrastructure.</para>
<para>We also saw some of the assumptions that were underpinning the budget, in terms of behavioural impacts. We saw the tax cuts being directed at the higher-income end. We saw that Grattan advised that changes to marginal income tax rates do not provide much of a disincentive to work for people in the higher-income area when it comes to additional hours. The government would have been better advised to take the billion dollars from the tax cuts to the wealthy and instead put it into child care. That would certainly encourage greater workforce participation. The changes that come in with respect to the personal income tax package are really not directed at achieving anything useful.</para>
<para>I also want to mention here that this government is doing nothing about the rising gig economy, underemployment, stagnating wages, cuts to penalty rates, the theft of superannuation and the gender gap. They are crippled when it comes to energy policy and are ripping billions of dollars out of our education and health systems, yet they want to give billions of dollars to multinationals and to banks. In contrast, Labor would give people earning less than $125,000 a year a bigger tax cut. We believe in a better, bigger and fairer tax system. Under our plan more than four million ordinary Australian workers would be $398 better off each and every year. Labor is taking action to help working Australians with other cost of living pressures and will invest in our hospitals and our schools. We are uncapping an extra 200,000 places at university. We will review and invest in a TAFE system that has been neglected for years. Today is, of course, National TAFE Day, so we should be celebrating our TAFE system. These are measures that are proven to create jobs and foster economic growth. Labor can do these things because we won't be giving out massive tax handouts to business and to banks. Labor has a bigger, better, fairer plan for our tax system and we are ready for government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to start off by commenting on a couple of comments my very good colleague Senator Ketter made there. He talked about the importance of revenue. Revenue is important, because if you don't have revenue, if you don't have a strong economy, then you can't actually support all the things you wish to support, whether they be education, health or national security. One of the problems that the Labor Party has had for a long time when it comes to revenue is that when budget forecasts come from Treasury there's always a span of estimates from a low side to a high side. On my side of politics we always take the conservative view, which is to say, 'Let's plan on the low side, in terms of income, and then regulate our spending accordingly,' whereas those opposite take the optimistic high side in terms of the expectations of revenue. Time and again that brings them undone, not only in government but even in opposition. We saw that frequently during the six years of the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd governments.</para>
<para>When Treasury costed Labor's retiree tax, for example, Labor said at the time that they expected to collect revenue of around a figure of $59 billion. With a bit more scrutiny it was then lowered to $55.7 billion, and now it's come down to $45.8 billion. These costings reveal that there are actually huge budget black holes in Labor's costings—in this case around $10 billion in the retiree tax—because of that propensity to overestimate revenue because it sounds good in the short-term.</para>
<para>I'm a great believer in always underpromising and overdelivering, as opposed to overpromising, and in this case the overestimation is bad. Not only is it bad in terms of overestimating; it doubles-down when people then spend what they estimated they would receive before the funds have come in. You've only got to think back to things like the mining tax. Not only was it an ill-considered tax that raised no money—in fact, it cost the government coffers money—but those opposite committed the revenue they thought they would achieve through the tax to other things and then the income from the tax never actually arrived.</para>
<para>The other thing Senator Ketter said was that Labor supports a bigger and better tax system. You can certainly believe that. If you add up all the various measures that they have looked to impose on the Australian public and business, you'll see they come to around $200 billion more in higher taxes. There's the retiree tax, which is around the receiving of refunds on the tax paid on share dividends. There's the housing tax, which is a $20 billion tax on mum and dad investors through the plan to abolish negative gearing for established homes. There's the investment tax, which is a $13 billion increase in capital gains tax for all assets through the halving of the 50 per cent CGT discount. There's the tax return tax, a $1½ billion impost courtesy of Labor's proposal to slap a $3,000 cap on the amount that individuals can claim for getting complex tax returns done. There's the higher income tax, a further $22 billion tax on wages. There's Labor's family business tax, a $22 billion tax on family businesses through Labor's plan to impose a 30 per cent tax rate on distributions from discretionary trusts. Bear in mind that discretionary trusts are the vehicles used by most small businesses because they help to balance out the peaks and troughs of cash flow, but small businesses have also been the engine, the driving room, of job creation over the past few years. In fact, throughout Australia's history small businesses have been the ones that create jobs. So, perversely, Labor are attacking the very people who generate employment, which is what generates the revenue that helps us keep the country going.</para>
<para>Finally, there's Labor's saving tax, some $25 billion worth of new taxes on your superannuation savings. There are measures like lowering the non-concessional contributions cap to $75,000, lowering the high-income super contribution to $200,000 and significantly reversing things like the introduction of catch-up concessional contributions. Part of the reason this was brought in was that we recognised that many people—women, for example—had been out of the workforce for a while and hadn't been paying into superannuation, and so catch-up provisions were made, so that the size of their superannuation nest egg had the opportunity to catch up. We think that's a fair thing that we should be maintaining for the working people of Australia.</para>
<para>As for the tax plans of this government, we have a long-term plan aimed at building a stronger economy in Australia. As I said right at the start, the reason a strong economy is important is that if you want a good health system, a good education system and strong national defence then you need to have a strong economy, because that's what underpins all these things. The tax relief we are looking for is phased in over a number of stages, but it's aimed to both create tax relief for individuals, easing the cost pressures that they're under, and to provide incentives for companies to create jobs. We've seen that those have worked. Over the last 12 months more than 417,000 jobs have been created, 75 per cent of which have been full time. Those who are cynical about those figures can also look at the number of people on welfare: 15.1 per cent, the lowest in 25 years. That means, even with the up and down of people who might lose a job or take a job when a job is created, in net terms we are moving people off welfare and into work. That is the best way of growing a stronger economy so we can afford the things Australia wants: better education, better health and stronger defence for this nation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a picture of a parrot. It's a Western ground parrot. What do parrots have to do with tax cuts? They have everything to do with tax cuts. There was an excellent article by Lisa Cox in <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> today, entitled 'Foreign donations prop up Australia's endangered parrot response'. It is shameful that a German charity has had to contribute $200,000 for the protection and recovery of an endangered parrot in this country, because it is so underfunded in our threatened-species division. Three out of the most endangered birds in this country are in my home state of Tasmania, and the Greens recently uncovered at estimates that the department couldn't even tell us the last time they counted these birds, because the recovery plan hasn't even been funded. The Threatened Species Commissioner hadn't even been to King Island, where two of the three most endangered and likely-to-become-extinct birds in this country reside. We don't even know if they exist, because no funding has gone into this. We have a species extinction crisis in this country. We, shamefully, lead the world in species extinction.</para>
<para>My point is an important one. When we levy taxes, we raise revenue. That revenue is spent by governments on what it considers priorities. Funding has been slashed to the Department of the Environment and Energy, especially to the threatened-species unit. Here we find that German charities are having to pay for recovery plans for our most threatened species. It's disgusting. Where's the money for the public good of looking after our biodiversity and our species? It's not there. Yet we have before us in this Senate, any minute now, legislation for $144 billion in personal tax cuts. That is the government's priority in the sad and sordid tale of this 45th Parliament. Their piece de resistance, their legislation they are going to take to the election, is to give some Australians—mostly wealthy Australians—a tax cut. Nearly 60 per cent of Australians aren't going to get any tax cut at all. Nearly half of the tax cut benefits will go to the most wealthy 10 per cent of Australians. That's this government's priority. It's not funding services, threatened-species recovery plans, schools or hospitals. It is to give a tax cut to their rich mates, which will further add to inequality—arguably one of the biggest challenges of our time. We should run a ruler over everything we do in this place to see whether it adds to inequality or whether it can actually help reduce inequality. These tax cuts, by any measure, will not reduce inequality; they will make things worse. They will make the rich richer and the poor poorer.</para>
<para>If you don't earn an income in this country or you earn a low income because you're a part-time worker or a student or you're unfortunate enough that you have to be on Newstart or other benefits, you get nothing. You get absolutely nothing in this government's plan. So this motion before us today is absolutely correct. This government's tax plan will add to inequality. It will rip the guts out of our progressive tax system. A progressive tax system is one of the best tools we have for tackling inequality and raising revenue to pay for the services that we need.</para>
<para>The Greens will not support this package later today, an arms race in tax cuts. We want to see services properly funded in this country. You cannot take $144 billion of revenue and not expect services to be cut in the future. The western ground parrot is a good example of something that has already had services cut. We actually need to raise more revenue now, not less. Taking $144 billion out is an election bribe—that's what it is: it's a bribe. It's a trick to get votes and to keep the Liberal Party in power. I hope that the Australian people see it for what it is. I'm very much looking forward to both the second reading stage and the committee stage of this bill when it comes before the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to make a contribution in this very important debate on the government's tax plans, which are fiscally reckless, less progressive and fail in the area of Australian jobs. You can't be in this chamber for any length of time without asking yourself a little, 'What is going on here?' Here we have a government that's lost 34 consecutive Newspolls. They had a disastrous double-D election which delivered a crossbench which means that they negotiate with Senator Hanson and other people on every bit of contentious legislation, all created by the Hon. Malcolm Turnbull's leadership.</para>
<para>If we go back to Senator Mathias Cormann's contribution with the Hon. Tony Abbott and the Hon. Joe Hockey with the glass of wine and the cigar and <inline font-style="italic">The Best Days of Our Lives</inline> playing, they slashed and burned almost every Australian who was receiving some sort of income protection or benefit. We now have a situation which is described this way by our spokesman:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The government's tax plan achieves a rare trifecta. It's fiscally reckless, will lock in a less progressive tax system and will leave Australia less able to support Australian jobs in the event of a downturn.</para></quote>
<para>I must confess that on Saturday I often do have a trifecta, but I do that with a vision of winning and enjoying those winnings. Here we have a government that wants to deliver a trifecta, including a less progressive tax system and being less able to protect Australian jobs in the event of a downturn.</para>
<para>We in the 45th Parliament are being asked to pass legislation which will bind the 46th Parliament and the 47th Parliament. This is quite extraordinary! Stage 1 from 1 July 2018 is fair enough—it's the 45th Parliament's work. Stage 2 is from 1 July 2022. It's quite conceivable that'll be outside the 46th Parliament. Then Stage 3 is from 1 July 2024. It's extraordinary! This government is acting as if it has just won 34 consecutive Newspolls with a 10 per cent margin and has resounding community support and—dare I say it—it's acting as if it has bipartisan support in this chamber. It can't get its legislation through without dealing with a fractious crossbench. Senator Cormann is lauded as this master of patience and for his negotiation ability, but the reality is he has to deal daily with the crossbench in passing any of this legislation.</para>
<para>And this proposal comes on top of the proposal to cut corporate taxes. It's gigantic. Senator Cormann always says, in an overabundance of goodwill and good humour, that he'll display all the relevant information to all the parties so we can all get on board with his grand plan. But the depth charge here is extraordinary. We've had 27 years of uninterrupted economic growth. This plan assumes that we're going to have 37 years. It assumes that we're going to continue to grow exponentially, without any hiccups at all. And the depth charge is simple. All of the stuff they couldn't achieve in the Abbott-Hockey-Mathias Cormann budget—the Hon. Tony Abbott, the Hon. Joe Hockey and the Hon. Mathias Cormann, with that glass of wine and cigar and <inline font-style="italic">The Best Days of </inline><inline font-style="italic">O</inline><inline font-style="italic">ur Lives</inline> playing in the background—because the community revolted and they nearly lost the next election and the Hon. Tony Abbott lost his prime ministership over it, they're seeking to do with this depth charge into the future: a reduction of national income way beyond this parliament and into two future parliaments. But they figure that if they can get this through and the national income is reduced to that extent, one downturn and we will not be able to sustain the Australia that we currently have. We will not be able to sustain increases to the aged pension. We will not even be able to sustain the pitiful amount we pay to people on Newstart allowances, which is 20 years without an increase.</para>
<para>So, this is the game: 'We're going to give workers and aspirants a tax cut.' But what they're really doing is trying to constrain the income of future Australian governments—of which they have no idea what the composition will be—in terms of delivering service to all the respective participants in this economy. The last words in Senator Fawcett's contribution were about defence, a matter really dear to his heart. But there's no way that the provision of Medicare, defence, human services and the NDIS—any of these valuable and important services—to this country can be guaranteed if we're prospectively handing future income out the window. There will be no future income. If we get the corporate tax cuts through and we then compete with Singapore and Ireland, I don't know where it stops. Ireland is, I think, at 12 per cent, and Singapore at the moment is at 20 per cent. Do we have to go to 12 per cent? Is the $50 billion worth of corporate tax cuts going to be enough in that competitive arena? Then you add this halving, if you like, of future income. How is it possible that we can actually be debating this matter for two parliaments hence? We have no idea what the composition of the Senate will be. We have no idea who will be the successful government. Yet we've been asked to consider this with all seriousness.</para>
<para>The government have been a disaster since they got in. They tried to slash and burn. It didn't work. And now they've come up with this very innovative plan, and we on this side of the chamber are expected to say, 'Okay, yeah: let's do that.' Well, I'm sorry: I just don't think Australians will buy this. And when you dig down into who's actually getting what, there are modest benefits for hardworking Australians on low incomes. Labor will double that benefit. As for the tax-free threshold moving to 32 per cent, or thereabouts, for everybody earning under $200,000—a 32.5 per cent personal tax bracket from $120,000 to $200,000—if we can afford it and we can maintain the services and there's a proper evaluation and discussion and it's done in a rationale way then I'm sure that all parties would agree. But just putting that in place now, guessing that we're going to have 37 years of continuous economic growth, is really unusual and will definitely not be supported by this side of the chamber.</para>
<para>It really just beggars belief that the government can actually come in, as I've said, after 34 negative Newspolls and act as if they have broad community support for this plan, as if they've actually discussed it with the broader community. Has there been any feedback from all of the relevant stakeholders, or are they just going to say: 'Well, we're in charge. We're the government. This is going to happen'? Do they really think that Australians have a hip pocket nerve so big that they'll grasp at any tiny pittance of tax relief and forget that it could endanger valuable services that they get in education, health, transport, defence and, as Senator Whish-Wilson said, the environment? If we do decrease our national income, will we then have to make choices about how much we spend on the Great Barrier Reef? Will we then have to make choices about how much we spend on education? Will we then have to make choices about how much we spend on public transport or—dare I say it?—the infrastructure that connects our economy and makes it grow?</para>
<para>These are the simple propositions that are not answered by this extraordinary policy that's promoted by the Hon. Mathias Cormann, the Hon. Scott Morrison and others. It's quite extraordinary that any government would seek to come into the chamber and say the 45th Parliament will take action in the year 2024, which would probably be the 47th Parliament, when many of us may not even be here and there will be a vastly different composition in terms of the crossbenchers and the like. So I find the whole thing quite extraordinary and, to be perfectly frank, a bit bewildering. We're talking about $143 billion—not million but billion—in new tax cuts, much of it to be delivered in the years 2022 and 2024. It is quite extraordinary. I think Australians will judge it that way and reject it in a very clear, succinct and resounding manner.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor lies. Australians have come to understand those two words very, very clearly. I go back to the Keating Labor government. The Keating Labor government thought they were going to get done over in the 1993 election, so they actually legislated for a tax cut in the dying days of that parliament. Signed in blood, it was passed through both houses of parliament, where Labor had a majority. But, unexpectedly, Mr Keating won the 1993 election. The first bit of legislation they introduced when they got back into power was to repeal that piece of legislation which legislated the tax cut.</para>
<para>Then you've only got to go to more recent times: 'There will be no carbon tax under a government I lead.' What was the first thing that happened? There was a bill to impose a tax. At the last election, it was, 'The government's going to privatise and sell Medicare.' Everybody who understood these things knew that was a lie, but, between the unions, GetUp!, the Labor Party and the Greens, Australians at election day only thought, 'Oh, we're a bit worried about this because so many people—Labor, the Greens, the unions and GetUp!—have said the government's going to sell Medicare,' and they were cautious in their vote. But everybody who knew anything about it knew that that was an abject and outright lie, as has been proved by subsequent events. Never, at any stage, was the government intending to privatise or sell Medicare. So those are just four Labor lies, and the mantra—it's in the Australian vernacular these days—really is those two words, 'Labor lies'. So for anything Mr Shorten says, anything Mr Shorten promises, the people of Australia will know that those promises come within the parameters of 'Labor lies'.</para>
<para>On the tax cuts that Senator Gallacher spoke about, when Mr Shorten was a minister in a government, in the economic areas that dealt with these things, he promised tax cuts for business for the obvious reason that if we're going to have investment in Australia—and investment creates jobs for Australians—then we have to be competitive in all things, including the rate of tax we charge on investment and companies. Mr Shorten knew that. That's why he was talking about it. That's why Labor governments back in the Hawke and Keating days actually reduced company taxes. They knew that to have a prosperous and working Australia you did need to encourage the investment of capital.</para>
<para>I'm not terribly bright, but you don't have to be an economic graduate to work out that, if you are a multinational company and you've got a lot of money to invest in a country in building a factory or building anything that will create jobs in that country, you can go anywhere—you can go to Switzerland, France, the United States, Sweden, South America or wherever you like—and do the same things: build a factory and create the same sorts of profits for your company. But if in one country you're going to pay 40 per cent on your profits and in another country you're going to pay 10 per cent on your profits, where are you going to put your investment? As I said, you don't have to be terribly bright to work out that these multinational corporations that invest in Australia and create jobs are going to go where they can get the best deal for their shareholders.</para>
<para>Mr Shorten understood that a few short years ago. Suddenly he's taken the populist approach. He hopes that most Australians will look only at their next pay packet and not to the long-term future. He's running around promising everyone huge tax cuts that he can't afford, that he can't pay for. He just hopes that people won't remember the underlying principle that Labor lies. Once Mr Shorten is in power—should the unthinkable happen—the first thing he will do is renege on the promises that he has made. The second thing he will do, if he sees investment going somewhere other than Australia, is start making it attractive for multinational companies to come to Australia and invest in Australia. Why do I know that he'll do that? Because he already advocated that a few years ago when he was a minister who was in charge of those sorts of economic things. Then Prime Minister Ms Gillard said the same things. They understood. Why have they now changed their tune completely? It is hypocrisy at its greatest. They are hoping that Australians are silly enough to believe them for a little period of time, but I think most Australians simply do understand that Labor lies.</para>
<para>Time doesn't allow me to go through some of the other stupidities in the Labor tax policy, but I will dwell for a moment on Labor's plan to stop Australians receiving refunds on tax paid on their share dividends. This is the reintroduction of double taxation. Mr Shorten is running around telling everyone, 'This will affect only the wealthy.' I'm sorry, but he can't have talked to older people and he can't have talked to people who live in their later years on the returns from investments they made during their working years. They get a substantial part of their income from share dividends. As one person quoted to me, they now find that, because of Mr Shorten's plan, they are going to lose $35,000 of their very meagre income, which is not much beyond that. If Mr Shorten had spoken to retirees, as I have recently, he would know that this is probably the most unpopular tax he has ever talked about.</para>
<para>I for one quite like Mr Shorten promising this, because it has clearly sent a message to older people who've worked hard during their lives and saved some money and put it aside so they can have a better future in their later years. They now know, 100 per cent, that Labor is not for them, that Labor lies. So I suppose, in a perverse sort of way, I appreciate Mr Shorten's promise on double taxation, the franking credits. It has galvanised so many older people that I know to not muck around with their vote next time and not be seduced by the Labor lies but to understand that, if Mr Shorten is Prime Minister, their standard of living and their income will drop dramatically. It's the same with the new taxes on superannuation. This is a direct assault on people who've worked hard during their lives, putting money aside for their savings. They are finding that the Labor Party are introducing some $25 billion worth of new taxes on their superannuation, lowering the annual non-concessional contributions et cetera.</para>
<para>You can only spend money on the Barrier Reef, as Senator Gallacher mentioned, and on education and health if you have an economy that is growing as it has grown under the Abbott and Turnbull governments. We are powering ahead economically. We are scheduled to get surpluses the year after next. Those surpluses will then go into a fund that can spend money on education, spend money on health and do whatever needs to be done on the Great Barrier Reef, amongst every other thing. You can only do that if you've got the money, and you'll only have the money if Australians continue to return the Liberal-National Party to government and take no notice of the Labor lies.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STORER</name>
    <name.id>275424</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There are numerous problems with the government's personal income tax package. There are questions about its fairness, its affordability and the political wisdom of making tax cut commitments so far into the future. All three issues go to the reasons behind my decision to propose amendments to the legislation that would simply deal with those elements of the package which would come into force at the beginning of next month.</para>
<para>The proposed low- and middle-income tax offset is fair, modest, affordable and provides immediate relief to low- and middle-income earners. These are the people who have suffered most from the wage stagnation which has plagued the Australian economy in recent years and shows no signs of improving. These are also the people who are struggling most to pay escalating bills for services they need and cannot avoid—electricity, for example. Although the offset would not be in their pockets until the financial year after next, it is budgeted through the forward estimates at around $4 billion a year through to 2022-23. The same goes for increasing the threshold for the 32½ per cent tax bracket from $80,000 to $90,000. Its price tag is relatively modest—no more than $550 million a year through the forward estimates—and it takes effect immediately. The same cannot be said for the rest of the government's package. For reasons of equity and fairness, I'm suggesting the low- and middle-income tax offset not be scrapped in 2022-23, as the government proposes.</para>
<para>In short, stages 2 and 3 of the package are bad policy and tricky politics. History tells us that it is imprudent, to say the least, to commit future parliaments and possible future governments to such massive cuts in revenue so far into the future. Stage 2 will not take effect until the years beyond the forward estimates, and it will be six budgets and at least two elections before stage 3 comes in.</para>
<para>Let's look briefly at the consequences of past governments tying the hands of future parliaments on tax. In 1993 Paul Keating promised two rounds of tax cuts if he was returned to office. He was asked shortly before the election how he could guarantee that they would take effect. His response was: 'Because they are l-a-w law. They are legislated.' The voters accepted his pledge in good faith and re-elected his government. Within four months, economic circumstances dictated that stage 2 of his promise be abandoned—and we all know the rest of the story.</para>
<para>It was a similar story in 2007 when Kevin Rudd accepted in large measure the last round of John Howard's promised tax cuts. They were offered at the height of the mining boom and could only be funded on the basis of the bloated revenues of the time. Come the global financial crisis, their introduction put massive stresses on the budget—stresses we are struggling with now and will be into the immediate future. Gross debt has risen to more than $500 billion and is still climbing. Interest rate payments are now running at $18 billion a year. We are paying the price to this day. This is money that cannot be spent on schools, hospitals and on much-needed roads and bridges in my home state of South Australia. This rash election pledge also had dire consequences not just for Julia Gillard and Kevin Rudd, as their repeated promises to return the budget to surplus failed to materialise, but for Tony Abbott and Joe Hockey, when the voters rejected their drastic cuts in the 2014 budget. It is a warning we ignore at our peril. In politics, as in life, there is little worse than making a promise that may not be kept.</para>
<para>The very structure of the tax package is revealing. The fact that stages 2 and 3 are years into the future is an acknowledgment of the budget's fragility. If they were affordable they would be in place immediately. Instead, they are a lure to voters of a pot of gold at the end of the rainbow but not for another seven years. In estimates, Treasury Secretary John Fraser acknowledged that the projections beyond the forward estimates on which the government's figuring depends are subject to increasingly significant error bands. If this is the case, the sensible, prudent, responsible thing to do is for the Senate to vote only for stage 1, which is fair, modest and immediate. Should there be the slightest slippage in what respected economists believe are optimistic projections, to say the least—especially on wages—the result would be even more debt and even fewer services. The likelihood is that this would mean lower growth, more wage stagnation, slower increases in employment and a bigger welfare bill. The only alternative would be to dump the tax cuts in stages 2 and 3. The consequences of that would be on the heads of those who are thinking of supporting them this week. Fiscal responsibility and fairness demand the Senate deal only with the tax cuts immediately in front of them. There is no reason to legislate tax cuts four and six years away except to hold future parliaments to ransom and hold out to voters what may well prove to be false hopes. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor will be voting in accordance with the principles of fairness and responsibility, voting in accordance with our values and with our principles. That is what Labor does, that is what Labor stands for and that is why we have come to the position today, through our caucus, unanimously, to support stage 1 of the government's tax package. Of course, we have our own bigger and better tax cuts to lower- and middle-income Australians, which we are urging the parliament to support. I take note of Senator Storer's comment that stages 2 and 3 are bad policy. They are tricky politics. That is what we've come to learn about this coalition government and about Malcolm Turnbull. He's very good at the tricky politics and he's very good at going back on his own values and principles.</para>
<para>You won't find that happening on the Labor benches. Labor is taking a much more responsible and fair approach. We are prepared—very much so—to stand by our values. We are prepared to do what we think is responsible. We also are prepared, as we've shown time and time again, to lead on the economic debate. Over the last five years we have led, we have taken risks and we have been the responsible party when it comes to our Australian budget. I believe those risks will pay off, because the Australian people will see the benefits to our country and to them individually. They will also pay off because people will see through the tricky politics and bad policy that comes about in stages 2 and 3 of the government's current package.</para>
<para>We will continue to fight to ensure that low- and middle-income Australians get a fair share rather than the top tax bracket being the largest beneficiary in some six years' time—some two elections down the track. It is just ludicrous that the government is putting forward tax cuts in this way for the top end of town. It's also unfair that the Prime Minister is quite happy for someone on $200,000 a year to pay the same rate of tax as someone on $50,000 a year. That is incredibly regressive. Again, that is why, when you look at this package in its totality, you find that it is unfair.</para>
<para>We have asked the government to split these packages in order to allow low- and middle-income Australians to get the tax relief that they need and deserve as soon as possible. It is up to the government to make its mind up on that, but we have asked that it be done. Tax relief for some 10 million Australians could go ahead on 1 July if the Turnbull government were not holding middle-income Australians to ransom while it tries to defend these other stages, particularly stage 3—its tax relief to millionaires. Millionaires in this country don't need tax relief. Why? They're millionaires; that's why. Someone on $50,000, someone on $80,000, a family trying to make ends meet and trying to get ahead—they do need some tax relief, and that is what Labor's package is all about. Malcolm Turnbull needs to recognise that. I know he probably doesn't understand what it is like to live on $50,000, but he could at least have some understanding and stop standing in the way of tax relief. Tax cuts this year for people like teachers and tradies should not be held to ransom for the sake of tax cuts for bankers and big CEOs. That is what we are asking of this government. We are saying to the Australian people that, if Labor is elected, we will almost double our tax cuts and make them permanent, while asking those in the top tax bracket to pay a little more to help reduce the debt in our country. I think that's fair. That's what Labor stands for. It's decent.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have to confess that I break out in a cold sweat every time I'm confronted with the Australian Labor Party and their coalition partners, the Greens, lecturing us on matters of the economy. I'm not anti-Labor. As I have said in this place before, I grew up in a Labor household in a Labor suburb and my parents were supporters of the Labor Party all their lives. But I very quickly learnt there are two things that the Labor Party have no idea about, and often the policies and programs they pursue combine the two. I don't intend to spend too much time on the Greens—I flicked on the TV before, and one of the Greens contributors was telling me about extinct birds and how somehow they had some impact on the financial management of the country—but what I do want to say is that the Labor Party cannot manage an economy and they know nothing about rural, regional and provincial Australia. They don't care about it. It's not their base. If you chopped down the Tree of Knowledge in Barcaldine, they would have no reason to leave anywhere with a postcode that ends in three zeros.</para>
