
<hansard version="2.2" noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd">
  <session.header>
    <date>2018-03-26</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>5</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
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  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Monday, 26 March 2018</a>
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            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Scott Ryan)</span> took the chair at 10:00, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
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          <span class="HPS-Line"> </span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Meeting</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators that the question may be put on any proposal at the request of any senator.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
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          <title>High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
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            <a href="s1082" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017</span>
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            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased to speak on this private senator's legislation, the High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017, that was introduced into the Senate on 4 September last year. It demonstrates the commitment of the Australian Labor Party to high-speed rail through the establishment of a planning authority. I'd like to recognise, at the outset, the terrific work of my colleague from the other place, the shadow minister for infrastructure and transport, Anthony Albanese, who has done a mountain of work on this issue in terms of policy over many years.</para>
<para>The proposed high-speed rail link between Brisbane and Melbourne via Sydney and Canberra is a project that requires vision. It's a significant undertaking. It's more than 1,700 kilometres long. It's challenging. It will involve the construction of tens of kilometres of tunnels. It's complex. It will no doubt involve the governments of Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria, and the Australian Capital Territory. It will also involve the cooperation of dozens of local councils. Not to put too fine a point on it, the task ahead is a difficult one, and it is because of this that we propose this bill.</para>
<para>The bill seeks to create an 11-person high-speed rail authority to bring together all affected states and territories, as well as rail and engineering experts, to progress planning and, critically, focus on the corridor. Members would include one member from each of the jurisdictions affected—Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and the ACT; one member representing the Australian Local Government Association; one member nominated by the Australasian Railway Association; and five members appointed by the Minister for Infrastructure and Transport on the basis of qualification or expertise, to make sure that there is engineering and other expertise on the authority. The authority's role would include consideration of a number of issues. These include land-use planning related to the corridor, safety, measures to minimise environmental impact, public consultation, and intervention to purchase the corridor.</para>
<para>The member for Grayndler first introduced this bill in the other place in December 2013. However, a lack of political will from the Abbott government meant that the bill lapsed, requiring its reintroduction in October 2015 and now again in this chamber. It could have been debated in the other place on both those occasions. Indeed, at one stage, it was literally the only piece of legislation before the House of Representatives, yet the coalition government showed no vision, despite the fact that people such as former trade minister Andrew Robb have come out as strong supporters of high-speed rail. Mr Robb stated that he could produce the names of international companies that had told him they could deliver the project in full. Any politician who tells you they can fund an entire rail line using value capital is pulling your leg and, like most of the government's thought bubbles, the idea collapsed within hours when the then parliamentary secretary for cities ruled out support for the project. It was another lost opportunity for a government that had a plan to win government but no plan to govern.</para>
<para>In government, former transport minister Mr Albanese commissioned a two-part study involving extensive consultation with industry and international operators of high-speed rail as well as significant community input. The study, published in April 2013, included the business case for the project, consideration of environmental issues, projections of patronage, proposed route, proposed stations and proposed time lines. It found that high-speed rail down the east coast of Australia was indeed a viable proposition—for example, it found that high-speed rail would return, for the Sydney to Melbourne section, $2.15 in economic benefit for every dollar invested. The report found that, once fully operational across the Brisbane-to-Melbourne corridor, the high-speed rail could carry approximately 84 million passengers each and every year. At speeds of 350 kilometres per hour, people would be able to travel from Melbourne to Sydney, or Melbourne to Brisbane, in less than three hours. Of course, new technology is seeing speeds in excess of that.</para>
<para>The report found that Commonwealth leadership and coordination would be essential, given the number of jurisdictions involved. High-speed rail would also be an engineering challenge, requiring at least 80 kilometres of tunnels, including 65 kilometres in Sydney alone. But, despite these challenges, the experts said that high-speed rail had huge potential, particularly if we consider where our society is headed over coming decades. We can anticipate significant population growth over coming decades along the route of the proposed line. We should expect that growing pressure for a carbon-constrained economy will drive the economics for this project even more positively over time and we know that, if we fail to act soon, delivery of high-speed rail will be made more difficult and more costly because parts of the corridor will be built out by the urban sprawl.</para>
<para>This bill proposes to create an 11-person, high-speed rail authority to bring together all the key stakeholders as outlined earlier. Labor in government undertook a proper process to come to the position that a high-speed rail authority was needed. The high-speed advisory group included people such as the former Deputy Prime Minister Tim Fischer; the Business Council of Australia's chief executive Jennifer Westacott; and the Australasian Railway Association's chief executive Bryan Nye. It was chaired by the deputy secretary of the department, Lyn O'Connell—serious people looking into a serious issue and coming up with a serious suggestion about a way forward. It was a way forward that should have been bipartisan. The former Labor government embraced the recommendations, which were unanimous, and allocated $54 million to establish the authority and begin the process of corridor acquisition. But, in 2013, the incoming coalition government scrapped this allocation and turned its back on the project.</para>
<para>To best understand the potential of high-speed rail, we need to look well beyond 2018 and consider where this nation will be in coming decades. We know that our population will be larger, with growth concentrated precisely on the route of this high-speed-rail proposal. Population growth and the pressures of carbon constraint will see significant change across our nation, and it is these changes that open new opportunities for rail investment, as we have seen across Asia and Europe.</para>
<para>Rail is the transport of the 21st century. Many countries have high-speed rail: Austria, Belgium, China, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Russia, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Taiwan, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States and Uzbekistan. If they can do it, why can't we? I have family living overseas, and when I visit them I often find myself using high-speed rail. I'm constantly amazed that yet again we see the nation battle the tyranny of distance.</para>
<para>According to the high-speed-rail study I referred to earlier, travel on the east coast of Australia is forecast to grow by about 1.8 per cent every year over the next two decades and to increase 60 per cent by 2035. The study indicated that east coast trips would double from 152 million trips in 2009 to 355 million trips in 2065.</para>
<para>High-speed rail not only represents a remarkable opportunity to see more efficient movement of people across the country but also provides a fantastic opportunity for regional Australia. Stations are proposed for the Gold Coast, Casino, Grafton, Coffs Harbour, Port Macquarie, Taree, Newcastle, the Central Coast, the Southern Highlands, Wagga Wagga, Albury-Wodonga and Shepparton. This project will position these centres to take some of the population growth pressures off the east coast capital cities, which will no doubt be a key issue into the future. Importantly, it will also provide an uplift in value by the economic improvement that will occur in those regional centres to be factored into the funding, building and construction of the high-speed-railway line. It could also deliver a massive improvement in livability. Travelling from a regional centre to one of Australia's fast-growing east coast cities in under an hour will transform those centres and facilitate new business.</para>
<para>Vision is an obligation of leadership. The Shorten opposition is leading the charge in policy development in this parliament. We must imagine a better future and take actions to create that future. We've done the research. We know that the project is viable.</para>
<para>I note that I've circulated amendments on sheet 8297 in my name to deal with some of the recommendations from the Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills in <inline font-style="italic">Scrutiny Digest 11 of 2017</inline>. To avoid any doubts, the amendments outline that the rules may not do the following:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) create an offence or civil penalty;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) provide powers of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) arrest or detention; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) entry, search or seizure;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) impose a tax;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) set an amount to be appropriated from the Consolidated Revenue Fund under an appropriation in this Act;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) directly amend … this Act.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments seek to clarify some of the standard restrictions on what the rules outlined in clause 31, at page 14, can do.</para>
<para>Together, we must commit to the next step required to make high-speed rail a reality: the creation of an authority to advance detailed planning, work with other jurisdictions and begin to acquire the corridor before it's built out by urban sprawl. True leaders do not just sit around waiting for the telephone to ring and to be told what to do next. They act on what they believe and get on with the job of governing Australia. This parliament should show some genuine leadership by acting on high-speed rail, starting with debating and supporting this bill. I do fear that that's unlikely, given the government's refusal to debate this issue in recent years. But there is light at the end of the tunnel. A Shorten Labor government will act where the Abbott-Turnbull government has failed. We will establish a high-speed rail authority. Labor is prepared to think ahead, and future generations will be the beneficiaries.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOLAN</name>
    <name.id>FAB</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Being new to the Senate, I haven't had Senator Farrell's possible experience in looking back over what has appeared in relation to the High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill over some considerable period of time, but I'm very happy to speak on the bill today. To begin with, I note the strong support in the past for high-speed rail from the member for Bennelong, John Alexander, and also the former member of my home electorate of Eden-Monaro, Peter Hendy. High-speed rail connecting Brisbane, Sydney, Canberra and Melbourne has previously been investigated and found to be unaffordable. There is also the question of whether people would use the service between capital cities when it's quicker to fly and doesn't cost as much. That's why the government is focusing on connecting regional centres to capital city CBDs and faster rail services. This will generate jobs and provide opportunities for more people to access more-affordable housing in regional areas and higher-skilled jobs in city areas.</para>
<para>The federal opposition seems to be committed to establishing a high-speed rail authority to gather international expressions of interest for the construction of high-speed rail. It has introduced a private member's bill into the House of Representatives on a number of occasions to establish these arrangements. Debate on the bill has been adjourned. The opposition also introduced, I note, a private member's bill on the same matter into the Senate on 4 September 2017. When last in government, Labor committed $55 million to establishing the authority. However, the $55 million that Labor supposedly allocated to this authority in the 2013 campaign never existed. In its post-2013 election review, the Parliamentary Budget Office classified this funding as an election commitment, as opposed to a commitment that was funded in the budget or in the PEFO, and we've certainly seen that before. The PBO actually said, on page 8 of the PEFO in 2013:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The ALP election commitment <inline font-style="italic">Establish a High Speed Rail Authority</inline> could result in significant budget impacts beyond the forward estimates. This would depend on the final specification of any policy to construct high speed rail on the east coast of Australia.</para></quote>
<para>This government will provide $20 million in matching funding to support the development of up to three business cases that will explore opportunities for faster passenger rail and investigate improvements to rail connections between Australia's cities and surrounding regional areas. Following a competitive assessment process in line with criteria published in the faster rail prospectus, the government announced on 9 March 2018 the three successful proponents that had been selected to develop business cases: Consolidated Land and Rail Australia, or CLARA, Melbourne to Greater Shepparton; New South Wales government, Sydney to Newcastle; and, the third, the North Coast Connect consortium, Brisbane and the regions of Moreton Bay and Sunshine Coast. These proposals clearly demonstrate the government's willingness to investigate long-term solutions that support urban, regional and rural development.</para>
<para>It's important to note that the CLARA Melbourne to Greater Shepparton business case will investigate the development of two new sustainable smart cities with connections to high-speed rail along a new dedicated corridor. Furthermore, the CLARA proposal provides an innovative and revolutionary model for building a high-speed rail link between Melbourne and Greater Shepparton that does not involve direct cost to government or to taxpayers. And I emphasise that: it does not involve direct cost to government or taxpayers. The opportunity created by the development of these two smart cities would fund the infrastructure, including the faster rail line needed to support them through the land value uplift. While the CLARA proposal is clearly revolutionary, it does warrant further investigations as it potentially provides a solution to the challenges of meeting growing housing demand in our major cities and future economic growth and opportunities.</para>
<para>The government, of course, continues to liaise as necessary with the New South Wales, Victorian, Queensland and ACT governments in relation to high-speed rail as part of discussions about rail policy and planning issues. This has included recent discussions between Commonwealth and New South Wales officials about the inclusion of corridor protection for high-speed rail on the eastern seaboard as a medium-term strategy in the New South Wales government's Future Transport Strategy out to 2056, and Senator Farrell mentioned the risk of corridor build-out.</para>
<para>I mentioned earlier the member for Bennelong, John Alexander. John Alexander pointed out in 2015 that, whilst he supported high-speed rail, there was a divergence of opinion in how that might be achieved, and that divergence is very important. It's the difference between sound public policy and wastage. It's the difference between infrastructure being delivered and castles in the air. The member for Grayndler has previously said that nation-building requires vision, and this is certainly true, but vision is very, very easy. It requires more than vision. It requires planning, it requires evidence, it requires process, it requires diligence and it requires execution.</para>
<para>A prime example of policy high on vision and lacking execution was Labor's NBN. Under Labor, the NBN was a complete mess. After six years of Labor, just 51,000 users were connected to the NBN—that is, one in 50 premises. Labor's fibre-to-the-premises NBN policy would have cost $30 billion more and taken six to eight years longer to complete. This would have increased broadband bills by up to $43 per month. Labor paid $6 billion for the NBN to pass just three per cent of Australian premises. The rollout was so badly managed, contractors downed tools and stopped construction work in four states. Under Labor, the NBN missed every single rollout target it set for itself. Under the coalition, the NBN rollout is ahead of schedule and on budget.</para>
<para>The coalition government is rolling out better broadband across Australia in the fastest and most affordable way so Australians can get access to fast broadband sooner and at a price they can afford. But that's not the only example of where the coalition is delivering nation-building infrastructure, and the context in which this high-speed rail proposal exists is very important to consider. The coalition government's $75 billion roads, rail and airport plan will relieve congestion, grow our regions and make life easier for Australians. We are investing on average $2 billion per year more than Labor and investing in a way that delivers better value and results for taxpayers. Our plan is comprehensive. We are investing in major highway upgrades and congestion-busting roads in capital cities to reduce travel time, improve safety and help businesses move goods and services more efficiently. We are investing in important public transport rail links, including the Gold Coast light rail, Sydney Metro, Melbourne Metro and Flinders rail link in Adelaide to improve access, amenity and liveability in our cities. Our historic investment in inland rail will link the Port of Brisbane to the Port of Melbourne, transforming freight movements through Victoria, New South Wales and South-East Queensland, while promoting economic opportunities and jobs in these regions.</para>
<para>Local communities are benefitting from the Roads to Recovery Program, with $4.4 billion invested for seven years up to 2021 in construction, repair and upgrade of local roads. Under the Black Spot Program, $684 million for the seven years up to 2021 will deliver safety improvements such as safety barriers and street lighting to dangerous roads. Local bridges are being fixed, with $420 million for the Bridges Renewal Program.</para>
<para>After five decades of indecision, the coalition government is getting on with building Western Sydney Airport. The coalition government has struck the Western Sydney City Deal with the New South Wales government and eight councils, and, as a result, the first stage of a north-south rail link will be built, linking the new airport to communities and new jobs, helping to create a 30-minute city. A new aerotropolis, a commercial and industrial hub adjacent to the airport, will also bring advanced manufacturing, research, medical, education and commercial facilities to the area. The airport will open a new international gateway to Australia's largest city, and this city deal will transform the economy of Western Sydney, creating tens of thousands of new jobs.</para>
<para>We're backing major infrastructure processes in a smarter way. Instead of the Australian government simply handing over grants and taxpayers being, effectively, an ATM for state governments, we're making use of equity investments and concessional loans to ensure that taxpayers get better value. By implementing city deals we are also ensuring that all levels of government work together, with investment coordinated to benefits taxpayers. With city deals already up and run running in Townsville, Launceston and Western Sydney, we are breaking away from the old approach of governments blaming each other while taxpayers just get ripped off.</para>
<para>Let me give you a summary of some of the major projects we're investing in. In my home state of New South Wales, with a solid and reliable state government, there is WestConnex, which links Western Sydney to the city, airport and ports with up to 52 traffic lights gone and 40 minutes saved. Stage 2 construction commenced ahead of schedule, and there are 10,000 construction jobs. NorthConnex connects the Central Coast to Sydney, avoiding up to 40 traffic lights on the Pacific Highway and 21 on Pennant Hills Road, and there are 8,700 construction jobs. The Pacific Highway has a four-lane divided road from close to Newcastle to Queensland, and crashes will be reduced and travel times will be cut by up to 2.5 hours. There are 16,000 direct and indirect jobs. And there is the Sydney Metro. The Australian government is also contributing $1.7 billion for the Sydney Metro West Project, which will deliver 31 new stations and 66 kilometres of new rail from Sydney's growing north-west, under the harbour, towards the south-west. Of course there is Western Sydney Airport, the aerotropolis, and infrastructure. After decades of indecision, Western Sydney Airport is being built and is due to open in 2026. It will be a catalyst for 200,000 new jobs in Western Sydney over the next 20 years. We're building the vital road infrastructure first, so that it's completed before the airport.</para>
<para>We have struck the Western Sydney City Deal with the New South Wales government and eight councils, which will mean a new north-south rail link, initially linking St Marys to Western Sydney Airport and the new aerotropolis—obviously, it will be a commercial and industrial hub. The new rail link will be built linking communities to the airport and new jobs. There will be a Badgerys Creek aerotropolis. A commercial and industrial hub next to the airport will be built, bringing advanced manufacturing, research, medical, education and commercial facilities to the area. New science, technology, engineering and maths education facilities will train workers for new jobs at the aerotropolis. An investment attraction office will attract new facilities to Western Parkland City, which will become the new third major city in Sydney, along with the CBD and Parramatta, of course, and this will help realise our goal of a 30-minute city, bring people closer to jobs, education and vital services. A new jointly funded Western Parkland City liveability program will ensure that local facilities and amenities will be provided, along with new housing supply and a strategy to deliver fifth-generation wireless system, including a trial led by a telecommunications carrier. It will enable smart digital technology in this area.</para>
<para>But let's talk about inland rail, and let's talk about rail as a nation-building pursuit, which is what inland rail is. Inland rail is a once-in-a-generation, nation-building infrastructure project. It will give people in regional areas the capacity to be part of a corridor of commerce with greater access to and from regional markets and improved linkages within the national freight network. We're getting on with the job. On 15 January 2018, I attended the first steel rail deliveries for the Parkes to Narromine project. The Victorian government signed a bilateral agreement to support Inland Rail on Friday, 16 March 2018. After years of talking, construction will start in May this year.</para>
<para>Inland Rail comprises 13 projects across Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland. There'll be study corridors for each of the 13 Inland Rail projects which have been identified. Engaging with the local community is a key priority. The ARTC has established four community consultative committees in Queensland to facilitate discussion and information flows between the ARTC and stakeholders on Inland Rail issues and concerns. Community consultative committees in New South Wales will be established in coming months. Construction on all sections is expected to be underway by 2021. The railway is expected to commence operations in 2024-25. The first steel rail was delivered on 15 January 2018 to the site at Peak Hill for the Parkes to Narromine project.</para>
<para>Of course, as we look at high-speed rail and compare it with fast rail, and talk about the achievements of this government in relation to infrastructure spend, we cannot in any way, shape or form ignore Snowy 2.0. Snowy 2.0 is the plan to expand the original Snowy Mountains scheme with an additional 2,000 megawatts of capacity and 350,000 megawatt hours of storage. Creating up to 5,000 jobs and producing enough power for 500,000 homes, it will link the Tantangara and Talbingo reservoirs and involve a 27-kilometre tunnel and a new power station that will be up to one kilometre underground. Snowy 2.0 will make renewables reliable, reduce volatility in the electricity market and help to bring down rising electricity costs. It represents the largest energy storage project in the Southern Hemisphere and the largest renewable energy project in Australia.</para>
<para>Snowy 2.0 will sit at the heart of the National Electricity Market and will benefit Australian householders and businesses together. It will fill a gaping hole in the National Electricity Market, namely the lack of storage. The Australian government, through the Australian Renewable Energy Agency, provided up to $8 million towards Snowy Hydro's feasibility study on Snowy 2.0. The feasibility study is available publicly and was endorsed by Snowy Hydro's independent board of directors in December last year.</para>
<para>The plan for Snowy 2.0 has been sitting on the shelf for decades, and now it's becoming a reality for the simple reason that the Prime Minister put energy storage on the agenda after years of reckless neglect. He put it on the agenda in his February 2017 National Press Club address, where he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Energy storage, long neglected in Australia, will also be a priority this year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Last week at my request, ARENA and the Clean Energy Finance Corporation, agreed to work together on a new funding round for large-scale storage and other flexible capacity projects including pumped hydro.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I've also written to Alan Finkel, asking him to advise on the role of storage and pumped hydro in stabilising the grid.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Large-scale storage will support variable renewables like wind and solar. It will get more value out of existing baseload generation and it will enhance grid stability. We're going to get on with it.</para></quote>
<para>The Australian government signalled support for pumped hydro. As we know, 97 per cent of the world's energy storage is pumped hydro.</para>
<para>There are many things about the issue of high-speed rail and faster rail that are very, very important. Primarily, vision is about leadership, but success is achieved through solid implementation.</para>
<para>Just to finish with a few statistics: the funding committed to deliver inland rail is $9 billion. The length of the freight rail network is 1,700 kilometres. The length of trains double stacked—the equivalent of 18 football fields—is 1,800 metres. The equivalent number of B-double trucks is 110. Those trains can go at speeds of up to 115 kilometres per hour—that's faster rail. The Inland Rail transit time between Melbourne and Brisbane is 21.5 hours; the road transit time between Melbourne and Brisbane is 26.7 hours; and coastal rail transit time between Melbourne and Brisbane is 31.7 hours. As I said, vision is about leadership but success is achieved through solid implementation. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017. The Greens support this bill as a useful next step in getting east coast high-speed rail on track in Australia. Thank you to Senator Farrell for bringing on debate on this bill, because high-speed rail is a hugely important issue for the connectivity of our major urban centres on our east coast and has huge potential to transform the regions along its route. High-speed rail will cut pollution, enhance business and passenger transport, and generate positive economic returns. This bill paves the way for an important initial step in getting get high-speed rail on track, but there is more to do and consider if we are going to get this transformational project right.</para>
<para>Australia and Antarctica are the only two continents without high-speed rail in operation or planning underway. It's an absolutely standard mode of travel for those living in or visiting Europe, Japan, China and, increasingly, across the rest of Asia. North America is set to join them, with a high-speed rail service currently under construction in California. Africa has high-speed rail, in Kenya, with plans in other countries, such as South Africa, much further along than in Australia, and there's a link between Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia.</para>
<para>Now is the time to take action and catch up with the rest of the world on high-speed rail. It is beyond time for us to catch up. Just imagine getting on a train in the centre of Melbourne and arriving in the centre of Sydney just three hours later. Imagine having access to the internet, being able to use your mobile phone, walking freely around the carriages and sitting down to have a meal in a restaurant. Imagine transforming the regional towns on the outskirts of our cities, less than an hour away—Shepparton, being 45 minutes from Melbourne—into economic centres. Imagine a mass-transit long-distance transportation system that can be powered by clean and renewable energy and reduces the impact of pollution and car travel on our cities and country.</para>
<para>Imagine the difference this is going to make to where people will be keen to live, do business and study. Imagine an infrastructure initiative that unlocks regional Australia whether it's Shepparton, Albury-Wodonga, Goulburn, Grafton, Taree or Casino. This is what we need in Australia. Our population is concentrated in the big cities, especially along the east coast, unlike in the US or Europe where many, many more people live in cities with populations of a couple of hundred thousand people. Living in that scale of city is much more sustainable—it's much easier to eat local produce, know your community and be connected to the natural world. You have easy commuting by active transport as well as shorter, quicker trips by cars and public transport. In fact, I can't see how we can possibly cope environmentally and socially with the projected increase in Australia's population to 46 million by 2030 without high-speed rail. Otherwise, we will be bequeathing the status of mega cities on Sydney and Melbourne and all the inevitable malfunction that will go with that.</para>
<para>High-speed rail and fast, reliable, high-capacity internet are the major commitments that are needed to unlock the elusive, long sought-after but never achieved Holy Grail of decentralisation in Australia and all the social and environmental benefits that go with them. This is the promise of high-speed rail and, after many decades of discussion and delay, the time for high-speed rail has arrived.</para>
<para>The Greens have got a longstanding commitment to seeing high-speed rail realised in Australia. We're not afraid to think big and, like many Australians, we have a vision of a connected, efficient transport network. A fast train connection between our major east coast cities has been part of that vision for many years now. At the 2010 federal election, the Greens took real, firm policy commitments on east coast high-speed rail to the electorate as part of our vision for a 21st century transport system. Following that election, the Greens made high-speed rail a part of our minority government agreement to support the Gillard government, and we secured $20 million for a feasibility study into high-speed rail. This was such a hopeful, exciting time, and we are proud to have put high-speed rail on the agenda and to have made it a commitment of our minority government agreement. We saw the phase 1 and phase 2 reports from the strategic study that stemmed from that agreement. My colleague Adam Bandt, the member for Melbourne, was a huge supporter, and still is a huge supporter, for high-speed rail. In 2012, he released a report as part of the studies into the wider benefits of high-speed rail. That found that there was a potential $48 billion in benefits over 30 years from high-speed rail.</para>
<para>A High Speed Rail Advisory Group was established to advise the government on key industry and community issues arising from the reports. Then, at the end of 2013, the High Speed Rail Advisory Group was abolished by the then Abbott government—just like that. This time line sums up exactly how the fractious nature of Australian politics and the election cycles have proven poisonous to the long-term nation-building projects that are absolutely essential and important to the future of our community.</para>
<para>So the key function of this bill is establishing the authority to bring together state and federal stakeholders and to get the work started. It's a useful thing, because getting high-speed rail underway requires a truly collaborative undertaking involving the governments of Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and the ACT, and many local government bodies. The Greens have had a longstanding commitment to the establishment of a similar authority as a key part of progressing east coast high-speed rail. That's the reason that we are supporting this bill. But we do call on MPs and senators across the parliament to maintain their sights on the level of commitment that's needed to get the coordination right and also get the investment right. It's going to take real commitment and a strong signal from governments to really get this moving. Vision and hard work are both essential elements.</para>
<para>The Greens took to the most recent federal election a comprehensive commitment that included such an authority, and it also laid out the other key steps that are necessary to get this visionary project underway. We committed $1½ billion specifically to high-speed rail as part of our costed transport policy package. This is the kind of commitment that's needed now to get things moving. We pointed to the key things that need to happen: we need to fast-track the intergovernmental agreements and legislation to get high-speed rail moving; we need to establish the dedicated authority to develop and manage the project; we need to prepare a detailed financing and investment plan for the project; we need to determine the final rail corridors in conjunction with the relevant state and local governments, secure ownership of the routes and confirm the development and operation plan of the project through an intergovernmental agreement; and we need to begin the process of undertaking a comprehensive environmental impact statement. Our commitment would have kick-started the authority's work and, importantly, it would also have enabled us to kick-start securing the ownership of the rail route. We have to have a comprehensive and properly funded approach to maximise the benefits of high-speed rail and to minimise any impacts.</para>
<para>We know that we have to be reducing our reliance on polluting coal, gas and oil, and that is the other really wonderful beauty of high-speed rail. Reducing our use of coal, gas and oil means, sadly, that we will have to be flying less. I would love to be able to take efficient, fast, high-speed rail from Melbourne to Canberra rather than having to fly here. The International Energy Agency noted late last year how high-speed rail presents major opportunities for reducing carbon pollution from transport. They outlined a scenario aiming to meet the goals that we have signed up to under the Paris Agreement, where high-speed rail would be substituted for nearly all global aviation activity up to 1,000 kilometres by 2060. High-speed rail makes sense in this regard, because there's the double benefit that the energy use per passenger of travelling by high-speed rail is about 90 per cent lower per kilometre than that of flying. And high-speed rail, of course, has the potential for that energy use to be zero carbon if it's powered by renewable energy, which is the direction the Greens would want to see it take.</para>
<para>And it works. Where high-speed rail has been implemented, air travel has been able to drop. Both the government and the Labor Party haven't yet taken seriously the carbon pollution from flying and so do not discourage it in any way—in fact, the opposite. The International Energy Agency outlined several examples of how the introduction of high-speed rail has led to significant reductions in air travel on specific routes. These include Paris to London and Seoul to Busan. For both of these routes, after high-speed rail was introduced, the amount of air travel between the cities dropped by half. High-speed rail in Australia would do the same.</para>
<para>Did you know that Melbourne to Sydney, on the basis of the number of flights happening over a year, is the world's second busiest air route? It has 54,519 flights a year. And Brisbane to Sydney is the eighth busiest air route in the world, flying 33,765 times. There is an awful lot of potential there to be reducing the pollution from air travel by substituting high-speed rail trips for a very substantial number of those flights. The phase 2 feasibility study undertaken by the government told us that by 2065 high-speed rail could attract 40 per cent of the intercity air travel on the east coast and 60 per cent of regional air travel. On the three main sectors—Sydney to Melbourne, Sydney to Brisbane and Sydney to Canberra—high-speed rail could attract more than 50 per cent of the air travel market. And we believe that these are conservative estimates, given the value of high-speed rail in reducing carbon pollution.</para>
<para>The Greens believe not just that we should build high-speed rail as part of our plan to reduce carbon pollution from transport but also that, once it's built, we need to have policy levers that will incentivise its use as part of reducing our carbon pollution from transport. The phase 2 study didn't include consideration of a potential price on carbon applying to transport domestically or to aviation fuels. Surely we're going to come to our senses one day, at some stage, and recognise the climate emergency that we're facing, and we're going to realise that limiting our carbon pollution isn't just an optional extra and that it's absolutely essential to be doing this around the world as part of our survival as a species on our small blue planet.</para>
<para>So taking every measure we can to shift away from the dangerous pollution of coal, gas and oil is going to be necessary, and this is inevitably going to mean a large reduction in air travel. Yes, there are investigations going on at the moment into zero-carbon air travel, whether fuelled by biofuels or solar power, but they are a long way off. In comparison, high-speed rail is a technology that we have here and now and that we could be moving forward with in Australia today. There is so much potential. Where is this government when it comes to thinking ahead and committing to transformative projects like high-speed rail? We just have not heard any real commitment. It was notable that in Senator Molan's contribution he went out of his way to not talk about high-speed rail. He talked about all sorts of other transport projects, but high-speed rail was completely off the agenda.</para>
<para>I note that the Faster Rail program seems to be this government's sole nod to improving rail connectivity. We're going to need considerably more than that if we're going to truly accommodate our growing population and their travel needs. The one thing that we haven't seen from this government is the recognition that the hard graft of developing infrastructure in the public interest really does need to be done by government. Its willingness to award the CLARA consortium funding for a business case worries me because the CLARA consortium's proposal is predicated on a set of ideas that are about developer profits, not fit-for-purpose, connecting, high-quality transport infrastructure. We will wait and see how that CLARA consortium business case evolves, but I have to say that the fact that that is the only commitment that the government has adds another level to the disappointment that many of us have about this government's lacklustre—to say the best—approach to building public infrastructure in the public interest.</para>
<para>There are always, of course, those who will say that high-speed rail is too expensive. Not only can we afford it; it is absolutely essential. We would see that an authority would have as part of its core work the investigation of a variety of sources of funding for the full project cost. We know that this project would bring net economic benefits. The government's phase 2 report told us that there'd be more than $2 in economic benefit for every dollar invested. So the answer to the question of how we pay for high-speed rail is, in fact, another question: how can we have an efficient, pollution-free transport system without it? It's transformational, country-shaping infrastructure.</para>
<para>We have choices about how we can raise and spend money. We're currently debating whether to give the big end of town $65 billion in tax cuts and watch as they send their profits offshore. Instead of tax cuts, we can choose to invest money in projects for the public good. We could abolish negative gearing and capital gains tax, a net saving of $51 billion over 10 years. We could invest this money into projects like high-speed rail or public housing or education and health funding—investments that will reap rewards over many decades. We could choose to spend the $17 billion we're currently planning to sink into the Joint Strike Fighters in other, much more positive investments. And we can take advantage of the low interest rates we've got at the moment and borrow money to invest in nation-building infrastructure like high-speed rail.</para>
<para>Our $1½ billion kick-starter which the Greens pledged to high-speed rail at the last election was part of our Infrastructure Bank policy, a long-term revenue plan that decouples long-range infrastructure financing from the annual budget cycle. Instead of having public money tied up in lazy and speculative investment, particularly in the housing market, the Greens laid out our vision to redirect spending towards the new economy.</para>
<para>As I've discussed, there are ways to approach this scale of investment and ensure that it's done in the public interest. What we're not seeing is any dedication to that kind of hard work from this government. We like to think of ourselves as a forward-thinking, innovative nation, and in many respects we are, but on high-speed rail we have been stuck. We don't seem capable of looking beyond election cycles. Labor and Liberal governments alike have been so focused on projects that will give them a boost at the next election rather than thinking to the future. They're happy to just bask in the glow of the sugar hit of the immediate economic benefits of a growing population rather than spending the right amount of money so that we have the benefits of infrastructure in the long term that will actually be needed for our growing population so that that growing population will be able to live the high-quality lives that we do today.</para>
<para>We are spending the inheritance of our children and grandchildren, frittering it away in the form of $65 billion tax cuts that will go straight into the pockets of largely overseas shareholders and big business. We are letting down future generations unless we commit to ambitious, transformative, nation-changing, nation-building projects. We are a global laggard in so many ways. Imagine how it could be if we had real commitment and real vision beyond the next opinion poll. I'm not the first to say this, but this Prime Minister has been a dismal disappointment when it comes to vision, ambition and policies that set us up for generations to come.</para>
<para>Now is the time to be investing in projects such as high-speed rail. We need to take action now, not be held back by the dinosaurs on the coalition backbench. Surely, high-speed rail is a project that could transcend the usual political divides. Surely, it is something that even the National Party can come on board with; the benefits to regional Australia, after all, are huge. The Greens support this bill. We want to see work commenced on east coast high-speed rail and we also want to see all parties commit to the long term, to the long game, before this first step so that we can realise this transformative project once and for all.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise as a resident of regional Australia who sees 30,000 to 40,000 commuters leave the beautiful Central Coast each day, where unemployment has doubled in the time this government has been in office and the commuter journey certainly hasn't gotten any shorter. But this piece of legislation that Senator Farrell has brought to the chamber today is about much more than easing the commuter strain. It's about building for the nation; and, once again, it falls to Labor to lead on nation building. For those who are listening to this debate today, and for anyone visiting the chamber, I remind people that visionaries are required to make sure we have a sense of hope and optimism for our future. We need visionaries to build the infrastructure that this country needs. Sadly, with the current government, there is no vision and very little investment in infrastructure, particularly of the kind that is implied in this legislation before the chamber today.</para>
<para>John F Kennedy said: 'Things don't just happen, they're made to happen.' High-speed rail, which is at the heart of the debate this morning, requires vision—an ability to imagine a better future and then actually take the steps to make that future real. And that's what Labor governments do: Australians are rightly proud of the Snowy Mountains scheme and Labor also kicked off the National Broadband Network rollout. These are visionary, nation-building projects. But always we see the miserliness and lack of vision of those opposite, who constantly degrade that kind of vision. In 1946 they voted against the construction of the Snowy Mountains scheme. And this government is tearing apart the proper building of the National Broadband Network. Instead of delivering a real National Broadband Network with fibre to every home, every premise and every business, the party leading the country at the moment has spent $49 billion on infrastructure that is degraded, taking us from 15th down to 66th in the world while they've been spending that money on a lemon. This is not a nation-building, nation-leading government; it is a small-minded, miserly government.</para>
<para>That's why it's been left to Labor to bring into this place today Senator Farrell's private member's bill which seeks to establish the vehicle that would create the proper planning necessary to establish high-speed rail as a part of Australia's reality—not put it off to the distant future and leave it to others to hopefully pull something together. Big visionary, nation-building projects need nation-building ideas and they need the authority to undertake the necessary work that is required. That is what Senator Farrell's bill seeks to do today by establishing the high-speed rail planning authority. Senator Farrell, in his remarks earlier today, indicated that he introduced this bill on 4 September last year.</para>
<para>The major function achieved by the successful passage of this bill would be the establishment of an 11-person advisory group which would include the key states that would be involved in this east coast fast-rail network—Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and the ACT—along with experts who actually know something about this field. It would, in fact, allow us to embrace high-speed rail. The members of the board, as outlined in the bill, would include one member from each of the states or territories affected—Queensland, New South Wales, Victoria and the ACT—and one member representing the Australian Local Government Association. It's very important that we acknowledge how important our local councils are as part of a national structure to build this fast-rail network. Every one of the states and many local governments would be impacted by the decisions that would necessarily be part of proper planning for space to allow the railway to be built, including the infrastructure around it, to maximise its potential in local communities. Another member would be nominated by the Australasian Railway Association, whose expertise is critical to the development of a sustainable and deliverable high-speed rail plan, and five members would be appointed by the minister for infrastructure on the basis of their qualifications or expertise.</para>
<para>The bill proposes that the authority's roles would be significant. They would include consideration of land use planning related to the corridor, safety, public consultations and measures to minimise environmental impact. I will go to each of those elements. The corridor itself is no small thing to achieve. Safety provisions and safety considerations for Australians and guests of Australia who want to travel at up to 350 kilometres an hour need to be carefully considered, not down the track but right at the front of the planning stage. With regard to public consultation, I've indicated that the local governments will be vital in making sure that we maximise the benefit of this for Australians in our local government areas, but we want community members themselves to be part of building this vision for the nation and bringing their knowledge and expertise to the consultation around the development of proper high-speed rail. Of course, living in this great country, we need to respect the nature of it. Our environmental concerns should be very carefully considered. This is not the 1920s or 1930s; it's 2018 and our understanding and appreciation of our environment means that, rightfully, concerns have to be at the front of our decision-making around where such a high-speed rail might best go to provide the maximum benefit to the nation, the maximum benefit to the community and the minimum possible impact on our environment.</para>
<para>Through this bill, the government have an opportunity to embrace high-speed rail and we call on them to put this visionary project beyond party politics. It's such a big project. It's going to span the lives of many parliaments and, presumably, several prime ministers, but what we see is a government that has failed to bring on this bill. In terms of the history of this bill, when Mr Albanese, the member for Grayndler, was shadow minister for infrastructure, he did an enormous amount of work in preparing the case. For Australians who are just picking up the threads of this now, let me be clear that in 2013, five years ago, legislation was before the parliament that could have been picked up by the incoming Abbott government, but what did they do? They rejected it. The group that was advising in the development of the plan in 2013 was chaired by key and leading people and it was a bipartisan development to get to that stage in 2013. Lyn O'Connell, from the department, chaired the group. It also included the former Deputy Prime Minister, the Hon. Tim Fischer; Ms Jennifer Westacott, CEO of the Business Council of Australia; Mr Bryan Nye, CEO of the Australasian Railway Association; Professor Sue Holliday from the UNSW's Planning Practice, Urban Policy and Strategy; Peter Newman, Professor of Sustainability at Curtin University and member of the IA board; Mr Bob Nanva from the RTBU; and Mrs Jenny Dowell, the mayor of Lismore. So a very good, erudite and broad panel had developed and delivered the leadership to consider the preservation of the corridor, the staging of the route, costs, financing observations and options about the commercial case, system specifications and time frames to deliver the whole project. All of that work was done in 2013. So you have to wonder: what on earth have this government been doing other than turning their backs on a nation-building opportunity?</para>
<para>What we know about high-speed rail in Australia is primarily known to us by travelling to other countries. Just this week, I heard on the radio a discussion about tourism and its significance in the international economy. I'm sure that, like many who are listening to this debate and those here in the chamber, we've had the benefit of travelling on very, very comfortable trains travelling at 350 kilometres per hour. This is becoming a common experience for people who live in China and other parts of Asia, such as Taiwan and Japan. I actually had the benefit of being with my entire family during the course of the last Christmas holidays on a train from Rome to Florence at speed. This is a standard practice in so many countries around the world, yet in 2013, when they came to government with Mr Abbott, even with a blueprint prepared and ready to go, this government said, 'That's not our job.' They turned their backs on the legislation that was there ready for them to pick up.</para>
<para>Labor is committed to making sure that the vision that's required to lead this country is on offer. That's part of what is so important about this piece of legislation that is before the Senate today. It indicates Labor's commitment to building the proper high-speed rail which, as I said, is commonplace around the rest of the world in many, many countries so that it becomes a part of Australia's reality, too. Why is it so important? We know that high-speed rail has the capacity to be an economic game changer for Australia. We know it's essential to our economic, social and emotional wellbeing to be able to connect. For that to occur, we have to have safe, regular, efficient and cost-effective rail transport. The Austronesian Railway Association has stated that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">High Speed Rail is a nation building project that will transform Australia …</para></quote>
<para>I think Australians generally believe in the capacity of rail to change our experiences of living on this wonderful eastern seaboard to be able to get to the places we need to to see our families, to access health services, to see the opportunities of our businesses grow and to simply be able to transfer ideas through people moving freely around our community.</para>
<para>For regional Australia, Senator Farrell indicated the length of the line was something akin to 1,700 kilometres, with hundreds of kilometres of tunnelling as part of that. I don't know about everyone here, but, as the daughter of an Irish immigrant who laid a lot of pipe and built a lot of road, I still feel great pride in going and seeing the bridge that goes from Macarthur Square in Western Sydney and knowing that my father was part of building that. Looking at the suburbs that have been developed across Western Sydney, my brother is still involved in this industry. Their part in building the infrastructure that improves people's lives builds pride in their work and pride in their community. So when I think about the engineering feat, the engineering capacity, the innovation-building capacity and the nation-building capacity of a project such as this it excites me beyond belief to think what we can endeavour to do and what innovative skills we can acquire that will then improve the quality of our nation and our capacity to take our part in international developments along this line.</para>
<para>We know that commuting is a very, very big problem for Australians who live just outside all of our major cities. We know that, if we can get this right, time commuting will be reduced. Time travelling will be less, and that means a practical outcome of more time with the people that we love and more time being involved in our communities and all the healthy choices that are a part of that. We know that stage 2 of the high-speed rail feasibility study noted that high-speed rail could allow regional centres to serve as secondary locations for lower cost back offices and new start-up businesses. With the level of unemployment in places such as the Central Coast, with particularly youth unemployment on the rise, as I said, to 17 per cent, we need every advantage we can possibly muster to create the opportunities for businesses to be successful in the regions.</para>
<para>We know that the same feasibility stage 2 study indicated that regional locations within an hour's travel by high-speed rail that have capacity for increasing business growth could assist in making metropolitan centres more globally competitive. So the advantage is not just to the region itself but to the metropolitan city that it would serve, with a much more accessible workforce, who would be able to still live the kind of life that you would hope would be available to most Australians—where you're not spending the equivalent of five hours travelling every day to work.</para>
<para>Sadly, that is the reality for many on the Central Coast of New South Wales, where I live. And we have had what I consider a very uncertain commitment by the local federal member to something that must not be confused with the legislation that is before us today. It must not be confused with the legislation to deliver genuinely high-speed rail at 350 kilometres an hour. Rather, it is an announcement about a faster rail initiative, where the rail speed would be approximately 120 kilometres per hour. Let's be clear: this is not the same thing. The commitment of $20 million to do a competitive business case study with the New South Wales government is a completely different matter from this nation-building, genuine, fast-rail initiative that we're talking about. I also point to the federal local member's press release, dated 26 March, which concludes with the sentence:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The decision to fund these faster rail business cases does not indicate a commitment to fund the infrastructure projects but is instead focused on investigating the viability of such proposals.</para></quote>
<para>So that is where we are at, on the Central Coast.</para>
<para>This government, instead of biting the bullet when it came to government five years ago and building the proper fast rail network—getting on with the job, and being five years down the track in planning and land acquisition, environmental concerns and community consultation—sat on its hands. In a desperate moment, as we're leading up to a federal government election, the local member said, 'Oh, how about we look at 120 kays, not 350, and we'll do something with the state government? Just be careful. We don't want you to think that we're going to do this. We just want you to understand we'll get a business case.' That kind of miserly thinking characterises the whole of the Liberal government with regard to these proper nation-building sorts of issues.</para>