<para>Let's look at both together. I was interested in the contribution just made by Senator Singh. If you follow its logic, all corporations are owned and occupied by millionaires. There are hundreds of thousands of corporate businesses in this country that are structured as proprietary limited enterprises for very sound and valid reasons, and they're going to miss out on corporate tax cuts because we have this class distinction happening—that is, if you happen to pay a corporate tax rate, somehow you are a millionaire and you can afford to pay more.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And superannuation.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Superannuation is a perfect example. We have a Labor policy that is even going to abolish franking credits coming back to many retired Australians, many of them lifelong supporters of the Australian Labor Party. I think that will play out for them at the next election. Senator Williams, don't keep distracting me; I have a core message to get through here in my eight minutes. The Australian Labor Party and the Greens can't be separated on the question of economic management. They left all that dirty offal down all the hallways of this place when they left government—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Sterle</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, that's a bit harsh!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>leaving it for us to come here with a mop and a bucket to try to clear up an over-$300-billion debt. You want to talk about fiscal management? And I heard the contribution from you, Senator. You want to talk about looking into the future? You should have been here and lectured the Labor Party when they got a clean balance sheet from John Howard and Peter Costello. You should have talked about how you don't make decisions that go into the future. They could have done with your advice about how they racked up this enormous debt.</para>
<para>We pride ourselves on good financial management, good fiscal constraints. It has taken us longer than it ever has before when we've taken over government from Labor and the Greens to try to get the budget back into some semblance of order. Even now it remains a struggle. And I can tell you this: there are only four ways money can be managed by a federal government. One is to borrow more, and nobody has an appetite for that. One is to charge more in taxes and for services. No-one has an appetite for that. The third category is to cut services. Well, everyone puts their hand up to cut services—until, of course, you reflect on a service that affects them. They always want you to cut a service that affects someone else: 'Get the people off the dole,' they say, and, 'Single mothers—punt them.' But if you start to talk about the pension or some other thing that affects them, of course, they have a different view of the planet. But it is the fourth one that is primary to all economic management. This parliament can't get us out of this quagmire that we're in. I've said it before: the only way we're going to get out of this quagmire is to stimulate the economy, where private sector corporations, small businesses and partnerships, in agriculture and elsewhere, pay more in tax receipts into this place, and then we have some expenditure restraints. That's the only way. There is no other formula. You can buy lottery tickets every fortnight on behalf of the government and try to get out of it that way, but that's not going to work.</para>
<para>Because of the limited time, I want to concentrate on the corporate tax cuts. I've been in business for 30 years, and there are not that many people in this place who've been in business for 30 years—and I mean reasonably sized businesses. I'll tell you what happens. This has been my experience. When I got to the end of the year and I'd spent all the money that I needed to spend to operate my business and I'd paid my income tax and other contingent liabilities and made provision for them and I had money left, I didn't pack up and go to Bali to play golf. I promise that in my case I did not.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Sterle interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was having a shot at you, Senator Sterle, but you've put yourself into the frame there! I didn't go and buy a bigger house. What I did was reinvest in my business. What were the implications of that? Oftentimes it increased employment so that I could increase the productivity of my companies and they, in turn, could prosper. So, people were employed. They prospered. They came off unemployment. They came into employment. It made a contribution to the receipts of the country. I tried to make myself more profitable and invested in that on many occasions—the advent of technologies, changes in practices. I invested heavily in that. That resulted in us doing a better job—more productivity, making some more money. And if it wasn't making more money then it was having more disposable income left at the end of the year. What did I do with that? I reinvested in the business again, as most businesses do. And when I employed more people I had to get them to do something. They went and poured concrete, or they drove a nail into a piece of timber, or they drove a truck, or they picked up some commodities and moved them from A to B. So every additional cent I got went back into the economy. That meant that the timber yard, the hardware store—all of these other businesses that relied on us as satellites to our business—also did better. They paid more income tax. They employed more people, and they, in turn, spent it.</para>
<para>I don't expect the Australian Labor Party or the Greens—the Australian Labor Party in particular—to understand these principles. Their specialty is to sit and wait until the private sector does well, and then they're waiting there at the door to take a slice of the action. That's what they do. They don't know how to build wealth. They don't know how to create strong business environments. They don't know how to manage the economy. They're waiting to take something off someone else for the effort, the investment and the risk they've made. These tax cuts are responsible, they're needed and, if you have a look at where they've happened in the world, they will promote an increase in our economy and give a benefit to the nation.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for this debate has now expired.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriations and Staffing Committee</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>72</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the 60th report of the Standing Committee on Appropriations, Staffing and Security on the estimates for the Department of the Senate 2018-19.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs Legislation Committee, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee, Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of the chairs of the respective committees, I present additional information received by committees as listed at item 13 on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Community Affairs Legislation Committee—Report—Commonwealth Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse Bill 2017 and related bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee—Reports—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Impact of Defence training activities and facilities on rural and regional communities</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Implications of climate change for Australia's national security</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee—Report—Water Amendment Bill 2018</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Intelligence and Security Committee</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, I present the report of the committee on ASIO's questioning and detention powers, and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Joint Standing Committee on National Capital and External Territories</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Senator McCarthy, on behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on the National Capital and External Territories, I present the report of the committee on Australia's Antarctic territory, and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Public Works Committee</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DEAN SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works, I present report No. 2 of 2018—referrals made March 2018.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporations and Financial Services Committee, Intelligence and Security Committee, Joint Standing Committee on National Capital and External Territories, National Disability Insurance Scheme, Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present six government responses to committee reports as listed on today’s <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>. In accordance with the usual practice, I seek leave to incorporate the documents in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The documents read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services—Report on the 2015‑16 annual reports of the bodies established under the ASIC Act</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security—Review of police stop, search and seizure powers, the control order regime and the preventative detention order regime; Review of the 'declared area' provisions; and Independent National Security Legislation Monitor—Review of Division 104 and 105 of the Criminal Code (including the interoperability of Divisions 104 and 105): Control Orders and Preventative Detention Orders; Sections 119.2 and 119.3 of the Criminal Code: Declared Areas; Review of Division 3A of Part IAA of the Crimes Act 1914: Stop, Search and Seize Powers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Joint Standing Committee on the National Capital and External Territories—Report—The strategic importance of Australia's Indian Ocean Territories</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Joint Standing Committee on the National Disability Insurance Scheme—Report—Transitional Arrangements for the NDIS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation Committee—Report—Coastal Trading (Revitalising Australian Shipping) Amendment Bill 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee—Report—Increasing use of so-called Flag of Convenience shipping in Australia</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to comment on the government response to the Rural, Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Increasing use of so-called Flag of Convenience shipping in Australia</inline>and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>The government has finally come back with, let's say, a response. This inquiry had gone on for about 18 months. It was a very interesting inquiry by the Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee. Senator O'Sullivan and I found ourselves at many meetings on this important topic. It started with, I think, a report by <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> or one of those shows—it was a couple of years ago—on a ship, the <inline font-style="italic">Sage Sagittarius</inline>, an infamous ship, which was crewed by foreign workers. I say at the outset so that everyone is clear that, at every stage of this inquiry, I had nothing against foreign workers, but I get pretty cranky when they are brought in and exploited, and they replace Australian jobs. I make no apology for that—never have, never will. Aussies must come first. It's pretty simple. I'd love to hear that side agree with me. They won't. They all just look down at their iPads or their iPhones and hope to Christ that no-one was listening and I won't single them out, but I won't single them out because they're all just as guilty as each other.</para>
<para>The <inline font-style="italic">Sage Sagittarius</inline> had Captain Salas, the Filipino captain. He is notorious. He has admitted to being a gun runner. On his watch, there were two deaths at sea on this ship: Filipino seafarers. Then there was one death when the ship was unloading back in Japan. The owners of the ship had put in a detective working under—what do you call it?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Scullion</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Cover.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Undercover, yes, thanks—and somehow, mysteriously, when the ship berthed when it was unloading, unfortunately, he was killed. We're still waiting to find out what the heck happened there. Anyway, that was the crux of it.</para>
<para>I'm just going to quickly go through this. There are some significant recommendations. I have spoken many, many times about this issue in many forums and many times in this place, so I won't go over much old ground, but the committee—and this was a unanimous report—put, I think, about seven or eight recommendations to the government. We said, 'This is what needs to be done.' You must remember that, back in 1992, there was a similar inquiry into ships of shame. I'm sad to inform the Senate and all those poor devils out there listening that nothing has changed.</para>
<para>We have a government that are doing their best—come charging down and attack me, every member of the coalition, if you think I'm lying—and doing everything they can to see the demise of the Australian shipping industry. I've said it many times. No-one has ever yelled at me and said I'm making it up, because that's what they're darn well doing. They can lie through their eyeteeth about how good they are and how they're looking after Aussies and—what was the catchcry?—jobs and growth. That's as long as they're not Australian jobs and as long as it's not in the Australian shipping industry. Where the hell are all our seafarers going to come from—our masters, our skippers, our captains? Where the heck are all our hardworking seafarers going to come from? I'll tell you where they're going to come from with that mob, the LNP, over there: they'll come from Libya, the Philippines, Iran or whatever it is. Unfortunately, that's where it's heading.</para>
<para>And they're not alone. They've got partners in crime. I'll tell you right now: you can put BP and Caltex in that. We used to have Australian seafarers on Australian ships plying their trade between our ports. Not anymore, people. It's all done by foreign seafarers, and that lot over there think it's great, because that lot over there think they're doing a fantastic job. One of my recommendations—it was the committee's, but I chaired it—I want to share with everyone listening. Recommendation 1 was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Fair Work Ombudsman implement a program of inspection for ships with foreign seafarers, to verify that the wages paid on board accord with Australian legal requirements.</para></quote>
<para>We're not making something up. That is what's supposed to happen. What was the response from the government? There was another recommendation I want to share too, and then I'll give you the response. The committee also recommended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… that the Australian Government provide adequate funding to the Fair Work Ombudsman to implement an inspection program of ships with foreign crews, to assess the payment of wages.</para></quote>
<para>That's pretty simple, not hard at all.</para>
<para>This was the government's response, everyone: 'The Australian government does not support these recommendations.' But here's the rub: 'Furthermore, the government considers that the current arrangements for compliance in the maritime sector are sufficient and the Fair Work Ombudsman is adequately funded to support these arrangements.' Crap. Let me just give you a couple of examples. Geez, I tell you: it's really hard to control myself when I start talking about the shipping industry being torn apart and Australian jobs being exported. Then they lie. Then they can't even tell the truth. They expect us to believe that they're doing this? Let me just give you a couple of classic examples here.</para>
<para>In December last year, there was a ship, a Bahamas-registered vessel called the <inline font-style="italic">Diana</inline>, which pulled up in Melbourne. The ITF did what they normally do. They got on board. Lo and behold, they found out that this Australian company owns the <inline font-style="italic">Diana</inline>: Canada Steamship Lines Australia—CSL. Yes, what a great company they are! I really have got my tongue firmly planted in my cheek. In fact, when I pull my tongue out, they're far from a decent Australian company, because they are absolutely guilty of underpayment of wages. The ITF found out. The ITF are prosecuting them. They are an Australian company that have replaced Australian seafarers with foreign seafarers and foreign ships. They're getting ably assisted by that lot over there. CSL Australia also have the vessels <inline font-style="italic">Acacia</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Adelie</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Diana</inline>. You know what? What a great Australian company CSL are, because they're even refusing to sign industrial agreements so their workers can be paid Australian wages and conditions! So, Government, there's one of your mates that's out there rorting it and got caught out.</para>
<para>Here's another one. This is why they're telling us the Fair Work Ombudsman is funded well and they're doing a great job. They're not. This goes back to April last year. This is right in the heart of the inquiry. ITF, the International Transport Workers' Federation, lassoed the Aussie charterers of:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a Norwegian shipping company that was allegedly—</para></quote>
<para>or not allegedly; in the end, that's what they did—</para>
<quote><para class="block">paying its foreign crew a pitiful—</para></quote>
<para>are you ready for this?—</para>
<quote><para class="block">$1.25 an hour while working in Australian waters.</para></quote>
<para>This mob of jokers over there is trying to tell the committee, who worked their backsides off talking to the industry about the deficiencies that have been around for many years—rehashing <inline font-style="italic">Ships of shame</inline>,from 1992—that there is nothing to see. This is typical of LNP ministers: 'Tuck it under the desk and hopefully no-one will talk about it.' Well, we're going to keep talking about it.</para>
<para>So let's have a look at what they did while they were ripping off these foreign workers in Australian waters. The Fair Work Ombudsman launched an action against a mob called Transpetrol TM, claiming it underpaid no fewer than 61 foreign crew members—here we go!—a total of $255,000 when they worked on the oil tanker MT <inline font-style="italic">Turmoil</inline> in Australian waters between 2013 and 2015. That is carting BP's and Caltex's products around, because BP and Caltex—yes, the fuel mobs who can't wait to rip into Australian motorists at every opportunity; talk about cartels!—replaced Australian manned ships, as I said earlier, with a chartered Norwegian owned ship. I have to tell you that it just irks me. These are only a couple of examples.</para>
<para>I can go through all these recommendations and, lo and behold, the government doesn't accept any of them. They try to rub a little bit of salt in the wound by telling me, when we are going further, about making sure that environmentally and industrially everything is Mickey Mouse. It's not Mickey Mouse. I'll talk about that too. Here's another one. There was one I saw recently, a couple of weeks ago. Eighty-odd containers fell off a ship coming into Sydney. It was a Liberian registered ship. So what? I'll tell you so what. It was heavy seas. Yes, we know these sorts of things happen. They fell off before midnight, but it was 11 o'clock the next morning before AMSA, the Australian Maritime Safety Authority, was even notified. I can tell you now: there is no way known that an Australian crewed or Australian owned ship or Australian seafarers or an Australian captain would have waited 11 or 12 hours before they thought they might decide to let AMSA know.</para>
<para>I'll have a lot more to say about this. I will seek leave to continue my remarks. I'm not going away. It is an absolute disgrace in our nation that the LNP government under Mr Turnbull, and previously Mr Abbott, cannot wait to wave goodbye to the Australian shipping industry, Australian seafarers and Australian ships. I've got to tell you: the Americans have the Jones Act, and it's about darned time that we had the same act—I don't care what name you call it. It's about time that we started building Australian owned, Australian built, Australian crewed ships, with Australian seafarers, Australian skippers and the whole lot. I have a lot more to say. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>76</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>76</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>77</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Astronomical Observatory (Transition) Bill 2018, Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Amendment Bill 2018, Health Insurance (Approved Pathology Specimen Collection Centres) Tax Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>77</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <p>
              <a href="r6090" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Astronomical Observatory (Transition) Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6078" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Amendment Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6121" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Health Insurance (Approved Pathology Specimen Collection Centres) Tax Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>77</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>These bills are being introduced together. After debate on the motion for the second reading has been adjourned, I shall move a motion to have the bills listed separately on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>77</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">AUSTRALIAN ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATORY (TRANSITION) BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am pleased to introduce the Australian Astronomical Observatory (Transition) Bill 2018, to support and give effect to the government's 2017-18 Budget measure <inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">Maintaining Australia</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">s Optical Astronomy Capability</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new measure ushers in change, growth and a bright new era for Australian optical astronomy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Astronomy and astrophysics are major scientific strengths for Australia. The spectacular discoveries and images created by our astronomers advance scientific understanding, stimulate interest by young people in scientific careers, and inspire all of us to think about our place in the universe.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Astronomy also leads to technological innovations with important spin-off applications valued by society, such as such as digital cameras, satellite global positioning systems, medical image processing software and CSIRO's development of Wi-Fi technology.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Anglo-Australian Telescope at Siding Spring Observatory, near Coonabarabran has, since 1974, served generations of Australian and visiting overseas astronomers as one of the world's most productive observing facilities, in scientific output, publications and citations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2010, the Australian Government assumed full ownership of the telescope and established the Australian Astronomical Observatory as our national optical astronomy organisation. The AAO, as it is known, continued to serve the astronomy community as a division of the Department of Industry, Innovation and Science, providing our astronomers with excellent observing facilities and services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At its North Ryde headquarters in Sydney, AAO scientists and technical specialists continued to develop innovative instruments and technologies to keep the telescope at the forefront of discovery, and provide sought-after scientific capabilities to overseas telescopes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The 3.9 metre Anglo-Australian Telescope is no longer in the top tier of telescopes globally as it had been in its earlier decades. In the last two decades, larger, more powerful telescopes have been dominating overseas: the so-called 'eight-metre' class telescopes (a reference to their primary mirror diameters) and the even larger 'thirty-metre' class telescopes now under construction.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These large telescopes and their high-performance instruments extend the boundaries of scientific discovery, seeing farther into the cosmos, detecting fainter objects, and resolving finer details. These are the telescopes of the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through its Decadal Planning process, the Australian astronomy community highlighted a pressing, unmet national need for a stable, long-term partnership in a multi-national optical observatory. Such a partnership would provide Australia's astronomers with access to the world's best suite of eight-metre class telescopes and, through this access, enable them to remain internationally engaged and relevant in addressing the most important scientific questions of the era.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recognising the transformation in the global astronomy sector and this pressing need to maintain our place in the discoveries of the future, the government is prioritising Australia's partnership in front-line multi-national astronomy infrastructure and working with the university sector to ensure that our domestic capability supports this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 11 July 2017, the government entered into a 10-year Strategic Partnership with the European Southern Observatory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ESO, as it is known, operates the world's foremost collection of optical-infrared telescopes on high mountain summits in Chile's Atacama Desert. This includes the renowned quartet of 8-metre telescopes that comprise the 'Very Large Telescope', with their many advanced scientific instruments to analyse the light they collect from distant reaches of the cosmos.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australia-ESO Strategic Partnership gives our astronomers long-term, stable access to ESO telescopes at La Silla and Paranal Observatories in Chile.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will enable our institutions to collaborate in developing new instrumentation, and open the door to Australian companies to tender competitively for ESO contracts at La Silla and Paranal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government recognises the ongoing value of the domestic astronomical facilities and the expert capability in the Australian Astronomical Observatory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Prior to the government's optical astronomy measure in 2017-18, funding for AAO operations was due to terminate by 30 June 2020.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">With strong, strategic backing from Australia's university sector, the government's optical astronomy measure is supporting the transfer of the AAO's critical domestic astronomical activities, assets and expert staff from the Commonwealth to new university-led consortia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian National University will lead a consortium to continue to operate the Anglo-Australian Telescope into the mid-2020s. By extending its operations by a further five years, we are extending the benefits of this telescope as an observing platform to astronomers, a testbed for new instrumentation innovations, and a community treasure for Coonabarabran.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government is working with Macquarie University to develop a national optical instrumentation capability that will continue and further develop the AAO's renowned instrumentation activities. This work will be supported by Astronomy Australia Limited—a not-for-profit company that manages a range of research infrastructure programs for astronomy—through the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new consortium in Sydney will link with other Australian centres of expertise to design and build excellent optical instruments for observatories here and overseas. The capability will have an industry focus to address technical challenges, commercialise Australian innovations arising from astronomy, and potentially develop new applications beyond astronomy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Astronomical Observatory (Transition) Bill provides for a smooth domestic astronomy transition from the Commonwealth to the new consortia. It retains key astronomical functions of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Astronomical Observatory Act 2010 </inline>to provide a legislative basis for future government initiatives to continue to enable Australian astronomy engagement and excellence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government's optical astronomy measure will strengthen Australia's research and industry opportunities in the coming decade, extend the legacy of the Australian Astronomical Observatory and its global reputation, and ensure Australia remains at the forefront of global optical astronomy research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the Chamber.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">COMMERCE (TRADE DESCRIPTIONS) AMENDMENT BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to bringing Australian border legislation into alignment with the country of origin labelling safe harbour defences under the Australian Consumer Law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2017, the Government enacted the <inline font-style="italic">Competition and</inline><inline font-style="italic">Consumer Amendment (Country of Origin) Act</inline><inline font-style="italic">2017</inline> to simplify and clarify the safe harbour defences under section 255 of Schedule 2 of the Competition and Consumer Act as part of its reform to Australia's Country of Origin Labelling framework. These defences enable a person to make a claim about the origin of the goods sold domestically without contravening the provisions of Schedule 2.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These defences are currently not available to importers who are required to apply a trade description on goods proposed to be imported into Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Amendment Bill 2018 would amend the <inline font-style="italic">Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Act</inline><inline font-style="italic">1905</inline> to enable importers to make a claim about the origin of goods, similar to those permitted under the Australian Consumer Law, without contravening the offence against a false trade description.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The alignment would reduce the complexity of enforcing origin marking requirements at the border, allowing the Australian Border Force to focus compliance activities on goods that do not meet the safe harbour defences.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill would also insert an express head of power in the Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Act to enable the Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Regulation 2016 to be amended to incorporate information standards that are in force or existing from time to time. This is currently not possible without an express head of power.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As information standards are amended from time to time, the Bill will enable the Commerce (Trade Descriptions) Regulation to be amended to automatically incorporate changes to information standards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">HEALTH INSURANCE (APPROVED PATHOLOGY SPECIMEN COLLECTION CENTRES) TAX AMENDMENT BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill reduces the regulatory burden on the pathology sector without increasing the overall taxation burden. It amends the Health Insurance (Approved Pathology Specimen Collection Centres) Tax Act 2000 (the Pathology Tax Act) to require the tax payable on the grant of an approval of an Approved (Specimen) Collection Centre (ACC) to be paid every two years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Pathology Tax Act imposes a tax on the grant of an approval, or renewal, of a pathology specimen collection centre. Medicare benefits can be claimed for pathology services provided using specimens collected at an ACC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Pathology Tax Act currently imposes a tax of $1,000 for an approval of renewal of an ACC granted for a period of one year. Under the current arrangements, existing ACCs must renew their registration and pay this tax every 12 months. As an interim measure, in 2016, the Government agreed that all new ACCs may only be initially registered for a period of six months, with a $500 tax imposed. These ACCs can then be renewed annually. This requires pathology providers to complete application forms and pay the associated tax twice within a six month period. The interim arrangements were put in place with support from the pathology sector pending the development of the suite of measures to strengthen compliance arrangements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will allow approvals to be granted for a two year period and will see no increase to the tax imposed. This Bill will amend the existing Pathology Tax Act to require the tax payable on the grant of an approval of an ACC to be amended from $1,000 annually to $2,000, to be paid two yearly. This will assist in addressing regulatory burden by streamlining administrative processes that the pathology sector encounter with the current arrangements. The rate of the tax has not been changed since the Act was enacted in 1999. After careful consideration the Government has determined that there should be no increase to the tax at this time to ensure that smaller pathology providers are not negatively impacted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department has been, and will continue to engage with key stakeholders prior to 1 July 2018 to advise of the amendment to the tax and the extension of the timeframe for new and renewed ACC applications, including reaffirming the key elements of the measure announced in the 2017-18 Budget.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Health Insurance (Eligible Collection Centres) Approval Principles 2010 (the Approval Principles) set out the terms for approvals of ACCs. Currently ACC approvals are required by the Approval Principles to be renewed every 12 months. It is intended that the Approval Principles will be amended to extend ACC approval periods to two years to reflect amendments to the Pathology Tax Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes will be welcomed by the pathology sector as it decreases the effort currently involved in annual ACC renewal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments contribute to the implementation of the 2017-18 Budget measure 'Pathology Approved Collection Centres — strengthening compliance', which includes new compliance arrangements, strengthening compliance activities related to prohibited practices by increased data collection and analysis; automation of applications, cancelations and renewals through the Health Professional Online Services (HPOS) of the Department of Human Services. These amendments further complement these compliance activities by extending and streamlining ACC approval periods from one to two years, with the tax adjusted from $1,000 each year to $2,000 every two years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In summary, this Bill will reduce the regulatory burden of pathology providers and will not negatively impact smaller pathology providers as there is no increase to the financial component. The tax will be paid two yearly instead of annually.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Ordered that the bills be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> as separate orders of the day.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporations (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018, National Consumer Credit Protection (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018, Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018, Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>80</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <p>
              <a href="r6124" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Corporations (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6115" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Consumer Credit Protection (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6113" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6114" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">CORPORATIONS (FEES) AMENDMENT (ASIC FEES) BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today I introduce a Bill that delivers on the Government's commitment that the Australian Securities and Investments Commission costs for specific regulatory activities requested by an entity should be fully recovered from that entity. This is referred to as 'fees‑for‑service' and is the second and final phase of the ASIC industry funding model and will commence on 1 July 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The first phase of the industry funding model commenced on 1 July 2017. This enabled ASIC to recover costs associated with its general regulatory activities via levies. This involves ASIC's regulatory costs being allocated across 48 industry subsectors based on the actual costs of ASIC's regulation of each subsector in the previous financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The industry funding model's introduction has had significant benefits, including:</para></quote>
<list>improving equity, as only those entities that are regulated by ASIC and create the need for regulation will bear its costs, rather than ordinary taxpayers;</list>
<list>encouraging regulatory compliance, as good conduct will reduce supervisory levies;</list>
<list>improving ASIC's resource allocation, by providing ASIC with richer data to better identify emerging risks; and</list>
<list>enhancing ASIC transparency and accountability.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The current fees charged for the services and activities ASIC provides is not a true reflection of the actual costs incurred by ASIC. Historically, these services and activities have only attracted a nominal fee. As a result, any difference between the fee an entity pays and the actual costs incurred by ASIC is subsidised by taxpayers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To give effect to the Government's commitment, this Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations (Fees) Act 2001</inline> to:</para></quote>
<list>set that a fee for a chargeable matter may not exceed $200,000;</list>
<list>set that a fee or sum of fees for a chargeable matter may not exceed $300,000, except for services in relation to a market licensee and a particular or potential conflict. The total fee may not exceed $300,000 in a 12 month period;</list>
<list>expand the meaning of a chargeable matter and define who is liable to pay and when the payment is to occur; and</list>
<list>provide ASIC with a legislative instrument making power to enable ASIC to determine the criteria for whether a type of application for a particular regulatory service that is to be charged, is low, medium or high complexity. In the event that a legislative instrument is not made, the default fee will be the lowest fee in that category.</list>
<quote><para class="block">These amendments will allow ASIC to better align its fees with the costs ASIC incurs when providing regulatory services to a specific entity – such as processing a licence or registration application – provided that the fee directly represents the efficient costs of providing the regulatory activity or service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These fee amounts will be reviewed every three years. The review process will involve a public consultation process utilising a cost recovery implementation statement. Both the cost recovery implementation statement for fees-for-service, and for levies, will identify and explain all proposed changes to fees or levies. The cost recovery implementation statement must include a summary of the consultation process, the issues raised, how those issues have been considered and an explanation of the costing model for the activity. In addition, ASIC will include industry funding on the agenda of all their external committees and panels for consideration, with a particular focus on seeking feedback during the annual cost recovery implementation statement consultation process, as an extra accountability mechanism. The Government will review this industry funding model accountability framework in three years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further complementary amendments are given effect and described in the National Consumer Credit Protection (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; the Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; and the Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The fees attached to ASIC forms relating to updating an ASIC registry database are not in scope for industry funding and will not be recovered under this model. The fees for lodging these forms will continue to be set separately.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill gives effect to the Government's commitment in accepting recommendation 29 of the Financial System Inquiry to introduce an industry funding model for ASIC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has consulted extensively with industry on the design of the ASIC industry funding model. Nearly 300 submissions were received and considered.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Subsequently, public consultation on the introduction of the fees‑for‑service regime was conducted between November and December 2017. Public consultation on the draft legislation was undertaken in April 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This builds on other key initiatives undertaken by this Government to ensure the ASIC has the powers it needs to promote trust and confidence in the financial system, including:</para></quote>
<list>establishing and implementing the recommendations of the ASIC Enforcement Review Taskforce, to substantially increase the penalties available to ASIC and to boost its regulatory toolkit;</list>
<list>appointing a new ASIC Chairman, James Shipton, who brings deep regulatory and financial market knowledge to the role;</list>
<list>creating a second Deputy Chairman role with a focus on enforcement, and appointing the highly regarded Daniel Crennan QC to this position;</list>
<list>legislating to remove ASIC employees from the Public Service Act, to enhance ASIC's ability to attract and retain the best staff; and</list>
<list>legislating to include competition considerations within ASIC's mandate.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations was notified in relation to the Bill as required under the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Agreement 2002</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In conclusion, the introduction of the second and final phase of the ASIC industry funding model is a critical component of the Government's reforms to strengthen ASIC and better protect Australian consumers. Industry funding ensures that the costs of regulation are borne by those that have created the need for it, rather than Australian taxpayers. These amendments allow ASIC to better align its fees, by enabling ASIC to charge a cost reflective fee for the services it provides for a specific entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure are contained in the Explanatory Memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">NATIONAL CONSUMER CREDIT PROTECTION (FEES) AMENDMENT (ASIC FEES) BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill delivers on the Government's commitment that the Australian Securities and Investments Commission's costs for specific regulatory activities requested by an entity should be fully recovered from that entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To give effect to the Government's commitment, this Bill amends the Credit Fees Act to state that the <inline font-style="italic">National Consumer Credit Protection (Fees) Regulation 2010</inline> may allow for a particular chargeable matter, different fees based on the type of entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment will allow ASIC to better align its fees with the costs ASIC incurs when providing regulatory services to a specific entity – such as processing a licence or registration application – provided that the fee directly represents the efficient costs of providing the regulatory activity or service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further complementary amendments are given effect and described in the Corporations (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; the Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; and the Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations has been notified in relation to this Bill as required under the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Agreement 2002</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure are contained in the Explanatory Memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SUPERANNUATION AUDITOR REGISTRATION IMPOSITION AMENDMENT (ASIC FEES) BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill delivers on the Government's commitment that the Australian Securities and Investments Commission's costs for specific regulatory activities requested by an entity should be fully recovered from that entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To give effect to the Government's commitment, this Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Act 2012</inline> to set that a fee in relation to applications to be a self-managed superannuation fund auditor may not exceed $3,000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment allows ASIC to better align its fees with the costs ASIC incurs when providing their regulatory services in relation to applications to be a self-managed superannuation fund auditor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further complementary amendments are given effect and described in the Corporations (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; the National Consumer Credit Protection (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; and the Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations was notified in relation to these Bills as required under the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Agreement 2002</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure are contained in the Explanatory Memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SUPERANNUATION INDUSTRY (SUPERVISION) AMENDMENT (ASIC FEES) BILL 2018</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill delivers on the Government's commitment that the Australian Securities and Investments Commission's costs for specific regulatory activities requested by an entity should be fully recovered from that entity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To give effect to the Government's commitment, this Bill amends the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Act 1993</inline>to allow ASIC to recover costs in relation to an application to vary or revoke the conditions or cancel the registration of an approved self-managed superannuation fund auditor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Specifically, the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Industry (Supervision) Act 1993 </inline>is amended to allow the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Regulations 2012 </inline>to provide for two new fees in relation to an application to vary or revoke the conditions or cancel the registration of an approved self-managed superannuation fund auditor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment will allow ASIC to better align its fees with the costs ASIC incurs when providing regulatory services on this matter – provided that the fee directly represents the efficient costs of providing the regulatory activity or service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At the same time, the annual statement lodgement fees will be removed for SMSF auditors. This change will be given effect in the <inline font-style="italic">Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Regulations 2012</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further complementary amendments are given effect and described in the Corporations (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; the National Consumer Credit Protection (Fees) Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018; and the Superannuation Auditor Registration Imposition Amendment (ASIC Fees) Bill 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations was notified in relation to these Bills as required under the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Agreement 2002</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure are contained in the Explanatory Memorandum.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Communications Legislation Amendment (Regional and Small Publishers Innovation Fund) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1107" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Communications Legislation Amendment (Regional and Small Publishers Innovation Fund) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Assent</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Water Amendment Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6112" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Water Amendment Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ANNING</name>
    <name.id>273829</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is not my first speech. I rise in support of the government's Water Amendment Bill 2018, which seeks to amend the Water Act 2007 following the Greens' sponsored disallowance of the northern basin amendment by the Senate earlier this year. This bill will introduce a new power to allow the minister to direct the Murray-Darling Basin Authority to make an instrument with the same effect as the disallowed amendment.</para>
<para>In the 2012 Basin Plan, the previous Labor-Green coalition government decided to divert gigalitres away from productive farming to run off downriver. This was euphemistically referred to as an environmental flow. However, the 2016 Northern Basin Review found that this was a fiasco. In particular, it found that the so-called environmental recovery of 390 gigalitres of water was having a devastating effect on farming. Accordingly, the current government previously sought to allow farmers to draw a modest 70 gigalitres more water in accordance with the recommendations of the review. Of course, that still left a so-called environmental water recovery target of 140 gigalitres from Queensland farmers and 180 gigalitres from New South Wales. But it was at least a step in the right direction.</para>
<para>I note that these flows are supposed to give us a better environmental outcome. I, therefore, look forward to greater scrutiny of environmental outcomes in the years to come, because I would like to see water given to the environment put under the same pressure for results as the water used for food production.</para>
<para>Generally, as this bill seeks to reprise that increase in water available for productive use, I, therefore, welcome the introduction of this bill and applaud the government for not being cowed by radical Green objections. I'm also sure that a return of the 70 gigalitres previously denied by the disallowance will be welcomed by rural producers, who have been burdened with uncertainty by the previous ideologically motivated attack on their livelihoods. Given that environmental extremists seem to think that any water diverted to support agriculture is a disaster, I'm sure the usual suspects will be lining up to oppose this bill.</para>
<para>The same anti-agriculture mentality has imposed outrageous bans on agricultural tree clearing in Queensland. Presumably the same people think that food on our supermarket shelves just magically appears without ever requiring land clearing, crop planting, domestic animal grazing and so on. I can just hear some of them saying: 'Who cares about dairy farms? We get our milk from nice clean bottles, not dirty old cows.'</para>
<para>In a broader sense, even though I'll support this bill because it represents an improvement in the status quo for farmers, the bigger problem is the existence of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan in the first place. Section 100 of the Australian Constitution specifically states that the Commonwealth is not to restrict the right of any state or its residents to use water for commercial irrigation, which means that you would expect the Water Act 2007, the Murray-Darling Basin Authority and the Basin Plan all would be unconstitutional. Others clearly thought so. In 2014 the validity of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan was legally challenged on the grounds that it was contrary to section 100 of the Constitution. However, unfortunately, the court found that the legislation was valid as it interpreted treaties signed by Australia. Commonwealth legislation implementing such treaty obligations overrules state authority, based on the external affairs power contained in section 51 of the Constitution.</para>
<para>There has been a long history of autocratic federal governments misusing the external affairs power to override state laws and individual freedoms. The most well-known case was in 1983 when a former Labor government used its powers to prevent the construction of the Gordon River hydroelectric scheme in Tasmania, killing economic development and jobs. More insidious, however, was the 1975 Whitlam-era Racial Discrimination Act, which, under section 18C, under the guise of implementing the lofty-sounding UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, suppresses free speech. Efforts to resist this on the basis that the Racial Discrimination Act is inconsistent with constitutionally implemented freedom of political expression have proved fruitless, again because the High Court has found that the Racial Discrimination Act derives its authority from the external affairs powers conveyed by section 51.</para>
<para>For one level of elected Australian government to overrule another is one thing. However, for one part of the Constitution to allow foreign agreements to override other parts of the Constitution is something else. If we allow the external affairs powers to be abused to allow foreign treaties to override our own Constitution then our country has surrendered power over itself to foreign governments. If, for example, an extreme left-wing government took power, they could sign a treaty with, say, Iran that obliges us to adopt sharia law, and under this interpretation of section 51 of the Constitution this would overrule our other constitutional rights or any laws enacted by democratically elected Australian governments. Is that what our founding fathers, such as Henry Parkes or Sir Edmund Barton, intended for this country? Is that what the Australian people really want? Is that what our parents and grandparents fought in two wars for?</para>
<para>We may think that we are debating water rights, but the existence of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, in apparent disregard for section 100 of the Constitution, is actually a clarion call for constitutional reform. We need to return the Australian government to the democratic control of the Australian people, in accordance with the founders' intent.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Water Amendment Bill essentially amends a disallowance motion that was passed in this place some months ago. I supported the disallowance motion because my concerns—they are very real and legitimate concerns—were about abuse of water, the theft of water and the corruption of the water allocation process, both politically and economically, that was happening in New South Wales. No-one denies that there's been a problem in New South Wales; it's only the scale of the problem that people are in debate about, if I can put it like that. There are many who ran around like Henny Penny when that disallowance was supported, saying that the Murray-Darling Basin Plan would collapse. Nothing was further from the truth. In fact, quite frankly, I think the alarmism and the scaremongering then was more about the political cover-up to save the skins of some of the people who are deeply, deeply involved in the theft and corruption upstream that is damaging the Murray-Darling Basin agreement.</para>
<para>And I'm disappointed that, rather than let the disallowance run its course of six months and then allow the inquiries that have taken place to report—and then to consider, in the totality of the information, whether changes should be made to the Murray-Darling Basin Plan or the Northern Basin plan—the government has sought to bring this on. And it's done. Nothing I say or do is going to change the outcome of this legislation, because Labor have decided that they're going to support the government, because apparently they've extracted some concessions. The concessions seem to be only words to me, because I haven't seen anything more substantive than that we're going to provide for Indigenous water or cultural water or we're going to do better in this or that. It seems to be a lot of platitudes.</para>
<para>But the simple concerns that I have remain. There are deeply embedded problems in the Northern Basin. I believe that these problems include political corruption. I believe that they include bribery. I believe that they include donations that have gone quid pro quo for some of the support that has been received. Yet, apart from what we've seen on the ABC and apart from what we've seen in some reports, whereby people have resigned, we haven't had a comprehensive conclusion to the investigations that have taken place.</para>
<para>I also have to say that the alarmist predictions about New South Wales withdrawing from the basin agreement haven't come to pass. The people who perhaps squawked the most about the changes to that disallowance were conflating multiple issues—and quite deliberately conflating them. They were talking about the Southern Rural Water changes from Victoria and conflating those with the Northern Basin changes. When you explain to people that this is not the case and that they're succumbing to an alarmist scare campaign, they have to acknowledge it. Even the most knowledgeable people in my home state of South Australia accepted that what they were putting to me wasn't entirely true but could happen; it was hypothetical. Well, what we know is true is that people were stealing water upstream. We know that meters hadn't been turned on. We know that payments had been made to political parties for them to turn a blind eye. We know that people had backdated approvals or backdated legislation in order to excuse people very close to politics from the abuse, misuse and theft of water. How can anyone excuse that? And the links go very close to figures in the New South Wales government and figures who, quite frankly, are involved in this government.</para>
<para>Rather than stand and make this stuff up, why don't we wait for the results of the inquiries—the ICACs that are going on, the parliamentary inquiries and the royal commission that is taking place in South Australia? Another alarm bell: when you've got a royal commission going, initiated by a state, how is it that the Commonwealth government tries to stand in the way of discovery of evidence and appearances of witnesses to stymie the investigation of that royal commission? If that doesn't ring an alarm bell that the fix is in and there is something really stinky in this whole process, then I don't know what does.</para>
<para>I accept the fact that the former Premier of South Australia, Jay Weatherill, established a royal commission probably for political purposes. I also accept the fact—and Minister Ruston has made a very good point to me—that the changes in the Northern Basin system don't really have that much impact on South Australia from a water flow perspective. I accept that. But I'm interested in having the right thing done, and the right thing is to come to the root cause of the problem. If it is political corruption, cronyism or this culture of theft and distortion, we need to get to the bottom of it before we make changes to one of the most significant agreements in, I think, our country's history.</para>
<para>So I'm deeply concerned, and my concerns have not been allayed. Notwithstanding that these changes are going to get through, I think it would be far preferable for us to revisit this—and I would have an open mind on it—at the conclusion of the investigations that are taking place. It's not so much the minimal amount of water that would get through to South Australia; it's about the conduct and the process surrounding the implementation of the northern basin agreement. But that's not going to happen. Labor have got their concessions to justify the change, and I understand that there's some political expediency in that. I'm just disappointed that I don't think we're going to get to the root cause of this before this bill passes. In fact, I'm very sure. It's going to pass whether I support it or not, but I will not suspend my legitimate concerns about it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Hear, hear!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm getting the 'Hear, hears' from a section of the chamber where I don't normally get them. Lest anyone thinks I've jumped into the Green brine, I haven't. When I look at the river, I see a river, I see trees and I see aquatic life, but I also see communities and agriculture, and I see them as necessary. It is necessary for there to be a balance there. So I'm not jumping into the extreme Green bandwagon; I just want to clean up the system to make sure that it is working for all of us and that our political system is working as it should. That's why if the Greens do introduce their proposed amendment, which is about restoring even more flows to the river, I won't be supporting that amendment, because I just don't think it is productive. I don't think it takes into account the importance of the communities and the vital role that agriculture and irrigation play not only in our economic lifeline for Australia but as the very lifeblood of tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands of people who love their communities they live in and want to see them prosper. I want to see them prosper too, but I don't want to see allegations of corruption remain unresolved before we make decisions that we really can't go back on.</para>
<para>So I won't be supporting the amendment, but I find myself in the awkward position where I can't be satisfied that my initial concerns have been resolved in order to support this bill. I acknowledge it will go through. I acknowledge that there may be many great minds—better minds than mine—who understand the system better than me. It may be entirely accurate that this won't have any impact on the river system, or it may not. I will accept their judgement, but what I cannot get out of my mind and cannot allow to go unresolved is the deep, deep concern that something stinks in this whole process. Something stinks in the way the northern basin has been managed. It stinks at the state level. It stinks at the federal level. It stinks at some of the community levels. That needs to be resolved.</para>
<para>I would suggest to the government, if they want to build some trust and if there's nothing to hide, that they get out of the way and stop trying to impede the South Australian royal commission into what has gone on. It's not so much about the water, let me tell you. It's about the system, it's about the processes and it's about what we are turning a blind eye to. That is what concerns me. If Senator Ruston in her summing-up remarks would like to address the reason why the Commonwealth is stepping in to impede the royal commission, I would welcome that, but I understand it's not you, Senator Ruston, so perhaps it's wrong to put you in the hot seat. I should put this to the water minister himself. There is something wrong, and I think many people know that instinctively. That's why I can't support this bill. It's going to get through. I will vote against it, because I think there is too much at stake here to make these decisions without final resolution of the concerns that have been raised by me, by <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>, by many people in the river communities and by many in other parliaments around the country.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Water Amendment Bill 2018. This bill allows the minister to direct the Murray-Darling Basin Authority to prepare an amendment to the Basin Plan that is the same in effect as an amendment that has previously been disallowed. The bill allows the disallowed Basin Plan Amendment Instrument 2017 (No. 1) to have effect, which will reduce the water recovery target in the Northern Basin from 390 to 320 gigalitres. In other words, it reduces by 70 gigalitres the amount of water to be taken from productive users—irrigated agriculture, in other words—and sent down the river. To hear some in this place, you would think that the future of the planet was at stake—the Great Barrier Reef, at the very least, and of course South Australia will disappear without a trace. While there are times when that latter suggestion has some appeal, there are a few problems with all that. For a start, an average of just six per cent of the water that goes down the Darling River makes it to Wentworth, where it joins the Murray and then flows on to South Australia—a mere six per cent of 70 gigalitres. The rest is used for environmental or productive use along the way, or it simply evaporates; in fact, a large amount of it evaporates. And nobody has argued that there is a lack of environmental watering in either southern Queensland or New South Wales. So returning 70 litres to productive agriculture to grow food and fibre is obviously the best use that can be made of it.</para>
<para>It is pretty clear from the debate about this issue that some people don't know their geography very well. I include South Australian Senator Hanson-Young in that. She discovered the Coorong, at the mouth of the Murray, only in the last couple of months, after having abused me for pointing out that it's dying. I suspect that she visited for the first time in her life after I said that, when she realised I was exactly right. But, being geographically challenged, she thinks a lack of water in the river at the Queensland-New South Wales border is somehow responsible for the condition of the Coorong and that somehow the Murray-Darling Basin Plan will fix it. For the benefit of Senator Hanson-Young and anyone who has a similar disability, the Coorong is actually not even included in the plan; it's outside it. And no matter how much water is sent down the rivers, either the Darling or the Murray, it won't benefit the Coorong.</para>
<para>The Coorong is probably the most neglected environment in South Australia, and it's true that it lacks water to flush it. But this is not the fault of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan. It's due to the fact that the Murray mouth is virtually always closed. As a result, the Coorong doesn't get properly flushed by seawater. To claim that it should be assisted by more fresh water flowing down the Murray is utterly absurd. The Coorong has a narrow entrance which is seaward of the barrages at the Murray mouth and operates in an unnatural tidal environment dictated by the barrages. If the Coorong environment were a primary concern, the mouth of the Murray would not be closed—in other words, if the environment was operating naturally. In its natural state the Coorong would also receive a lot of run-off from the surrounding area. However, that's not happening because of the south-east drainage scheme, which diverts fresh water to the sea instead of to the Coorong. If that water was allowed to flow into the Coorong, as it previously did, it would help restore the natural environment.</para>
<para>The Murray-Darling Basin Plan was negotiated during the millennium drought in an atmosphere of crisis based on the perception that drought was the new normal. As a result, it is deeply flawed. I am confident that had the plan been developed in a normal year it would have been substantially different. It's based on the simplistic notion that all the environment needs is more water—not the right amount of water in the right place at the right time, just more water. Australia is naturally a land of droughts and flooding rains. Droughts are normal, and too much water can be as harmful as not enough. The fact is that there is now an abundance of water available for the environment, and if any more water is added to the Murray River then sections of it wouldn't have the capacity to carry it within its banks. It's full.</para>
<para>But nobody wants to take responsibility for the damage to private property that will occur if there is man-made flooding caused by adding more water to the river and nobody will explain why we allow a lot of the water that flows down the Murray and the Darling to evaporate in the Lower Lakes—Lake Alexandrina and Lake Albert. Between 800 and 900 gigalitres of fresh water evaporates per annum. That is one-third of all the water saved in the plan. If the Murray mouth were open and this evaporation were sea water—or, more correctly, a mixture of sea and fresh water—a significant amount of fresh water would be available for consumptive or environmental use within the basin. Think of how much extra food and fibre that would mean. Think of the healthy rural communities it would allow. The water taken from Queensland, New South Wales and Victorian agriculture has had a devastating impact on rural communities. More water sent to South Australia will have no additional environmental benefits.</para>