<para>At the moment the Sydney-to-Melbourne and Sydney-to-Brisbane aviation routes are amongst the top 10 busiest in the world. Many of you here, I'm sure, have seen the pressure on our airports, which at times already really struggle with the capacity to deal with the burden of need for Australians to move on this route between Brisbane and Melbourne. I know that there's a lot of pressure on our population, and that is increasing, and busy airports can be a very stressful time and very time consuming. If you need to fly to Brisbane for work, the last thing you need is more pressure at our airports. We can only imagine what relief it would bring to our great metropolises if we could have high-speed rail to take the pressure off those very, very highly used air routes.</para>
<para>The department of infrastructure and regional development undertook a research paper forecasting aviation movements to 2030, and they noted that continued passenger growth at major airports was already a significant test on the capacity of airport infrastructure. With growth in our population, we know that this pressure on airports will increase. The Australian Bureau of Statistics projections tell us that, by 2060, about 50 million people will be living in Australia, and of course that will lead to more demand. The solution could be, I suppose, building airports everywhere, but I doubt that that's really what we want, and there's a limit to the capacity of existing aviation infrastructure to cope with growing demand. Simple economics demand that we give serious consideration to and, through this bill, take action on the proper planning to enable the growth of infrastructure for fast-speed rail to meet growing demand. It's simple economics. Supply is limited or capped. Demand is rising. The current situation we find ourselves in could be a disaster for Australians. But Labor sees it instead as an opportunity to innovate, to provide services that are crucial for social and economic engagement and cohesion, and that's exactly where rail fits in.</para>
<para>I would like to put on the record that this private bill fits, once again, Labor's rich history of pioneering innovation in high-speed rail. When we were in government, we completed the feasibility study on high-speed rail. I've identified key people who were part of delivering that blueprint for a way forward. The study found that, for every single dollar invested, the public would receive a $2.30 benefit. That's a fantastic return on our investment. The project was absolutely declared economically viable. The expert panel that Labor appointed made it clear that there was a need to establish an authority to undertake the preparation of the task at hand, and that happened in 2013. Rather than just leaving it hanging, Labor committed $52 million to that project to take it forward—no small investment. In complete contrast, the coalition government cancelled that investment, despite the evidence and the experts backing the project. We always talk about the need for evidence based policy in this chamber, but the evidence we see before us is that it's only the Labor Party that is leading in visionary infrastructure investment and planning. This government continues to stand against it— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's great to pick up where Senator O'Neill left off, because Labor were just so committed to it that, having talked about it for years and years and having talked about a $114 billion project, they committed nothing in the budget—zero in the budget—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Neill</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Fifty-two million dollars.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, you're wrong, Senator O'Neill. They committed zero in the budget and then, as a late election promise when Kevin Rudd was flailing around for a policy, the $52 million. What they promised to do after six years was, if they were re-elected—when they knew in their heart of hearts at that moment they weren't going to be re-elected—to maybe spend $52 million on some planning, potentially for a $114 billion project. Let's get the facts on the table rather than the spin that we've just heard from Senator O'Neill.</para>
<para>I'm very pleased to contribute to this debate, because it's an important discussion. We all know well, especially those who come here—not me, of course—from the far reaches of the country to sit here in Canberra in sitting weeks, what a big nation we have and what a huge place it is. We know that, because of our size, we face significant transport challenges—no-one disputes that. Therefore, in principle, I think, we're all drawn to the idea of high-speed rail. Being able to cover the large distances between the big cities of the eastern seaboard via fast rail would, in principle, be a great thing. If such a line could stop in various regional centres along the way, you'd also have, potentially, great benefit for those regional areas. But it's also important that we look at the costs and the benefits of these proposals. We do need to be realistic and to consider all of these things. The fact is that high-speed rail is hugely expensive, would take a long time, and, given the low cost of air travel at the moment, may only provide marginal benefits, if it does at all.</para>
<para>We're exploring how we can bring some form of high-speed rail to Australia. Through Consolidated Land and Rail Australia, we're exploring improvements to the rail connections between Melbourne and Greater Shepparton through the development of a business case. This could be the first stage of high-speed rail, but what's important is taking it step by step and making it affordable and sustainable, because that's what responsible governments do, in contrast to our predecessors in the Labor-Greens government.</para>
<para>We are doing very well at addressing Labor's legacy of budget debt and deficits. We've come a long way: we've made over $37 billion in budget savings; we've halved the growth in spending from four per cent under Labor to 1.9 per cent; we've reduced the growth in debt by two-thirds; and we're on track for a balanced budget in 2020-21. We have made these significant achievements while growing the economy and growing jobs. There are now 997,800 more Australians in jobs than when we came to office. That is an amazing record of achievement. In 2017, employment increased by 403,000, with around 300,000 of those jobs being full time. We've had 17 consecutive months of jobs growth—the longest run of jobs growth on record since the ABS started measuring the labour force in 1978, when some senators in this place were not yet born. The Australian economy is, on average, creating more than 1,100 new jobs per day—five times the growth in the last year of Labor. We understand the challenges that we have, and we're getting the budget under control, whilst growing the economy. Many would reflect on the absolutely wasteful spending that took place under the Labor-Greens government when they were last in office and would lament that projects like high-speed rail might well have been a better spend than the money that was thrown out the door—the billions upon billions upon billions that were shovelled out the door—by the Labor Party, which of course makes it more challenging for any future government to be able to invest as much in infrastructure and other areas as they would like to. We need to look at all of this in context when we are discussing this bill.</para>
<para>There have been extensive studies into high-speed rail done over the last 20 years. It was considered under the Howard government in the early 2000s. That study found that construction would take somewhere between 10 and 20 years, due to the logistics and complexity of a project that would cover several states and the ACT, and would likely require the government to fund at least 80 per cent of the whole project and 85 per cent of the cost of the Melbourne-to-Sydney and Sydney-to-Brisbane stages. The modelling showed a financial internal return rate of less than 2½ per cent. The cost was estimated at up to $59 billion. It was clear that the cost was too high and the benefits too low to proceed with the project at the time, so the Howard government shelved the idea.</para>
<para>Then the Labor Party decided to look into the idea while they were in government. Indeed, this has been an idea Labor have continued to talk about and continued to make promises about—including introducing legislation like this—when they are in opposition. They introduce legislation like this when they are in opposition. They were so committed to it when they were in government that they talked about the project and did nothing about it! It's important to note what they did. They had six years and, with the support of their Greens friends, they were able to get virtually anything they wanted through the Senate. They could have had this bill passed when they were in government, but they didn't. It leads one to ask why. Why could this project—which the shadow minister for transport and infrastructure, the member for Grayndler, has continued to argue for—not get off the ground if they were so committed to it in the past? Was it because they were shovelling money out the door for other things? Was it because they'd lost control of the budget? Was it because they didn't actually believe it was affordable? Or was it because they weren't actually committed to it? Who knows? Labor had years to pass a bill like this, but they didn't. They didn't because they knew it wouldn't work.</para>
<para>Under Labor there was another study into the cost and feasibility of high-speed rail. That report found that the Howard government's report was essentially correct: it would take up to 20 years to build. It also found that there was little prospect of private investment, and the government would have to directly fund almost the entire project. And it found that the projected cost had nearly doubled from the time of the Howard government study, to around $114 billion. So the project didn't go ahead. We hear Senator O'Neill and other Labor senators make their contributions and say how committed they were to it and how they committed all this money. Well, of the $114 billion required for the project, they committed zero in the budget. They had six budgets and they committed zero other than a study. After that study, there was nothing. Then, in the depths of the reincarnated Rudd Labor-Greens government in 2013, in the election campaign, they said, 'If we come back, we'll put more money, $52 million, into taking the project forward.' They couldn't even get that into the budget, but that is $52 million out of the $114 billion cost. Senator O'Neill interjected and said that they had delivered the money in the budget. Well, no. In the post-election review of 2013, the Parliamentary Budget Office classified this funding as an election commitment as opposed to a commitment that was funded in the budget or in PEFO. So they delivered nothing. The PBO said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The ALP election commitment <inline font-style="italic">Establish a High Speed Rail Authority </inline>could result in significant budget impacts beyond the forward estimates. This would depend on the final specification of any policy to construct high speed rail on the east coast of Australia.</para></quote>
<para>So let's not believe what they say. Let's look, as always, at what Labor did.</para>
<para>That said, there are significant challenges we have to address when it comes to travel between capital cities and regional centres in Australia. Senator O'Neill was talking about airports, but the coalition government has got on with the job and made the decision that Labor refused to make, but which they knew needed to be made, and that was a second airport for Sydney at Badgerys Creek. That is a major piece of transport infrastructure in this country, and we are the ones who committed the funds and who are getting it done—not talking about it, not putting off that which had been talked about for 30 years. We're getting on and doing it. We're going above and beyond in dealing with infrastructure and transport issues we face in this nation.</para>
<para>So let's run through some elements of our record investment in infrastructure. The coalition government's $75 billion roads, rail and airport plan will relieve congestion, grow our regions and make life easier for Australians. We're investing on average $2 billion more per year than Labor and investing in a way that delivers better value and results for taxpayers. Our plan is comprehensive. We're investing in major highway upgrades and congestion-busting roads in capital cities to reduce travel times, improve safety and help businesses move goods and services more efficiently. We are investing in important public transport rail projects, including the Gold Coast Light Rail, Sydney Metro, Melbourne Metro and Flinders Link in Adelaide to improve access, amenity and liveability in our cities. Our historic investment in Inland Rail will link the Port of Brisbane to the Port of Melbourne, transforming freight movements through Victoria, New South Wales and South-East Queensland, while promoting economic opportunities and jobs in these regions.</para>
<para>Local communities are benefiting from the Roads to Recovery Program, with $4.4 billion invested for seven years to 2020-21 in construction, repair and upgrade of local roads. For the Black Spot Program, we have invested $648 million over seven years to deliver safety improvements, such as safety barriers and street lighting on dangerous roads. Local bridges are being fixed with $420 million for the Bridges Renewal Program.</para>
<para>As I said, after five decades of indecision, the coalition government is getting on with building Western Sydney Airport, a major piece of transport infrastructure for this nation, long talked about, long speculated about. No other government had the gumption to get on and do it and do what was necessary for this nation. We are getting on with that job.</para>
<para>In terms of rail, we'll provide $20 million in matching funding to support the development of up to three business cases that will explore opportunities for faster passenger rail and investigate improvements to rail connections between Australia's cities and surrounding regional areas. Following a competitive assessment process in line with criteria published in the <inline font-style="italic">Faster rail prospectus</inline>, the government announced the three successful proponents selected to develop business cases on 9 March 2018 as follows: Consolidated Land and Rail Australia, Melbourne to Greater Shepparton; New South Wales government, Sydney to Newcastle; and North Coast Connect, Brisbane and the regions of Moreton Bay and Sunshine Coast. These proposals clearly demonstrate the government's willingness to investigate long-term solutions to support urban, regional and rural development.</para>
<para>We are also making broader investments in rail, including the Melbourne Airport Rail business case. The coalition government has allocated $30 million in the federal budget to develop the Tullamarine Airport Rail Link business case. The business case will be undertaken in two stages. Stage 1 will be a preliminary business case to develop a common evidence base, undertaking an options analysis and recommend a preferred alignment. The preliminary business case commenced in November 2017 and is expected to be completed in late 2018. Stage 2 will develop a detailed business case on the preferred alignment. A decision to proceed to stage 2 will be made once stage 1 has been considered by the Australian and Victorian governments.</para>
<para>The Australian government will invest $10 billion over the next decade for the National Rail Program which will fund transformational rail projects so people can move around our cities and regions more efficiently, and it will better connect our cities, suburbs and surrounding regional areas. This $10 billion rail investment will reduce the burden on Australian roads, provide more reliable transport networks and support our efforts to decentralise our economy and grow regional Australia. An additional $30 million will also be provided to fund the development of a business case for the Melbourne Airport rail link. We will work with the Victorian government to access potential further funding for this project from the $10 billion National Rail Program. The government will connect regional centres to our capital cities with faster, more reliable rail services, with regional Australia getting its fair share of the new $10 billion National Rail Program.</para>
<para>As part of our record $75 billion national Infrastructure Investment Program, we have a $20 billion commitment to rail, including $426 million this year. That investment has provided funds for rail improvements around the country, including $1.4 billion for the Victorian Regional Rail Revival package, $240 million for the Murray Basin freight rail, $792 million for METRONET in Perth, $252 million for an Adelaide to Tarcoola upgrade, $189 million for the Goodwood and Torrens rail junctions in South Australia, $95 million for Gold Coast Light Rail, $75 million for Port Botany rail stage 2, $59.8 million for the Tasmanian Freight Rail Revitalisation Program and $30 million for the Melbourne Airport rail link.</para>
<para>We are working with the states and territories on improving rail and improving infrastructure more generally. These are sensible programs that will make much-needed improvements while being fiscally responsible. This investment demonstrates our commitment to improving Australia's rail infrastructure, and we're actually delivering results. We're not making big, unfunded promises. We're not talking up big ideas and having reviews and then not doing anything about them. We're investing and we're delivering.</para>
<para>In conclusion, let me make it clear that the government takes this area very seriously, and I've just outlined the numerous measures that we've been pursuing in this space and in the broader transport and infrastructure space. We believe that making important infrastructure investments is critical to our nation. That's why we are investing a record amount. But we will not be lectured to by the Labor Party, who, despite what they claim, despite some of what we've heard in the Senate today, spent a lot of time talking and very little time doing when it came to this. They couldn't even get money in the budget for this project that they now believe is so important, in terms of the bill that is before us in the Senate today. They spoke about it, but, when it came down to it, a flailing Kevin Rudd, at the end of his time in government, having completely destroyed the budget—and let's be clear on this: Kevin Rudd and the Labor Party completely destroyed the budget; they took it from the best possible budget position to one of the largest deficits in our history; and then they'd ran out of money, they knew they didn't have the money, they couldn't even get the basics in the budget because they'd blown the budget so badly—promised, knowing that Labor were very unlikely to return, that if they came back into government they would fund this $114 billion project to the tune of $52 million.</para>
<para>When we debate those things we should look at Labor's record rather than what they say. They are very good at talking about issues—much more so than delivering. The coalition government, on the other hand, has a strong record of delivery. We're investing in the infrastructure we need and we will continue to investigate where there needs to be further infrastructure investment, particularly in our critical transport infrastructure.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak in favour of the High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017. I'm very pleased to take this opportunity to discuss the issue of rail infrastructure, an issue which is made evermore topical in Queensland as Labor gets on with the job of building Cross River Rail. I have listened to some of the contributions from the other side on this private member's bill. I must say that it would be a wonderful thing if, in this country, we could come up with a bipartisan approach to a form of infrastructure which is quite critical to the future.</para>
<para>I know that others have talked about some of these issues, but I think it's critical to note here that Infrastructure Australia, which is the independent body that looks at infrastructure investment across the country, in July last year talked about the fact that more action is needed to 'protect vital infrastructure corridors'. It said that the most urgent priority for protection is the east coast high-speed rail corridor. It went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This critical corridor faces immediate pressure due to its proximity to major population centres and should be a focus for the NSW, Victorian and federal governments.</para></quote>
<para>It went on to say that's why:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Infrastructure Australia is recommending that a national framework for corridor protection be put in place to guide—</para></quote>
<para>coordinated and—</para>
<quote><para class="block">meaningful action by all levels of government.</para></quote>
<para>It's something of a no-brainer that a high-speed rail network connecting Melbourne to Brisbane via Canberra is necessary for our future.</para>
<para>The evidence is fairly compelling that this is an infrastructure project that is necessary for our future, but the contributions we've heard today from the other side suggest that ideological considerations are being brought to bear here in the government setting its face against this particular project. Whereas the government has moved away from this bipartisan approach here, I'm very pleased to see the Queensland government is getting on with the job of building Cross River Rail. This is in spite of the fact that the federal government has, unfortunately, walked away from stumping up for that vital piece of infrastructure for Queensland. This is an area where the Prime Minister and the so-called 'Team Queensland' should really be condemned.</para>
<para>There is no doubt, as others have said, that the high-speed rail on the east coast can be an economic game changer. Labor's proposal will facilitate travel between the interstate capitals in as little as three hours. That puts it almost on an equal footing with flying. I'm from Brisbane; I know that it would be very good to have options in relation to travel between capital cities. In a modern society, we know it's not unusual to travel for work. But, in looking at the airline situation in Australia, I think a lot of people would be surprised to know that, of all the aviation routes, the Sydney-Melbourne aviation route is actually the second busiest route in the world with 54,519 flights per annum. The Sydney-Brisbane aviation route comes in down the track, I think at No. 8, and it's something like 33,765 flights per annum. It was surprising to me to note that the US is down the list. The busiest US aviation route is between Los Angeles and San Francisco; it's actually No. 7 of the top 10 busiest aviation routes in the world. That route comes in with 34,897 flights per annum.</para>
<para>When it comes to our airports and aviation routes, it's quite clear they are under considerable pressure, and they are going to be under even greater pressure moving forward. The demand being put on our airports is leading to increasing levels of dissatisfaction with airlines. Recurring cancellations of flights out of Canberra is just one example—one that most of us in this place can relate to. In fact, this is currently the subject of an inquiry by the Senate Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee, and I note that public hearings are scheduled to begin around the country in coming weeks.</para>
<para>If one was to listen to Senator Molan's contribution earlier, one would think that the high-speed rail project between the capital cities is something that would only benefit urban people and would not be of benefit to regional Australia. Nothing could be further from the truth. In fact, this high-speed rail proposal could turbocharge regional development. Others have pointed to the fact that the rail project would travel between the capital cities but also through regional areas such as the Gold Coast, Casino, Grafton, Coffs Harbour, Port Macquarie, Taree, Newcastle, the Central Coast, the Southern Highlands, Wagga Wagga, Albury-Wodonga and Shepparton. And, of course, it would travel through Canberra, which is Australia's largest inland city. Connecting these great regional cities to a high-speed mass transit system would connect them to massive opportunities for economic development. High-speed rail has vast potential to change the nature of our fly-in, fly-out economies.</para>
<para>We note that the high-speed rail feasibility stage 2 study, conducted under the previous Labor government, highlighted the fact that employment growth in the central business districts of our east coast capitals will double over the next 30 years. That extra demand is going to limit the capacity of our public transport to cope. That report said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Regional locations within two hours travel by HSR—</para></quote>
<para>high-speed rail—</para>
<quote><para class="block">that have capacity for increases in business growth could assist in making the metropolitan centres more globally competitive by providing less congested future growth options.</para></quote>
<para>It went on to say that this could allow regional centres to serve as secondary locations for lower cost back office functions and new start-up businesses requiring less frequent access to the major centres. So it's quite clear that the high-speed rail project has real value as a driver of regional economic development with beneficial spin-offs for capital cities.</para>
<para>The other spin-off benefits from this project, if we can get the procurement right, will be opportunities for our manufacturing sector and companies, particularly like Downer Rail in my home state of Queensland in the beautiful city of Maryborough. It has a record of building high-speed tilt trains and other rolling stock over many years under various different names, but it's currently called Downer Rail. There are real opportunities in relation to regional development.</para>
<para>There are, in fact, some fans of high-speed rail in Queensland. I note that recently there was an announcement by the Deputy Prime Minister in Nambour in relation to the successful business development applications for what they call their 'faster rail' proposals. This would involve linking the Sunshine Coast and Nambour to Brisbane to ease urban congestion. There is some merit in these proposals. I note that the Queensland government has indicated that, whilst it generally supports this proposal, the key piece of infrastructure that is being overlooked here is the Cross River Rail. Unless that is addressed and built, there are going to be bottlenecks in the system and what the government is proposing for the Sunshine Coast will be impacted by that.</para>
<para>I'm very keen on the contribution that a high-speed rail project can make to regional economies. In fact, one of the things I'm involved in, as Chair of the Senate Economics References Committee, is initiating an inquiry into regional inequality. That's a matter we've now got going. I expect to see evidence throughout the course of that inquiry that will show that limited transport options for regional people and the sheer time taken for travel between regional hubs is a key factor of regional inequality.</para>
<para>There is a lot of significant evidence backing up our proposal for high-speed rail. The Department of Infrastructure, Regional Development and Cities' research paper has indicated that aviation movements to 2030 will lead to continued passenger growth at major airports which are already testing the capacity of our existing airport infrastructure. It's said that international air travel will grow strongly to 2030, with both domestic and international passenger movements through capital cities almost doubling. A 2010 report by the Bureau of Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Economics which examined movement through the nation's capital city airports forecast growth of 4.2 per cent a year to 235 million by 2029-30.</para>
<para>We should also consider the possibility that, in coming decades, growing incomes will open interstate travel to more Australians, which could lead to even greater demand on our aviation sector. At the same time, the growing need to reduce our carbon emissions will make rail more competitive against air travel, because we know that trains produce fewer emissions. We may want to build more airports all over the country, but there's a limit to the capacity of our existing aviation infrastructure to cope. I note that, in Brisbane, work is well underway on our second runway, which is estimated to open in 2020. There have been significant issues over the years leading up to and during this development—flight delays, congestions and cancellations—and I'm sure that Brisbane is not the only example of this. Beginning high-speed rail now will put us in the box seat for business over coming years. It's far cleaner than aircraft travel, as I've said, and it can be more convenient, particularly for families with young children. Also, it's a better experience for locals and tourists alike, enabling views of scenery along the route.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">High-speed rail study</inline> <inline font-style="italic">: </inline> <inline font-style="italic">phase 2</inline> noted that employment growth in central business districts is going to double over the next 30 years. The previous Labor government completed that feasibility study and found that the project was viable. In fact, the study highlighted the fact that it would return $2.30 in public benefit for every dollar invested. The report said:</para>
<list>The economic benefit cost ratio ... calculates the ratio of the present value of benefits to the present value of costs. When calculated using a discount rate of four per cent, the ECBR is 2.5 for Sydney-Melbourne and 2.3 for the whole network.</list>
<list>The economic net present value ...of costs and benefits associated with a program of investment in the preferred HSR system would be $70 billion for Sydney-Melbourne and $101 billion for the network as a whole ...</list>