<para>It's high time some facts and reason were applied to the Murray-Darling Basin Plan. If South Australian politicians who don't know the difference between the Darling and Murray rivers can't explain why the Lower Lakes should remain fresh and don't know why the Coorong is dying, they should keep their mouths shut. They have nothing to contribute.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think it's worthwhile going back to the beginning of the Murray-Darling Basin Plan. Let's remember what was going on when this plan was introduced. Australia was in the grip of a drought that had been running for many years. We saw the Murray-Darling River system vulnerable and dying. This was a river system that was dying. It takes something to get John Howard coming to the aid of the environment, but at the time things were so dire and so catastrophic that Prime Minister John Howard pledged $10 billion to get the states together to prepare a new system to guarantee enough water to try to secure the health of the Murray-Darling.</para>
<para>Then in 2009 it started to rain and the drought broke. Of course, the short-term thinkers on both side of politics thought, 'Bewdy, problem solved.' The idea that we might enter into drought again did not occur to them. The denialists in the coalition, those within the National Party and those in the pocket of big irrigators decided not to uphold the original principle, which was to ensure that we had a vibrant, living and healthy river. They again fell captive to the short-term thinking that dominates our political system. We squandered the opportunity to set up the communities that rely on a healthy river over the long term. We lost that opportunity. We are now more exposed than ever before because it won't be long before the next decade-long drought comes along, with more ferocity, more severity, and causing more damage than we've ever experienced.</para>
<para>The scientists surveyed the whole basin and said that, if this were to be a healthy river system and if the river system were to survive for the benefit of future generations, the environment needs at least a minimum of 4,200 billion litres. Of course we then got into an auction. That auction was effectively a race to the bottom. The offer from the Labor government scaled it down to 3,200 gigalitres. It was again revised down and presented to the parliament, and we ended up with 2,750 gigalitres, which again was approved by both sides of politics.</para>
<para>In one of the first hearings of the South Australian royal commission it was clearly and comprehensively put that the policy is 'a fraud on the environment'. The river will continue to die. It has been deprived of the water that is needed. We have ended up with not a plan to save the river but a plan to consign the river to a certain death. This bill—the Water Amendment Bill 2018, which was stitched up between the Nationals and the Labor Party—is going to make the fraud even worse, because even 2,750 billion litres is not enough. What we're going to see is it further reduced by another 675 billion litres down to just over 2,000 gigalitres. That's less than half of what the science is saying that we need to keep our river networks alive—less than half. If we compare the aspirations from when this plan was first announced to where we are now, there's no conclusion other than to say: this is a failed plan, dominated by vested interests that will consign the river to die. The environment has lost out and those irrigation communities that depend on a healthy river have lost out. But do you know who has won out of this? The big cotton irrigators upstream have won. The river's dying.</para>
<para>I have to say, Senator Leyonhjelm, it is remarkable that a man who is trained, notionally, in a scientific profession could completely misunderstand what is going on when it comes to the Murray in South Australia. The river's dying from the mouth up and we're relying on dredging in the Coorong year in, year out rather than putting water down the river where it's needed. Our institutions have been corrupted. The institutions who oversee this plan have presided over floodplain water theft, occurring in plain sight. Ninety-five per cent of the system is not needed. We're seeing water that's saved through infrastructure not going back to the environment, despite the fact that those things were promised. We have fraud charges that are expected to be formally laid against Norman Farming, one of the country's largest cotton farmers, which is run by John Norman, father-in-law to the water minister. That is why John Howard at least had the sense to never let the Nationals be in charge of water.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ruston</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a point of order. I think that the senator should be accurate in the statements he is making to the house. Mr Norman is not the father-in-law of the water minister.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's a debating point.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ruston</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's the factual content.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ruston, when you respond you have the opportunity to put what you believe.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ruston</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm just asking you to draw to the attention of the member that he is making a factually incorrect statement that is stirring—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's not a point of order, Senator Ruston. I have ruled.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me be clear: he is an in-law to the water minister. That's why John Howard said he was not going to let the Nationals be in charge of water. The claims are that Norman Farming was able to misuse upwards of $25 million from the Healthy HeadWaters Water Use Efficiency project, because the project doesn't have any genuine independent checks on grants and project delivery, leaving it wide-open to corruption.</para>
<para>So the Nationals have no qualms about wasting public money as long as it is going into their electorates. And, of course, the water minister's electorate coincidentally happens to cover Cubbie Station. This plan is stacked in favour of big corporations—big corporate irrigators. The bill is going to entrench the power of the big irrigators in the northern basin. It's going to reintroduce the disallowed instrument that intended to reduce 70 gigalitres of environmental flows in the northern basin. It means less water for the mouth of the river in South Australia.</para>
<para>Today, what we have seen through this amendment is the Labor Party, the Nationals and the Liberal Party working together to deny environmental flows from Queensland and from northern New South Wales through to Victoria and South Australia. It's a cosy little deal, a stitch-up, to look after their big mates. They're making these changes as the very legality—the legal basis on which the plan is constructed—is in doubt. The operations and project management are under a cloud of corruption. Federal agencies are blocking the South Australian royal commission from scrutinising the other jurisdictions involved in the plan. It's a cover-up, and it stinks.</para>
<para>This amendment bill that we are voting on today is bad for the environment. It is bad for those future generations that will rely on a healthy Murray-Darling Basin. It's bad for South Australia. But do you know who it's good for? It's good for big cotton. It's good for those corporations that happen to make big donations to all sides of politics and are now seeing their investment pay off. Let me commend the work of my colleague Senator Sarah Hanson-Young in ensuring that every Australian knows that what we are seeing today are the big parties getting together to look after their mates and to say goodbye to a healthy Murray-Darling River.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It now being 7 pm, pursuant to the hours motion agreed to earlier in the day, the debate is interrupted.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r6111" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018. I want to state at the outset that what we are witnessing with this legislation isn't a fair dinkum plan for tax relief for those who need it most. It is a political stunt designed to blackmail the Senate into signing up to a tax package that is both fiscally irresponsible and unfair, a tax package overwhelmingly biased towards some of the wealthiest people in the country, a tax package for the wealthiest parts of Sydney and Melbourne, not for the suburbs or the regions or states like Tasmania, Queensland and South Australia.</para>
<para>We know the extent to which it's a political stunt because, if the government was serious about its claim of wanting real tax relief for the battlers—10 million working Australians and low- and middle-income earners—it could have that right here, right now. The so-called step 1 of the tax relief has the support of just about every senator in this place, I think, except the Australian Greens. So we could put it to a vote right now and it would pass tonight.</para>
<para>But that's not what the government want. They want to play a bit of politics. They want to play a bit of politics with what happens in 2024 in order to try and gain what they perceive as a political advantage, and they are prepared to stand in the way of tax cuts for 10 million working Australians. Let's make it clear: the only people standing in the way of the tax package that starts next month are Malcolm Turnbull and his senators in this place. They are holding hostage the tax relief for these Australians on low and middle incomes which will apply from 1 July by tying them to tax cuts for the highest income earners that aren't due to be delivered for six or seven years. You have to elect Malcolm Turnbull twice; dear me! These tax cuts won't eventuate for not one but two elections.</para>
<para>It begs the question: what is it about the so-called stages 2 and 3 of the government's income tax plan that the government doesn't want to take to an election? These are unfunded tax cuts for high-income earners that come at a staggering cost to the budget, and we don't actually know the full details of the cost because the government has refused to make all of that information public. The government—the Prime Minister, the Treasurer and the finance minister—consistently refused to provide the parliament with the year-by-year cost of each stage of the government's tax plan. We saw that this week in question time. We know the tax cuts will overwhelmingly flow to those earning more than $120,000 a year. Guess how many people in South Australia earn that amount? I think it's around five per cent. In fact, there's not a single electorate in South Australia that even makes the top 25 of those who'll benefit the most from stages 2 and 3 of these tax cuts. But do you know which electorate is at the top of the list? Wentworth is the electorate which will benefit most from this tax package. What about Queensland? How many people in Queensland earn more than $120,000 a year? It's eight per cent. In Tasmania it's four per cent.</para>
<para>Senators in this place from South Australia, Queensland and Tasmania are being told, 'Agree to this package that spends billions of dollars on people in the most exclusive parts of Sydney and Melbourne or we'll ensure millions of hardworking low- and middle-income earners in your states get nothing.' What an extraordinary thing for a Prime Minister to do. To say to the senators in this place, 'We will hold back tax cuts for millions of Australians unless you benefit, Tasmanian senators, four per cent of the people in your state and, Queensland senators, eight per cent,' is political blackmail of the highest order. There is a much better way of doing this, a simple solution that delivers tax relief right here right now to those who need it most and makes it clear this Senate will stand up for all the people it represents and won't be bullied by a Prime Minister who is desperate for a political tactic for the by-elections and for the federal election.</para>
<para>Labor's position on this is crystal clear and we have been up-front from the start. On budget night, we said we will support the government's proposed changes taking effect next month. We support the change to the top threshold of the 32.5 per cent personal income tax bracket from $87,000 to $90,000 and we support this just as we supported the change to the threshold from $80,000 to $87,000 announced in the 2016 budget and passed through after the election of that year. We also support the low- and middle-income tax offset providing tax relief for taxpayers earning up to $125,333. Of course, Labor has a superior tax offering with our tax refund for working Australians, but I'll come to that later.</para>
<para>This parliament can guarantee that the tax changes due to take effect in just a couple of weeks could pass immediately. Labor and just about every other senator in this place could vote right now in support of tax cuts for 10 million Australians. If Labor is elected we will almost double these tax cuts and we will make them permanent. Labor's bigger, better and fairer income tax cuts would see those earning up to $125,000 a year better off when compared with Malcolm Turnbull's plan over the next four years. But what we do not support and we do not think is reasonable is someone on $200,000 paying the same tax rate as someone on $40,000. It's a simple issue of values. We don't agree with Mr Turnbull giving more tax cuts to the top tax bracket. This is after the Turnbull government cut that tax rate last year, which is why we will move amendments in the Senate to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill to ensure the passage of the tax cuts starting next month.</para>
<para>When approaching this legislation, Labor will hold true to the position we have outlined since budget night. We will move amendments to this bill to ensure the passage of tax cuts starting next month and we will also seek to implement better, fairer tax cuts through our tax refund for working Australians, which will come close to doubling tax relief to up to $928 per year.</para>
<para>Mr Turnbull needs to stop standing in the way of this tax relief for the majority of working Australians. Why should tax cuts for teachers and for tradies be held hostage to tax cuts for bankers in six years time? If Mr Turnbull doesn't allow the passage of legislation for tax relief for 10 million Australians before 1 July, let me make clear a Shorten Labor government will ensure that these taxpayers receive it regardless. As the Treasurer himself has conceded, the legislation does not actually even need to be in place by 1 July for the tax relief to be received at the end of the next financial year. A future Labor government would act on Mr Turnbull's failure and make sure that Australians have tax relief and would go further and lock in a bigger, fairer tax cut.</para>
<para>Budgets are always about priorities and so too is tax policy. Because Labor is not giving millionaires another tax cut or giving big business an $80 billion tax handout, including $17 billion for the banks, we are able to put more money into the pockets of working Australians. We are able to fund better schools and hospitals and we're able to pay down the debt quicker. I did enjoy today in question time when Senator Cormann started to talk about the budget and fiscal responsibility. This is the finance minister who has presided over higher debt levels than any finance minister we have previously seen.</para>
<para>Let's come to fiscal responsibility. As well as being deeply unfair, this entire package is fiscally irresponsible. Evidence to the Senate inquiry indicated that the tax cuts would put at risk the long-term sustainability of the budget and, given economic uncertainties, this is a risky thing. It also makes the tax system less progressive. The total cost of these tax cuts is $13.4 billion over the four years of the forward estimates and a staggering $143.9 billion over the medium term. This has a major structural impact on the budget over the medium term, particularly when combined with the government's big business tax cuts, which are due to mature over this period. Taken together, if implemented, the Turnbull government's step 3 tax cuts and the company tax cut for big business will cost the budget at least $25 billion per year by the end of the medium term. Let me say that again: $25 billion a year.</para>
<para>Independent analysis by the Parliamentary Budget Office showed that step 3 of the government's tax cuts is set to grow at 12 per cent a year, much faster than any other component of the income tax package. It's extraordinary, isn't it? We heard so much in the context of the 2014 budget, and until recently, from this government, this Treasurer and this finance minister about the need to contain spending growth. Understand what they are asking this Senate to do. They're asking this Senate to pass a component of a tax package which grows at 12 per cent a year. That is almost four times faster than the rate of increase in defence spending, twice as fast as the increase in spending on schools and six times faster than the annual growth in assistance to families with kids—12 per cent growth in a tax package that massively, massively benefits high-income earners.</para>
<para>Leaving aside the fact that this is a fundamental restructure of the tax system, what sort of fiscal package is this that enables that kind of growth in effective expenditure—that is, by revenue forgone—to higher income earners? The government would never tolerate a 12 per cent annual increase in any other area of government expenditure. If we had child care, schools, hospitals, the family tax benefit or even defence growing at 12 per cent a year, you would hear them baying for expenditure cuts, but they're happy to dole the money out to high-income earners. It is unfair and it is fiscally reckless, and it locks in an unsustainable tax package into the future that would render this country far more vulnerable to economic and fiscal shocks. Does anyone here think that a responsible government or parliament should be allowed to lock in spending a decade from now on a program set to grow at 12 per cent a year, when no-one can possibly predict what might happen to the domestic or global economy over that period? As the Grattan Institute's John Daley said in a submission to the Senate inquiry:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… economically, the chances of a significant economic downturn over the next six or seven years are pretty large …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… we do not think it is prudent to be providing tax cuts of this magnitude that far in the future—certainly not to be legislating them—when there are so many economic uncertainties between now and then. And there is no need to legislate them.</para></quote>
<para>There is no need. I have not yet once heard this Prime Minister, the Treasurer or the finance minister articulate why this Senate has to pass tax cuts which won't start for six years. Has anyone heard an explanation as to why it is so urgent that we have to pass legislation for tax cuts six years hence?</para>
<para>These tax cuts are also a fundamental restructure of Australia's tax system. Put simply, they make our tax system less progressive. They make our tax system less fair and less progressive. As Miranda Stewart of the ANU Crawford school's Tax and Transfer Policy Institute said, these changes are both 'an inefficient and a retrograde step that undermines 100 years of a progressive income tax rate structure in Australia'. The ANU's Ben Phillips has estimated that, after the government's full plan is in place, someone in the highest quintile will see a 2.2 per cent rise in their income, compared to a 1.1 per cent rise for those in the middle quintile and a paltry 0.2 per cent rise in the lowest quintile. Of the tax cuts, by 2027, around 60 per cent will go to the top 20 per cent of households. NATSEM modelling suggests that this new tax system from 2024-25 is less progressive than the current system, which means higher income inequality. The rich will get more of the tax cuts than the poor.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister says it's not a problem because everyone can aspire to be something more. Well, you know what? I think a cleaner deserves a decent tax cut now. Rather than telling a cleaner or a tradie, 'You can aspire to be more,' how about we give them a fair deal now? That's the right thing to do, and that's what a Labor government would do.</para>
<para>Then, of course, there is the great uncertainty caused by having this parliament legislating for tax cuts that won't come into effect, as I said, for at least a couple of elections. I know Mr Turnbull has a bit of a view that he was born to lead, but I do think it's remarkable that he thinks he might still be Prime Minister in 2024. Anyway, for the government to say they're certain that they can deliver tax cuts in 2024, frankly, is a joke. I'm not sure what the international economy will be like in 2024, but I tell you what: I don't reckon the Treasurer does either. Now is the time to be strengthening fiscal buffers and building Australia's resilience to a shock. As the IMF stated recently:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Decisive action is needed now to strengthen fiscal buffers, taking full advantage of the cyclical upswing in economic activity.</para></quote>
<para>This government is committing billions of dollars on the back of what is likely to be a temporary global economic upswing, and we have seen what happens. We've seen that play out before. As Peter Martin writes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We've been handed a budget for the good times that pays out as if those good times will last, even though they may not.</para></quote>
<para>At a time when the government should be locking in strong surpluses, it's failing to adequately insure the nation for the future. The government's own budget papers state:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… risks appear more balanced in the short term … In the longer term, the global economy faces further challenges.</para></quote>
<para>To put it bluntly, by signing up the next two parliaments to these tax cuts this month, the government is proposing to endanger the long-term health of the budget and putting at risk the ability to fund essential services into the future.</para>
<para>As I said earlier, there is a better way and there is a fairer way. There is a way to deliver bigger, better, fairer tax cuts right now for those who need them most, and that is to effectively split the bill and to vote for Labor's tax plan to deliver better, bigger, fairer tax cuts for 10 million working Australians. Under our plan, every Australian earning less than $125,000 a year will receive a bigger tax cut compared to the Liberal Party's plan, and more than four million people will be better off by $398 a year compared to the Liberals' plan. For example, Labor's plan will ensure a teacher on $65,000 will receive a tax cut of $928 a year, and a couple earning $90,000 and $50,000 respectively will receive a tax cut of $1,855 a year. Ours is a tax plan for all Australians. The government's is a tax plan for Malcolm Turnbull's electorate. Compared to the five or six per cent who receive most of the benefits of stages 2 and 3 of the government's plan, under our plan more than seven out of 10 taxpayers will benefit in every state and in every territory, including three-quarters of taxpayers in South Australia, Queensland and Tasmania. By opposing Labor's tax plan, the government is denying greater tax relief to 74 per cent of Victorian taxpayers, 73 per cent of taxpayers in New South Wales, 75 per cent of Queensland taxpayers, 71 per cent of taxpayers in WA, 76 per cent of taxpayers in South Australia and 77 per cent of taxpayers in Tasmania.</para>
<para>Fundamentally and finally, I close on this point: this tax plan is not a tax plan for a stronger future for this country. This tax plan is not a fair dinkum plan. The government's tax plan is a political strategy. It is entirely about trying to blackmail this Senate into passing the totality of the government's legislation. Not once has any minister from this government explained in any terms which make sense why tax cuts for high-income earners and a fundamental restructure of our tax system to take place in 2024 should hold hostage tax cuts starting next month. Not once have they explained that, and that is because it is inexplicable. It can be explained only if you get into the recesses of the Prime Minister's mind and understand what political strategy he thinks he is playing at. So I urge this Senate: do not allow this government to hold the chamber hostage. Do not allow this government to hold millions of Australians who are entitled to a tax cut from next month hostage to a political strategy for a Prime Minister desperate to find some way to wedge people in this place in the by-elections and in the federal election. Do not lock in an unsustainable, unfair tax package, which is what this is. It is both fiscally reckless and deeply unfair.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One suspects that it's nearly curtains for this government. Going into a long break and five by-elections, with talk of an early federal election in the cold winter air, the passage of this legislation may well be part of a final scene in the sordid tale of this 45th Parliament. In viewing this past few years as a performance, it's certainly been no Homer's <inline font-style="italic">Odyssey</inline>—an epic tale of courage, of facing adversity, endeavour and achievements. Nor has it been in any way a virtuoso performance. Perhaps history will judge it more as a Greek tragedy or perhaps a calamity or a comedy of errors, with all the scandals, mishaps and stuff-ups, and at the end of this the showcase of the 45th Parliament and the Turnbull Liberal coalition tax cuts. Maybe if it wasn't so serious it might have been funny. But, whatever you believe it's been, as an elected representative, as a member of parliament, wherever I go I certainly hear no applause for this performance. More likely I see grimaces. And I doubt very much that the Australian people will call for an encore.</para>
<para>What has been revealed in this final scene of the tale? In an election budget full of gimmicks designed to thrill and please, there was one big surprise—a trick of sorts—for the audience. Mr Malcolm Turnbull wants to give you some of your money back, refund some of the cost of your admission to this show—$140 billion in tax cuts, the signature policy of this government, the piece de resistance of this term in government. Is it a trick? Yes, of sorts, and it's a bloody expensive one; it's certainly no cheap trick. Is it a con? Yes. Let me tell you why, and I will expand on these points in more detail in the committee stage. Firstly, the government's claims that these cuts target middle-income earners and would therefore benefit most Australians are wrong. In fact, most Australians won't see any tax cuts at all. The need for these cuts to compensate for bracket creep has been overstated. The key reason propagated by this government—that this tax package will counter bracket creep—has been debunked, torpedoed by many expert witnesses, including the Senate Economics Committee, which I attended. Indeed, some expert witnesses suggested that in the long run it may make bracket creep worse in this country. The government's claim that tax cuts will improve work incentives are totally spurious and without evidence. And it's gender biased. Men will get almost twice the tax benefit as women in Australia. And $144 billion in tax cuts will inevitably mean harsh spending cuts later. Certainly the Greens, and I suspect also others in this chamber, fully understand that there still isn't enough revenue now for those many people who are doing it tough and need those services.</para>
<para>Contrary to government propaganda, Australia is not a high-taxing nation and desperately in need of personal income tax cuts. There is no doubt, from the evidence before us, that these cuts will erode our progressive tax system. I note with interest the language the government's used, saying that the tax system will still be progressive when it's finished. But of course that's ignoring the point that if this legislation gets up it will be a lot less progressive or a lot more regressive than it is now. Regarding one of the great challenges of our time, rising inequality, this legislation will make inequality worse in this country: the rich will get richer and the poor will get poorer, and you cannot dispute that. Everything we do in this place should be run through the lens of tackling inequality—everything we do! This is the biggest piece of legislation we have seen in this parliament in terms of funding commitments, yet it will worsen inequality in this country.</para>
<para>To frame all those things up, this legislation shows that the government's true priorities are protecting the rich and running down the role of government in our lives. These tax cuts will further entrench rising inequality, the great challenge of our time, and to hide that the government is employing a simple bait and switch trick to help sell these tax cuts. There is a little bit of candy to start with—in some instances, for low-income earners, only a couple of dollars a week—and then, in the out years, nearly six to 10 years into the future, those at the top end of the income-earning brackets in this country will take home the bacon. The fact is that most Australians won't see any benefit at all. Sixty per cent of taxpayers will get nothing from the government's top end tax cuts. The majority of the benefits will flow to the top 20 per cent of income earners. The Greens' own Parliamentary Budget Office numbers showed this. More than half of the overall tax benefits will flow to the top 10 per cent of income earners in this country.</para>
<para>This bill makes a choice that successive governments have made in the neoliberal era. I would also lump Labor's history well and truly into that. It is a choice to contract and constrain the ability of governments to provide services and make investments for our collective benefit. Inevitably, this choice is one that better serves individuals with the means to support themselves than it does those who are battling to make a go of it. There is nothing in this legislation for many of Australia's most vulnerable battlers.</para>
<para>If you're unlucky and don't have a job, no work, and if you live in poverty, there is nothing in this legislation for you. That's why the Greens want to prioritise raising Newstart above the poverty line by $75 a week to combat this, and we can pay for it. I note with interest that a significant number of Tasmanians, including in the north-west seat of Braddon, support an increase in Newstart. If you can't get enough work, or if you're a young or part-time worker or a struggling student, there's nothing in this legislation for you. That's why the Greens want to prioritise legislating to raise the minimum wage.</para>
<para>What's in it for the country's highest income earners, who are most likely to be our most wealthy? The answer is: plenty. This bill shifts the 32.5 per cent marginal tax rate up a threshold, firstly to $90,000, then to $120,000, and finally to $200,000. This flattens the tax system. It makes it regressive and skews it to benefit the wealthy. In fact, this is potentially the end of a progressive tax system in this country. It is a full-frontal assault on one of the most important tools we have in Australia for raising revenue. The fundamental concept that if you earn more money you can afford to pay a higher rate of tax is critical for funding services and other things that we need.</para>
<para>Of the estimated $144 billion loss in revenue over 10 years, half will go exclusively to those earning more than $87,000. The Treasurer would have you believe that somehow $87,000 makes you an average worker in this country, but we know that is absolutely not true. Most of the beneficiaries will be men, as I mentioned earlier. For example, the stage 2 shift in the 32.5 per cent upper threshold from $90,000 to $120,000 will cost $36 billion over 10 years. The Greens estimate, using the budget's heroic wage growth forecasts—and they are heroic, given recent history—that the point at which this takes effect will be to the benefit of the top one-third of wage earners, and two-thirds of those are men.</para>
<para>What are the opportunity costs of spending $144 billion on tax cuts and not on other things? To put it more simply, if I ask the average Australian, 'Which would you prefer: would you rather see a few extra bucks in your pocket every week, or would you rather see the government doing its job and investing the $144 billion on your behalf in world-class schools, teachers, universities, child care, health care, law and order and so on?' how would they respond? Would you rather have a couple of bucks a week—$5 maybe, if you're really lucky—or $10, if you're the biggest beneficiary of these tax cuts? If you're a millionaire and you get $7,000 a year in extra income after tax, would you rather have that money in your pocket, or would you rather invest it in the society that you live in and that you want your children to inherit? That's a question that I don't believe anyone has been putting to the Australian people.</para>
<para>What else could we invest that money in as a priority? Have no doubt: the tax debate we are having tonight is about priorities. It is about what you want to spend the money on—$144 billion. What would you spend it on? Perhaps it would be conquering the problem of violence against women, building a proper NBN, fully funding the NDIS or, as I mentioned in the MPI this afternoon, funding a proper threatened species plan to hold back our national shame at having the highest species extinction rate on the planet. Instead, we continue to see more cuts in the environment department and to the threatened species unit. What about an infrastructure revolution, with $144 billion going into building productivity-enhancing infrastructure and all the jobs that would go with that? What about public-good science, especially climate science? Critically, on the responsibility to get on board with the energy revolution needed to combat climate change and transition workers out of coal and into the jobs of the future, $144 billion would go a long way. To neglect these issues is in effect to steal from future generations. If the question were framed in this simple way, I'd be surprised if most Australians didn't express that they would rather forgo the few dollars a week they're going to get than risk not tackling these imperatives or properly funding our services into the future.</para>
<para>To be fair, if you were to put this question to Australian citizens, I'm guessing many would say: 'Well, that's your job: to make the best decision. That's what I elected you for.' So what does the best evidence inform us? I can tell you: no-one's looked at the opportunity costs of investing $144 billion in other things such as infrastructure, action on climate or better services. That's why it's important that we have this debate in the Senate. In fact, there's been surprisingly little public debate on this critical point, and it goes to the heart of whether you should accept or reject this legislation in the next few days.</para>