<para>In terms of the forecast demand for high-speed rail, the phase 2 report said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Between 46 million and 111 million passengers are forecast to use HSR services for intercity and regional trips, if the preferred HSR network were fully operational in 2065, with a central forecast of 83.6 million passengers per year.</para></quote>
<para>It's interesting to note that,</para>
<quote><para class="block">By 2065, HSR—</para></quote>
<para>high-speed rail—</para>
<quote><para class="block">could attract 40 per cent of intercity air travel on the east coast and 60 per cent of regional air travel (primarily long regional). On the three main sectors, Sydney-Melbourne, Sydney-Brisbane and Sydney-Canberra, HSR could attract more than 50 per cent of the air travel market.</para></quote>
<para>These are compelling reasons as to why we need to look closely at this option.</para>
<para>Other speakers have talked about the fact that Labor set up that expert panel. The independent experts recommended that we take action now to begin to acquire the corridor. They also recommended that we establish an authority to undertake that task and to bring the relevant jurisdictions together to advance planning. It is a matter of concern and regret that all the preparatory work that was done was, in fact, scrapped by the incoming Abbott government.</para>
<para>The previous government had allocated $52 million in funding to take that project further. There is a lot of preparatory work required for a project of the size of the high-speed rail. There is a step-by-step approach that needs to be taken. It is unfortunate that the incoming government didn't have the necessary vision to see the potential for this project and to continue the preparatory work that the previous Labor government had done. As soon as the coalition government took office it ripped up the cheque for the $52 million and it tore apart the high-speed rail advisory group. Since then, it hasn't done anything to advance the east coast high-speed rail project, even as nations around the world have stepped up construction of new lines.</para>
<para>Whilst their federal counterparts have squandered the last four years—taking money out of rail investment—the Queensland LNP had a thought bubble. They talked about building a high-speed rail service to the Sunshine Coast. So, whilst the federal coalition cancelled urban rail public transport projects across the nation and failed to back important projects like the Melbourne Metro and Brisbane Cross River Rail project, the Queensland LNP made high-speed rail to the Sunshine Coast an election commitment—with not a word about Labor's proposal, which would have seen travel through the Gold Coast, enabling Queensland to capitalise on tourism throughout that region and not a word about inland rail, which has stalled due to the LNP's crippling inability to agree on the way forward.</para>
<para>We've seen a cavalcade of infrastructure ministers at the federal level. We've seen Mr Chester worrying about his position, and we had former minister Joyce. Well, we know what has been distracting him. And we've seen their attitude to inland rail and infrastructure generally. Whilst I'm talking about the former Deputy Prime Minister, I think it's important to note that, under his approach, Queensland has been dudded in terms of the coalition's promises for infrastructure investment generally. Between 2014-15 and 2017-18, the government announced $7.2 billion worth of funding commitments for roads and other infrastructure in Queensland, but the budget outcome documents show that the government has invested $6.1 billion. That's a shortfall of $1 billion that Queensland is missing out on. This is a huge deficit for Queensland.</para>
<para>The LNP is heavy on spin and scant on detail. Again, it was disappointing to hear some of the contributions today which were more interested in attacking the previous Labor government than looking at the merits of this project, which is generally seen by credible experts in the field as being a game changer for our country. It's a visionary project. It's time to take the politics out of this issue and to get building now so that we can turbocharge the possibilities for our nation's future. I am proud to support this bill, and I urge the coalition to get behind it—it's not too late—before Labor has to once again lead the way and bring them kicking and screaming into the fold.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak on a private senator's bill submitted for consideration to this place by our colleague from South Australia, Senator Farrell, the High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017. This is not an issue with which this chamber is unfamiliar. On this very issue, the member for Bennelong, Mr John Alexander, said in the other place on 23 November 2015:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We have bipartisan support here—</para></quote>
<para>something Senator Ketter might have forgotten—</para>
<quote><para class="block">but we might have a little bit of a divergence on how we should get there.</para></quote>
<para>Sadly, as with so many things lately, it appears that, since the member for Bennelong last spoke on this issue in 2015, the Labor Party and the coalition have in fact diverged a little further on their paths on how to deal with this highly complex issue.</para>
<para>Firstly, it should be noted that, in principle, the coalition supports the construction of high-speed rail connecting Brisbane, Sydney, Canberra and Melbourne. We often look to high-speed rail as simply a way of getting from A to B. But, as the member for Bennelong so eloquently noted in his speech back in 2015, the positive externalities of high-speed rail extend far beyond simply making it easy to travel quickly from one major city to another. It is actually able to address one of our nation's core problems—that is, the overdevelopment of our major cities, the costs of those cities, the congestion in those cities and the loss of productivity from that congestion in those cities.</para>
<para>Furthermore, we have an extraordinary imbalance whereby Sydney and Melbourne are among the five most expensive cities in the world. This is an extraordinary thing for Australia, whose single greatest asset is real estate. The imbalance that has occurred, as regional areas have declined and our major cities have grown, presents a perfect storm for the creation of a strategic decentralisation to create housing supply in regions where land is less expensive. The infrastructure to achieve that is high-speed rail. This was discovered in Japan in the 1960s, as we well know, when Tokyo was the most expensive city in the world and one of the most congested cities in the world. High-speed rail has seen Japan decentralise and the creation of regional cities, which has taken the pressure off Tokyo.</para>
<para>There is no question that, in a vacuum, high-speed rail presents many great opportunities for urban development and decentralisation of Australia's population away from our two major cities of Sydney and Melbourne. But, alas, we don't live in a vacuum. High-speed rail connecting Brisbane, Sydney, Canberra and Melbourne has been investigated previously and been found to be unaffordable. That is why the Turnbull government is focusing on finding ways to affordably deliver the benefits of high-speed rail through other means. This entails connecting regional centres to capital city CBDs with faster rail services, enticing people to move away from the city centres comfortable in the knowledge that they can still access city centres quickly and easily. This will generate jobs and provide opportunities for more people to access more affordable housing in regional areas and high-skilled jobs in the cities.</para>
<para>The federal opposition is committed to establishing a high-speed rail planning authority to gather international expressions of interest for the construction of high-speed rail. On a number of previous occasions we have seen the introduction of private members' bills such as this in the other place to establish these very arrangements. Unsurprisingly, the debate on those bills has been adjourned. An almost identical bill was introduced into the Senate on 4 September 2017.</para>
<para>When last in government, Labor committed $55 million to establishing the authority. However, in true Labor style, the funding that was supposedly allocated to this authority in the 2013 campaign never really existed. As has been the case for decades, unfunded promises are a staple of the Australian Labor Party diet. The Parliamentary Budget Office classified this funding as an election commitment rather than a commitment that was funded in the budget or in the Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Outlook. As the Parliamentary Budget Office said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The ALP election commitment <inline font-style="italic">Establish a High Speed Rail Authority</inline> could result in significant budget impacts beyond the forward estimates. This would depend on the final specification of any policy to construct high speed rail on the east coast of Australia.</para></quote>
<para>By contrast, the Turnbull coalition government is making real promises that are fully accounted for and fully funded and that will be realised to the great benefit of the majority of the people of Australia.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government will, in fact, provide $20 million in matching funding to support the development of up to three separate business cases that will explore opportunities for faster passenger rail and investigate improvements to the rail connections between Australia's cities and the surrounding regional areas. Following a competitive assessment process in line with the criteria published in the Faster Rail Prospectus on 9 March 2018, the government announced the three successful proponents to develop the business cases as follows: Consolidated Land and Rail Australia, CLARA, for Melbourne to Greater Shepparton; the New South Wales government to assess Sydney to Newcastle; and the North Coast Connect consortium to establish a business case into Brisbane and the regions of Moreton Bay and Sunshine Coast. These proposals are demonstrative of the government's willingness to investigate long-term solutions that support urban, regional and rural development.</para>
<para>There is no shortage of commitment from this government to deliver rail-based solutions to urban planning and connectivity problems in Australia, especially those on the eastern seaboard. The CLARA proposal, in particular, makes the business case for high-speed rail from Melbourne to Shepparton, which would be the first step in the Melbourne-Brisbane high-speed rail corridor. The CLARA proposal provides an innovative and revolutionary model for building high-speed rail between Melbourne and Greater Shepparton, but does not involve direct costs to government or taxpayers. The Melbourne-to-Greater Shepparton business case will investigate the development of two new sustainable smart cities with connections to high-speed rail along a new dedicated corridor. CLARA defines their cities as:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… new cities where data is open, energy's renewable, water is valued, homes are affordable and people can live within 10 minutes of all they need. Cities where world class healthcare meets high tech education. Where new and existing businesses will converge to create more vibrant regional economies. Cities built to unlock all human potential. Cities made possible by high speed rail that can place citizens in our capitals in less time than a morning commute.</para></quote>
<para>The opportunity created by the development of these two smart cities would fund the infrastructure, including the fast rail line, needed to support them through land value uplift. CLARA has indicated that travel times over the full length of the line could be reduced from approximately three hours to a mere 32 minutes. While the CLARA proposal is clearly revolutionary, it does warrant further investigation, as it potentially provides a solution to both the challenges of meeting growing housing demand in our major cities and future growth opportunities. Our support for CLARA is a tangible way in which the coalition is working with the private sector to better understand how the very high-speed rail between Melbourne and Brisbane could be built.</para>
<para>I do wish to further remind the chamber of the great work that the coalition parties are doing, on a federal and a state level, to bring high quality and efficient rail to the great state of Victoria in other areas as well. The coalition is the only one to deliver on the rail promises for the whole of Australia, and not just those in metropolitan Melbourne. I'm very proud to stand here today as a patron senator for all of Victoria, though one of my regions of particular interest is that of Indi. I'm very proud that the Turnbull government has stopped the chatter about trains and is actually getting on with the job of not only upgrading rail but building new rail for Victoria and all of Australia. In the 2017-18 budget, the Turnbull coalition committed $100 million to upgrade the North East rail line—no more speed restrictions, no more late trains and no more dangerous mud holes. It was the Turnbull coalition government which took the first steps to upgrade the line which Indi and particularly the communities of Wodonga and Wangaratta so desperately need. It was just at the start of this month, nine months after the federal budget announcement to commit $100 million for the North East line, that the Victorian Andrews Labor government sought to derail the whole project—that is an unintentional pun, but, yes, the Andrews government did seek to derail the whole project. It is very hard to believe, but Premier Andrews decided that the north-east was not, in fact, his priority and that it wasn't the state's job to fund regional rail upgrades. However, I am very proud to enlighten the chamber with the knowledge that, once again, the Turnbull coalition government has stepped in to save the day in my home state of Victoria. Just last week, the coalition put forward another $135 million for the North East line.</para>
<para>We have more than doubled our funding to make these upgrades a reality, but where is the state Labor government when all of this is happening, I hear you ask? Well, the Victorian Andrews Labor government is running for cover as the Victorian coalition opposition have announced $633 million for country rail in Victoria if they are elected at the November state election. This is well over half a billion dollars committed to replace the ageing diesel haul trains with 16 new-generation VLocity trains. The coalition is going to give passengers comfort, leg room, safety and amenity while they are travelling across the state on 96 new railcars capable of travelling at up to 160 kilometres an hour.</para>
<para>I know this is hard to believe, but the Turnbull coalition government's commitment to rail for all of Australia doesn't stop there. In fact, the rail line doesn't just end in Wodonga, it doesn't end in Wagga Wagga and it certainly won't cease in Narrabri. That's because the Turnbull coalition government, in the 2017-18 budget, committed $10 billion towards the National Rail Program, which included $8.4 billion for the Inland Rail project stretching from Melbourne to Brisbane. Inland Rail is a once-in-a-generation nation-building infrastructure project. It will give people in regional areas the capacity to be part of a corridor of commerce, with greater access to and from regional markets and improved linkages with the national freight network.</para>
<para>We are getting on with the job. On 15 January this year, I attended the first steel rail delivery for the Parkes-to-Narromine project. The Victorian government signed a bilateral agreement to support Inland Rail on Friday, 16 March 2018. After years and years of talking, construction will finally start in May this year. Inland Rail comprises 13 projects across Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland, and study corridors for each of the 13 Inland Rail projects have already been identified. Construction on all sections is expected to be underway by early 2021. The railway is expected to commence operations in 2024 and 2025.</para>
<para>While we in the coalition have been very busy making things actually happen, the Andrews Labor government in Victoria have made themselves busy by complaining incessantly about a lack of support from the federal government. While I am normally in support of anyone from my great home state of Victoria requesting more help, Premier Daniel Andrews is betraying the trust of the Victorian people with this gripe, for this government has pledged billions of dollars in matched funding that Premier Andrews is yet to realise. It's time he came clean with the Victorian people. The Turnbull government has allocated $3 billion for infrastructure in Victoria since April 2016, supporting 48 separate projects across Melbourne and regional Victoria. The vast majority of these projects need to be rolled out by the Andrews government. They are funded by the federal government, but they need the Andrews government to step up and support them. They need the Andrews government to step up and roll them out. But, disappointingly, of these 48 projects, only three have been completed and only 10 are under construction. Yet the constant gripe from Daniel Andrews is that the federal government has overlooked Victoria time and time again. Nothing could be further from the truth. It's now up to Premier Andrews to unlock the funds that have been allocated to Victoria. The Andrews Labor government has clearly failed in its duty to put the Commonwealth funding that has been allocated to it to work.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government's commitment includes: unlocking $1.5 billion previously allocated to the East West Link to support upgrades on the Monash Freeway—that was $500 million; the M80 ring road—that was $350 million; the Murray Basin Rail Project, which was $220 million; a further $20 million as part of the Victorian regional rail package; the regional and rural roads package, which was $345 million; and the urban congestion package, which was originally $75 million but was increased to $85 million following the Victorian government's refusal of $10 million to help plan the Melbourne Metro. I heard Senator Ketter mention that very project just a few minutes ago.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government's $1.4 billion Victorian Regional Rail package, announced in June 2017, was allocated towards upgrades on the Ballarat line, of $502 million; the Gippsland line, including the Avon River Bridge upgrade, another $502 million; and the Warrnambool line, which is so important in one of our most prolific agricultural areas, $104 million. For the Geelong line—Geelong is essentially now a commuter town to Melbourne—there's $99 million; the north-east line, as was mentioned earlier, $100 million; the Bendigo and Echuca lines, $82 million; and the Shepparton line, another $9 million. These are critical regional rail upgrades, and they are being held up by the Andrews Labor government in Victoria, which is yet to provide adequate detail on most of the projects and to deliver the commitments needed to get the landmark Inland Rail project moving.</para>
<para>It was also the Turnbull government that initiated the development of a business case for the Melbourne Airport rail link through a $30 million investment in the 2017-18 federal budget. Victorians should not for a second be fooled by Premier Andrews's attempt to take credit for that project in November. The Andrews Labor government never stops asking for more money from Canberra, but it needs to get on with the desperately needed road and rail projects that the Turnbull government has already committed to help fund. That is why Victorians are stuck in traffic. That's why they have a right to expect what this Turnbull government wants to see happen as quickly as possible. There is an estimated $5.6 billion waiting to be spent on Victorian infrastructure, if the Turnbull government's $3 billion commitment to the East West Link is included.</para>
<para>Victorians have a right to be sceptical that the Andrews Labor government is deliberately stalling projects in key marginal electorates so that works commence on the eve of the November state polls, giving an illusion of delivery before people head to those polls. It's not surprising that local communities waiting for much-needed road and rail upgrades remain angered and frustrated that one of the biggest infrastructure spends by the Andrews government so far has been—wait for it—the $1.3 billion that it has spent cancelling an infrastructure project, the East West Link. It becomes all too easy to understand the frustration of Victorians. It becomes all too easy to understand why they pull their hair out when they are stuck in traffic, when they're waiting on rail lines for trains that don't arrive, when the trains that do arrive break down because their rolling stock is of such extraordinarily poor quality, and when V/Line services running from Melbourne to Geelong—a basic commuter town—are either late or so overcrowded that they can't even fit passengers on. It's got to the stage now where our Victorian V/Line trains are like the Japanese subway where people have to be pushed on. These are very long commutes, and it's entirely unreasonable that a country like ours should expect that sort of capacity from its rail network. So you understand the government's hesitation not just in bipartisan initiation of these projects but also in their implementation.</para>
<para>Federal Labor cannot, in all seriousness, ask for federal coalition support on a project such as this without evidence and commitment that it can hold its state counterparts to account after the negligent mismanagement of projects that the coalition have earnestly and in good faith supported and initiated in the past. It's time now for the Andrews government to step up and deliver on the promises that it has made to the Victorian people.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Fawcett, you've got about 6½ minutes.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the final speaker in this debate, in the limited time available, I rise to make a few comments on the High Speed Rail Planning Authority Bill 2017 introduced into this place by my South Australian colleague from the other side Senator Farrell. I note that it has also been introduced in the House of Representatives a number of times—most spectacularly, in the dying days of the second Rudd government. I think that's well worth considering, because my experience is that the Australian public needs to look at what governments do as opposed to what they say.</para>
<para>We've had in this place today members from the opposition putting themselves forward as the people with a vision for the future of Australia. I think some of their comments were that they were picking up the slack and doing things that the coalition government wasn't doing. But if you look back to when this bill was introduced—and I commend the intent; there are many aspects of it that have similar concepts to what the federal government, the coalition, is putting forward in the Inland Rail program—and if you look at the implementation under the second Rudd government, it was a rushed election commitment. The funding that was promised as an election commitment was never actually budgeted for. The Parliamentary Budget Office confirmed, in documents after the election, that, in actual fact, the money—some $54 million that was proposed by Labor—was never worked into the budget papers. One of Australia's finest military officers, Des Mueller, made a comment once that has resonated with me: 'vision without dollars is hallucination'. We see so often that—particularly now that they're in opposition—it's very easy to promise big things, but if you're not prepared to fund it then it is merely hallucination.</para>
<para>As you compare the two options for parties of government, the coalition has form in delivering and the opposition has form in promising and not delivering. I'm not going to go on too much about the areas where we are delivering in rail infrastructure. I've listened to some of the speeches that my colleagues senators Hume, Molan and Seselja have provided. They have given many examples of where the coalition is working to provide investment in rail infrastructure, but I want to highlight a couple of other areas. With the Defence minister sitting in front of me, there is perhaps no better area—as a South Australian—to highlight than shipbuilding.</para>
<para>In the six years of the Labor government under Mr Rudd, Ms Gillard and then Mr Rudd, we saw the development of the 2009 white paper, which was quite articulate. It was broadly supported by both sides of politics because it articulated the changing strategic environment in which we lived and outlined the need for an investment in 12 submarines as part of Australia's defence capability. Having seen that, you would expect that there then would be follow-through with planning, funding and implementation, but we saw no commitments by the Labor government in making decisions around the Future Submarine. It fell to the coalition government to put in place the competitive evaluation process, which is a process that is well known and used in Europe for highly complex pieces of equipment. A contract has now been let and funding has been put aside for that program. Again, the others may claim to have had the vision, but there was no plan, no implementation and no funding. The coalition recognised the need and has acted. That's a significant difference that the Australian public should remember.</para>
<para>Likewise, with national shipbuilding, the coalition under John Howard put in place the programs for the LHDs as well as the Air Warfare Destroyer Program. Those programs have now started to deliver the Hobart class of air warfare destroyer as well as the <inline font-style="italic">Canberra</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Adelaide</inline> LHDs, which are world-class ships. They have kept our shipyards busy through until about the last 12 to 18 months. In criticising the drop-off of workforce, those opposite fail to realise that it was their lack of planning, action and funding during the Rudd and Gillard eras that meant that there is now what is known as the valley of death. The lead time from taking a vision and putting it into a funded plan to starting work is measured, according to Defence and industry experts, in years—normally five to six years from the time a government commits until work commences. If we were to have seen work flow to Australian yards—which would have meant that there would be no gap in the workforce, and therefore we would have maintained the efficiencies and the reduced risk—that decision would have had to have been made under a Labor government, which it wasn't.</para>
<para>Contrast that to this government, which has brought forward not only the planning but the funding. We are investing some $1.2 billion in the infrastructure at Osborne so that we can see the offshore patrol vessel, the future frigate and the Future Submarine built. It's a good example of where the coalition not only has the vision but, more importantly, has the management ability to put in place a plan and the funding so that we can deliver the infrastructure and capability Australia needs.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It being 12.20, the Senate will now proceed to consideration of government business.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a href="r5867" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
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              <span class="HPS-Normal">Consideration resumed of the motion:</span>
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            <p class="HPS-Small" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Small">That this bill be now read a second time.</span>
            </p>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOLAN</name>
    <name.id>FAB</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to remind the Senate of some of the points that I previously covered, very quickly. I spoke about the fact that tax reform fits into a larger economic context and about how this government is achieving that context. I spoke about international moves to lower corporate tax and how that is very important to us. I said that Australia depends for its prosperity, for its job growth, on international investment and that the government's enterprise tax bill will keep us internationally competitive. I reminded the Senate that Labor opposes tax cuts and has told Australian business to expect nothing from a Labor government. I also reminded the Senate that the Labor policies will aggregate to something like $200 billion and that the increase in tax to every Australian will be something in the order of $8,000. What we argue for is equality of opportunity and not some misplaced socialist view of the redistribution of other people's money.</para>
<para>Now I'd like to address some of the bigger issues that go towards business tax reduction. The first one is that Australia can afford the company tax reform. Our business tax reform is fully costed and is reflected in the government's budget forecasts and projections, which show the budget will return to surplus in 2021 and will remain in surplus over the medium term. The budget is forecast to be in surplus by the time the company tax rate is reduced to 27.5 per cent for companies with a turnover below $250 million and is projected to have been in surplus for six years before the company tax rate eventually reduces to 25 per cent for all companies. So Australia can afford its company tax reforms.</para>
<para>Second, company tax reform is not just a handout to the big end of town. As former Treasury secretary Ken Henry said, because high company tax rates reduce investment from overseas and lower the demand for Australian workers, 'in the long run, company tax affecting mobile capital is paid by labour—predominantly geographically immobile unskilled labour'. Recent research in the <inline font-style="italic">American Economic Review</inline>, the most respected economic journal in the world, examined company tax rates in Germany and found that workers bear about one-half of the total company tax burden. Low-skilled, young and female employees bear a larger share of the company tax burden. So company tax reform is not just a handout for the big end of town.</para>