<para>What the Economics Legislation Committee did hear on this bill is that there is no doubt at all that services will be impacted. You cannot take $144 billion of revenue and not expect that future governments will have to make that up in other areas in the future. You can't have your cake and eat it. So, if you take $144 billion out of the system, expect cost savings and cuts down the line, particularly if this Liberal government is re-elected. I believe the work the Greens have done this week shows that my home state of Tasmania has the most to lose, or the most at risk. For every $1 gained in tax cuts, we have at risk $1.69 in services that we receive.</para>
<para>So why? If you ask the government, they will tell you that these tax cuts are necessary for two key reasons. The first reason is that people will be incentivised to work. As I mentioned earlier, there is no evidence for that at all. The second reason is to tackle bracket creep, but I've also said that committee evidence suggested that that was not going to be the case. This will not effectively tackle bracket creep. So I ask again: why are we having these tax cuts put to us now? The answer's simple: because we're going into an election and maybe it is an appropriate question to be asking why of a politician. As I alluded to at the beginning of this speech, it's about politics, it's about getting elected, it's about political self-interest and it's about holding on to power. When you really think about it, if the best this government can do after its couple of years in office is give a tax cut of a couple of dollars a week to most Australians, when we face so many fundamental challenges to our society, our economy, our environment and our future, it's pretty pathetic.</para>
<para>With these challenges come opportunities, and the Greens are ready to meet those opportunities; that's why we are in parliament. We're not afraid to debate the big issues and meet the challenges and we're not afraid to take a strong view on legislation such as this. We have been 100 per cent consistent since budget night that we will not be supporting tax cuts. We want services, not tax cuts. We won't be part of a political arms race: 'Who's got the biggest tax cuts?' We want to see services, especially Newstart, properly funded for those battlers who are doing it real tough and for those people who can't get a job. So far we've been unable to secure a commitment from the government, the Labor Party or others on getting an increase in Newstart.</para>
<para>We've got a lot of ideas on how we can generate the jobs of the future and, more broadly, secure the future for our children and for future generations. We've always come up with good ideas, we've always been able to pay for them and we've always stood in here with conviction proposing those ideas—and, may I say, seeing many of them through. We believe that now is the time to be getting commitment to increasing money for the services that Australians most need. Now is not the time in the election cycle, in the political cycle or in the budget cycle to be funding $144 billion tax cuts, many of which won't even kick in for nearly a decade. They are simply a trick, a bribe, to get votes going into an election. With two election cycles before many of these tax cuts kick in, Australians would be rightly sceptical that they are even going to happen. But they make for good headlines and they make for good campaigning going into an election. One thing I do know is that Australians are very, very sceptical about politics. They're disengaged, disenfranchised and distant from us because they've lost trust in our institutions, and we need to regain that. I don't believe that this kind of policy is tackling the issues Australians do care about. I now move a second reading amendment to the bill:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">", but the Senate notes that the bill:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) significantly reduces the progressive nature of the income tax system;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) does not target low income earners, who are most affected by bracket creep;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) does not improve the living standards of those who are unable to find work;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) will not help reduce inequality; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) locks in tax cuts that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) are premised on economic forecasts that have a high degree of uncertainty; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) in 7 years' time, will constrain a future government's capacity to provide public services and to invest in public infrastructure."</para></quote>
<para>I also move, at the request of Senator Di Natale:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">", but the Senate is of the opinion that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the bill should not be considered until the minimum wage is lifted to 60% of the median wage, and Newstart, Youth Allowance and related allowances are increased by $75 a week; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the revenue used to fund the government's Tax Cut Plan should be invested in health and education services, public infrastructure and the social safety net, instead of being used to fund tax cuts."</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018. Put simply, the Turnbull government's income tax plan presented in this bill is fundamentally flawed as economic budgetary and social policy. It will fail to deliver for the Australian community in four key ways. Firstly, it is reckless with our nation's finances and is yet another example of the fiscal irresponsibility that has characterised this government and the previous Liberal governments of John Howard and Peter Costello. Secondly, it will actively undermine the progressivity and therefore fairness of our income tax system. This will weaken the foundations of future inclusive growth and increase intergenerational inequality. Thirdly, it will severely diminish the capacity of future governments to support Australian jobs and to make vital investments in areas such as health and education. Finally, it will hamper our ability to respond in the event of an economic shock overseas or a broader economic downturn.</para>
<para>Labor recognise that, as a society, we are confronted by a series of very real economic challenges that ought to be the top priority for any government. That's why it's important to consider this tax package in the context of the broader economic challenges we are facing—particularly inequality, which is the biggest threat to our economy and our cohesion as a society. We're experiencing a rapid rise in inequality in both wealth and income that's unprecedented in the modern history of our country. We're in the midst of a prolonged period of depressed wage growth. Australian workers are currently experiencing the lowest wage growth in 30 years. Indeed, many ordinary working people have been denied a pay rise in real terms for years and have seen their living standards decline. The coalition has certainly played its part in that outcome, with industrial legislation that has consistently attacked the ability of unions and workers to bargain for improved conditions and wages.</para>
<para>Homeownership rates for young Australians have collapsed to their lowest level in the past 30 years. Fewer than 40 per cent now own their own home, compared with 60 per cent just a generation ago. This has significant ramifications for intergenerational equity. Perhaps the starkest indication of our increasing inequality is that, over the past 30 years, the top one per cent of income earners in this country have doubled their share of income. Yet, at the opposite end of the income scale, the proportion of Australian workers who rely on the minimum wage has risen to a record high of 22.7 per cent, increasing by 3.9 percentage points in just the two years between 2014 and 2016.</para>
<para>These are just a few of the issues that we, as a nation and a parliament, must confront. Taken separately, they are serious and difficult public policy challenges worthy on their own merits of the parliament's urgent attention. But, when taken together, they are something altogether much more serious. That's because, without prompt and meaningful action by government, these issues pose an existential threat to the most quintessentially Australian promise of a fair go. Left unaddressed, these issues threaten to permanently entrench intergenerational inequity in this country, and it's something we should not countenance. Given the severity of the inequality challenge we are facing, it's fair to ask, 'Are these the issues that the Turnbull government is addressing with its economic policy and in this bill?'</para>
<para>Regrettably, the answer is a definitive no—and that's exposed by even a cursory examination of the detail of the government's income tax plan.</para>
<para>Australia has a long tradition of progressive taxation that aims to ensure that those with the greater ability to pay are the ones who contribute a larger share of all personal income tax revenue, yet the plan announced by Treasurer Morrison on budget night in May would constitute a radical and regressive refashioning of our income tax system over the course of the next seven years. Professor Miranda Stewart agreed in her evidence to the Senate economics committee inquiry into this bill that this tax package was 'both inefficient and a retrograde step and that that undermines 100 years of progressive income tax rate structure in Australia.'</para>
<para>While the first stage of the government's proposed changes would provide modest but inadequate tax relief for low- and middle-income earners, it is stages 2 and 3 of this package that are the most consequential. Funnily enough, this happens to be the element of the tax plan that this government doesn't want the Australian people to pay attention to—neither who will benefit the most nor how much it will cost.</para>
<para>Should the Turnbull government be successful in passing this legislation, the upper threshold for the 32.5 per cent tax bracket would rise dramatically from $90,000 to $200,000. Along with this change, the existing 37 per cent tax bracket would be totally abolished. What this really means is that Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and Treasurer Scott Morrison believe it's fair and appropriate for someone earning $200,000 a year to pay the same income tax rate as a worker on $40,000 a year.</para>
<para>Analysis conducted by the Australia Institute has exposed the deep unfairness of the government's package. It found that, if fully implemented, in 2024-25 the benefits of the proposed tax cuts will go overwhelmingly to the highest income earners. The Australia Institute's research has revealed that removing the 37 per cent tax bracket in 2024-25 would see 80 per cent of the benefit flow through to the top 20 per cent of income earners in this country. Sixty per cent of taxpayers—those on the lowest incomes—would receive no benefit from this tax cut. In a broader sense, the government proposal would see middle-income earners shoulder a greater share of tax overall. That was the finding of the Grattan Institute, which in its submission to the Senate inquiry, confirmed that the full package would decrease the tax burden on high-income earners while increasing the tax burden on middle-income earners.</para>
<para>Most telling is what all this means in dollar terms. Members of parliament on salaries in excess of $200,000 a year stand to benefit by as much as $7,225 a year in 2024-25, yet the hardworking cleaners, security guards and hospitality workers who we share this building with stand to receive just a little over $540. Those are the very same cleaners who have not received a pay rise from this government for six years and are still fighting for a fair go from this terrible government.</para>
<para>Frankly, it shouldn't surprise us that those on the other side of the chamber think that that's fair. We've already seen in the media this week a government senator claiming that a $200,000 salary isn't a lot of money. They're completely and utterly out of touch with the Australian people. But that's this government's agenda. That's what this government thinks is fair. And it's even more unfair when you consider how they'll pay for it. The fact of the matter is that someone will have to pay for the government's unprecedented largesse in providing income tax cuts for the wealthiest individuals and for their $80 billion corporate tax giveaway, including $17 billion to the banks. Someone will have to pay for this.</para>
<para>Those who will pay for this stupid economic incompetence were revealed again in the government's 2018-19 budget. It will be the same working- and middle-class Australians who have borne the brunt of the coalition's attacks against them since this government was elected in 2013. It will be young Australians pushed off Newstart and onto youth allowance, resulting in a cut of around $48 a week, or almost $2,500 a year. So the most vulnerable young people in the community get a cut of $2,500 a year, and the rich and powerful in this country get thousands of dollars in tax cuts. That is totally inequitable, totally unfair. It will also be the 70,000 new mums and families worse off due to cuts to paid parental leave. It will be the carers, pensioners and people with disabilities, who stand to lose a billion dollars of vital support with the scrapping of the energy supplement. So pensioners, the vulnerable, get hammered by this government and the top end of town walk away with their wallets bulging. It will be those Australians who are reliant on life-saving medications. They will be slugged an extra $5 for each prescription. It will be hardworking older Australians seeing their retirements pushed out to the age of 70—the oldest pension age in the developed world.</para>
<para>I could continue for the rest of my allotted speaking time listing those Australians who will suffer, those who will be made to pay by this government. They are always the ones this out-of-touch government makes pay. Middle-class Australians, working-class Australians and the poorest in our community are always targeted by this coalition. They're the ones who are targeted. As Senator Wong so succinctly put it in her contribution to the corporate tax debate in this chamber, on every occasion the Liberal and National parties have had a choice:</para>
<quote><para class="block">They choose big business over middle- and working-class Australians and they choose multinationals over Medicare.</para></quote>
<para>It is not the choice that Labor has made. Labor wants to ensure that a future government can properly fund public services such as health, education and infrastructure, while recognising that low- and middle-income households are under pressure.</para>
<para>In contrast to the government, a Shorten Labor government will deliver permanent tax relief for the Australians who need it most, prioritising that tax relief going into the back pockets of middle-income and working-class Australians. As a matter of principle, Labor do not support someone on $200,000 paying the same tax rate as someone on $40,000. This is reflected in the amendments that we will be putting forward. We also cannot agree to the elements of the government's plan that will provide even more tax cuts for the highest-earning individuals in the top tax bracket, noting that the coalition already cut their tax rate last year. The plan Labor have put forward is a far fairer and more fiscally responsible package than the government's. Under Labor's plan, working and middle-class Australians will pay less tax. In fact, everyone earning less than $125,000 a year will receive a bigger tax cut under Labor compared to that under the Liberals. More than four million people will be better off by $398 a year with Labor's tax refund compared to that of the Liberals. With our refund, a teacher on $65,000 will receive a tax cut of $928 a year. A couple earning $90,000 and $50,000 respectively will receive a tax cut of $1,855 a year.</para>
<para>Under Labor's proposal, people living in my duty electorate of Banks, including suburbs like Mortdale, East Hills, Peakhurst and Revesby, will see 74 per cent, or 67,000 people, better off. In Tasmania, 76 per cent, or 39,000 people, in the electorate of Braddon will be better off. The choice is clear in that upcoming by-election. You can vote for Justine Keay, and 76 per cent of the electorate will benefit more. It's a similar story in the Queensland electorate of Longman. Voters can support Labor's Susan Lamb, and 75 per cent, or 69,000 people, will be better off. It's the same right around the country.</para>
<para>Labor's plan recognises that low- and middle-income households are more likely to spend any additional income they receive. Our targeted tax cuts will put more money back in the hands of Australian families who will support future growth. This will provide a much stronger foundation for demand than the government's poorly targeted proposals that overwhelmingly favour those on high incomes. These are targeted and paid for and will deliver a bigger stimulus to consumption while not risking the medium-term budget position and important investments in our hospitals and schools.</para>
<para>We have indicated publicly today that we will support tax cuts for 10 million people on 1 July. But we will go further. We have committed that, if we are elected, we will almost double these tax cuts and make them permanent, while asking those in the top tax bracket to pay a little more to help reduce the debt.</para>
<para>The onus now is on the government to stop playing political brinkmanship about not being willing to split the bill and accept our sensible amendments. By continuing to insist that the bill be taken as a whole and yet refusing to release even basic fiscal and distributional impacts, this government is treating the Australian public and the Senate crossbench as fools.</para>
<para>Labor has a very different set of priorities to this government, and that absolutely includes dealing with inequality in this country, not undermining our progressive tax system. It's for this reason that we cannot support unsustainable levels of tax cuts that put essential public services at risk. We want a fair go for all Australians, not just the top end of town. We want to ensure that we can make the necessary investments in vital issues for our future, including areas such as health, education, housing and homelessness, skills, apprenticeship and TAFE. Labor has spent its time in opposition listening to the community. That's how we are able to put forward superior policy agendas, including our income tax package. Labor's approach on income tax is fairer and more responsible and takes a much more holistic view of the current circumstances of both the economy and the needs of Australians. We will deliver genuine tax relief for working Australians, protect those most vulnerable in our community and improve the budget bottom line.</para>
<para>Let me be very clear. Any crossbench senator who supports the government's tax package will bear responsibility for making our tax system less fair. They will be making life tougher for working-class Australians, putting on increased pressure and worsening inequality. The Australian people won't forget, and there will be a political price to pay at the next election for supporting this bill.</para>
<para>I heard the National Party. I heard Senator Williams scoff at our position. Here is a senator who looks after some of the poorest people in his electorate, and he is not prepared to give them a fair go. Senator Williams is out there supporting tax cuts for the banks, supporting tax cuts for big business and supporting tax cuts for the richest people in this country while ignoring the electorate of New England. The National Party are a disgrace. They are the lapdogs of the Liberal Party. They don't look after their own people, and they submit to the Liberal Party at every chance they get.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to confirm my vote in favour of the bill to implement the government's Personal Income Tax Plan, the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018. If the bill doesn't pass, those earning $120,000 will pay a whopping $34,432 on their income. If the bill does pass, those earning $120,000 will pay $34,217 next year. This is still, without question, an unwarranted and immoral tax take, but at least it is $215 less tax. And, if the bill passes, those earning $120,000 will pay $32,407 on their income in four years time. This remains an unwarranted and immoral tax take well in excess of the value that such a taxpayer gets from the government, but at least it's $2,025 less tax. So I will support the bill not because it makes tax fair but because it makes tax ever so slightly less unfair—albeit after a painfully long wait. The bill doesn't go anywhere near enough in reducing the excessive tax burden that Australians face every day. According to answers given by the tax office at budget estimates, the top one per cent of income earners in Australia pays 17 per cent of total income taxation. A further 65 per cent of total income tax is paid by those earning between $87,001 and over $180,000. This means that around 82 per cent of income tax in Australia is paid by fewer than three million people.</para>
<para>Our system of taxation creates a disincentive for financially successful Australians to stay in the country or come back from overseas. Our top marginal tax rate is 45 per cent, to which we need to add the two per cent Medicare levy. The top marginal tax rate cuts in at just $180,000—just 2.2 times average full-time earnings. This compares with four times average earnings in Canada and the United Kingdom and eight times average full-time earnings in the United States of America. This is wildly unfair, and what a shame that this bill doesn't address that. The problem is that the government simply does too much. There seems to be no limit to the intrusion of the government into the everyday lives of Australians and the expansion of its powers and authority. The answer to any question, whether posed by the media or posed by a celebrity, is for something to be banned or something to be subsidised, with either option involving the hiring of more and more public servants. It seems that there's a bill for everything and for everything a bill, and a very small minority of Australians are the ones called to settle the account.</para>
<para>The Liberal Democrats believe Australia needs a low-tax future. Continuing to tax at such high rates discourages us from working and saving, discourages our potential entrepreneurs from taking the risk of starting a business, and imposes unnecessary compliance costs on individuals and businesses. High taxation also requires the hiring of thousands of bureaucrats in the ATO. For these bureaucrats, being called a mongrel bunch of bastards should be considered the price of taking such a well-paid but ignoble job. Tax collectors were rightly reviled in biblical times. The onus is on the defenders of the ATO to explain what has changed since then to warrant a change in our assessment. We need to reduce the scope of government and, in turn, the amount the government demands from us in taxation. Progressivity is also not something we should be seeking in a tax system. When someone has double the income, what moral code justifies taking more than double the tax?</para>
<para>The Liberal Democrats have a fully costed and fully funded policy to have a 20 per cent flat tax rate that leaves all taxpayers better off. Even this level of taxation is too high, but at least it would leave us with more of our own earnings in our own pockets, and it would, increasingly, be the citizens who would decide what to do with their earnings, not bureaucrats. Until we get to grips with this basic principle, we are doomed to become a less appealing place in which to do business and for individual successful Australians to remain. I will help pass this bill, but I look forward to the day that I can help pass a bill that ends this disease of excessive taxation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One of the very good things about this place is that we get to hear a range of views. I can assure those still in the chamber that you are about to hear some very different views to those that you heard from Senator Leyonhjelm, because some of us accept and believe that it is important to collect taxes from people, especially those who are well-off, in order to fund the social services, the infrastructure and the various other benefits that society so much depends upon.</para>
<para>I've spoken a little bit already about the government's tax plan, particularly in the adjournment speech last night, so I don't intend to use my full 20 minutes, but I did want to reiterate some of the key points that I think are extremely important for those members of this chamber who are still contemplating how they will vote on this bill. I should say, also, how proud I am that the Labor caucus and our leadership today took the right decision to oppose, particularly, the second and third stages of the government's tax cuts, which are unfairly weighted towards wealthier Australians. I think that is the right decision to take on grounds of principle.</para>
<para>We want to make sure that we retain a truly progressive taxation system in Australia, and I've listened, over the recent weeks, to the Treasurer and many other members of the government try to conflate ideas of what it means to have a progressive taxation system. They've been trying to mount this argument and eliminate one of the tax thresholds, which will actually have the practical effect of meaning that someone like me on $200,000 a year or thereabouts, a very high income, ends up paying the same rate of taxation as someone who cleans my office or drives me to and from parliament and who earns a middle income or a low income. There is absolutely no way, in Australia, that Australians believe that it is fair that someone earning such a high wage should be paying the same level of tax as someone on a low or middle income. But that is exactly what the government are trying to do with this bill, and I think they are about to get a rude shock when they actually get back out into their electorates and talk to Australians about what they're seeking to do here and once Australians have more information about what the government are trying to provide.</para>
<para>For the Treasurer and other members of this government to argue that, even with these changes, high-income earners will still pay more tax in dollar terms than people on low- and middle-income earners, and that is what makes this tax system progressive, is complete nonsense. Of course someone earning $200,000, $300,000 or $400,000 year is going to be paying more tax in overall dollar terms than someone earning $40,000, $50,000 or $60,000 a year. I would be willing to wager quite a lot of money that someone who is earning a high income like that is not going to miss the extra taxation that they would otherwise be paying as much as someone who is earning a lower income. A progressive taxation system is all about making sure that people who are earning higher amounts of money pay their fair share to ensure that we have the social services that we all depend upon. That's the way it should stay, and I'm very confident that most Australians support that view.</para>
<para>Arguably, the worst thing about this government's tax plan that we're debating now is that it so grossly discriminates against poor electorates right around the country. Then, to make the problem worse, it gives the biggest tax cut to the wealthiest electorates in this country. I am not aware of a more unfair plan for taxation that has ever been brought into this parliament than the one we are debating now. It is so clear that this tax plan will be delivering so little to low- and middle-income earners from the poorest electorates in this country, only to provide a massive tax cut to the wealthiest individuals in our community—a tax cut that in many instances they don't actually need.</para>
<para>The Australia Institute has published some very revealing data about what the practical impact of these tax cuts will be. They have been able to show that, if you look at all 150 electorates around the country, the 10 electorates that will get the least benefit from the tax cuts the government is proposing here—effectively the 10 poorest electorates in the country—are mostly in regional areas and in the outer suburbs of our big cities. I previously rattled off a few examples, but I will just say them again. Of the bottom 10 electorates in Australia in terms of the amount they will receive from this tax cut, three of them are in my home state of Queensland: the electorates of Hinkler, Wide Bay and, interestingly, Longman, which is the subject of the by-election that we will be fighting on 28 July.</para>
<para>Just to focus on Longman for a little bit: if anyone has spent any time in Longman—I've had the great fortune to do so, having already done about three door-knocking sessions in this campaign, and I'm sure I'll be doing a lot more before the campaign is over, and I'm yet to find anyone in Longman who is excited about the idea of a massive tax cut going to high-income earners, people earning $200,000 a year or more, at the expense of people earning low and middle incomes. That is because in an electorate like Longman, as is the case with so many other electorates around the country where people are largely on low and middle incomes, there are very few people who are earning six-figure salaries in the order of $200,000 a year or more. So it's no surprise that, when you're out there door-knocking in Longman and you ask people, 'Are you aware that what the government is trying to do is to cut taxes for people earning more than $200,000 a year, but there's very little benefit coming to households on $40,000 or $50,000 a year?' they're rightly outraged about that. If you mention at the same time that this government is also the one that is trying to give massive tax cuts to the big banks and to big business, you should see the reaction on their faces. I would encourage members of the government to spend a little bit of time in electorates like Longman, like Braddon, which I know Senator Urquhart will speak about, and which is also in the bottom 10 electorates nationally in terms of the benefits here. The government members here and any of the crossbenchers who are thinking of voting with the government are making a very big mistake if they think they are going to get political rewards in the by-elections in those electorates from people who are getting very little out of this government's plan.</para>
<para>To spend a little bit of time on regional Queensland: as I have mentioned in a previous speech to this chamber, every single regional Queensland electorate, mostly held by National Party aligned members of parliament, will be getting a below-average tax cut under what this government is putting forward. We've been raising this over and over during the course of this week, and I don't know if the National Party senators who are here actually know this and are actively turning their backs on their constituents by continuing to vote for tax cuts that will deprive their own constituents in regional and rural electorates and deliver a massive tax cut, on the other hand, to Liberal held electorates in wealthy parts of Australia. I'm glad Senator McKenzie, the Deputy Leader of the Nationals, is here. I don't know whether senators like Senator McKenzie and other National Party senators have actually looked at the information here and are aware that what they are doing is condemning their own constituents to getting a tax cut well below the national average. Every single National Party electorate in Queensland will get below the national average, and I think about four out of the bottom 10 electorates in Australia that are going to be getting the least benefit from this tax cut are National Party held. I don't know how many times we have to come into this chamber and point out to the National Party that, if they want to be serious about representing rural and regional Australia, like they say they do and say they are committed to, it is about time they stood up for the interests of these people and took on the Liberal Party.</para>
<para>The Liberal Party is doing so well out of this deal. They are ensuring that their own voters are pocketing huge amounts of money, but poor old National Party voters and people in National Party electorates are being left behind. What's worse, they're actually getting their services cut by this government in the form of funding for health, for schools, for training and for pensions. All of these cuts are happening right across regional Queensland and, no doubt, other parts of regional Australia, all to help fund a massive, unaffordable tax cut that is going to electorates like the Prime Minister's own in wealthy parts of Sydney. Our National Party representatives either know what they're doing and know that they're ripping off their own constituents to help out rich Liberals—it would be disgraceful, if they actually know that—or they haven't bothered to ask the hard questions in their party room and haven't bothered to ask the Prime Minister why it is fair to give Liberal Party-held electorates in wealthy parts of Australia a massive tax cut when regional Australia is being left behind.</para>
<para>Of course, there is one tax plan that is before this parliament that actually would offer some benefit both to regional Australia and to low- and middle-income earners right across Australia, and that is the plan that Labor is putting forward. The reason it has so much benefit to most people in our community, whether they be in regional Australia or urban Australia, is that the Labor tax cuts are heavily targeted towards low- and middle-income earners. If anyone's going to get a tax cut in this country, it should be low- and middle-income earners. It shouldn't be millionaires. It shouldn't be people earning $500,000 a year when we are actually cutting services in order to pay for those tax cuts.</para>
<para>I will give you a few examples. If you run down Queensland, from the north to the south, every single electorate actually stands to gain a lot more from the Labor plan that is before this chamber than what the government is offering. Starting in Queensland's far north in the electorate of Leichhardt, where I know Senator Moore spends a lot of time as the duty senator, 77 per cent of taxpayers will be better off under Labor's tax plan than under the government's. In the electorate of Herbert, so ably represented by Cathy O'Toole, 79 per cent of taxpayers will be better off under Labor's plan than under the government's. In the electorate of Dawson, 76 per cent of taxpayers would be better off under Labor. In the electorate of Capricornia, where I spend a lot of time as the duty senator, 74 per cent of taxpayers would be better off. In the electorate of Flynn, 70 per cent of taxpayers would be better off under Labor's plan than under the government's plan.</para>