<para>Third, company tax cuts will increase investment, growth, employment and wages. The IMF, you may be aware, has recently lifted its global growth forecast off the back of the US tax cuts. Billions of dollars in additional capital investment flowed into the US economy within weeks of the company tax cuts passing the US Congress. More than 350 US companies have given wage increases or bonuses to four million workers following the Trump administration's tax cuts. The government's first tranche of tax cuts passed in early 2017, and last year the Australian economy added more than 400,000 new jobs. Wages growth has started to lift, with the most recent national accounts figures showing wages growth of 1.2 per cent over the September quarter and three per cent throughout the year. So company tax cuts will increase government investment, growth, employment and wages.</para>
<para>Fourth, under dividend imputation, business tax cuts will not reduce returns for self-funded retirees. Some have claimed that a lower company tax rate would leave some investors worse off by reducing franking credits under dividend imputation. This is incorrect. A lower company tax rate would be good for investors, including retirees, by boosting future dividends and the future value of their shares. As Self Managed Superannuation Fund Association Chief Executive John Maroney accurately pointed out, a lower company tax rate would result in higher earnings which would then be distributed in higher dividends or used to increase the value of companies over time. So, under dividend imputation, business tax cuts will not reduce returns for self-funded retirees.</para>
<para>Fifth, Australian businesses pay their fair share of tax and deserve tax relief. All Australian businesses are required to pay business tax on their profits and not on their earnings. Commissioner of Taxation at the Australian Taxation Office, Chris Jordan, has dismissed suggestions of widespread tax avoidance by businesses operating in Australia. He told the Senate Economics Legislation Committee:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have said many times that the majority of large corporates, especially Australian owned companies, pay the right amount of tax in Australia and are open and transparent in their dealings with us.</para></quote>
<para>So Australian businesses pay their fair share of tax and deserve tax relief.</para>
<para>Sixth, even with pre-tax deductions available to Australian businesses and also available overseas, our effective business tax rates are comparable. Data on effective average tax rates collected by the Oxford University Centre for Business Taxation between 2007 and 2017, which takes into account depreciation rates and other international differences in tax bases, shows that Australia's effective average corporate tax rate is now 27th highest of the 33 OECD economies. In relation to the G20, between 2003 and 2017, Australia slipped from fifth to 12th place. Importantly, the most recent update to the Oxford data, in early 2017, was undertaken before the US repealed its corporate alternative minimum tax, cut its headline rate from 35 to 21 per cent and allowed full immediate expensing of short-lived capital investment for five years.</para>
<para>I will close with two quotes from the Leader of the Opposition. On Tuesday, 23 August 2011, in the House of Representatives, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company income tax rate increases domestic productivity and domestic investment. More capital means higher productivity and economic growth and leads to more jobs and higher wages.</para></quote>
<para>Secondly, on 30 March 2011, he said: 'Lowering the corporate rate for small businesses, as the Greens propose, creates an artificial incentive for Australian businesses to downsize.' <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para class="italic">  <inline font-style="italic">(Quorum formed)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the absence of the Greens senator who was supposed to speak, I'm absolutely delighted to support this legislation. I would encourage colleagues to consider that the practical consequences and benefits of the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017 are not necessarily reflected in the bill's title. Rather than calling it 'enterprise tax plan No. 2', personally I would be calling it the 'jobs and wages growth plan' because this bill will increase jobs and wages growth. It will increase job opportunities for our young Australians. This bill will increase the take-home pay of Australia's wage earners.</para>
<para>This bill is not an exercise in economic theory; this bill is an exercise to assist the men and women of Australia with their household budgets. It's an exercise in ensuring that those that don't have a job have a greater opportunity of obtaining a job, and that those that are currently in a job are able to look forward to higher wages. Experience overseas shows unequivocally that lower tax rates for companies translate into more jobs. My colleague who spoke just before me, Senator Jim Molan, pointed that out exceptionally well with the numerous examples that he provided. I don't intend to repeat those examples.</para>
<para>The nature of enterprise is to build and expand, and if you want that building and expansion, which is based on risk taking and reward for effort, then you need to provide incentives to encourage that positive behaviour. In a world where Australians—and, indeed, all the world's investors—have plenty of scope and options for investment, we in Australia need to be competitive and to remain so. Currently, we are slipping behind the rest of the world. The more we tax, the less attractive we are to investment. So the higher the tax, the less the investment; the lower the investment, the fewer jobs there are. Of course, with fewer jobs comes all the social dislocation that I trust nobody in this place would want to see. The fewer jobs there are, the greater the pressure to dampen wages growth. So the more tax companies pay, the less capacity they have to pay higher wages, the less capacity they have to create more employment opportunities.</para>
<para>In the face of this logical, perfectly sensible approach, we hear the ugly words of envy and jealousy from the ACTU and, therefore, the ALP and the Greens in circumstances where at least the Australian Labor Party actually know so much better. The simple fact is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If you are against cutting company tax, you are against economic growth. If you are against economic growth, then you are against jobs.</para></quote>
<para>These are not the words of somebody like Robert Menzies or John Howard or the Institute of Public Affairs; these are the words spoken by a former Labor Prime Minister, Julia Gillard. She got it. She understood it.</para>
<para>It's all pretty easy and all pretty logical when you know that investment creates jobs and wages growth. How do you encourage that investment? By reducing the tax burden, especially in circumstances where investment is now a worldwide opportunity and, therefore, people will take their capital and investment to those countries where the tax regime is somewhat more favourable. Ms Gillard, in the House of Representatives, said: 'If you are against cutting company tax, you are against economic growth. If you are against economic growth, then you are against jobs.' She simply made a very honest statement of fact. As I said, it was uttered by none other than a Labor leader. So she got it. One wonders why the current Labor Party don't get it.</para>
<para>The unavoidable fact is that capital and investment flow to tax competitive nations and capital and investment create jobs. Therefore, if you want jobs, you need investment. If you want investment, you need to have a competitive tax regime. It really isn't that hard to work out. Economics 101 should have taught everybody in this chamber that fundamental principle. Even the Labor leader in this place acknowledged these facts when she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We understand that the cut in the corporate tax rate is important to increase productivity, to promote broad based economic growth and to encourage more investment and jobs across Australia. Lowering of the company tax rate is good economic policy.</para></quote>
<para>So here we have not only Ms Gillard but also Senator Penny Wong endorsing this approach to jobs growth and wages growth—and I welcome her contribution. It's just a pity that the Australian Labor Party don't seem to be able to be consistent in relation to these matters. It seems that, when they're in government, they understand good economic policy but, when they're in opposition, they seek to play the ugly game of envy, of jealousy and of trying to divide the nation in some sort of faux class warfare.</para>
<para>Just in case there are any on the opposition benches who are concerned to learn what the view of their current leader, Mr Shorten, is, let me quote him and remind those hapless Labor senators who are struggling with this legislation. There are many, many quotes from Mr Shorten, but allow me to offer just a few to the Senate. He has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company tax rate increases domestic productivity and domestic investment. More capital means higher productivity and economic growth and leads to more jobs and higher wages.</para></quote>
<para>So what is it that has changed in the economic construct since 2011 to 2018? That fundamental economic principle has held true throughout human endeavour. As we see countries all around the world reducing their corporate tax rates, it is important that Australia remain in play and remain competitive. Mr Shorten got it in 2011. He's got to explain to the Australian people why, in 2018, that fundamental economic principle no longer applies—can be put through the shredder and can be discarded like a soiled tissue no longer of any consequence. Of course it is of consequence to the Australian men and women who need and deserve higher wages, and those unemployed Australians who need and deserve a job, if we can get the policy setting right.</para>
<para>The Labor Party knew only a matter of five, six or seven years ago what they had to do to enhance job opportunities and wages growth. We on this side know what needs to be done. As I reach out across the aisle to those in the Labor Party, I don't have to rely on any statement from Prime Minister Turnbull or Treasurer Scott Morrison. No, I rely on the statements of the former Labor leader Julia Gillard, the Labor leader in this place, Senator Wong, and the alternative Prime Minister, Mr Shorten, who all support this approach to the tax regime. Indeed, you can just imagine Mr Shorten delivering this to the Australian Council of Social Service's national conference:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Friends, corporate tax reform helps Australia's private sector grow and it creates jobs right up and down the income ladder.</para></quote>
<para>In other words, Mr Shorten knew, and was willing to go to ACOSS whilst he was a minister and tell them, the importance of company tax rates being reduced—not on the basis of some theoretical economic exercise, but his absolute belief and understanding that to do so would create jobs right up and down the income ladder. I say amen to that. It's absolutely true. It is correct. It is undisputed.</para>
<para>So you have to ask the question: why is the alternative Prime Minister today going back, crab-like, and walking away from those statements that he made whilst he was a minister of the Crown and knew what he had to do? What he's doing is acting as a spoiler in a very important debate in this country, a debate that wants to see even more jobs growth. I recall saying back in 2013, as the shadow minister for employment at the time, with the then Leader of the Opposition, that, if we were to gain government, we would seek to create one million jobs in the first five years of government. That was ridiculed; it was pilloried. Today, with about six months still to go, we are nearly at that one-million threshold that we set ourselves. But, having set ourselves that goal and going to achieve it, we are not going to rest on our laurels and say that that is where it finishes and ends. We say, 'No, we want to create even more jobs, even more opportunities, even higher wages.' That is why we are seeking to introduce this legislation.</para>
<para>Indeed, Mr Shorten, in a TV interview, said—listen to this:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Any student of Australian business and economic history since the mid-80s knows that part of Australia's success was derived through the reduction in the company tax rate … We need to be able to make life easier for Australian business, which employs two in every three Australians.</para></quote>
<para>Mr Shorten himself recognises what needs to be done to look after two-thirds of the Australian workforce. Indeed, so sure was he of the need for this policy, he was able to say 'any student of Australian business and economic history' knows that this is essential. So, if he knew in 2012 that this was essential, why is it that today he cannot bring himself to say: 'Yes, it remains essential. Yes, we have to drive up wages growth. Yes, we do need even more employment opportunities for our fellow Australians'? I will tell you why: he is playing a very cheap and nasty game, seeking to play the politics of division at the expense of our fellow Australians who do need wages growth and who do need employment opportunities.</para>
<para>Sadly, what we have laid out before our fellow Australians yet again is the duplicity of the Labor Party. Labor are hoping that the electorate might believe their false, misleading and ugly rhetoric, dripping with jealousy and envy about profits, when Labor actually know the truth: that company profits translate into jobs and wages growth. We know that because Labor know it. We know that Labor know. Why do we know this? Because Labor have told us so. That is the great difficulty and the credibility gap that the Leader of the Opposition and all his colleagues suffer from today. They know the truth and they know what good policy is, but cheap politics denies them the opportunity to say that which is needed.</para>
<para>Let's also understand that the higher the tax regime the more Australian consumers and workers pay. Why do I say that? Well, there was a certain doctor of economics who opined, and let me quote: 'Company taxes end up being paid by consumers and workers.' Who might that doctor of economics be? None other than another Labor spokesman, Dr Andrew Leigh, who has a position in the other house on Labor's frontbench. So, no matter how you approach this issue in relation to consumers being worse off, workers being worse off, the unemployed being worse off and household budgets being worse off, we have all the statements from Labor spokesmen, time and time and time again, indicating why this policy should be implemented and implemented to its full. So I yet again ask the Australian Labor Party: why is that which was common sense, that which was known by 'any student', to quote Mr Shorten, now, all of a sudden, no longer true? Why is it no longer correct? Are they saying that the policy that they pursued when they had the privilege of being in government a wrong policy, a false policy, that did not deliver the dividends to the Australian people that they had promised?</para>
<para>I simply say that the Australian people, courtesy of Labor's stance on this particular policy, have been put on notice as to how Labor would now govern. No longer can we rely on good, sensible economic policy. The Australian people—and I am one—are willing to admit that there was relatively good and sensible economic policy under the Hawke-Keating era. Yes, there were the aberrations, but, in general terms, things were relatively good. But all that common sense and the bipartisan approach to economic reform have been jettisoned in favour of the cheapest and nastiest of politics. There are all the quotes from Labor spokesmen that I've put before the Senate today, from the current leadership team of Mr Shorten and Senator Wong to the former leader, Ms Gillard, and other spokesmen within the Labor Party. They know the truth about the need for this so-called enterprise tax plan. As I said earlier, I wouldn't call it an enterprise tax plan, because the real purpose of this legislation is a jobs and wages growth plan. How do you achieve it? By having an enterprise tax plan.</para>
<para>The real reason, the real rationale, the real thing that drives the coalition on this is our desire to ensure that more of our Australians, especially young Australians, are given the opportunity of employment and that those who do have employment have the capacity to manage their household budgets in circumstances where wages growth has been limited in recent times. The Labor Party have been on record, time and time and time again, saying that cutting company tax does translate into wages growth, but it now seems that the Labor Party, not content with seeking to deny our fellow Australians more job opportunities and wages growth, are also hell-bent on denying our fellow Australians who have scrimped and saved for their retirement by raiding their superannuation and their shareholdings with a dividend imputation credit system. For the Labor Party to have adopted that policy in recent times is another highlight and another indication of how they would govern. There is no tax that the Labor Party is not attracted to; there is no expenditure that the Labor Party doesn't like. In all those circumstances, the Australian people, and especially the next generation, will be so much the worse off. I support this bill and I encourage those in the Labor Party to read the commentary of Senator Wong, Mr Shorten, Ms Gillard and Dr Andrew Leigh, and I especially say that to those on the cross bench.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017. Before I commence with the remarks I've prepared, I want to respond directly to Senator Abetz, who says he invites the chamber to read the comments of me and others in relation to the company tax cut that was considered under the former government. I'd make this point: we were very clear that the company tax cut had to be funded out of changes to the business tax system. Do you know what this government is doing? It wants working people—working people!—to fund the cuts for big business. There's a very stark difference in the position that the Labor government took and the position that the coalition is taking. In fact, there are few policies in recent years that I think have more starkly illustrated the difference between the Labor Party and the coalition than this government's commitment to handing $65 billion to Australia's biggest and wealthiest companies.</para>
<para>Recall that this is a tax cut which comes at a time when government debt is at record levels, when Australia's health system is under pressure, our schools need more resources, and inequality in this country is worsening. What do we see this government's priority as? Their priority is giving a massive handout to our most powerful and most wealthy. It's also a transfer of wealth offshore, with an estimated 60 per cent of the benefit of the tax cut likely to head overseas. Remember that this is on top of the $19 billion this government is giving our wealthiest taxpayers over the next decade by cutting income tax for people earning over $180,000. The only income tax cut we have seen in the five years the Abbott and Turnbull governments have been in power is for people earning over $180,000. In the very same budget, where this government reaffirmed its commitment to giving big business a $65 billion tax cut and cutting income tax for people earning over $180,000, it slugged working- and middle-class Australians with a $44 billion tax hike—a $44 billion tax hike! That's what the Medicare Levy increase costs. These are their priorities: a tax hike for middle Australia, a tax cut for the wealthiest taxpayers and a massive handout for big business. At a time when we see school funding being cut, universities being forced to push up fees, the out-of-pocket costs of health care soaring, the government demanding pensioners work until they're 70 and the government continuing its intention to cut the energy supplement, the biggest companies in the land are being handed $65 billion.</para>
<para>Of course, there's the debt. Gross Commonwealth debt has hit $520 billion. This is the party that said they'd deal with the debt and deficit disaster. Remember the debt and deficit disaster? Gross Commonwealth debt has risen almost $250 billion since they've been in government. They are very quiet over there, aren't they? They hate to be reminded of the fact that debt and deficit under them has gone up $250 billion. You've made the debt and deficit disaster $250 billion worse. Now you want to make sure that you give a company tax cut so that the budget is in a worse position. Which companies are so deserving of the massive act of generosity from the Turnbull government? I'm glad Senator Williams is in here because, of course, among those undeserving recipients is the banking sector. He knows a bit about that.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for the compliment.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will give him that.</para>
<para>In the very same month that the royal commission that this government fought so hard to prevent is hearing daily horror stories of the appalling behaviour of our banks, what's this government's response? 'Give the banks $7.4 billion in tax cuts. Let's do that.' That's what the government's priority is. According to the Australia Institute, a third of this tax cut will go to just 15 of our most profitable companies, companies which are clearly doing well, making profits—but, in this government's view, not making enough. Their argument is that somehow this will trickle down to workers and it will boost employment. I want to ask something, just a very simple, straight question: does anyone really think that Woodside or Rio Tinto aren't already employing everyone they need to maximise their profits? Do you really think they are holding back from employing the workforce they need to maximise their profits? Does anyone really think the banks will suddenly put on more tellers and open more branches, and Woolworths and Coles will get more shelf stackers, if we just give them more money? There is no evidence for this. Indeed, if directors did give such a commitment they probably would run the risk of breaking the law, because, of course, what is their No. 1 duty? It's not to their staff or the country but to their shareholders. Their job—we know this—is to maximise return to shareholders. That's what we know. That's what we have seen.</para>
<para>We are seeing it also in the context of the tax cuts in the United States that the government keep pointing to. According to US research firm TrimTabs, the level of stock buyback announcements made by corporate America since the start of the year has reached a staggering $214 billion. That's almost as much as you have increased the gross debt of the Commonwealth in that time frame. This is already the biggest share buyback in US history, and that's just the start, with the Bank of America predicting that the S&P 500 companies will use repatriated foreign profits to buy back about $450 billion of stock, around triple the previous record of a single year's share buybacks. So, instead of investment and jobs, what we are actually seeing is higher share prices, higher returns for stockholders and bigger pay packets for the chief executives, whose pay is tied to share prices—all funded by a company tax cut.</para>
<para>Just last week, Senator Pauline Hanson declared that we weren't American, that tax cuts would not benefit workers and that she would never support them. Well, she was right then, but now she's been inspired by the US experience—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Williams interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You didn't listen to my opening remarks about how we actually funded the company tax cut after the business tax system. You're making punters fund it, mate. You're making middle-class Australians fund it. We said the business tax sector had to fund it. You're hitting the budget, cutting schools, making people work longer and putting tax hikes on working people. So I'm happy to have that debate, Senator Williams.</para>
<para>Anyway, now Senator Hanson says she's been inspired by the US experience and will back these cuts in return for a pilot program of 1,000 apprentices. Let's talk about that. This is in the context of a government which, since it came to power, has cut 140,000 Australian apprenticeships, in the name of budget repair. Now it gets support for a $65 billion handout from One Nation in return for a pilot program which puts back less than one per cent of these cuts—I think it's 0.7 per cent. Senator Hanson also cites as evidence for her backflip the wage rises which have supposedly gone to workers in the US as a result of the tax cuts. Let's look at the amount of money allocated so far on bonuses and wage hikes in comparison with Wall Street's buyback bonanza. Research from academics Salzman and Lazonick, as well as the Academic-Industry Research Network, finds the S&P 500 companies have devoted about $5.6 billion—that is, six per cent—of the tax cuts to bonuses and wage hikes. Much of this has been paid in one-off bonuses. It's a pretty expensive way to give workers a small handout, a pretty effective way of shovelling massive amounts of their money into the pockets of some.</para>
<para>Of course, the double whammy for Australia is that much of the benefit of the Australian tax cuts will flow overseas, either in direct profits or other benefits of our foreign tax arrangements—and in return for what? As Peter Martin revealed in the Fairfax papers last month, Treasury is now forecasting the net benefit of the tax cuts will be a one-off gain in 10 years time of around 150 bucks per person. I think Ross Gittins got it right when he said, 'It doesn't seem a lot.' Dr Goldie, CEO of ACOSS, points out:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Any economic gains from cutting company taxes are decades away, while the cost of the cuts will be felt immediately …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Right now the federal budget is in deficit, and we can't be confident it will move back into surplus in the next few years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What that means is that if unfunded tax cuts go through, people across Australia will have to start paying more for essential services they have always relied upon.</para></quote>
<para>Of course, the $150 a year a decade from now assumes all sorts of unlikely outcomes such as that, in return for lower taxes, business will pay more. The Australia Institute found that the Treasury-commissioned modelling attributes a $3.9 billion gain in government revenue to 'multinationals suddenly and voluntarily deciding to pay more tax because the company tax rate drops five percentage points'. Does anyone remember the Laffer curve, where the more you taxed the less you got?</para>
<para>There isn't any evidence, and there's no commitment, that one cent of this tax cut will boost employment or boost wealth for anyone other than the companies that directly benefit. It is a tax cut built on putting ideology and hope over evidence and experience. This was made clear in the Business Council letter last week, which gave no guarantees of any level of investment or employment in return for the $65 billion. Senator Hinch said, correctly:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The business council letter was very Kumbaya, you know, we'll do this and we'll do that, but it didn't guarantee anything.</para></quote>
<para>What is most obvious, at a time when the budget is massively in deficit and Commonwealth debt under this government has almost doubled to over half a trillion dollars, is that these big business tax cuts are not affordable.</para>
<para>I return to the contribution of Senator Abetz, who pointed out that Labor, in government, also had a plan to lower company taxes. The difference is that we had a plan to fund it. Prime Minister Gillard told a business forum in 2012:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We're in the cart for a lower company tax rate but it has to be affordable. And that means it has to be funded by other changes in the business tax system.</para></quote>
<para>When Prime Minister Gillard imposed that condition in June 2012, Australian government debt was $238 billion. It is now $520 billion. But no such condition is being imposed by the coalition on this occasion. They are very clear who is paying it: ordinary working people are paying it—either through the tax hikes which are proposed for working people or through the inevitable and continued decline in essential services that the budget position drives. So if more modest company tax cuts weren't affordable in 2012 without trade-offs, how are far bigger cuts more affordable today when this government has almost doubled our debt?</para>
<para>As Chris Bowen said, the $65 billion company tax hit is 'an unfunded budget wrecking ball' with no guarantee for investment in Australia or wage rises and it will be left to middle- and low-income working Australians to pay for them. There is a better way, a smarter way—a Labor way. Labor has announced its Australian investment guarantee, which, instead of simply funnelling money straight into the pockets of shareholders, is a pro-growth, pro-jobs reform that is only available to businesses making new investments in Australia. Under the guarantee, companies that make the decision to invest in Australia will be able to immediately deduct 20 per cent of any new eligible asset worth more than $20,000. Do you know what that means? It means the tax break goes to those who invest here and employ here whereas, with the tax cut that is being proposed by the other side, 60 per cent of the company tax handout goes to foreign shareholders.</para>
<para>Budgets are about priorities. What this bill tells us is that the coalition's priorities for Australia are a $65 billion tax handout for big business whilst increasing taxes on every Australian earning over $21,655. Look at this government's choices: cuts to schools, cuts to universities, cuts to hospitals, cuts to pensions and making middle Australia pay more in taxes—so they can give more money to big business and send billions of dollars overseas. Mr Turnbull, Mr Morrison and those on the other side have made their choice. They choose big business over middle- and working-class Australians and they choose multinationals over Medicare.</para>
<para>Well, Labor says no. At a time when this government has sent debt soaring above half a trillion dollars, has cut schools and hospitals and is hiking tax on middle Australia, our priority cannot be, must not be, a $65 billion handout to the nation's most powerful corporations.</para>
<para>This will be the choice at the next election. Have no doubt about it: the contours of the election campaign, the landscape of the election campaign, are being set in this chamber this week. And it is our party on this side—committed to schools and hospitals, and tax breaks for actual investment in Australia to drive local jobs and growth here in Australia—versus those on the other side committed to tax handouts for multinationals and tax hikes for working people.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SESELJA</name>
    <name.id>HZE</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If one wanted to reflect on how far the Labor Party have departed from their former economic credentials, we heard it just then from Senator Wong. Her speech today could have been written and delivered by Jeremy Corbyn or it could have been written and delivered by Sarah Hanson-Young. It was so completely lacking in logic and so internally contradictory as to demonstrate just how far the Labor Party have thrown out even the pretence that they care about growing the economy and even the pretence that they care about basic economics when it comes to running the country.</para>
<para>There is one thing that Senator Wong is correct about, and that is that the contours of the next election campaign are being determined, and I will go into that. As we face this choice over the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017, there is no doubt that the vision that the Labor Party are putting forward for the future of the country is one that would take us in a radically different and destructive direction when it comes to prosperity in this country, when it comes to jobs in this country and when it comes to the future of our children and their ability to find employment and to have decent wages. It would all be thrown out.</para>
<para>Now Senator Wong, in her Green-like or her Corbyn-like rhetoric, got a number of things just completely wrong. She was wrong on personal income tax cuts. Senator Wong and the Labor Party are now claiming, through their use of rhetoric like 'handouts', that in fact money created by Australians and created by Australian businesses is all the government's money, that 100 per cent of it should go to the government and then the government can determine how much of it you get to keep. Do you get to keep 10 per cent, 20 per cent or 30 per cent? That's the rhetoric of handouts and that's the rhetoric of redistribution that we just heard from Senator Wong, which builds on the narrative that Mr Shorten has been employing in this debate. Senator Wong has just demonstrated how vacuous the modern Labor Party is.</para>
<para>You can understand that the Greens might not get that actually cutting company tax is good for the economy, they might not get that cutting company tax is good for jobs and they might not get that it's good for wages, but the Labor Party doesn't have the same excuse. I will get to some of what the Labor Party actually believes, but first I will pose a question to senators, to the chamber and to those listening: what kind of a party and what kind of individuals who know that a policy is good for the nation, know that it grows jobs and know that it grows wages would still choose to vote against it? What kind of a political party and what kinds of individuals would deliberately block policies that they know will create greater opportunities for Australians, will see more Australians in jobs and will see more Australians having the opportunity to be paid higher wages for their jobs? That's a party that's not fit for office. That's a party that is engaging in the most cynical of politicking when it knows that in fact this policy would be good for the nation.</para>
<para>Senator Wong also talked about the 'Labor way'. But what is the 'Labor way' that she talked about? This is why this debate is so critical, because the Labor Party, supported by the Greens, are suggesting that we go down a radically different path in this country. It is a path where you don't actually have any policies for growing the economy; all you have are policies for redistributing wealth. You're left with no policies for growing jobs, you're left with no policies for growing the economy and you're left with no policy for wages growth.</para>
<para>So let's have a look at the Labor way versus the coalition way and compare and contrast. In the last year of the coalition government we've seen 420,000 jobs created, five times as many as in the last year of the Labor government. That was the Labor way. But, worse than that, where over 300,000—or 75 per cent—of those 420,000 jobs that have been created under the coalition are full-time jobs, in the last year of a Labor government, with their anti-business policies, their anti-business rhetoric and their economic vandalism, we saw growth in full-time jobs go backwards. Fewer Australians were in full-time work in the last year of the Labor government than they were a year before. That's one way of doing things. That was the Labor Party policy, and they are now doubling down on that. If they come into government, things will in fact be worse because the policy that they are putting forward has actually moved further to the left.</para>
<para>Going back to Senator Wong's contribution for a moment, it was internally contradictory. It was undergraduate in its contradictions. It started with the proposition that, 'Yes, we knew it was good, but we couldn't afford it.' That's what Julia Gillard said and that's what Bill Shorten has said—that in fact they know that company tax cuts are actually good for wages and good for jobs. But Senator Wong said, 'Oh, we couldn't afford it.' Then she ended, along with her Greens colleagues, by suggesting, 'There is no evidence whatsoever that cutting company tax for small, medium and large businesses in this country will actually grow jobs.' This is what the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate put to this place today—that in fact there is now no evidence that cutting company taxes will grow jobs or grow the economy.</para>
<para>Which economists are the Labor Party now listening to that they would draw such a conclusion? Is this what Chris Bowen thinks? Does Chris Bowen agree with Senator Wong that there is no evidence that cutting company tax actually increases jobs and wages? That's not what Chris Bowen has had to say on this issue in the past. That's not what Julia Gillard had to say on this issue in the past. That's not what virtually any senior Labor figure has said on it in the past. So let's go to what they've said. Chris Bowen says Labor is aiming for a 25 per cent corporate tax rate. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I would like to see the corporate tax rate come down over time. I have previously said that the nation should be aiming for a 25 per cent corporate tax rate.</para></quote>
<para>Why would Mr Bowen, the shadow Treasurer, be arguing for a 25 per cent corporate tax rate? Is that because he likes giving so-called handouts to big business? Or is it because he has actually listened to virtually every reputable economist, who are saying that, if you cut company tax, there will be more investment, more jobs and higher wages? Who's right? Is it Senator Wong, who says now that there's no evidence that if you cut company tax you will get any more investment or any more jobs? Or is it Chris Bowen, who made a completely different point?</para>
<para>Former Prime Minister Julia Gillard said she remained:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… determined to give business a tax cut even though the government scrapped a promise to do so in the budget.</para></quote>
<para>She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I am very determined to deliver a company tax cut.</para></quote>
<para>Again, you have to ask yourself the question: why was Prime Minister Gillard determined to give a company tax cut? Was it because she believed in so called handouts to big business, as is now the claim from the Labor Party? Or was it because she actually thought it might be good for the economy and for workers? Former Prime Minister Gillard said many times that it's good for workers, that it's good for economic growth, that it's good for growing jobs and that it's good for wages. Now Senator Wong is claiming there is no evidence that it would be anything of the sort.</para>
<para>Bill Shorten said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company income tax rate increases domestic productivity and domestic investment. More capital means higher productivity and economic growth and leads to more jobs and higher wages.</para></quote>
<para>Was Bill Shorten lying then or was Senator Wong lying today? That's the question. I would say the overwhelming evidence suggests the latter. There is no third-party endorsement other than from the CFMEU and the ACTU for the position that is now being put by the Labor Party in this place. They are now claiming: 'On the one hand, we'd do it if it were affordable, but on the other hand we're not doing it because it'll make absolutely no difference.' You know that is a load of absolute rubbish. It's an insult to the intelligence of the Australian people and, frankly, the people who will be making the decision in this chamber when you've claimed for years that this would be a good thing for economic growth, a good thing for jobs and a good thing for wages, and now you come into this place and pretend that it would actually do nothing. It's an absolute fig leaf for the Labor Party to come in and say, 'Oh, well, it's sort of about affordability, but it actually wouldn't make any difference and it's a handout.' No-one's going to employ any more people, according to Senator Wong, if you cut their taxes. This will be a revelation to people who have been in business in Australia or to anyone who knows anything about business. The Leader of the Opposition in this place today claims that cutting taxes doesn't lead to more investment or more jobs. Which economic theory is Senator Wong relying on when she makes that absurd claim? It is a dishonest claim and it is a claim without any substance. It is a claim that Senator Wong, Bill Shorten, Chris Bowen and the entire Labor team know to be false.</para>
<para>I go back to the question: what kind of party and what kind of people would deliberately vote against a measure that they know would actually grow jobs, grow the economy and grow wages? That is a party and individuals who are not fit to hold office, and they are certainly not fit to occupy the Treasury benches with the economic vandalism that they employed last time, they sought to employ in opposition and they again seek to impose on the Australian people. We know what that Labor vision looks like. We've seen the evidence. It's going to lead to fewer Australians being employed, more long-term unemployment, more young people not being able to get jobs, more underemployment, a lower participation rate and more people on welfare.</para>
<para>Have the Labor Party stopped to consider for one moment that we have the lowest number of people on welfare in this country in 20 years? We have the highest wages growth on record. Have the Labor Party stopped to consider just for one moment that you need good policies to actually help to create that? This doesn't happen by accident. It certainly didn't happen under Labor in their last year when we saw the number of full-time jobs going backwards. You need economic reform in order to deliver higher living standards. You need economic reform in order to deliver more jobs. You need economic reform in order to deliver higher wages. This used to be something that was not accepted only at the fringes of this parliament by the likes of the Greens. We know where the Greens stand. We expect that they don't care about jobs. We expect that they want more people on welfare. We expect that they know nothing about how to grow the economy. But we've got a Labor Party who want to be in government, we've got a Labor Party who are the alternative government in our nation, and they are now putting forward the proposition, the lie, that cutting taxes does nothing for investment. They know it's not true and yet they perpetrate this lie on the Australian people and they put to our crossbench colleagues that it's going to make no difference. At the start of Senator Wong's address, she said that we can't afford it, and, at the end, that it was going to make absolutely no difference. Now, Senator Wong and the Labor Party know that to not be true, even if the Greens don't understand it. But I would say to the crossbenchers, who will be making judgements on this: have a look at the fact that even those in the Labor Party who are arguing against it know it's the right policy. They've argued for it as the right policy. Bill Shorten said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… lowering the corporate rate for smaller businesses only (as the Greens propose) creates an artificial incentive for Australian businesses to downsize.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In worse case scenarios some businesses might actually lay people off to get smaller—and the size based different tax treatment would create a glass ceiling on business workforce growth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Instead we want a level playing field regardless of the size of the company.</para></quote>
<para>I repeat what he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company income tax rate increases domestic productivity and domestic investment. More capital means higher productivity and economic growth and leads to more jobs and higher wages.</para></quote>
<para>We as a Senate are going to have the opportunity soon enough to vote on this legislation, and there's going to be a choice as to whether we believe proposition A, put forward by the coalition and every credible economist, that cutting company taxes leads to more investment, more jobs and higher wages, or proposition B, put forward by the Labor Party and the Greens, that it doesn't make any difference. As they consider that, I would put to senators: if Bill Shorten doesn't believe what he's saying and if Senator Wong doesn't believe what she's saying, you shouldn't believe what they're saying. There has been no credible case put against it, and that's why we've got this overblown rhetoric about handouts. A tax cut is not a handout. A tax cut is only a handout if you believe that all of the money earned by business and individuals is the government's money. That has to be your starting proposition. We reject that. I would expect that most people in this chamber would in fact reject that proposition.</para>
<para>I say this—through you, Mr Acting Deputy President—to the crossbenchers: if the Labor Party do not believe what they're saying, you shouldn't believe it. If no credible economist is backing what they're saying, then what is the case against? If you want to grow the economy, I can point to numerous places where credible economists talk about the growth dividend that will come through. I think it was Warwick McKibbin who talked about $160 billion over the decade. When you do cut taxes, you see an economic growth dividend that's much bigger than the amount you may have gained in tax cuts. There's a funny thing that happens with economic growth—and it is difficult to model, but we've seen it in the past. When you grow the economy by cutting taxes, regulation and red tape, and more people are working, do you know what happens? You actually get more money coming in in taxes because there are more taxpayers, there is more productivity, we're exporting more and we're trading more.</para>
<para>We as a Senate could take the approach put forward by the Labor Party, which is: you don't need to bother about growing the economy; what you need to do is have a look at the economy as it stands and see which bits of it you can redistribute. Well, that policy has been tried many, many times and—I will give you the tip—it has failed every time. The redistributionist policies that are being promoted by the Labor Party do not create a single job. They do not create a single opportunity. They do not see people's wages go up. What they do lead to is, in fact, the exact opposite—as Senator Wong so eloquently put it, 'the Labor way'. What is the Labor way? We saw it the last time they were in office. In the last year Labor were in office, there were fewer full-time jobs in Australia than the year before. We saw the number of people in full-time work go backwards, despite the fact that our population was growing. We've got the coalition way, which is 420,000 jobs in a year—well over 300,000 of those jobs are full-time.</para>
<para>I put it to the Senate that this is not an accident. It has come about through cutting taxes for small business, through cutting regulation, through getting rid of things like the carbon tax, through free trade agreements and through having a mindset that says: 'We want to see businesses have a go. We want to see them have opportunities to employ more people. But we know they can't do it if we put too many burdens on them. By reducing those burdens, we will see prosperity for Australians.' We are seeing that right now. We have an opportunity to build on that or we can take this country backwards, as Senator Wong and Bill Shorten would like us to do, to a place where it's all about redistribution and not about growing the economy. I commend this bill to the Senate. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, too, have great pleasure in standing today to talk on the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017. We've often heard it said by just about everybody in this place that the most important thing that a government can do is to make sure that the people of this country have a job. We need to have the policy settings to ensure that anybody who is capable of having a job and who wants a job has access to a job. That's why I particularly support this package. It's because I believe this is a job creation bill.</para>
<para>This government absolutely believes that its economic mission in being here is to secure more jobs and higher wages so that families around Australia today and into the future can have the best possible opportunities to get ahead and to prosper. Jobs and higher wages, I'm afraid to say, don't grow on trees. We have to have policy settings. They need to be created. They need to be paid for. The only way that we can pay for more jobs, better jobs and higher paying jobs is to make sure that we have a profitable business community. The fact is that jobs are created by businesses. Nine out of 10 Australians are employed by businesses. So it is on the back of that that this government seeks to create those jobs by putting packages and policies into the marketplace to make sure that businesses are prosperous. This is not in any way a dirty concept. This is absolutely pure economics that says that prosperous businesses allow prosperous employees, create jobs and create better wages. So what we're seeking to do through this particular policy measure is to secure future job prosperity, increase career prospects and make sure that wage increases are there into the future by making sure that we have profitable businesses able to employ people. That's why we are absolutely 100 per cent committed to pursuing a 25 per cent tax level for Australian businesses.</para>
<para>I would like to make a few points about why we think this is so terribly, terribly important. Firstly, we live in a global economy. Our businesses operate in a global economy, and it is becoming much, much more mobile. Capital is mobile, resources are mobile, people are mobile and, in fact, companies are mobile. If we want businesses to remain in Australia and to attract businesses into Australia, we have to be globally competitive. One of the absolutely major factors in our global competitiveness is our business tax rate. It is absolutely our No. 1 economic priority. That is why we believe this particular package is so terribly important to the delivery of prosperity for the future of Australia—taxation absolutely underpins the ability for our businesses to be able to continue to grow and to employ more Australians.</para>
<para>This particular risk that we are talking about at the moment with our tax rate for companies over $50 million is the fact that the rest of the world is moving to a lower tax regime. We see that the US has legislated that now their company tax rate is going to be 21 per cent. France has decided to reduce their business tax from 33 per cent to 25 per cent by the year 2022. So what we need to do is to make sure that we are competitive in the international marketplace with our tax rates so that we are not putting our businesses at a disadvantage. In contrast, if we do reduce our company tax rate to 25 per cent, it corresponds that we will be able to attract more business. And obviously more business means more investment, greater productivity and stronger growth. It is all about growing the economy for more jobs.</para>
<para>But it actually goes further than that. It goes further than just dealing with businesses and jobs. As an Australian economy, as an Australian society, we have a belief that there is a certain level of social welfare requirements, public amenities and social services that we all would like to see for our community. The only way that we can continue to afford and fund those particular services is by making sure that we have a strong economy and strong tax revenues coming in so that we can continue to be able to pay for the things that most Australians believe they have a right to have.</para>
<para>We say that not only does passing these tax cuts back to 25 per cent allow the opportunity for the growth to continue so we can afford to pay for these things; what we fail to mention in this debate is that, if we don't—if we become globally uncompetitive, if we lose business, if we lose investment and, correspondingly, lose jobs and growth revenue—then we are in a situation where we will continue to struggle to be able to pay for all of those things that Australia prides itself on: being a great country, a First World country, a country that not only looks after the disadvantaged but also provides great public amenities and services to the population, like education and health. We believe the basic, fundamental economics 101 of this particular package is about economic growth and providing all of the things into the future to allow Australia to remain at the top of the economic tree.</para>
<para>What has been quite interesting in this debate so far are some of the things that have been said by those from the Labor Party who sit opposite. We're probably not unsurprised at some of the comments that have come from the Greens. We've always known that they've had a long-held view that we don't have to pay for the things that we spend money on in our economy, but those opposite in the Labor Party have shown a level of economic rationalism that is prudent and sensible over time. I think deep down that many people in the Labor Party actually believe that this is the right thing to do. But you don't have to take my word for it. I can actually quote you some things that those on the other side have said over time. I quote the Labor shadow Treasurer, Chris Bowen, who reported in 22 September 2015 that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor accepts that company tax falls hardest on workers rather than wealthy shareholders, and aims for a 25 per cent company tax rate to spur economic growth.</para></quote>
<para>I'm not quite sure what epiphany Mr Bowen's had in the last two years that has had him go from holding that particular belief to now believe that it's a completely wrong premise. I'll be very keen to hear what he has to say about what has happened in the last two years to change his mind to the completely opposite view to his previous view on how corporate tax stimulates economic growth and the impact on wages and the economy.</para>
<para>I also quote the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Bill Shorten, when he was referring to company tax cuts. I will quote the House of Representatives <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>, so he certainly can't deny he's ever said this:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company income tax rate increases domestic productivity and domestic investment. More capital means higher productivity and economic growth and leads to more jobs and higher wages.</para></quote>
<para>He is also quoted as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… lowering the corporate rate for smaller businesses only (as the Greens propose) creates an artificial incentive for Australian businesses to downsize.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In worse case scenarios some businesses might actually lay people off to get smaller—and the size based different tax treatment would create a glass ceiling on business workforce growth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Instead we want a level playing field regardless of the size of the company.</para></quote>
<para>I'm not quite sure how on earth you can make those statements on the public record. He obviously believed them—well, he either believes those or he believes what he's saying now. That he would, for politically expedient reasons, change a very solid, well thought out, well-constructed belief that he obviously believed in only a couple of years ago is, I think, one of the most disingenuous things anybody could do, let alone somebody who proposes that they should be elected the leader of this great country of ours at some stage in the future. He has turned around today and said something else just because he wants to put a thorn in the side of a government that is trying to have an economic growth proposal policy package for this country. He is seeking to try to bring it undone out of bloody-minded politics instead of supporting what he knows is in the best interests of Australians and, most particularly, Australian workers, when he knows that this is the best thing for Australia.</para>
<para>Previous Labor Prime Minister Julia Gillard equally made a statement in support of a reduction in the company tax rate, because she saw the value of this for economic growth, which leads to jobs. As I keep on saying, this is not just about economic growth for the companies; it is also about jobs. Companies that are profitable and growing not only pay more tax but also employ more people and put upward pressure on wages. Ms Gillard understood that, too, because she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If you are against cutting company tax, you are against economic growth. If you are against economic growth, then you are against jobs.</para></quote>
<para>I'm not quite sure how one could be any more categorical in supporting the concept that cutting company tax has a direct and positive impact on jobs.</para>
<para>Always perennial favourites for us are the often logical and sensible comments of Andrew Leigh, who is a member of the House of Representatives. When it comes to economic policy, he quite often comes out with much more common sense than many of those who sit on the same benches as he does. Equally, Andrew Leigh said: 'Company taxes end up being paid by consumers and workers.' We have heard so much from those opposite about how this is somehow going to benefit only the big end of town and that somehow these tax cuts will go straight into the pockets of the chief executives of all the companies. Obviously, those on the other side do not believe for one minute that that's the case. They understand the economic principles that underlie the levers that get pulled in the economy to deliver the outcomes that we seek for this country. Once again, the voice of reason, Mr Leigh, says that consumers and workers pay the ultimate burden of higher taxes, particularly in the corporate area in company taxes. So it would only serve to be logical to suggest that, if we cut company tax rates, it would be the consumers and the workers who would end up being the beneficiaries.</para>
<para>I cannot believe the audacity of those who come in here and make statements that are completely contradicting things that they've said in the past. But, before I finish on some of these amazing quotes, I must draw the attention of the chamber to comments made by the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, Penny Wong. I will quote the Senate <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>—so it is undisputed:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We understand that the cut in the corporate tax rate is important to increase productivity, to promote broad based economic growth and to encourage more investment and jobs across Australia.</para></quote>
<para>She is also quoted as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… lowering of the company tax rate is good economic policy.</para></quote>
<para>It just beggars belief that we should be sitting here having this debate. We would like to think that somewhere in the next five minutes those opposite will actually realise that they are holding the country to ransom by their behaviour in attempting to stop these tax cuts coming in. Not one, not two, but so many of those in the Labor Party who like to think that they've got economic credentials have constantly been in the public domain and in the various chambers in this very parliament talking up the economic value, the jobs growth value and the national value and benefit of tax cuts; yet we are standing here today as a government—a good, solid, sound economic policy delivering government, a jobs growth policy delivering government—having this conversation.</para>