<para>And it's not just regional Australia. Let's look at some of the marginal seats held by government members in South-East Queensland. In the electorate of Dickson, 76 per cent of taxpayers would be better off under Labor's plan. In the electorate of Petrie, 78 per cent of taxpayers would be better off under Labor's plan. In the electorate of Bonner, on Brisbane's east side, 74 per cent of taxpayers would be better off under Labor's plan. And in the electorate of Forde, between Logan and the Gold Coast, 78 per cent of taxpayers would be better off under Labor's plan than under what the government is offering. So, if there's anyone on the government side who's actually serious about trying to give low- and middle-income earners a leg-up via a tax cut, the simple thing to do is to support what Labor is putting forward to separate this bill. Let's hive off the high-income tax cuts that the country can't afford and actually aren't needed and concentrate our efforts on providing tax cuts to low- and middle-income earners. That's what Labor want to do, that's what we think is the fair approach and, frankly, that's what we think most Australians want to see.</para>
<para>In conclusion, the other group in this chamber who have got a massive test awaiting them as this debate continues are the two remaining One Nation senators. I've had a lot to say previously—and I won't go into it in too much detail—about the number of times our One Nation senators, particularly from Queensland, despite all their claims about supporting battlers, come down into this chamber and vote with the government to hurt battlers on penalty rates, pension cuts, apprenticeship cuts, health cuts—the list is so long, I can't even remember them all. This one will be a very good test for One Nation. If One Nation want to follow through on their claims to support battlers then they will back Labor's amendments, they will oppose the government's plan to give tax cuts to high-income earners and they will ensure that all of that money is directed towards tax cuts for the people who really need them in electorates like Longman, Capricornia, Flynn and Dawson, battlers in our urban and regional areas who need support from our government and deserve more than what the government is offering and, in fact, deserve what Labor is offering. This will be a real test once and for all of whether One Nation are really about battlers or whether they're for the billionaires that the Prime Minister and his Liberal Party colleagues seem so intent on supporting. So I'm going to be very interested to see how this debate unfolds over the next few days.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018 and the tax cuts proposed within it are framed by this government as a bonus to Australians, a gift, but this bill and these tax cuts would strip away so much of what makes Australia great as a society, widening the gap between the rich and the rest of us. It's a gap that we know is growing. It would take away essentials like health services, educational opportunities, public infrastructure and community services. It's dressing up these tax cuts as a sugar hit for us all when really it delivers most of these cuts to the wealthiest people, like the investment bankers and the hedge fund managers who live in the Prime Minister's own electorate, while simultaneously severely undermining our capacity as a nation to get the services we need and to look after each other.</para>
<para>The Greens oppose this bill in its entirety, and I welcome the chance to lay out why. The Greens want to see an Australia where our hospitals are properly funded so that, if you're a pensioner who needs a hip replacement, you don't need to wait 18 months. The Greens want to see an Australia where every single child, whether they live in inner-city Melbourne or Mount Isa, has access to a world-class education and can choose to continue that education right through from preschool to TAFE and university. The Greens want to see an Australia where, through government addressing the chronic underinvestment in the essential infrastructure we need as our population grows, people aren't packed in like sardines on public transport or stuck in bumper-to-bumper traffic. In short, these tax cuts are not just tax cuts; they're cuts to schools, hospitals, infrastructure, scientific research and our beloved ABC. The Turnbull government, in proposing these tax cuts, is telling Australians that what they're getting from government at the moment is more than they need.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government is trying to tell people surviving on Newstart, who are already living massively under the poverty line, that they don't deserve the first rise in Newstart in real terms since 1994—that they're already getting too much—but that someone earning $200,000 needs a tax cut. Instead of giving tax cuts, the Turnbull government should be helping young people living on youth allowance to have enough income to actually look for work and study. These people are saddled with HECS and TAFE debt, can hardly afford to rent a crappy room in a share house, let alone afford to buy a house, and absolutely can't find a job. The Turnbull government should be helping carers who are slogging away caring for their loved ones. The Turnbull government should be helping those locked out of the housing market or languishing on a minimum wage as the cost of living goes up and up. These Turnbull tax cuts offer nothing at all to these people. These tax cuts are just another leg-up for the rich.</para>
<para>The Greens believe in quality public services that are accessible to everyone, not a privatised dystopia where your parents' income determines your lot in life. Every Australian should be able to share in what makes this country great, not just the select few wealthy people and multinational corporations who are writing the government's policy and demanding a tax cut. The Greens stand for investment in people's health and education. We want to see proper investment in critical infrastructure to modernise our cities and regions, to shift to a clean economy and to look to a future that's innovative and progressive. These tax cuts will do nothing to further that vision. They will hold us back. They will trap us in an outdated 'dig it up, chop it down' economy.</para>
<para>Over the last 10 years Australians have been sold the lie, by politicians on both sides of this chamber, that we can't afford to properly act on climate change or protect endangered species; that we can't afford to properly fund shelters, refuges and legal services to help women fleeing from family violence, or programs that would prevent violence against women—while more than one woman a week is killed. We've been told that we can't afford to pay people on Newstart, who rely on $38 a day—many of them living in areas where there is massive unemployment and no chance of landing a job, and where they are absolutely struggling to make ends meet—an increase of $75 a week for the costs of housing, food, transport, bills, mobile phones, clothing and sanitary items like tampons and pads.</para>
<para>And yet, in the face of this inequality, at the first chance they get, the coalition and Labor are in yet another race to the bottom over who can give the biggest tax cuts. Australia is already a low-taxing country. How much lower do they want to drag us? Our Public Service is so understaffed that people are waiting hours and hours on the phone trying to get through to Centrelink to find out why their welfare payment has been cancelled.</para>
<para>The Greens will not join in this race to the bottom, a race that will only end up in the widening gap between the rich and the rest of us, a race that will leave millions of Australians struggling, locked out of secure housing, stuck in traffic on their way to an insecure job. No, the Greens will not join this race to buy votes by dishing out billions for a short-term sugar hit. The Greens want to face the challenges in a way that doesn't leave any Australian struggling to make ends meet, stuck in poverty. We can show you how we can afford to make sure that everyone has equal opportunity to live a happy, healthy and productive life and to have access to the same essential services regardless of people's income, regardless of where they live.</para>
<para>How can Prime Minister Turnbull look Australians in the eye and say that we can afford to give people earning well above the average wage a massive tax cut and we can afford to give multinational corporations billions in tax cuts but we can't afford to give someone living on Newstart or youth allowance a $75-a-week increase to lift them out of poverty or we can't afford to give people a minimum wage, a wage that's supposed to be a baseline for someone to be able to afford basic necessities and not be in poverty—we can't afford to increase that to an income that's pegged to 60 per cent of the median wage? We can afford it, but these tax cuts will mean we are further away from affording it than ever.</para>
<para>There's nothing more Australian than a fair go. Real Australians believe in the fair go, but not this government. The Prime Minister and the coalition need an education in what the fair go means. They need an education on what it means to be Australian, because their backwards policies that belong in the last century are un-Australian.</para>
<para>When this plan was handed down on budget night, it immediately became clear that the big winners were the high earners in Australia. That means, for the most part, blokes. On budget night, in my office, we used Australian Taxation Office statistics to highlight that the Turnbull government's tax cuts for high-income earners will disproportionately benefit men and leave women in low- and middle-income jobs at a comparative disadvantage. We know that women are much more likely to be on a lower income, and the budget's disproportionately higher tax handouts to high-income earners show just where this government prioritises the equality of women.</para>
<para>This stuff matters. Gender equality matters. Choosing to give tax cuts to high-income earners is unfair. Seventy per cent of the beneficiaries of the abolition of the 37.5 per cent marginal tax rate will be men. Coupled with inadequate funding to address family and domestic violence, cuts to foreign aid, nothing to address housing affordability and no further detail about its women's economic security commitments, this government's income tax plan and its budget are making inequality worse for women.</para>
<para>I can tell you that, like many Australians, I've been closely reflecting on the challenges that we face as a nation when it comes to the equality, wellbeing and safety of our women and girls. It's been devastating to bear witness to the growing death toll from gendered violence, harassment and abuse. It makes me recommit to the challenge of setting in place meaningful, impactful policy to address this crisis.</para>
<para>I hope this government is thinking about this crisis too, but I despair when faced with a bill like this, because what this bill is saying is, 'We don't prioritise funding and resourcing for essential services like violence prevention programs or crisis services for women.' Instead, it says: 'We are happy to erode the funding base for these programs. Even if you value them as a society, we are going to give the top end of town a big tax handout.'</para>
<para>This year's budget has a pretty pathetic offering when it comes to addressing violence against women. This government talks a lot about safety and security but is apparently happy to put a tax cut for the big end of town before the core business of fixing the biggest safety threats to Australian women: domestic violence and sexual abuse. I want to credit the National Foundation for Australian Women, who off their own bat applied a gender lens to this year's budget and produced a detailed report responding to the government's budget. They noted that, if this government is going to meet its own objectives in the National Plan to Reduce Violence against Women and their Children:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is a need for significantly greater funding across the nation including for primary prevention, one-stop-shop support and safety hubs, victim assistance, support and counselling, specialist family violence courts, and an expansion of legal assistance for victims, locationally, culturally, and age specific strategies and support services, emergency and longer term accommodation, services for children, specialist legal services, reforms to family law, better policing, improved court supports, improved perpetrator accountability initiatives, and programs in prisons.</para></quote>
<para>That's the challenge. We need to step up to it. That means not cutting our revenue base away. It fundamentally conflicts with the Australian values that so many of us hold so dear to hack away at the community services that women and children need and that ultimately benefit us all. Indeed, we all benefit when violence is reduced, when harassment is addressed and when our streets and homes are safe.</para>
<para>As well as women, when I look at this bill, I reflect on what it means for our children and our grandchildren. These tax cuts are setting up the next generation for more inequality, more of a dog-eat-dog-world and less opportunity. These tax cuts mean that our kids and our grandkids are going to spend more time battling congestion in our cities, with abysmal public transport infrastructure. They'll have even worse internet connections than they do now, if that's possible, while our global neighbours and competitors steam ahead. While we hack away at the funding base for environmental protection and restoration, our next generation will be left with polluted skies, a dead reef, horrific water scarcity and Australian native species consigned to the history books. This bill represents a choice being made by this government to divvy up our kids' future and give it away in short-term sugar-hit tax cuts. It's fundamentally inefficient. Individual tax cuts do not allow us as a nation to maintain clean air, clean water and liveable cities. There's a point at which we say, 'Yes, that's a job for government.' But if the government is intent on shooting itself in the foot by cutting away the revenue streams that manage our society, our economy and our environment then that's when the Greens will stand up and say, 'No.'</para>
<para>I work a lot on public transport issues as the Greens spokesperson for transport, and I'm regularly presented with the evidence. It is very, very clear that growing urbanised communities need efficient, smart public transport if we're going to get from A to B without being caught up and jammed in traffic for hours every day. People want quick, safe, efficient public transport. When we build it, they do come. The issue is: we're not building it. People are stranded and left with only the car to commute with, and many can't even afford that. Again, there's that equality gap continuing to widen under this government. The absolute shame here is that this government isn't even spending what it trumpets it's spending on its transport infrastructure. When I asked the government about the budget spending on transport during estimates—its $75 billion spend—and I finally got a breakdown, I was shocked that infrastructure spending is actually declining over the next decade not just on a per capita basis but on a real-dollar-value basis. It has nothing to do with equity investment versus grant investment or any of the other sleights of hand that the government performs to cover its lack of spending. The department actually admitted that the average spend will go from $8 billion a year in the decade to 2021-22 to less than $6.4 billion a year in the second half of the next decade. In the period when the full weight of these tax cuts will cut in, we will see the real value of infrastructure spending at its lowest point since 2012. We went away further, after learning that, and looked at the numbers and the projected population growth, and we found that real spending per person will go from $379 a person in the 2016-17 financial year to only $226 per person in the years from 2022 to 2028. This is a 40 per cent cut in per capita spending.</para>
<para>That is what we need to overcome. We need more revenue. We need more investment in our public transport, not less—not $144 billion less in revenue over the next decade. Imagine what we could do with $144 billion in revenue if we decided to spend it on public transport. We would transform our cities. We would be able to afford every public transport project. That would mean that our cities would be able to function well—whether it was airport rail, Doncaster rail or the Melbourne's Metro 2 underground. These sorts of projects are what would transform our cities, creating a huge amount of employment, investment—economic activity—as well as creating the sort of society and the sorts of liveable cities that we know we need. That is what we need government revenue to be spent on—projects like this. We need smart, substantial investment in our cities and in public transport. Tax cuts do not help gridlock. Do you know what does? It's smart government investment with a vision for our kids' future. And these tax cuts in this bill would prevent this investment.</para>
<para>The Greens' opposition to this bill, the Greens' commitment to us having enough money to spend on essential services, to spend on housing, on schools, on education, on health services and on infrastructure, is not some whacky vision of the future. This view—that we need to be able to maintain those quality services—is supported by mainstream Australia. Peter Lewis wrote in <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> last week, as part of its series of 'Life on the Breadline', that 92 per cent of Australians agree with the proposition that no-one should go without basic essentials like food, health care, transport and power—92 per cent. Yet people today are in that position of having to go without those basic essentials. But the vast majority of Australians want to see a society and an Australia that is fairer and better than that. As Peter Lewis said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is enough to make you think people are starting to look at themselves as part of a society, rather than just the economy.</para></quote>
<para>We do live in a society. Taxes that are imposed progressively and the spending of them determined in a transparent, accountable, equitable way are an absolute cornerstone of that society. We need to be maintaining our tax base to be able to pay for the things that make Australia a great country. It still is a great country, but it has been going in the wrong direction for many years, particularly under this last government. We need to be maintaining our tax base to be able to pay for those services, to be making Australia that place that we can be proud of calling our home, where we can be proud to be together as an Australian society. So I urge all members of this place to join the Greens in rejecting this regressive, harmful legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak against the Turnbull government's Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018 in its current form. I do so for the 39,000 workers on the north-west coast of Tasmania, the west coast of Tasmania and King Island, who will be better off under Labor's bigger, better, fairer income tax plan. I do so for my late mother, a woman who chose to be an aged-care worker, a woman who gave her all for the people that she cared for, a union woman who organised her colleagues to get a better deal around our family's kitchen table decades ago. I do so for the more than 360,000 aged-care workers across the country who this Prime Minister attacked just hours ago in the other place.</para>
<para>I say firmly to Prime Minister Turnbull, for saying that a 60-year-old aged-care worker in Burnie should aspire to get a better job, it is clear that his definition of 'better' demonstrates how little he values our aged-care workers, it is clear how little the Prime Minister values the women workers who fill 87 per cent of Australia's aged-care workforce and it's clear how little the Prime Minister cares about people in our aged-care homes and that he sees caring for them as something that people should not aspire to do. This type of patronising comment from the Prime Minister hurts. It hurts deep in your guts and deep in your heart. I think, worst of all, it was totally unnecessary.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister was asked a simple question today about who government should prioritise for income tax cuts. Should a 60-year-old aged-care worker from Burnie aspire to be an investment banker so that they can get a bigger tax cut? The Prime Minister responded:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The 60-year-old aged-care worker in Burnie is entitled to aspire to get a better job, is entitled to get a promotion, and earn more.</para></quote>
<para>This is a 60-year-old worker who is highly trained as an aged-care worker. Why would we want them to retrain and get a different job? Why would we, as a society, not want them to be earning a good income from the job that they actually love, staying in the workforce, training their younger colleagues and continuing to provide care and support to their residents on a daily basis—residents who are our mums, dads, grandparents, aunties, uncles and cherished friends? Why do we not prioritise giving them a little bit more in take-home pay so that they can continue to provide an invaluable community service? That is what this debate is about tonight: work at its most basic principle.</para>
<para>I believe you'll never get a better comparison of Labor versus Liberal than on this issue where the Prime Minister defines 'better' as something other than work. Labor values all workers. Where the Prime Minister thinks people should just get a promotion, Labor values all workers. Where the Prime Minister promotes aspiration as fundamental, Labor promotes and values all workers.</para>
<para>One worker who I want to highlight tonight is Jeanette Parsons from Wynyard, a beautiful seaside town that is just a 10-minute drive west of Burnie. Jeanette is a member of the Health and Community Services Union Tasmanian branch. She spoke at the Change The Rules launch in Davenport earlier this month, which I attended with a number of my Labor colleagues. Jeanette and her colleagues are enduring a four-year enterprise bargaining agreement negotiation with their employer Wynyard Care Centre. The Wynyard Care Centre is owned by Synovum Care who promote on their website:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A new direction in aged care … 'as normal life as possible'.</para></quote>
<para>The aged-care workers at Wynyard Care Centre have been fighting for four years just for a conversation on their EBA. The aged-care workers at Wynyard Care Centre don't need a new direction in aged care; they need their employer to sit down and bargain in good faith. Jeanette spoke at the Change the Rules campaign launch in Devonport. She told the room:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It has been a very long, tough struggle with no advantages in that time. We need that to change. We need to be able to go into an EBA, have a conversation, a negotiation, and work it out fairly and sign off on it and get on with our everyday work.</para></quote>
<para>I hope someone from Synovum was listening that day and, if not, that they sit up and listen after today. These aged-care workers in Wynyard, just like the other 360,000 workers across the country, just want a fair EBA signed off so that they can get on with their everyday work, so that they can get on with caring for their residents. They don't have to aspire to a better job, as our Prime Minister suggested, just to get a fair deal at work and a decent tax cut from the government, and neither do millions of other Australians working in retail and hospitality, in health, education and community services, in our ships and on our docks, in construction and manufacturing, or in forestry, mining or agriculture. I congratulate the Australian trade union movement for its Change The Rules campaign. I was pleased to join thousands of unionists out in front of Parliament House today to hear of the severe issues plaguing our workplaces right across the country.</para>
<para>This tax debate clearly fits into exactly the same narrative. It's about choices. The people of Burnie and Wynyard and across the electorate of Braddon, down the west coast, over on King Island, up in Circular Head and in Devonport, Ulverstone and Latrobe will make a choice on 28 July. On tax, the choice is between a Shorten Labor government, which will deliver permanent tax relief to 39,000 people in Braddon, and Prime Minister Turnbull's out-of-touch tax cuts, where the biggest benefits will go to his own electorate of Wentworth. Braddon sits 147th in the national pecking order and is the fourth-smallest beneficiary in the whole country.</para>
<para>Justine Keay and Bill Shorten will almost double the Turnbull government's tax relief for 39,000 workers on the north-west and west coasts of Tasmania and over on King Island. This will see everyone earning less than $125,000 up to $928 a year better off over the next four years. In comparison, Brett Whiteley and Prime Minister Turnbull want someone on $200,000 to pay the same tax rate as someone on $40,000. This legislation, with our amendments, will deliver tax relief to 10 million Australians on 1 July this year. But Brett Whiteley and Prime Minister Turnbull are trying to hold Australian workers to ransom while he defends a tax cut for millionaires—a tax cut that doesn't take effect for six years, a tax cut that will benefit only four per cent of income earners in Tasmania, a tax cut that is deeply unfair and unjust.</para>
<para>Tax cuts for working Tasmanians should not be held hostage to tax cuts for bankers in six years. Brett Whiteley and Prime Minister Turnbull need to stop standing in the way of tax cuts for teachers and tradies, for shop assistants and carers. We all know that former banker Brett Whiteley voted six times against a banking royal commission and that he is totally locked in behind Prime Minister Turnbull's $17 billion taxpayer funded handout to the big banks. People in Braddon know what Brett Whiteley stands for. They booted him out of office twice. I'm confident that when the people of Braddon compare the policies and values of Justine Keay and Labor with those of Brett Whiteley and the Liberals, he will be defeated again.</para>
<para>I will finish where I began: paying tribute to the 360,000 aged-care workers in this country, 87 per cent of whom are working women. I say this to the women and men who work in aged care: I value your work. I value your labour. I value the real contribution that you make to the lives of our precious aged-care residents. Labor will give you a bigger, better tax cut. Labor will work with you and your unions to improve our aged-care sector. And Labor will never ever devalue your hard work.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STEELE-JOHN</name>
    <name.id>250156</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have had many a reason and opportunity to wonder whether the workings of this place are in any way in touch with the needs, desires and aspirations of the Australian people, but never so clearly has an example been given to me that we are so disconnected from the Australian community than this tax package. The Australian community that I know—that I love and that I have called my home for most of my life—the values that we hold are of community, are of coming together to get things done and are of fairness. What this means for our taxing contribution system is that we believe that if you are a bit better off you pay a little bit more and if you are less well-off you pay a little bit less. We pool our resources and we fund education, health and transformative programs such as the NDIS. We help our farmers, our young people and our older Australians. We lend a hand.</para>
<para>What this bill seeks to do—what this toxic, greedy package seeks to do—is rip apart the foundation of that fairness and take away from the Australian community the ability to make those changes in people's lives and to invest in the services that they need to live a good life.</para>
<para>You have heard this evening that the view of the Australian people is that everybody believes—the overwhelming majority of us believe—that it is the right of every Australian to live a good life, to have a job, to have a home, to have an education and to live in an environment that is safe, and yet this package systemically seeks to undermine this place's ability to provide those rights for people.</para>
<para>The Liberal government has spent the best part of the last 10 years telling the Australian electorate that there is simply not enough to go around; that we must slash, burn and cut essential services and advocacy groups, and tear down infrastructure spending simply to get a magical budget back into balance. Then overnight—the minute the opinion polls require it and you've got a sniff in the right direction—all of a sudden there's $144 billion sloshing around waiting to be spent. It's $144 billion over the next 10 years and the best this government can think to do with it is give it to the big end of town, not to health, not to education, not to the NDIS, not to ensure that young people have safe and secure work, not to ensure that young people can buy a house affordably, not to ensure that we can go to university, not to ensure that we can go to good-quality TAFE. No, Malcolm Turnbull says: 'Give it to the big end of town. Give it to Gina. Give it to Clive. Give it to Twiggy. They need it. God knows they need another yacht. God knows I need a second house. God knows I just can't take the burden of paying my share.'</para>
<para>It is a disgrace. I sit within this chamber, ashamed of it. There are thousands of people who this very night will go to sleep on the streets of this nation's capitals. There are thousands of farmers who do not know where the next month's pay will come from. There are thousands of women suffering in domestic violence situations. There are thousands of young people struggling with addiction. And yet this chamber is being asked to consider that its highest priority be that billions of dollars be given to billionaires. It is disgusting.</para>
<para>As a former Labor supporter, as a member of a former Labor household, I have to say how disappointed I am to have heard the contributions so far of the Labor Party and to have read in the newspapers today—and over the last couple of months—of their position. I come from a strongly Labor area. My local member is a Labor MP. I live, and proudly so, in the South Metropolitan area of Western Australia. If you want to know what unemployment looks like, what youth unemployment looks like, what lack of services looks like, come to my local community and my local area.</para>
<para>I will tell you now that what the people of my community need is not a double-the-size-because-we-can't-think-of-anything-better-to-do tax cut. They need an increase to Newstart. They need a mandated living wage. They need health. They need education services. They need addiction services. They do not need a tax cut. They need essential services and they need them now, and I am so disappointed to see the Labor Party join in with the government on the rhetoric around this tax auction: 'Who can one-up the other on offering this side or that side a bigger tax cut so we can win the next election, win the next by-election? Let's make sure that we can stay here, rather than thinking about those who need us.'</para>
<para>I have spent too long talking with people who do not know where their next meal will come from and I have spent too long talking with people who do not know if they will have a roof over their head to indulge either side of this chamber in its fantasy that what it is seeking to do will go anywhere near addressing the real needs of Australians who are vulnerable, Australians in need, Australians who should be the focus of the work of this place.</para>
<para>I sit here as the youngest person elected to the Australian Senate. Young people speak to me frequently about their desires and fears and aspirations for the future, and not one of them has ever said to me that the No. 1 priority of Australian politics should be giving billions of dollars to billionaires. Not one of them has said to me, 'What I would like to see is a more greedy society, a more selfish society, a society where we turn on each other and away from each other.' Universally, they say to me that they want to live in a community which cares for each other, which says no to poverty, which says no to fear, which is brave and inclusive and innovative, a community where they know that there will be a job for them when they graduate, a community where they know that their family will be safe.</para>
<para>Those things can only be ensured, those rights can only be safeguarded, when we have the resources to make it so. This package fundamentally undermines our ability to do that. It is greed. It is selfishness. It is political expediency above the needs of the people in its most grotesque form. It is a cold and absolutely atrocious attempt to buy an electorate.</para>
<para>I tell this government that the Australian people are far smarter and far kinder than we so often give them credit for. They see through this. They see through you. They will demand, when they are given the next opportunity, that all of those who participated in this horrendous exercise, which undercuts the community's ability to care for their most vulnerable and safeguard a good future, answer for their actions over the next two days. I take some solace in the knowledge that we in the Australian Greens are at least brave enough to argue that, if there is money to be invested, it go to those who need it, not to those who want it and are able to get the ear of this parliament the most. I thank the chamber for its time.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia has a progressive tax system. That's something that we've had since very early in our history, and it lies at the heart of our conception as an egalitarian nation. I start with that historical fact because there has been quite a lot of commentary from members of the coalition here and in the other place and in the media about how unfair it is to have people on higher incomes pay a higher rate of income tax than those on lower incomes. They have a way of talking about this in the tech world. They say, 'This is a feature, not a bug.' It is by design that we ask people who earn more to contribute disproportionately more. That is because we are a society that has always said: 'We will not leave people behind. We will use our resources to lift up everybody.'</para>
<para>When asked by my colleague Senator Hume at the Senate Economics Legislation Committee inquiry into the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018 what the effect of this package would be on Australia's tax system, the head of the Grattan Institute, the centrist think tank, replied, 'It will be less progressive than it is at the moment.' We know from analysis of the package that this is primarily the result of tranche 3 of the government's package. The consequences of that shift to a less progressive tax system should be the feature of tonight's debate. The effect of moving to a less progressive tax system is that money begins to flow to where it already is—our tax and transfer system does less work to address inequality. Practically, the benefits of this package overwhelmingly flow to groups and sectors that are already doing well. That is the basis for Labor's decision to support only stage 1 of this package, because the balance of the package will make our tax system less progressive and less fair.</para>
<para>I want to take some time to look at two dimensions of this: gender and geography. I'll start with geography. I think senators know that I grew up in a small regional town. When I was growing up that town had very high rates of long-term unemployment. It was a town where very few people had been to university and very few people hoped to go to university. Some things have got better in regional Australia—certainly things have got better in my town—but all of the data tells us that it is in our regions that people still do it hard.</para>