<para>One of the things I probably took the greatest exception to was this idea that somehow the only beneficiaries of these tax cuts were going to be businesses. I think the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate in her contribution described them as 'undeserving recipients' of these particular tax savings. I'd like the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate to advise us whether she actually believes the following companies in South Australia are 'undeserving' of the benefits that are likely to be delivered from these proposed tax cuts. I would draw the chamber's attention to a number of good, solid South Australian companies that I am sure many in this chamber will have heard of.</para>
<para>Angove Wines, a large wine business in my home town of Renmark in the Riverland, has a turnover of more than $50 million. Its main retail operations are in the Riverland and McLaren Vale. It has 170 staff who are permanently employed and an additional 190 during vintage. Samuel Smith & Son, which is known to many as the Yalumba brand, has an annual turnover well in excess of $50 million. Australian Vintage and Accolade Wines are other wine companies in South Australia. In South Australia alone, just off the top of my head, I can tell you about four wine companies that are employing thousands of South Australians. Accolade Wines alone employs over 1,000 people and, once again, it is administered from South Australia. Are they undeserving recipients?</para>
<para>Who hasn't heard of South Australia's great family-owned brewing company Coopers? Their turnover is well in excess of $30 million, with a staff of 230, and is administered from South Australia. Who hasn't heard of Haigh's chocolate frogs? Anybody who wants to say they haven't, let me know and I'll make sure I deliver you a chocolate frog. Haigh's turns over more $50 million. And there is San Remo pasta—I'm sure you've heard of it. The list goes on and on. RM Williams, with a $127 million turnover, is based in Salisbury in South Australia with 650 people employed locally and nationally. Many of you probably go to bed at night but don't realise that the blanket you pull up or the lamb's wool you're a lying on is actually a product of Michell Wool, another great South Australian company. Codan is a fantastic Australian company and a world leader in technology. Then there is the Mossop Group and the Sarah Group, both of which build homes, and the Ahrens group, which manufactures agricultural machinery. I could go on and on. There's the Adelaide Airport. They are examples of great South Australian companies, which many in this chamber would have heard of. Are they undeserving recipients of the benefits? Are they undeserving recipients who might choose to employ more people if they were given the incentive to do so by the economic environment created through these company tax cuts that are on the table at the moment?</para>
<para>Let's dispel a couple of myths about this particular suite. It is actually good for jobs. A strong economy creates jobs. If anybody would like to disagree with that, I'm happy to have the debate. This policy is also fully costed over the forwards, but it will result in higher government revenues. We've already seen with the tax cuts that have been delivered for companies under $50 million an immediate increase in the tax revenues coming from those particular businesses. Whilst it looks as though there is a cost attached to this policy if you take it right now, the long-term, and even the medium- and short-term, returns to government on increased receipts are absolutely unquestionable.</para>
<para>We also need to be very clear about the consequences of not changing this company tax rate. Companies currently are striving to grow in the Australian marketplace, but if we say, 'If you are over $50 million,' where is the incentive to grow? They hit the ceiling at $50 million and they don't want to go any further. That is stifling the growth of some of our great medium to large companies. There is always the possibility that large companies will go offshore. If you have a tax incentive of between 21 and 30 per cent between us and the US, there is a massive incentive to move offshore. Basically, this makes Australia plainly uncompetitive.</para>
<para>They say it's only for the big end of town, but you only have to look at the comments of people like Ken Henry, who said, 'In the long run, company tax affecting mobile capital is paid by labour, predominantly geographically immobilised, unskilled labour.' They suggest it is for the big end of town, but we know that's not true. There are so many credible economists who have said that isn't the case, and so it is disingenuous to suggest it in here.</para>
<para>In conclusion, we believe all businesses in Australia, whether they are big or small, are in the one ecosystem. They work together, live together and cross-pollinate together. If big business does well, small and medium businesses, who supply goods and services to many of the large companies, will be successful, so there will be a negative impact on them if we take the heads off the big businesses around town. They are the drivers of our economy, and all big businesses were small businesses once. We must protect Australia's position as a competitive place to do business, and we must make sure that we get rid of this populist narrative that suggests, for some reason, that we are only sticking money in the pockets of the big end of town. We are not. We are creating jobs, we are making our businesses competitive and we are increasing revenues that will support our country into the future. I commend this bill to the house.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GICHUHI</name>
    <name.id>270552</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Someone once said that the beauty of the word 'and' triumphs over the tyranny of the word 'or'. We always have a choice. Do we forever fight over a bigger slice of the pie or do we work together to grow a bigger pie for companies and Australians as a whole? This is how I see the current debate in basic terms. It is a privilege to be part of a government that is determined to help all Australians and Australian businesses realise their full potential, to be free to partake in the dignity that economic participation and growth provide. The coalition government wants to empower the Australian people to showcase their skills and talents, to improve themselves by playing their part in building a better and more prosperous country. Whether you are an employer or an employee, a vibrant economy allows you to realise your full potential by creating the options you need to express your individuality and creativity.</para>
<para>As Australians, we have proven ourselves to be blessed by such world-class innovation. Average people and average families are willing to take the risks associated with small and medium businesses—and large businesses as well—putting their entrepreneurial spirit on display as they serve their fellow man and support their families and businesses. As their businesses grow, they provide the work that we all crave to sustain our sense of self-worth and our sense of belonging. There would be no employment without an employer, without a business. One of this government's policies is our competitive tax reforms that will ensure this entrepreneurial spirit is sustained and promoted.</para>
<para>We must rise above any talk that jeopardises the interdependence between employee and employer, or puts Australians against one another. The use of rhetorical devices that simplistically pit rich against poor, or stoke the fires of envy, only hurts our shared identity and our Australian spirit. Historically, our company tax rate has been broadly aligned with OECD averages. Whilst other countries have considerably lowered their rates, we have been stagnating at 30 per cent. We are now five percentage points above the OECD average of 25 per cent. Our international competitiveness is suffering under the trend of new corporate tax rates all over the world. For example, America has locked in a rate of 21 per cent, to be implemented immediately; the French parliament has recently moved to gradually reduce the rate from 33 per cent to 28 per cent; and Britain has reduced its tax rate to 19 per cent.</para>
<para>Our government, as a start, needs to adjust our own rate to reflect these international trends. We have gone from having the ninth lowest corporate tax rate among the advanced countries in 2011 to our current position of fifth highest. Prior to the last election, our tax rate was still lower than the United States of America's. Now that they have issued a significant cut, our current rate of 30 per cent will be a stark contrast in the global marketplace.</para>
<para>Our plan to lower the rate to 25 per cent by 2026-27, for all Australian companies, is part of a larger package of reforms to boost business investment and the level of GDP by over one per cent in the long term. This builds on the tax cut provided to small and medium business in the 2015-16 budget and the first stage of the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan) Bill 2016. It provided a business tax cut for companies with an overall turnover of less than $50 million. This includes small- and medium-sized businesses. This lower corporate tax rate will improve the competitiveness of our businesses and ensure a greater level of business investment. It will boost the productivity of all Australians and Australian businesses and drive an increase in real wages and real standards of living.</para>
<para>Modelling done by Treasury two years ago revealed that, if the 25 per cent tax rate had already been in place today, full-time workers on average weekly earnings would have had an extra $750 per year. Since the initial tax cut was passed in early 2017 some 400,000 new jobs have been added to our economy. In addition, wages have grown by 1.2 per cent over the September quarter and three per cent through the year. It is important to remember the remarks of former Treasury Secretary Ken Henry, who knew the true cost of keeping company tax rates high and uncompetitive: 'The unintended consequence of this kind of tempting tax revenue is the pain and suffering it causes to average Australians. In addition to the reduction of overseas investment in Australian companies, high tax rates lower the demand for Australian workers.' This position is shared by Canadian tax expert Professor Jack Mintz, who pointed out that 'companies do not bear the taxes they pay but people do'.</para>
<para>Only when living costs are incorporated into our understanding of wellbeing will we understand the importance of competitive tax rates. Australians will benefit from a higher standard of living and be part of a marketplace with cheaper consumer goods. Now that the Australian mining boom is over, it is crucial that we move to a more diversified economy that can innovate and flourish without burdensome tax rates. We will see considerable job creation in new industries—industries that will have the freedom to thrive in this creative environment. Those who are now employees will be encouraged to put their business ideas to the test, becoming employers who will build our nation and hire the next generation of Australians. Small businesses will become medium businesses, and medium businesses will become large businesses. Existing employees will also be able to look forward to a more competitive bargaining position. Businesses will be required to pay more to keep their workers when there are more jobs available. It will create a more conciliatory and cooperative atmosphere between employee and employer, and all Australians will share in this increased prosperity.</para>
<para>This already has firm international precedents. Now that America has issued their company tax rate, more than 350 companies have given wage increases and bonuses to more than four million Americans. The bottom line of our plan is to allow businesses to hire more Australians and pay them a better wage. This applies to nine out of 10 working Australians who work for the private sector. There are 4,500 Australian businesses that have a turnover of greater than $50 million per year and employ about four million people. The coalition tax plan will gradually introduce tax cut cuts over the next seven years, providing the certainty that businesses need as they make short-, medium- and long-term investment decisions. This is why we have to review policies that keep us economically stifled.</para>
<para>Growth for individuals and businesses is one of the core values of the Liberal Party. We want our economy to be a fertile ground for individuals and businesses to thrive in the global marketplace. Until recently, this was the position of the current Leader of the Opposition, Bill Shorten. Speaking in the other place in 2011, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company income tax rate increases domestic productivity and domestic investment. More capital means higher productivity and economic growth and leads to more jobs and higher wages.</para></quote>
<para>I agree. In addition, the Labor Party's 2010 budget stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Cutting the company tax rate will make Australia a more competitive destination for investment. Greater investment in capital will support higher productivity and real wage increases for Australian workers.</para></quote>
<para>I agree. The current shadow Treasurer, when asked in 2015 whether or not he agreed with a statement that company tax falls hardest on workers, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's a statement of fact, which I agree with—</para></quote>
<para>and I agree. These are lucid comments made in more sober-minded times. We cannot allow the politics of the day to intrude upon sound economic policies and practices. Let us all support policies that accord with what is best for all Australians. We cannot afford to submit to a spirit of fear, division or economic propaganda.</para>
<para>Contrary to popular opinion, the vast majority of businesses in Australia pay their fair share of tax and do not engage in sophisticated tax avoidance strategies. The Australian tax office has received over $663 billion in company tax over the last decade. Roughly, 20 per cent of all Commonwealth taxation revenue in 2017-18—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Gichuhi, it being 2 pm we'll move to questions without notice. You'll be in continuation upon the resumption of the debate.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>35</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I advise the Senate that Senator McKenzie will be absent from question time today for personal reasons. In Senator McKenzie's absence, Senator Fifield will represent the Minister for Regional Communications, and Senator Fierravanti-Wells will represent the Minister for Health, the Minister for Rural Health, the Minister for Sport, the Minister for Aged Care and the Minister for Indigenous Health.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>35</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Cormann. Can the minister confirm that, under the Turnbull government's $65 billion tax cut for big business, the big four banks can expect to save $9.5 billion? If not, how much can the big four expect to walk away with?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What I can confirm is that the government proposed and the parliament passed the major bank levy, which was, of course, introduced by the government after the 2017-18 budget. What I can also confirm is that, if the Senate does not take steps to ensure that all Australian businesses are in the best possible position to be successful and profitable into the future, it will harm our economy. If we continue to put our businesses at a competitive disadvantage—and, may I say, in particular the bigger business across Australia—it will cost investment and jobs. That's what will happen. I know that the Labor Party likes to bash the banks, but the truth is that the banks are a central part of our economy, and strong and profitable banks—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cormann. Senator McAllister, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McAllister</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, my point of order is on relevance. I asked a specific question about how much the banks would expect to save.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I note that the minister was addressing the issue of banks then and I note that he has a minute remaining to answer the question. Senator Cormann.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr President. The truth is that the government believes that it's in our interest to have one uniform corporate tax rate across all businesses, as has been the case under previous Labor administrations. The Labor Party never used to oppose a higher—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cormann. Senator Wong on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. We have given the minister some time. We have asked an important question. We'd like a directly relevant answer. The question goes to the value of the benefit of the company tax cut, the government's company tax cut, to the banks. We've suggested it's $9.5 billion. If it's not that, what is it?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Wong. Senator Cormann has 49 seconds remaining to turn to that question.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr President. I refer the Labor opposition to the analysis which was released by a number of economic and budget fiscal analysts after the last budget which showed our major bank levy and our corporate tax cuts combined effectively cancel themselves out as far as the banks are concerned. For example, the analysis by Civic that was released at the time—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How about answering the question?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Labor Party used to support business tax cuts. As recently as September 2015—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No. That's actually not right. That is not right. I heard that contribution. I heard that contribution by Senator Wong earlier. The shadow treasurer, Chris Bowen, on 22 September 2015 was quoted as saying that he understands that a higher company tax rate hurts the workers— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McAllister, a supplementary question.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, the minister said that the bank levy 'cancels out the effect of the corporate tax cut for the banks already', and the minister has confirmed this again in his answer to my principal question. Analysis conducted by the Australia Institute has found that, even with the bank levy, the Turnbull government's $65 billion tax cut will see banks substantially better off. Who is correct: the minister or the Australia Institute?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me tell you: I would recommend to the Senate to take my word ahead of that of the Australia Institute. The Australia Institute is hardly a disinterested party.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Neither are you!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Indeed. The Australia Institute is made up of former or aspiring Greens politicians. Clearly the Australia Institute has always had a biased view against business. Greens across Australia in general don't understand that, in order for families to have the best possible opportunity to get ahead, the businesses that employ those families actually need to have an opportunity to be successful and profitable into the future. Now, the Australia Institute is a campaigner on this matter. They are activists on this matter, and I would not take their word for it.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McAllister, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Will the minister guarantee that, when taking into account the effect of the bank levy, the big four banks will not be better off as a result of the Turnbull government's $65 billion tax cut for big business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The senator asked me for a guarantee. I'll tell you what I can guarantee. What I can guarantee is that if we pass those business tax cuts in full the people who will be better off are Australian working families. What I can also guarantee is that if we don't pass them the people who will be worse off are Australia's working families.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Direct relevance: the minister was asked to guarantee one thing, and that is whether the banks will be better off under his policy or not. I understand that he's avoiding the question, but that was the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You've reminded Senator Cormann of the question, Senator Wong. Senator Cormann is being directly relevant to the question as it was put.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What I can guarantee you is that if we continue to put Australia's big businesses at a competitive disadvantage it will cost investment and it will cost jobs. Senator Wong seems to think that the banks are something abstract out there that don't have any relevance to our economy. The truth is that stronger and more profitable banks are important for small and medium-size businesses operating in our economy. It's important for shareholders. It's important for self-funded retirees. Every self-funded retiree will have a large chunk of their retirement savings invested in banks, because they provide a reliable income stream for self-funded retirees—something that Labor doesn't understand. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to draw to the attention of honourable senators the presence in the gallery of the honourable Mr Vasantha Senanayake, State Minister of Foreign Affairs in Sri Lanka. On behalf of all Senators I wish you a warm welcome to Australia and in particular to the Senate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>37</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for the Environment and Energy, Senator Birmingham. Can the minister advise the Senate as to why good energy policy is essential for business competitiveness, job creation and economic growth?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Duniam for his question and his strong interest in ensuring that energy policy across Australia is focused on ensuring that households and businesses can enjoy energy that is reliable and affordable. The Turnbull government knows and appreciates that, just as having lower taxes for Australian businesses helps to inspire economic growth, business growth, employment growth and wages growth, having more reliable, more affordable energy can help to inspire further economic growth, business growth, jobs growth and wages growth. And we do this because our track record demonstrates the fact that we have delivered more than 420,000 additional jobs across Australia as a result of sound policies to create confidence and spur on that investment.</para>
<para>We've seen some 17 consecutive months of jobs growth across Australia—the longest consecutive period of jobs growth on record. That is why we are determined to continue to deploy the types of policies that build confidence and build an incentive to invest in growing Australian businesses, invest in growing Australian jobs and therefore invest in creating wages growth. Already the Turnbull government has delivered a number of reforms in the way in which the retail energy market works to ensure that customers, whether they be households or businesses, get access to information so they can choose the lowest-cost option for their power generation, and to ensure that gas supply is secured, importantly, for businesses right across Australia, guaranteeing that those businesses can invest with certainty, knowing that the gas necessary for their operation is secure, and placing downward pressure on network costs, which can ensure that the gaming of the system ends and that we deliver the lowest possible cost regime for energy markets across Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister for his answer. I wonder if he can further inform the Senate of the importance of the National Energy Guarantee in bringing about a more affordable energy system?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The National Energy Guarantee that the Turnbull government is working to deliver will see real benefits for Australian businesses. It would see an estimated 23 per cent reduction in wholesale prices, which would see small, medium and large Australian businesses significantly benefit and therefore be better equipped to invest, to grow, to create more jobs and to deliver higher wages. For example, a local supermarket could save almost half a million dollars a year under the modelling undertaken demonstrating the benefits of the National Energy Guarantee. A small business such as a cafe could save several hundreds of thousands of dollars, while an energy-intensive manufacturer could save almost half a million dollars.</para>
<para>You need only look at the alternative, which is where companies such as BHP have highlighted that the result of the blackout in my home state of South Australia cost them an estimated $100 million. Indeed, they have ongoing costs because of higher electricity prices. The essential aspect for us is to make sure the NEG is delivered, because we know from the modelling it will increase reliability and affordability. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Finally, I wonder if the minister could update the Senate on the path forward for this important national energy reform?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Energy Security Board which recommended the development of the NEG which has been adopted by the Turnbull government has been undertaking a thorough consultation process. The outcome of that consultation process and their design will be taken to the next COAG energy ministers' meeting in April, next month, and that will help to undertake and deliver further design work for the guarantee.</para>
<para>Importantly, we look forward to cooperation from the states and territories at that next meeting of the COAG Energy Council. We've already enjoyed support from Tasmania, Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland, but an important change of dynamic at the next meeting is that, rather than the South Australian Labor government led as it was by Jay Weatherill coming along and playing politics with the NEG, there will be a new government wanting to be constructive in the development of the NEG. We have seen a constructive approach from other Labor governments; we didn't see it in SA. Thankfully we have seen a change there that will help to ensure sensible energy policy is delivered into the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to take this opportunity to welcome back to the chamber, albeit in the gallery on this occasion, a friend, former colleague and, indeed, former President of the Senate, former Senator Alan Ferguson. Welcome back, Alan.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Apprenticeships</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is also to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. Can the minister confirm that, under the Abbott-Turnbull government, 140,000 Australian apprenticeships have been lost?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can, indeed, inform Senator Watt that there has, as statistics show, been a decline in relation to apprenticeship commencements that dates right back to changes that were made in 2012 in relation to apprenticeship incentives. Who was in government in 2012? It was the Gillard government who was in government in 2012. It ripped out a range of employer incentives for commencement of apprenticeships and employment of apprentices. The consequence of that is that, given it takes three or four years for an apprentice to be employed, there has absolutely been a time lag in seeing the full impact of those policies of those opposite that had a demonstrable effect in reducing the rates at which employers chose to take on new apprentices or new trainees.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government have worked to clean up a range of areas of dissatisfaction and mess created in vocational education policy by those opposite. The greatest example of course is the VET Student Loans scheme, which saw billions of taxpayer dollars wasted in a dodgy loans program established by the Labor Party which we have had to fix and eventually eliminate and completely replace with a new targeted and more effective regime. And of course, in last year's budget, we announced a commitment to ensure that, in future, investment and co-investment with the states in apprenticeships and traineeships is targeted at ensuring that Commonwealth dollars aren't just used as they have been as a substitute for state and territory investment but actually deliver additionality of investment to create further growth in apprenticeships and traineeships into the future.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Was the minister consulted as a part of the Turnbull government's deal with One Nation to fund 1,000 apprenticeships in return for a $65 billion tax cut for big business? What is the total cost of the pilot program in dollar figures and as a proportion of the massive handout to big business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt comes in here and seeks to try to run hypothetical questions about discussions that—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Wong, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's not hypothetical. It's the government's announced deal with One Nation.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, it's for ministers—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cormann interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I was happy to rule on it, Senator Cormann, but if you'd like to, on the point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order: the government has made no announcement. Senator Birmingham is quite right. The government has not made any announcements. The minister is quite right that this is just hypothetical at the moment.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is up to ministers how they answer a question. I will take on face value that ministers make announcements on behalf of the government they represent. Senator Birmingham.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I can assure Senator Watt and all senators that the Turnbull government will continue to work hard to undo the damage caused by the Labor Party to Australia's vocational education system; that we will continue to work hard to ensure that the VET Student Loans program is a success; and that we will absolutely be open, as we have been, to ensure that we continue to look at areas to grow apprenticeships and to pilot or trial different programs. Indeed, as this government has demonstrated, we are also willing to work cooperatively with the crossbench—indeed, with anybody in this chamber. What we would welcome is an opposition who wanted, once in a while, to work constructively, but, of course, that is far too much to wish for, that those opposite could ever work in the national interest rather than their own political interest.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Watt, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Was Senator Hanson made aware that the pilot program funding a measly 1,000 apprenticeships represents 0.7 per cent of the 140,000 Australian apprenticeships lost under the Abbott-Turnbull government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Although Senator Watt continues to pursue a hypothetical line of questioning, I will say that many on the crossbench engage constructively on these issues. Many on the crossbench want to explore policy options to work with the government to see what we can do to rebuild the system in vocational education from the failings of those opposite—from the budget decisions of 2012; from the poor design of the VET FEE-HELP scheme. We've welcomed, on a range of fronts, cooperation from the crossbench, and we'll continue to welcome cooperation from the crossbench. We would welcome cooperation from the Labor Party, if ever you were willing to come to the table. But we won't be holding our breath, because your track record shows time and time again that you will play politics first and put policy second. That's why we are happy to keep working for a business tax regime that creates incentive to invest and creates incentive to employ more apprenticeships and traineeships by being a more competitive business tax regime into the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Mining: Mineral Exploration</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Resources and Northern Australia, Senator Canavan. Minister, in my home state of WA, the mining industry last year employed over 89,000 workers, paid over $1.1 billion in royalties and contributed a total of $32 billion to the Western Australian economy. How is the coalition government encouraging further mineral exploration so that the sector can continue to deliver strongly for WA and the rest of Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Brockman for his question. I know his strong support for the great and fantastic minerals industry in Western Australia—indeed, across this whole country. The federal government is supporting the development of our minerals industry, including by establishing a new tax incentive to encourage exploration, particularly in risky areas of our nation.</para>