<para>The Brotherhood of St Laurence released a report a few months back that showed that the hotspots for youth unemployment are in rural and regional Australia—67 per cent in outback Queensland; 30 per cent in the Southern Highlands and the Shoalhaven, in my home state of New South Wales; and well above 16 per cent in Tasmania's south-east, in the Murray and on the Coffs Coast, up on the North Coast near where I grew up.</para>
<para>What does this tax package do for the people in those places? Well, not much. The National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling, NATSEM, did some work to have a look at how the benefits of the government's income tax package are distributed geographically. The results are pretty stark, because the lion's share flow to the very wealthy electorates in our capital cities. The analysis they provided lets you rank the federal electorates in order of the benefit that they receive from the package, from the most to the least, and the top 10 electorates—every single one of them—are from Sydney and Melbourne. None of them are regional. Average households in any of the top 10 electorates would get at least 50 per cent more than the average Australian household when you look at all households. Of course, as has been widely noted, it's the Prime Minister's electorate, the electorate of Wentworth, that gets the largest benefit. One-quarter of the National Party electorates are in the bottom 10. It's an unbelievable concentration of disadvantage, represented allegedly by the National Party in this place. There's only one National Party electorate in the top half. Where are the National Party in all of this? Where are they? They're not in this chamber standing up. They are sitting next to the Liberal Party with their mouths closed. They're sitting next to the Liberal Party, being held hostage by the ideologues who have never pretended for a moment that they give a fig for the people in the regions who are doing it tough, the people experiencing 30 per cent youth unemployment.</para>
<para>I want to talk about women too, because this has been a week when people have wanted to speak a great deal about their commitment to women, to their safety, to their equality and to their economic opportunities. The Labor Party has raised, during the course of the debate, the very different impacts that this package has on men and women. The analysis shows that the final stage of this tax plan delivers three times as much benefit to men as to women. That's $30 billion going to men and just $11 billion going to women. Across the total package, it's still pretty stark: $90 billion in tax cuts delivered to men compared to $50 billion delivered to women. There's an opportunity cost when you do these things because, when you take $143 billion out of the budget, it lessens the government's ability to undertake measures that address the economic position of women.</para>
<para>When confronted with these facts, how did government react? The Treasurer went from angry to silly. He decided his approach would be merely to mock these things. He started talking nonsense about pink and blue forms. The Treasury secretary was more sober, but he dismissed it by saying that the tax cuts are gender neutral. He simply denied the facts. During the Senate committee hearings, I asked the National Foundation for Australian Women about these comments. I asked: is this tax package gender neutral? Do you know what they said? Marie Coleman said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That's just a nonsense. The intention was gender-blind, I would say, rather than gender-neutral. The statistics that are there clearly indicate that these tax cuts are a long, long way from being gender neutral.</para></quote>
<para>Let's think about it for a minute. The government is taking a decision to distribute $143 billion over 10 years. It is, by some accounts, the largest single tax cut in a budget ever. Let's be clear: if you're going to distribute $143 billion, if you're going to try to put that into the discretionary earnings of households, there's more than one way you can do it. This government has deliberately chosen to design its tax intervention in a way that delivers the vast bulk of the money to the men of Australia.</para>
<para>Women are already earning less than men. They have less wealth than men. They retire with half the superannuation of men. Women bear a significant economic penalty for the caring responsibilities that they take on in looking after women, looking after older residents and looking after children, including children with disabilities. Government policy should respond to this. It is not good enough to say this is merely a response generated by the market. That is what government is for. It is to see inequality and to address it, and the failure to address it in this package is disgraceful.</para>
<para>The worst thing is that the government didn't even look. On every occasion in the last three years when I have asked Treasury officials, 'Have you undertaken analysis on how this impacts women?' the answer has been no. They do not care to look. The truth is this: you cannot come into this place and say that you're interested in defending and supporting the economic interests of Australian women if you do not even bother to find out how your measures, how your decisions in government, will impact on Australian women and whether they will support them or, indeed, harm them. This government doesn't even know. It doesn't know because it doesn't care to look.</para>
<para>Ironically, had the government chosen to look, it may have found some information that would have assisted it in better meeting its stated aims in introducing this package. The Treasurer claims that this bill aims to deliver fairness and remove disincentives to work, but the evidence is that it fails on this front. Mr John Daley, from the Grattan Institute, indicated that the benefits in this bill flow to high-income earners. Those people are, of course, already working full time. There's not going to be a huge increase in labour market participation because men working full time on high salaries get a tax cut. They're already working at capacity. The real economic opportunity, if you want to lift labour market participation, is actually to reduce the very, very high barriers to women working. Women who are the second earner in a family can, in some instances, face almost a 100 per cent effective marginal tax rate when they take on an extra day of work. The reason is that when they go to work that third day they tip over that threshold and they start to lose their childcare benefit, start to lose their family tax benefit and pay more income tax. The combination of those things means that they take almost no extra money home at all. It is literally not worth it financially to attend work. And that is a policy design problem. If you tackled it, you would lift the number of hours being worked in the Australian economy. That is something that does have the potential to lift economic growth.</para>
<para>All of the evidence suggests that if we can increase women's participation we can grow the economy. But the government didn't think about that. The government didn't think about it because it dismisses out of hand any argument that suggests you ought to take care about how your policies impact on women. It dismisses them. It laughs at them. It treats women with contempt. I tell you what: I think the women of Australia are noticing.</para>
<para>There are people in this chamber and in the community who believe in small government. They believe in a flat tax, and they believe that for ideological reasons. They think it's okay to ignore the consequences for less-privileged members of our society. Those people—like Senator Leyonhjelm, who was here in the chamber earlier—argue for their beliefs clearly and openly. But the government, ostensibly, doesn't claim that it's among them. The government, in its public rhetoric, claims to care for the economic wellbeing of women. It claims to care about regional Australia. It claims that its package will incentivise aspiration and convince people to work longer and harder for more. It claims that the package is about fixing bracket creep for ordinary Australians, not about reducing the tax burden for the well-off. But the problem for the government—and it is a problem—is that none of these claims are really true.</para>
<para>This government is stuck defending a package that its far-right base and its donors desperately want, and it's stuck defending the package using arguments it doesn't really believe. If the government wanted to, it could put tranche 1 of its plan up for a vote tonight and this Senate would deliver tax relief for millions of average Australians—Australians that those on the other side claim to care about. But if the government's not going to do that, it should be honest. It should be honest with the Australian public about its actual reasons for wanting a less egalitarian, less progressive tax system.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to contribute in relation to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018. There are a number of things about this bill that are a mystery to me. We know that this bill has failed the fairness test, particularly in respect to tranches 2 and 3. We know that this bill fails the test of being fair dinkum, because if you were genuinely interested in providing relief for low-income households you wouldn't tie that to tax cuts for the big end of town. Thirdly, it fails the test of being fiscally responsible. So I'm mystified as to why this government wants to take the approach that it does. I want to add my plea to the government to split the schedules of this bill and have a proper debate over stages 2 and 3 of the never-never tax plan.</para>
<para>Labor support tax relief for low- and middle-income earners, and we are very happy to vote right now on stage 1. We've been very clear about that. But, as I said, this plan fails the fairness test. It is based on ideology and on some twisted political strategy that I do not think the people of Australia will appreciate. It's based on an ideology; it's not about achieving outcomes, such as workforce participation and economic growth. And, as I said, it's fiscally irresponsible. Labor have a bigger, better, fairer tax plan. We will almost double the relief for taxpayers earning up to $125,000. If the government refuses to split this bill now, for 10 million Australians, then an incoming Shorten Labor government will do it.</para>
<para>I will come back to Labor's commitment, time permitting, but let's look at the government's proposal. The cost of these personal income tax cuts over the medium term is $143.95 billion. This deserves proper scrutiny and analysis, as speakers tonight have indicated. What I get concerned about when we talk about that sort of money, that sort of loss of tax receipts for the Commonwealth, is: are we gambling on the fact that we've now had five minutes of economic sunshine, with tax receipts coming in at the moment fuelled by, amongst other things, commodity prices, when we know that down the track, with all the global headwinds that we have ahead of us, we see the potential for a trade war out there in the global economy? With all these clouds on the horizon, we are now saying, 'Let's gamble on all of that and give tax cuts six years down the track after two general elections.'</para>
<para>That's why Labor pushed for a Senate inquiry into this bill. I've already spoken today on some of the evidence that we obtained in the course of that inquiry. It's also why Labor senators asked the Parliamentary Budget Office to provide figures on the package after repeated requests of the government to release its figures. This is a ridiculous situation—the government ordering Treasury not to release costings beyond the forward estimates, despite basing this never-never plan on those same costings. This government's lack of transparency is woeful, and politicising the Treasury is not on. So, on behalf of Labor senators, I wish to thank the PBO for doing this work and providing us with the figures to examine in relatively tight time frames.</para>
<para>The figures tell us that step 1 carries a relatively modest cost of $15.9 billion over the medium term and is targeted at low- to middle-income earners. Step 2, which contains a number of different tax changes, contains the majority of the costs of this package over the medium term, given that step 3, which ultimately is very expensive, only commences in 2024-25. When we come to step three, it's very expensive at the end of the medium term at $10.35 billion per year compared to the full package final annual cost of $24.6 billion per year, and the cost of step three grows at about 12 per cent per year—twice the rate of projected nominal GDP growth. If you are looking at fiscal recklessness and trying to put something into the budget which is, essentially, a time bomb for future generations, then this is, in my view, fiscal irresponsibility.</para>
<para>I reiterate our support for step 1 of the package. It's unfortunate the government decided to try and push through the rest of this stealthy plan under the cover of relief to low- and middle-income Australians. We know the standards of how the Liberal-National Party operate in this place are pretty low. We know that they dress up their ideological attacks on unions and workers in superannuation bills. We know that they skip out on estimates when the questions get tough. Most recently, we saw them sneak in a super amnesty bill under the cover of the budget to protect businesses that have been ripping off workers since 1992.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, those opposite have no qualms about holding the first round of personal income tax cuts hostage to avoid debate on their long-term ideological agenda. That is why it is crucial that the Senate holds this government to account. That's why having an inquiry into this legislation was so important. I want to take a moment to thank all of those witnesses and participants in the inquiry. We heard from the Grattan Institute, the National Centre for Social and Economic Modelling, or NATSEM, the Australian National University, the National Foundation for Australian Women, the Council of Small Business Organisations Australia, the ACTU, Industry Super Australia and, of course, we heard from Treasury officials. Our report was tabled in the Senate on Monday night and is now available on the aph.gov.au website for anyone interested who is listening at home.</para>
<para>I want to quickly run through some of the key things that emerged and some of the evidence we heard. First, it is unfortunate the government is tying this short-term relief to distant promises in the never-never. Second, the long-term benefits of this package will flow more to higher-income earners. That point has been made very strongly by previous Labor speakers. Third, flattening the tax rate—in this case, making people earning $41,000 a year pay the same marginal tax rate as those on $200,000 a year—is a regressive measure. In fact, we heard from one of the witnesses that this schedule, were the tax plan to be finally implemented, would make it the least progressive tax schedule that we've had in the history of our country. And it does nothing to address structural inequality—things like regional inequality and gender balance.</para>
<para>There are national and global factors about which we don't have certainty—I've touched on these—which could impact on the government's and Treasury's forecasts. Earlier today, I talked about some of the heroic assumptions that underpin the surplus predictions. I won't go back over those, but it does give cause for worry if wages growth does not meet the predictions of the budget. We know that Treasury has highlighted some of the geopolitical risks we are facing in the future. But, in order to justify the package that we are debating today, the government continues to rely on its budget projections—projections that predict the wafer-thin return to surplus at the end of the forward estimates period. It is wafer-thin. Whilst we are in the middle of an economic upswing at the moment, NATSEM points out in its analysis of the federal budget that Treasury did not predict this growth even five months ago in MYEFO. So, if that was not predicted, there is absolutely no guarantee that the government has got it right now. How do we know that this unexpected windfall in terms of tax receipts is going to continue for much longer?</para>
<para>What we didn't hear during our inquiry and what I was hoping we might hear in this debate tonight was any compelling evidence that top marginal income tax rates need to be lowered to attract or keep high-income earners in Australia. We did hear that high effective marginal tax rates are often faced by taxpayers not in the top income brackets and can act as a deterrents to workforce participation, particularly in the case of women juggling a return to work with caring for children. Based on evidence, both given to our inquiry and available globally, Labor senators have expressed a number of concerns, and I commend our dissenting report to anyone listening. It was interesting that, during the course of our inquiry, we noted that there was evidence that in fact, just recently, 10,000 millionaires had taken the step of coming to Australia, and virtually none had decided to leave. It was the AfrAsia Bank that had come forward with this interesting information. So obviously our current marginal tax rates are no disincentive for bringing high-wealth individuals into this country.</para>
<para>As I've alluded to, we are deeply concerned that the cumulative impact and loss of revenue flowing from the coalition's corporate tax cuts and from stage 2 in this package will put the budget in a very precarious position. We believe that the budget needs to be in a responsible, sustainable position over the long term to ensure access to fiscal stimulus where needed to protect jobs. This is another one of the areas that the Grattan Institute touched on: we need to have the 'fiscal firepower'—in their terminology—that's necessary if there is going to be a downturn in the future, so the government can take steps. The actions of the last Labor government during the global financial crisis prevented widespread unemployment, and it's important that future governments be afforded such capacity.</para>
<para>We're concerned that, if these personal income tax cuts are passed by parliament, such reductions in revenue could be used by a future coalition government during an economic slowdown to justify cuts to essential services such as health, education and infrastructure. These are the cuts that we know coalition governments want to make.</para>
<para>And we've got serious reservations about the ability of the coalition to balance the books. We should never forget the fact that in 2014 we were confronted with the rhetoric about the 'debt and deficit disaster' that we had. We had to justify all sorts of horrendous cuts in the budget as a result of this so-called debt and deficit disaster. That has now disappeared. Obviously the government isn't interested in talking about those sorts of things, despite the fact that gross debt has crashed through the $500 billion barrier and is on an upward trajectory, and net debt in this coming year is double what it was when the coalition came into office. We know that gross debt will remain well above half a trillion dollars every year for the next decade, yet the government pushes on with its plan to give banks and big business, amongst others, $80 billion in tax cuts. Clearly the coalition have abandoned all hope of repairing their abysmal record on debt and deficit.</para>
<para>I could talk more about Longman. I am concerned about the voters of Longman and the choices that they make, but I do want to reiterate the point that 75 per cent of the good people of Longman would be better off under Labor's tax plan, and that equates to 69,000 voters in the seat of Longman.</para>
<para>In closing, I want to make the point that those opposite want to talk about gaming the tax system, but they do nothing about employers gaming the industrial relations system. They're happy to talk about low- and middle-income earners needing tax relief because of cost-of-living pressures, but they do nothing—as I said earlier today—about the rising gig economy, underemployment, stagnating wages, cuts to penalty rates, the theft of superannuation or the gender gap. They laud the tax package as an incentive for people to work longer hours but ignore the fact that over a million Australians want more work and can't get it. Infighting has crippled them on energy policy, and they're ripping billions out of our education and health systems. Yet the company tax proposal is still a priority, giving billions of dollars to multinationals and banks.</para>
<para>We're not afraid to look at these issues and to take the tough decisions. We're not afraid of the analysis, unlike those opposite. That's why we've been up-front and transparent in releasing our policies earlier. Now more than ever we need a Labor government to tackle inequality and restore trust in government. Labor is ready to govern. We have a better, fairer plan for our tax system, and I urge the government to let go of its fiscally irresponsible and unfair tax plans. I urge those opposite to finally see sense and work with Labor to deliver bigger, better, fairer personal income tax cuts to Australians.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STORER</name>
    <name.id>275424</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do not plan to take up too much of the Senate's time. I simply pose one question: what is it that we are trying to do here? Are we trying to inject a modest degree of fairness into the tax system for those who have struggled most in recent years—low- and middle-income earners who have suffered from wage stagnation which shows little sign of recovering and who are struggling to pay the bills for services which keep them warm and cook their meals—or are we holding out for the promise of tax cuts which would overwhelmingly benefit wealthier taxpayers but not for another six to seven years and then only if they still prove to be affordable?</para>
<para>Reputable research from the Grattan Institute suggests that only the top 20 per cent of taxpayers would receive more than a one per cent cut in average tax rates over the 10-year lifetime of the tax package, but the cost of stages 2 and 3 of the program is a staggering $120 billion. Why? It is because the vast bulk of the benefit of these two stages goes to the top 20 per cent of taxpayers. On the other hand, according to Grattan, a person earning $36,000 today would see their average tax rate climb by six per cent. A six per cent increase for a low-income earner; substantial tax cuts for the well-off—that seems hardly fair, even a denial of our much-celebrated national characteristic, the fair go.</para>
<para>As I've said many times now, I am right behind stage 1 of the package. It is fair, modest, well targeted and neatly designed. The less well off get some relief to reduce the headaches of household bills. It comes in immediately, although the low- and middle-income tax offset would not be paid until workers submit their tax returns for the next financial year. It recognises the delicate state of the current budget. The price tag is reasonable along with increasing the threshold for the 32½ per cent tax bracket to $87,000 to $90,000, which is at no more than $4½ billion a year through the forward estimates. For that the government would have my support right now.</para>
<para>But they say it's a package only to be taken as a whole. It is almost as if they are suggesting that removing the first step—the only step, by the way, that would come into effect in the term of this parliament—would make this whole thing collapse as if it were a house of cards, but nothing could be further from the truth. Step 1 is tangible. It would be law within weeks. Stages 2 and 3 are aspirational—a word bandied-about quite a bit in the building in recent days—but is it an admirable aspiration or a rash objective?</para>
<para>In the last few hours we've seen the Australian dollar fall below 74 cents for the first time in more than a year, the Reserve Bank's latest minutes have removed any mention of the next movement in interest rates being more likely to be up than down, and stock markets around the world have plunged as fears of a global trade war take hold. These tremors may pass, but they are an immediate reminder of how uncertain not just the global but also the domestic economic environment may turn out to be. If the ripples of fear about Trump and trade turn into waves crashing on the shores of the world's trading nations, Australia will suffer more than its share of the consequences.</para>
<para>Locking future parliaments into massive reductions in revenues—$80 billion in the case of stage 2 and another $40 billion in the case of stage 3—is risky business indeed. Should Treasury's optimistic projections for the period beyond the forward estimates undershoot by just a little—and it is hard to find a respected economist who believes there will be a rapid return to trend in wage growth—then the consequences for the state of the budget and the affordability of the tax cuts will be significant indeed. Either gross debt, already well above $550 billion with interest payments of $18 billion a year, will continue to rise or the services which Australians have demonstrated they expect at election after election will once again have to be cut: fewer nurses, fewer teachers, fewer of the new roads and bridges my home state of South Australia is demanding. Who of us will be thanked for that should that turn out to be the case?</para>
<para>The solution is simple: vote for stage 1 and extend the low- and middle-income tax offset beyond the forward estimates. Those of us who are fortunate enough to be in this place after the next election can then address tax relief more certain in the knowledge that we have the data we need to ensure the reforms fit the economic circumstances. It is irresponsible to do otherwise.</para>
<para>The government's insistence on treating the package as a single entity that cannot be broken down into its individual elements is both bad policy and tricky politics. The very structure of the government's package is revealing. The fact that stages 2 and 3 are so far over the horizon that you can't see them is an acknowledgement of the still-precarious state of the budget. If they were unequivocally affordable, all three stages would be coming into effect right now. The fact that they are two or three elections away is a reminder that returning the budget to balance remains a difficult task. In effect, the government is offering voters a pot of gold at the end of the rainbow, but it is a rainbow that is as much as seven years away.</para>
<para>None of those who support the latter stages of the tax program have anything to lose by splitting the bill. That is why I will be moving amendments in committee to remove all but stage 1 from the legislation, while ensuring that the less-well-paid, who would benefit from its introduction, would not subsequently lose out in four years' time. There is no reason to legislate tax cuts four and six years away except to hold future parliaments to ransom and hold out what may well prove to be a false hope to voters.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to speak on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018. I hope people listening aren't fooled by the government's budget and its so-called tax plan. Although Australia has enjoyed 27 years of recession-free economic growth, the government's tax package is predicated on Australia enjoying 37 years of recession-free economic growth. The Treasurer is promising tax cuts out in the never-never, beyond the forward estimates and way beyond this term and even the next term of government. For this government to say that they know and are certain they can deliver tax cuts in 2024 is just a joke. To make this tax plan remotely workable, the government is relying on an overly optimistic view on how the economy might proceed over the next decade. Mr Morrison is looking more like the Wizard of Oz—all smoke and mirrors—than the Treasurer of Aus, and we all know that the Wizard of Oz was just a rather ordinary man.</para>
<para>There is one thing this government has achieved that is quite remarkable—a rare trifecta. The tax plan is fiscally reckless. It will lock in a less-progressive tax system and it will leave Australia less able to support Australian jobs in the event of a downturn. As it stands, Labor will be the only major party presenting a responsible and fair budget plan at the next election. Despite the government's claim that this tax cut will benefit low-income earners, its plan overwhelmingly favours higher-income earners as well as attacking the foundations of Australia's progressive tax system.</para>
<para>Labor supports fair and responsible tax cuts and Labor understands that workers are doing it tough. We know many workers in Australia are struggling with energy costs and health costs that are higher than ever and we also know that under this government workers in Australia have suffered the worst wages growth since records began. The most recent national accounts highlight, once again, that average compensation for workers is not keeping up with the general cost of living. Let's not forget that many casual workers have had their penalty rates slashed as well. This is exactly why Labor has outlined its plan for bigger, better and fairer tax cuts for 10 million working Australians. Labor's policy will see pay-as-you-go taxpayers who earn up to $125,000 a year better off when compared to the Liberal Party's plan. These are targeted and paid for, will deliver a bigger boost to consumption and won't jeopardise the medium-term budget position and important investments in our hospitals and schools.</para>
<para>Labor's tax refund for working Australians increases the tax cuts currently being offered under the government's tax offset proposal. Labor will support the government's measure that begins on 1 July this year and a Shorten Labor government will deliver bigger tax cuts from 1 July 2019—and they will be permanent. With Labor's tax refund, a teacher on $65,000 will receive a tax cut of $928 a year. A couple earning $90,000 and $50,000 respectively will receive a tax cut of $1,855 a year. More than four million people will be better off by $398 a year compared to the Liberals' plan. Around 77 per cent of Tasmanians—my home state—will benefit from Labor's plan, and 39,000 taxpayers in the electorate of Braddon in north-west Tasmania will be better off with Justine Keay and a Shorten Labor government.</para>
<para>Costed by the independent Parliamentary Budget Office, Labor's policy has a budget impact of $5.8 billion over the forward estimates. Labor has got the big calls right and has made the difficult budget decisions that will allow us to put in place a better plan to tackle debt and deficit. Labor's budget plan provides the fiscal space to deal with international shocks while delivering bigger and better tax cuts for low- and middle-income Australians and protecting essential investments in health and in education.</para>
<para>When it comes to the budget Labor has the responsible and superior plan. Unlike the government, we are not giving $17 billion in tax cuts to the same banks whose shameless behaviour is now being exposed at the banking royal commission. Unlike the government, we are not giving $80 billion to big businesses, including multinationals who will just take the extra funds offshore.</para>
<para>Let's talk about some of the unfairness in the bill before us tonight. Labor in good faith cannot support stage 2 and stage 3 of this tax plan. It's unjust and it's unsustainable. The Australian National University's Ben Phillips has estimated that after the government's full plan is in place someone in the highest quintile will see a 2.2 per cent rise in their incomes compared to a 1.1 per cent rise for those in the middle quintile and a 0.2 per cent rise in the lowest quintile. By 2027 around 60 per cent of the tax cuts will go to the top 20 per cent of households. NATSEM modelling suggests this new tax system from 2024 to 2025 is less progressive than the current system, and that means higher income inequality—those on higher incomes get more of the tax cuts than those on lower incomes.</para>
<para>As part of the new proposal, low- and middle-income earners get a tax offset in 2018-19 with high-income earners getting very little. This part of the plan is progressive as more money goes to lower income earners, and Labor's happy to support this part of the plan. Labor will support the government's proposed changes that are to take effect 1 July 2018. Labor supports the change to the top threshold of the 32.5 per cent personal income tax bracket from $87,000 to $90,000. We support this in the same way as Labor supported the change to the threshold from $80,000 to $87,000 that was announced in the 2016 budget and passed through after the election of that year. Labor also supports the low- and middle-income tax offset providing tax relief for taxpayers earning up to $125,333.</para>
<para>This parliament can guarantee that the tax changes due to take effect in two weeks can pass immediately. That's why Labor will move amendments in the Senate to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018 to ensure the passage of the tax cuts starting on 1 July. However, we don't agree with the rest of the package. By 2024-25, the Liberals' tax plan means high-income earners gain $7,225 per year while those earning $50,000 to $90,000 gain $540 per year and those earning $30,000 gain $200 per year. The total cost of the government's tax plan is $13.4 billion over the four years of the forward estimates and $143.9 billion over the medium term. This has a major structural impact on the budget over the medium term, particularly when combined with the government's big-business tax cuts, which are due to mature over this period.</para>
<para>The Grattan Institute has calculated that once the three-stage plan is completed $15 billion of the annual $25 billion cost of the plan—that's billion dollars—will result from collecting less tax from the top 20 per cent of income earners. In comparison, $25 billion is what the Commonwealth spends on Medicare each year.</para>
<para>We also now know why the government tried to conceal the cost of its income tax plan. Stage 3 of the tax cuts, due to be delivered in six years time, not only reduces the progressivity of the tax program but is the fastest growing component of the package, coming with a $10 billion annual price tag by the end of the decade. When quizzed about whether it was responsible to commit to $143 billion in new tax cuts, much of it delivered years down the track, the respected Chief Executive of the Grattan Institute, John Daley, astutely told the Economics Legislation Committee:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… we do not think it is prudent to be providing tax cuts of this magnitude that far in the future—certainly not to be legislating them—when there are so many economic uncertainties between now and then.</para></quote>
<para>One of the key progressive features of the Australian taxation system is that the income tax rate increases as your income increases. The government's plan to have one taxation rate for those earning between $40,000 and $200,000 is ludicrous, and it's an attack on the progressive nature of our taxation system. I know that many on the Liberal side of the chamber don't believe that $200,000 a year is a lot of money, but ordinary Australians know that those on $40,000 and those on $200,000 are living completely different lives. The government claims that the need for a single tax bracket between these two incomes is to streamline the tax system. It's just the first step in introducing a flat-rate income tax system across the board.</para>
<para>The government's changes overwhelmingly favour taxpayers on higher incomes more. The Australia Institute made this point to the Senate Economics Legislation Committee:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The problem is that the benefits from the latter stages of the tax will overwhelmingly flow to high-income earners. These latter stages are also worth considerably more in dollar value than stage 1. Increasing the top threshold to $200,000 and removing the 37 per cent tax bracket will mainly benefit the top 20 per cent of tax payers. By 2024, 80 per cent of the benefit of that top end tax cut will go to the top 20 per cent and the remaining 20 per cent will go to the next 20 per cent of taxpayers. This means that the bottom 60 per cent of taxpayers will get no benefit at all.</para></quote>
<para>So it's clear that the government's plan is unaffordable, it's irresponsible and it's unjust. I believe Australians want a fairer Australia, they want a fairer tax system and they're sick of the Liberal Party, whose ideology is for people to only look out for themselves and that their neighbours can go to hell. Australians aren't a selfish people. Australia isn't a selfish nation—at least not the Australia that I grew up in. But the policies of this government inherently are. They appeal only to greed and cause only division. They are focused on creating a less fair and less just society, and the politics of this Liberal-National government are at odds with the notion of a fair go that most Australians hold dear. While we support the first stage of the government's bill, we cannot support the second and third stages. Labor has a fairer and a better tax plan, a plan that wants to build a better Australia, not diminish it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens stand against this tax cut giveaway to the big end of town because people deserve better. In this debate, members have already heard from a number of my Greens colleagues, and I strongly endorse their comments. We have a very strong position against the Treasury Laws Amendment (Personal Income Tax Plan) Bill 2018. It's a very destructive bill—destructive to the very fabric of Australian society—and it will create greater inequality. It will be a disaster if it comes in. Everyone deserves well-funded essential public services and proper wage rises, but we won't get them from the bill that's before us now.</para>
<para>What do we get from the Turnbull government? You could really say it's just like crumbs from the table. If you vote for these tax cuts and if they come in, the great majority of Australians will be incredibly disadvantaged. What some of them will receive is just, in the end, a few dollars a week. Overall, what will happen to Australia is less money for the essential public services that are so badly needed—less money for the essential services that we need to extend and to get on with the job.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government is choosing to give cash to the rich instead of putting it towards the vital services that we need and the wage rises for people who need it. What we also see—you can really guess how this government operates; we've seen their track record for too long—is that they would really be rubbing salt into the wound. If these tax cuts go through and if the Liberals and Nationals get re-elected, you can bet that it wouldn't be too long before they would be wailing about another budget emergency and out there grinding the axe—this time on public services. How this Liberal-National government works is that it's always looking to run down services and bring advantages to those who are already wealthy. Whose interests does this government serve? It's corporate Australia. That's what's going on here. Who benefits from these tax cuts? It's going to be made out that it's ordinary salary earners, but what we see coming down the track is cuts to company taxes. That's all part of the package. That's what the real intent here is.</para>
<para>It's interesting to look at the messaging that is being run out here. We heard Senator Cormann either yesterday or today—but we also hear it from many of the government ministers—abusing those who oppose these tax cuts, saying that people who oppose what the government is trying to impose are running class warfare. Those who are running class warfare include everybody from Prime Minister Turnbull down to the members of the Liberal-National government. They are waging class warfare because this bill will drive inequality, and inequality is precisely what makes people angry and want to fight back. In this case, corporate Australia—those people who are very rich, the one per cent; those who already have plenty of wealth to lead a very grand lifestyle—want more. Sadly, this government is out there to deliver more money to this section of society.</para>
<para>Let's just look at the amounts that we're talking about here. If this bill were to go through, it would result in a $140 billion three-stage income tax cut over 10 years. That's $140 billion robbed from public services—public services that urgently need to be extended because they've been run down for so long. Then again, remember—I just mentioned them—the company tax cuts that are coming down the pipeline under this government. If the company tax cuts go through at the level this government wants, it would mean a cut-back of $35.6 billion. Those company tax cuts will benefit businesses with turnovers of more than $50 million a year. It's not even good for those companies, because the way the government run this show is that there have been low wage rises now for a long time. It is one of the factors that is having such a big impact on this economy. But the government are so obsessed—they're the ones waging class warfare—that they are not even willing to structure the industrial relations system to how the economy works so that the minimum wage can go up and all workers can get a fair wage rise. This government is so blinded by its ideological obsession that it can't even see what is good for the economy overall. So we do have a really serious problem before us.</para>
<para>It is interesting to analyse why the government works in this way. I'm not saying that they've sat behind closed doors with those big companies that give them donations, and the companies have worked out, 'Well, give us a tax cut and we'll give you a donation.' We never know what goes on behind closed doors and what deals are done, and I'm not suggesting that that was the deal. But what you see is that the Liberals and Nationals in this government know whose interests they serve and, at the same time, they're getting in big money from the different sectors who will benefit from the whole package of tax cuts that the government intends to bring in—particularly the property industry.</para>
<para>If you look at the donations that have come in from the property industry over many years, it's astronomical. From 1988, it's actually $64 million. Let's look at the current figure. In 2014-15, about $2 million came from the property industry in donations to the political parties—certainly not to the Greens—in this country. In 2013-14, it was about $4 million. That's just not a healthy deal. There you have companies making donations and you end up with governments who think: 'These are our mates. These are people we've got to look after.' So it's a really rotten system. I hear Senator Cormann badger people about class warfare. He is the one leading the charge. He's certainly the main person trying to badger the people of Australia with this very shocking tax arrangement.</para>
<para>We know that the public aren't fooled. A very encouraging poll was released in the lead-up to the budget. People were asked what their priorities were. They were asked what they wanted the government to do. They said that they wanted increased spending. This has come through not just in this poll but so many polls of Australians. The majority of people recognise the need for public money to go into public services.</para>
<para>Again what's going on here is this government representing only a very small section of Australian society. In this poll where they were asked where they wanted public money to go 67 per cent named health care as a top priority, 56 per cent named age pensions as a top priority, 55 per cent named education as a top priority and 52 per cent named affordable housing as a top priority. There we have Australians getting it right, recognising what this country's needs and priorities are. What do we get from the Turnbull government? We get a really mean budget that comes forward with this really ugly tax plan, which will drive inequality and cause so much damage on an individual level, on a family level, on a community level and on our economy because it is just so out of kilter with what any economy needs.</para>
<para>In this poll people were asked to rank the most important issues to be addressed in the budget. More interesting is that only 17 per cent nominated income tax cuts. Again you can easily conclude here that people get it. They can see that inequality is increasing in this society. They know that's wrong and they know that we need funding for our public services. People understand that essential services are more important than a few bucks a week—if you're lucky enough to get that in your pocket. They know it's an insult to just get a few crumbs from the table. No matter how Senator Cormann and Mr Turnbull dress it up, that's what's going on here.</para>
<para>It's worth looking at the issue of wage rises. My colleague Senator Peter Whish-Wilson dealt with this in a very important way when he really examined the minimum wage. The Greens are calling for an increase in the minimum wage. If you listen to the government and believe them, you would think that they were serious about wanting to improve people's lives. But, if you dig a bit deeper, you will see that that's not the case. If the government were serious about it, one, they'd stop waging class warfare and, two, they'd ensure that there were real wage rises. It's pretty obvious how this can be achieved. The government is failing in this area. I'd say that this is another example of their class warfare. They still have the mindset of workers and unions—'We mustn't let them get anything. We need to cut back on wages. We need to stall wages. We need to really make it hard for unions to work.'</para>
<para>The government has many levers available to it to ensure that workers are getting a fair deal, that they're getting a good wage. Often the majority of the wage of low-paid workers is going back into the economy. This is where this government gets it wrong. Many of the businesses or companies that support the government—or the government make out they support them—would prefer a bigger turnover in the economy. These are some of the levers any wise government would be using. They'd be protecting penalty rates. They'd lift the ridiculous public sector pay cap. They'd empower workers to organise through unions to demand a better deal. That's part of how society works. Unions are part of helping workers organise on a collective basis so that they can get a decent wage rise. They'd push to raise the minimum wage. The government is totally silent on this. They've done none of it. They've just about, effectively, frozen wages.</para>
<para>The Australia Institute have done some analysis on whether real wage rises or small tax cuts would put more money in people's pockets. I congratulate them and urge everybody to look at this research. Again, it sums up in a nutshell how wrong this government has got the bill presently before us. Just to give you a couple of examples, if your current earnings are about $40,000, under the coalition tax plan what would you get back? It is $290. If there were an annual 3.5 per cent wage increase—not real high; that's pretty average these days—you would get an increase across the year of $4,780. If you are earning $125,000 per year, what would you get under a coalition tax plan? It's $135 in your pocket. What's that? Depending on where you shop, it's a sandwich and a cup of coffee a week. With annual 3.5 per cent wage increases, you get $11,617 in your pocket. That's what would be coming back to you. That, again, reflects how wrong the direction is that the government are taking us in. That's why I keep repeating that we need to ask ourselves why they're doing it. They are doing it because their interest is corporate Australia.</para>
<para>Essential public services from this Turnbull government are now under threat. They're under threat at the moment because this legislation could go through. They are also already under threat because the government is ideologically opposed to collectively funded services that everyone can use. As we know, these tax cuts would make it worse. The $140 billion that will be given away is money that will be not spent on essential public services. That's why the Greens are fighting these tax cuts so strongly.</para>
<para>There are four areas I will name that would really cop it if this bill goes through. There is housing, one of the most essential areas for people's wellbeing. There is education—public education would be smashed. You can't take $140 billion out of the system without there being serious consequences. Then there's health and the essential infrastructure of public transport. How can we even consider such a giveaway when we're got queues in our public hospitals, overcrowded public schools and public housing waiting lists that have blown out over 10 years and so many people are not even being able to get a home? It is a deeply shocking system.</para>
<para>Housing is one area that is really set to get worse, because we already have a system in Australia where housing has become a commodity. It's worth remembering how the system works. Since the late 1990s, much of housing investment has been driven by speculation on future price gains, not to serve the needs of communities. That is because housing has become a commodity. It's like another form of money. It's a way people can increase their own profits. The purchase prices have become untethered from other housing fundamentals. This situation is so serious that the number of homeless people in Australia is just disgraceful for a rich country like Australia. In 2016-17, 288,000 people were assisted by official homelessness services. This is a really tragic figure. Every day last year, 261 people were turned away because of a lack of capacity for the services to assist them. Then we have 1.5 million households under housing stress. That is where they are paying more than 30 per cent of their income on various housing costs. Housing stress means that you're one disaster away, possibly, from being on the slippery slope to being homeless. One disaster like the kids get sick, you're injured at work or you're out of work. These are the sorts of things that can happen to people very quickly and turn their lives around.</para>
<para>Why I'm speaking about this is to underline why we need to be injecting public money into a strong public housing system in this country. Other nations have it. Other nations have a very good system. I'm not talking about wiping out the private housing market—those ridiculous insults that people from the coalition parties often bring out when we get to this point in discussing the housing needs of this country. The European example is quite fascinating on this. In Norway, they have a scheme called Housing First where, believe it or not—and it's probably hard to believe it when you come from a country like Australia—if you're homeless you're given a home. In many cases, they find it saves money. It saves money because the people get their lives on track. The kids can go to school. They've got security of tenure. People's health improves when they've got a secure home. This is a really fine way to go. In many other countries in Europe—Denmark, Sweden and Austria—20 to 30 per cent of the housing stock is public and social housing, universal housing, where anybody can apply. The housing is awarded according to need.</para>
<para>Again, you need a government that is committed to having a progressive taxation system, a taxation system that ensures that we have that revenue stream coming into the public purse so these essential public services can be paid for. They're so urgently needed. That money is so urgently needed to remain in the public purse, because right now in this country we have a housing crisis that is set to worsen. As I said, in how this government views it, housing isn't seen as a human right, which it is actually recognised as internationally; it's become a form of how you make more money. But how housing should work is in a system where there's universal access, there's stability through guaranteed tenancy and it's affordable, and where the rents are capped and any repayments are capped at no more than 30 per cent of the income. That's an accepted standard of how housing should be provided, and that's why I'm giving strong emphasis to the need for a universal housing scheme.</para>
<para>This is a responsible way to go, and it's very relevant to the debate that we're having here now about the taxation system of the future. It would be a disaster if this bill were passed. It would rob billions of dollars from the public purse for the public services that you've heard many of my Greens colleagues talk about—public services in the education sector, transport, other sections of infrastructure and our health sector, and I've added housing to that. We have a housing crisis. If this bill goes through, it's one of the many areas that will deteriorate, put a greater burden on so many Australians and drive greater inequality. As to the class warfare that Senator Cormann tries to abuse people with, they will be creating it because they're the ones who are driving class warfare with this bill before us.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LINES</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to speak about what Labor believes is wrong with this government's tax plan. I want to start by just reiterating some of the comments that Labor senators have made in this place tonight. Australians believe in fairness. There's no question about that. It's part of our DNA. It's part of who we are. Fairness is what we believe in. You can see that with the most recent marriage equality debate, where, at the end of the day, people voted because they saw it as fair that marriage in this country should be made available to all of those people, regardless of their gender, who wanted to get married. Ultimately it was a question about fairness.</para>
<para>This tax package will come down to fairness. Australians that I talk to when I'm out knocking on doors still believe in this concept of fairness. For the Turnbull government particularly to design a tax package where the biggest tax cuts go to the wealthiest in our community is just not fair. It is not fair. Mr Turnbull is our Prime Minister. For his electorate of Wentworth to be the electorate, out of all the electorates in Australia, that benefits to the greatest extent—Australians are not going to cop that. They're just not. They are absolutely going to see through it.</para>
<para>I have really tried to understand because I know that some of those in the government are also motivated around concepts of fairness. I don't know how they can, with their hand on their heart, stand up and support this tax package when it's the electorate of Wentworth, of all the electorates in Australia, the Prime Minister's electorate, that's going to benefit the most from this supposedly gold-standard tax package. I know the government will somehow complain that Labor can't bear people who make a buck. That couldn't be further from the truth. If someone is successful in life and they make a good living, 'Good on them,' I say, but they need to pay their fair share of tax. They need to be part of a progressive tax system. If they're earning more, they should pay more—it's that simple. That is what Australians will sign up to. They want to sign up to a fair tax package. So never let it be said—although I'm sure the government will try it on—that somehow it's the politics of envy. It's nothing to do with that. It is absolutely the politics of fairness. Good on people who make a buck. Good on people if you are making a lot of money, but pay your fair share.</para>
<para>Wentworth, the Prime Minister's electorate, is going to get the biggest tax cuts in this country. I can tell you Australians will not cop that. It's at a time when we've got by-elections in Tasmania and in Queensland. We know that the electorates of Braddon and Longman don't have much advantage from this tax package at all. In fact, most of them—more than 70 per cent of them—will be much better under Labor's package. Here we have a government that thinks it can go out and sell a message that says, 'Yes, I'm the Prime Minister, and people in my electorate are getting the biggest buck out of these tax cuts, but, sorry, Braddon and Longman, you'll just have to battle along.'</para>
<para>Then today, of all things, the Prime Minister said that an aged-care worker caring for the most vulnerable people in our society should just aspire to a better-paying job. Maybe those opposite don't know what happens in aged-care facilities. I do. It was part of my working life for about 11 years. I can tell you that old people die in the arms of aged-care workers. Often, when people go into an aged-care facility, their families no longer visit or their families have also passed on. Many aged-care workers I know have said to me, 'I am often the last person that a resident has a conversation with.' Aged-care workers have told me people have died in their arms. And yet today the Prime Minister said that aged-care workers should just aspire to a better-paying job.</para>
<para>Let's just backtrack a couple of years to when Labor was in government. We put a package together which would have improved the lives and the pay packets of aged-care workers. It was a bargaining framework. The employers agreed with it. All of the employers, whether they were part of the church and charitable sector or part of the private sector, saw it as a fair deal where there would be enterprise bargaining to lift the wages by about $5 an hour. What was one of the first things that the then Abbott government did, which those opposite all voted for? They took that package away. So we've seen the form of this government; it's quite prepared to take money out of the pockets of low-paid workers.</para>
<para>Most aged-care workers in this country—perhaps Mr Turnbull doesn't know this—work part time. It's hard work. It's a lot of lifting. It's a hard slog. It's emotionally draining. Aged-care workers do that job largely because it's their vocation. They really want to make a difference to the residents that they're caring for. But that seemed to have passed Mr Turnbull by when he gave that flippant comment, 'Just get a better job.' Most aged-care workers work part time. Those opposite might think they can just get another job, but, of course, they can't because nursing home managers string that part-time work out to five days. They might have six-hour shifts. The average aged-care worker in this country is on about 30 to 35 hours per week on a low wage of about $20 to $21 an hour.</para>
<para>We've seen the attack on penalty rates. How long is it going to be before aged-care employers go cap in hand to the government, saying, 'We can't afford to pay penalty rates on the weekend'? That would devastate aged-care workers, because a significant part of their take-home pay is from doing night shifts or working Saturdays or Sundays, away from their families. They care for the residents that they look after. Mr Turnbull's already had one go at them—when the coalition first got into government, they took money away from them. Now he's having a second go at them by saying: 'The wealthy people who live in Wentworth are more entitled to a bigger tax deduction than you are. If you don't like that, just go and get a better-paying job.' What kind of solution is that? It's not a solution. It shows how out of touch the Prime Minister is when he can make that slur against aged-care workers, who have been agitating to the Turnbull government for about the last two years to lift their wages and to lift funding. Nursing homes and aged-care facilities are almost exclusively funded by the federal government and, yet, all we've seen the federal government do is reduce that funding, take money out of the pockets of aged-care workers and tell them they are not worthy of a decent wage increase at a time when wages in this country, and wage increases, are at historically low levels.</para>
<para>Things are crook if you are an average-wage earner in this country and you are looking to the government to try and improve your lot in some way. There's no point looking at the Turnbull government, because they think fairness starts in the electorate of Wentworth, not in the electorates of Braddon and Longman. Perth and Fremantle are, really, not much different—they are marginally better than the electorates of Braddon and Longman in terms of income but not much better. They won't see much from the Turnbull government either.</para>
<para>Is it any wonder that the Turnbull government ran a mile and refused to put candidates into those seats? There are no Liberal candidates running in the seats of Fremantle and Perth. I initially thought it was because, if they put candidates into the seats of Perth and Fremantle, voters would surely expect to see the Prime Minister, who never visits WA—in fact, there was a time when he'd spent more time asleep than he had talking to Western Australian voters! I thought the reason was, perhaps, that the Prime Minister didn't want to come back and visit Western Australia, but it's really these tax cuts. The government are too embarrassed to front up to the by-elections in Perth and Fremantle and go, 'Yes, we're delivering to you.' Well, how? How are they delivering? They took money out of the pockets of aged-care workers in their first term of government. They're delivering nothing to them in this tax package. Then, today, the Prime Minister of this country insults aged-care workers by saying, 'Hey, go and get a better job.' What an insult! Caring for the most vulnerable in our community has got to be gold-star worthy, and yet the Prime Minister just dismisses this.</para>
<para>The cost of this package is outrageous. The plan will cost a ridiculous amount of money. Mr Morrison, the Treasurer, has indicated that the 10-year cost of the plan is $140 billion. That is a heck of a lot of money. That's a lot of money that's not going to aged-care workers, for example, in a pay packet. It's not going to the aged-care industry to try to make aged care more available and to ensure that residents in aged care are treated with respect and dignity. It's certainly not going to early childhood workers. Perhaps it'll be tomorrow when our Prime Minister insults them and says, 'Go get a better job,' because they're on about 20 bucks an hour as well.</para>
<para>Most of those workers are women. They're young women, and they're trapped because they're on such a low wage that they can't afford to get into the housing market. In fact, many of them either still live at home, if they are not in a relationship, or, if they are in a relationship, are relying on the income of their partner being higher than theirs to make ends meet. This is the case for many early childhood professionals—and they are professionals. They have qualifications at certificate III level or higher. They have certificates III, diplomas or teaching qualifications. Some of them have PhDs. Yet they are on this poverty wage of $20 to $21 an hour. What's the Turnbull government's tax package doing for them? Nothing. They've got nothing to look forward to. Again, Labor had put a plan in place to raise their wages as well. What did the Turnbull government do? It came in this place and took it away; it abolished it.</para>
<para>We've seen that with the cleaners in this building. The cleaners were on a trajectory to get better pay. In fact, Labor put a floor in under their wages because, when those contracts come up for negotiation, the only big expenditure item that the contractors have to negotiate around is the hours that the cleaners work, so what we always see at contract time is that the hours start to be pecked away. So we thought, 'Well, if we could put a base in and say this is the rate everyone has to tender at, it would take wages out of competition.' But, of course, the Turnbull government doesn't understand that. So what we saw here was the cleaners, over time, getting a wage increase and then—boom, poof!—it was just gone one day. It disappeared. So those cleaners cleaning our offices, cleaning our toilets, cleaning the toilets of the Prime Minister and doing a great job—a great bunch of women, and some men—have had a wage freeze for five years. That is absolutely at the feet of the Turnbull government.</para>
<para>So what are they going to see from the tax package? Very little. Unfortunately, they don't live in the electorate of Wentworth and they don't earn high incomes, so they are not going to see much of a benefit from this tax giveaway to the wealthy in our society. Of course, as you know, for those cleaners at the moment, there's been a contract change, so they mightn't even have a job, and the care factor from the Turnbull government is almost zero, when it's entirely within their remit to make sure that those cleaners are offered employment. I don't know how they can talk to them. Maybe they don't talk to them. I talk to the women who clean my office. I know their names. I know the names of a lot of cleaners. Fair enough—I worked for United Voice. I knew those cleaners before I came in here. Some of them have been here longer than all of us. We talk about grandfathers and grandmothers of the House. Actually it's the two cleaners who clean the Prime Minister's office. They've been here a very, very long time, and they're two fabulous women who came here as refugees. But they won't see anything from this tax package—nothing. They're pretty bold women. I hope that they raise it with the Prime Minister next time they're in there cleaning his loo. I hope they do, and I wouldn't put it past them to do it. These are the real faces behind the unfairness of the Turnbull government tax plan.</para>
<para>It's not as if Labor don't have a solution. We do. We have got a fair tax package that we are prepared to be up-front and open about and to put out there. Ours is not driven by ideology; ours is driven by the notion of fairness. Labor's plan will increase the tax cuts currently being offered under the government's tax offset proposal.</para>
<para>We support stage 1. I think most people in this chamber do, so we could have stage 1 for low-income earners tomorrow—boom, done. It's not a problem. Let's get that done and dusted. But, of course, the government want to hold the country to ransom to try to make out it's someone else's fault. It's Labor's fault. It's the Greens' fault. It's the crossbenchers' fault. It's anyone's fault but their own. It's their tax package. Australians across the country are saying to them, 'It isn't fair.' I think most of us are saying we'll support stage 1. Let's get it done. Let's do something for low-paid Australians—but no.</para>
<para>Our tax plan with a Shorten Labor government will deliver bigger and permanent tax cuts from 1 July 2019. Ours will be permanent. As you've heard today, people earning less than $125,000 a year will receive a larger tax cut under Labor's plan when compared to the plan put by Mr Turnbull, which, in a skewed way, rewards his own electorate of Wentworth. We know that under our tax plan more than four million people will be better off by $398 a year when compared to the Turnbull government's tax plan.</para>
<para>From the inquiries that were held we know that this is ideologically driven and quite frankly is bereft of ideas. By continuing to insist that the bill be taken as a whole and by refusing to both conduct and release even basic fiscal and distributional impacts, the government insults the intelligence of the Australian people. We just had Senate estimates and we tried really hard during Senate estimates. We asked question after question after question, as indeed we have here in question time, about what the true cost of the tax is. And there is the dishonesty of the package. There's no need to bring in the stage 3 right now. It's years away, so we don't need to legislate for it. We would have to have two more Turnbull governments—or whoever the new Prime Minister is—to get to their tax package.</para>
<para>The government is taking an ideological approach to an unfair tax system. Labor, in government, will put in a fair package. We will get the best return possible for taxpayers, and we will take economic circumstances into account. The Treasurer has politicised the Treasury, which a Labor government will be left to fix. Labor supports low- and middle-income tax relief because, ultimately, we stand for fairness and justice. That's what we stand for. We want to make sure that hardworking Australians get the tax relief that they're absolutely entitled to. We also want to make sure that a future government can afford these tax cuts so that we don't bankrupt Australia. The government's approach is not fair and it's not just and Labor will not support stages 2 and 3.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the short time I have available before we adjourn tonight I'd like to contemplate how I, in my portfolio areas, would spend the $23 billion a year that the government is determined to thrust at the most wealthy in our country. I would start by increasing Newstart by at least $75 a week. In fact, with $23 billion I could make that increase much higher and people could reach some parity with the age pension. I would make sure that youth allowance is increased so that there's a liveable income for young people, who we know have the highest level of unemployment in this country and need that support. I would ensure that spending on mental health was brought up to what is called the parity of esteem—in other words, that the money we spent on mental health was equivalent to the percentage of the burden on our ill health that it is. It is far below that at this time. I would make sure that we paid reparations to the stolen generations, something that this government hasn't done and something that the Labor government, when they gave the apology, failed to do. I would make sure that funding for housing in remote communities met the needs of everybody in those communities and that people were not forced to live with up to 20 people to a house. I would make sure that we properly funded programs to address otitis media, which is at pandemic proportions in our remote communities. I would make sure we had properly funded hearing programs and programs to meet the early learning difficulties caused in Aboriginal communities by the burden of hearing loss, which delays learning development—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The time being 10:30, the Senate stands adjourned.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 10:30</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>116</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>117</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>