<para>Explorers often put large amounts of capital at risk in areas for exploration which are unknown and untested and can often lose a lot of money if nothing is found. If nothing is found and they have lost those funds, they can't then make the tax deductions necessary against recoverable income to offset their losses. That is why the government has put in place a junior mineral exploration incentive, which will allow explorers taking these risks to recover their tax losses immediately and to provide those benefits to shareholders, so they can encourage more investment in mineral exploration. Hopefully we can find more minerals and then provide more jobs and investment in our minerals sector.</para>
<para>It is a measure that has been well supported by the industry, and I want to acknowledge and recognise the work that those in the industry have done in putting together this program. Chris Cairns, the managing director of Staveling Minerals, has said: 'If you don't drill, you don't discover. It's that simple. I feel the Junior Minerals Exploration Incentive is better targeted and, more importantly, is structured in such a manner that it provides greater benefit to providers of new-risk capital to junior exploration companies. So I say good on you to the Australian government for this vital and well-targeted incentive.'</para>
<para>This builds on a previous incentive put in place, the Exploration Development Incentive, but this particular program will allow for immediate, up-front deductions on a first-in, first-served basis. It will allow companies to better target those shareholders who will be seeking such immediate deductions and will therefore attract more capital and more investment into our minerals sector.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brockman, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Minister, for that answer. Minister, what opportunities are there for Australia's rare-earth and critical minerals sector to contribute to the rest of the world?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is an exciting time for the minerals industry. Some may argue that the modern economy does not rely on mining as much as it did before—some over there in this chamber, in that corner, might—but, in fact, the opposite is true. Modern technologies require more minerals and more metals and a more complex and diverse array of minerals than those in the past. A smartphone requires 25 different metals and minerals for its construction, and we are lucky enough in Australia to produce 18 of those minerals and metals. The United States government recently put out a draft list of minerals that they see critical to their economy for space technology, defence technology and other modern technologies. Of those 35 minerals on their list, Australia has 13, for which we are in the top five for world reserves. We have a great opportunity in Australia to take advantage of the burgeoning demand for minerals, including rare-earth and critical minerals across the world, and the Australian government is doing its bit to try to grow this industry for Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brockman, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, what is the coalition government doing to help discover more mineral resources in Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to compliment the great work that Geoscience Australia—a fantastic agency in our nation—does. It is a Commonwealth agency that leads efforts across Australia to find new mineral basins. The Australian government is investing $100 million into Geoscience Australia for the Exploring for the Future program. Most of our mineral finds in the past have come from outcropping—looking at rocks that are exposed on the surface. About 70 per cent of Australia has no outcropping, but there is no reason to believe that there wouldn't be just as good mineral finds over that 70 per cent of Australia. That's why we're investing $100 million in new techniques—like aeromagnetic surveys and seismic surveys—to try to uncover those areas and find the new mineral finds that will govern the benefits for the future for Australia. I'm also excited about a memorandum of understanding that we are entering into with the United States Geological Survey to work on these kinds of techniques to provide these minerals to the world and create great future opportunities for our fantastic minerals industry.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Forestry</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Minister Ruston, the Assistant Minister for Agriculture and Water. Media reports this morning quoted sawmill owners in eastern Victoria as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the moment, everyone is in denial but we're in wind-down mode. We're about to fall over a 'resource cliff' in two years time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There won't be enough wood for all the mills.</para></quote>
<para>The mill owners called for logging in national parks and water catchments as an option for timber supply. Another major mill last week said their future was under threat because of deteriorating log quality. Minister, will you rule out logging in national parks under any renegotiation of our logging laws, the regional forest agreements?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, it is not appropriate at question time to direct questions without notice to assistant ministers. I will let the responsible minister take the question to the extent that—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In my decade here, I have not seen questions directed to assistant ministers, and I think most senators know that. I will allow Senator Canavan to take the question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Rice for her question to the government. I think it is unfortunate that Senator Ruston can't answer the question, because I am sure she would do a much, much better job at it than I. Regardless, I will do my best as the Minister representing the Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources. The Australian government supports a strong and vibrant forestry industry in this country. We support the sustainable use of our resources, including our forestry resources, because many more small country towns rely on this industry for their livelihood. It is their lifeblood. Around 60,000 people are employed in this industry and they contribute $24 billion to the economy every year.</para>
<para>We are committed to the regional forestry agreements. We do believe they are the best way of balancing the environmental, economic and social demands to ensure the sustainable use of our native forests. We are seeking also to ensure that we meet our election commitment to establish a 20-year rolling life for each regional forest agreement, to provide resource security and a stable investment environment to the forest industry.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Rice</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I draw the minister's attention to relevance. My question is about whether the government will rule out logging in national parks under the renegotiation of the regional forest agreements.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, you've taken the opportunity to remind the minister of the question. I take the opportunity to respond that the minister took a question that was directed to someone who was not appropriate to have a question directed to them at question time. Senator Canavan.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I also note that there was a long preamble in that question which called into question the worth of a forestry industry in this country. I'm happy to stand up here and say that we do support those jobs, we do support that industry and, of course, we do support appropriate regulation to ensure the sustainable use of our forests. That's why we support the regional forestry agreements. That's why we want to continue to invest in them and ensure there is a 20-year rolling life for each regional forestry investment that will provide sufficient security to the forestry industry, as well as make sure that we protect the environment over the long term.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call you, Senator Rice, I'll clarify the ruling I made earlier. Assistant ministers are parliamentary secretaries under the Ministers of State Act. They cannot have questions directed to them at question time. There may be some confusion, because there was a period of time in 2013 when some ministers of state under the act were titled 'assistant ministers'. But anyone who is a parliamentary secretary under that act can't have a question directed to them at question time. Do you have a supplementary question to Minister Canavan?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do. Media reports last week noted that the New South Wales government had concerns about the legal uncertainties about the now quite old comprehensive regional assessments that underpin the existing RFAs. Minister, given these legal uncertainties, given the wood running out, given no long-term job security and given threatened species under threat, why won't your government acknowledge that our logging laws are outdated and ineffective and that we should be completing the shift of wood production 100 per cent to plantations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My earlier presumption was correct, I think: Senator Ruston would have done a better job answering these questions. But I can confirm that the federal government will rule out any logging in native forests, as per the senator's original question. However, we do support the responsible development of a forestry industry in this country. We make no bones about that. I take issue with Senator Rice's assertion that somehow this is not a renewable industry. It is. It is an industry that is appropriately protected and it does provide a renewable resource for many of the products that we all rely on today. The Greens would have us shut down the whole forestry industry in this country and then still want to use all their IKEA furniture and fancy Matt Blatt furniture or what have you, and that would all be then made from imported forestry products with lower standards and less protection for the environment.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Canavan, I do want clarification as to whether you're ruling out logging native forests or in national parks, but the Central Highlands Regional Forest Agreement and the East Gippsland RFA are expiring tomorrow; as of now, we haven't heard whether those agreements are going to be extended or whether—as we think should happen—they will be wound up and consigned to the dustbin of history. Are these agreements going to be extended before they expire tomorrow? If not, what's going to happen in these forests where logging is planned tomorrow and beyond?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do want to take the opportunity to clarify my answer to the previous question. I meant to rule out logging in national parks, of course, not native forests. I am sorry that that correction was required. I don't have any information in particular about those agreements, so I will take advice on that and come back to the chamber. However, once again I assert the government's commitment—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Rice</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order: I know that Assistant Minister Ruston has been involved in these negotiations. They expire tomorrow, so can you seek advice now—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rice, that was not a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said, we will come back on notice, as is appropriate when a question of such specificity is asked in this chamber. As I said, we remain committed to ensuring that regional forest agreements are the solid basis for the continuing support of the environmentally sustainable use of our forests and the protection of thousands of jobs in that industry.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Social Services, Senator Fierravanti-Wells. How is it fair that the Turnbull government wants to make Australians work until they're 70 while giving a $65 billion handout to big business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator O'Neill, for that question. I will just start off by saying that Australia's population is ageing, and the government has had to make some tough decisions to ensure the age pension remains sustainable and supports those most in need. The <inline font-style="italic">2015</inline><inline font-style="italic">Intergenerational report</inline> identified that, for every person aged 65 and over, the number of people of traditional working age—being 16 to 64 years old—had fallen from 7.3 people in 1974-75 to an estimated 4.5 people today. By 2054-55, this is projected to nearly halve again to only 2.7 people. Since the coalition formed government in 2013, pensions have increased by $86 a fortnight for singles and about $130 a fortnight for couples.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order. Senator Fierravanti-Wells, please resume your seat. Senator O'Neill on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Neill</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question went to the fairness of the Turnbull government wanting to make Australians work until they're 70 while they're giving a $65 billion handout. We haven't heard anything about the Turnbull government's decision to raise the age of retirement to 70.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The senator was dealing with material that I consider to be directly relevant to at least part of the question you asked. I cannot instruct the minister how to answer a question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The hypocrisy of those opposite! Can I just refer you, Senator O'Neill, to a media release issued by Wayne Swan and Jenny Macklin in 2009:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Increasing the age pension age is a responsible reform to meet the challenge of an ageing population and the economic impact it will have for all Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia must move towards a higher pension age over the next decade.</para></quote>
<para>While not legislated, increasing the pension qualification age to 70 by 2035 remains government policy. Can I also refer those opposite to an opinion piece written by the member for Fenner, Andrew Leigh, who seems to provide us with gems all the time. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How is it fair that the Turnbull government wants to make it even harder for pensioners who are struggling with their power bills by cutting the energy supplement of $14 a fortnight to pay for his $65 billion handout to big business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I was saying, the member for Fenner provided us with this little gem. In an opinion piece entitled 'You're only as old as they feel', he suggested that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A better approach would be to index upper age limits in all laws …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">How might age indexation operate in practice? One approach would be to mandate that all elderly age limits should increase by 3 months every year …</para></quote>
<para>So it's rather hypocritical—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order. Senator Fierravanti-Wells, please resume your seat. Senator O'Neill is on her feet.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Neill</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know that Minister Fierravanti-Wells ran out of time in the last question, but this question was nothing to do with that. It was about cutting the energy supplement by $14 a fortnight to pay for $65 billion worth of tax cuts.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You've made your point on relevance. Senator Fierravanti-Wells, I remind you of the terms of the supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the pension supplement, it is a payment designed to assist income support recipients with the cost of living in Australia. There is no economic reason to continue to compensate recipients for the impact of GST for any time longer than a short absence. The pension supplement will be aligned with the portability arrangements of most other income support payments, which cease at six weeks— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left. Senator O'Neill, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I hope we can get an answer that is relevant this time. Given the coalition government has cut the pension indexation, cut $1 billion from pensioner concessions, axed the $900 senior supplement and cut the pension to around 370,000 pensioners, why won't the Turnbull government end its attacks on pensioners before it gives big business a $65 billion tax cut?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Turnbull government is committed to ensuring that Australia's welfare system provides appropriate support to those in need while remaining sustainable for future generations. This is a very simple measure. We repealed the carbon tax and so we repealed the compensation that went with it. It is simply not sustainable to continue to compensate people who have not yet even entered the welfare system for a tax that no longer exists. Had the carbon tax not been repealed in 2014, it would have caused long-term increases in electricity prices. When the carbon tax was repealed on 1 July 2014, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission estimated annual savings of up to $263 in residential electricity costs alone. The Turnbull government is taking decisive action to reduce energy prices for Australian families and businesses. We have taken action— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the minister representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Senator Payne. According to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade website, Australia will contribute an estimated $43.8 million to the Palestinian territories. DFAT further explains that Australia seeks to align its support for the Palestinian Authority's objectives, which include providing incentive payments to terrorists who injure and kill innocent civilian Israelis. There is a sliding scale based on jail term, with the more serious the crime, the more money paid. There is also the Palestinian Authority's Martyrs Fund to pay families of dead terrorists. The program is known as 'slay for pay' by critics. The US is implementing legislative measures to restrict such funding while the PA continues these practices. Does the government intend to pull funding in light of this information? If not, why not?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson for her question. I don't have detailed information with me in the chamber on that matter this afternoon. However, the government takes a measured, considered and balanced approach to its engagement in the Middle East, including with Israel and the Palestinian Authority, as you have referred to it. I am happy to take the details of your question on notice and seek further advice from the foreign minister.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia in 2017 pledged US$17.6 million to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, the UNRWA, which administers numerous Palestinian schools in the West Bank and Gaza. A year 4 maths exercise is to add up the number of martyrs, while a grade 9 book describes a Molotov cocktail thrown into a bus as 'a barbecue party'. Translated books show content which denies the existence of Israel and encourages violence. Does the government support this educational practice—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Hanson. Time for asking that question has expired. I will ask Senator Payne to respond.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I heard some of the detail of Senator Hanson's question but not all of it. I will take the details of that question on notice.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The prestigious Simon Wiesenthal Center in Washington, in conjunction with the Center for Near East Policy Research in Jerusalem, made presentations to members of Congress and the State Department concerning the UNRWA educational material. As a result, the US is withholding UNRWA funding because of education towards terrorism. The most recent report, which translated the latest cohort of schoolbooks for 2018, was released on 6 February. Will the government invite these experts to brief it on the same matters? If not, why not?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government, through the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, is well acquainted with centres like the Simon Wiesenthal Center and other prominent think tanks in this regard. We communicate with them regularly. If there are matters to be followed up out of Senator Hanson's question, I'll take those on notice.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOLAN</name>
    <name.id>FAB</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is also to the Minister for Defence, Senator Payne. Can the minister update the Senate on this year's United States marine rotation to Darwin and advise of how it contributes to regional security?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Molan for his question. The 2018 Marine Rotational Force will be the largest and most complex of the rotations to date. It will include 1,587 US marines, which is an increase of more than 300 on last year's rotation; eight Osprey rotor aircraft; and an artillery battery of six howitzers. During the major exercises of the rotation, additional equipment will be included, comprising helicopters, F/A-18 hornets and an MC-130 Hercules aircraft. It's fair to say that, as the senator well knows, Australia and the US have a longstanding history of working together to promote security and stability across the region, and this seventh rotation is a strong reinforcement of that relationship. The presence of US military forces in our region is vital to Australia's defence interests and is essential to the preservation of stability and security in the Indo-Pacific over the coming decades to which I've referred.</para>
<para>As part of the US-Australia Force Posture Initiatives, the marine rotation provides us with new opportunities for engagement with regional partners and better positions both of our nations to respond to crises and contingencies in the region. During the six-month training period, the marines are expected to participate in a range of 15 training activities alongside the ADF. Regional nations, including Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and potentially others, will observe or participate in training activities. The US military plays that vital role in underwriting security and stability across the Indo-Pacific, and the FPI is an essential component in that. I'd also note that in the last week we've seen at least 50 US marines here in Darwin as part of the rotation advance party working alongside ADF personnel to assist in the post Cyclone Marcus clean-up in that city, which has been a very productive, cooperative exercise as well.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Molan, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOLAN</name>
    <name.id>FAB</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister update the Senate as to how else the US Force Posture Initiatives are strengthening cooperation and interoperability between our defence forces?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can, because the rotation particularly helps us to broaden our ability to work together in the air, not just on the ground. The FPI also comprises an Enhanced Air Cooperation initiative, which involves a series of air training exercises between the ADF and air elements of the US Pacific Command. This is the second iteration of the Enhanced Air Cooperation initiative, which gives the ADF unique opportunities to undertake high-end training. This year's training will build on the 2017 exercises and will include a number of new activities: an aeromedical evacuation training mission, fifth-generation fighter integration, combat mobility activities with the US Marine Corps, integrated aircraft maintenance, and expansion of our air-to-air refuelling capabilities. These are training exercises that assist both air forces to respond to a range of challenges, including humanitarian crises and disaster relief operations, as well as enabling important further security cooperation across our region.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Molan, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOLAN</name>
    <name.id>FAB</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister advise the Senate as to how else the United States and Australia are working together to uphold the rules based global order which underpins regional security?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This year of course marks 100 years of mateship between the United States and Australia—100 years, which shows our working together to promote regional and global security. Australia is one of the largest contributors to the US-led international coalition to defeat ISIS in the Middle East, and we also continue to work very closely with the United States through the NATO-led mission in Afghanistan. I met the US leaders of both of those missions in the Middle East recently in Kabul and Baghdad. In our region the presence of United States military forces also plays a vital role in ensuring security across the Indo-Pacific. Across the Indo-Pacific we both continue to work with our regional partners and our allies to support the rules based order, which has helped to underpin the economic development that has benefited the growth of our region. Both of our nations support the ASEAN Regional Forum and the ASEAN Defence Ministers' Meeting Plus as part of that process. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Cormann. How is it fair that the Prime Minister is hitting ordinary workers with a $44 billion tax increase to pay for his $65 billion handout to big business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We are pursuing reform to our business tax arrangements because we care about working families around Australia. We want working families around Australia to have the best possible opportunity to get ahead. We want them to be able to get a job. We want them to have job security, to get a better job, to get better pay, to pursue career opportunities here in Australia.</para>
<para>Do you know what? Nine out of 10 working Australians work in a private sector business. Their future job security, their future career opportunities, their future wage increases depend on the future success and profitability of the businesses that employ them. When we put them at a competitive disadvantage by charging higher taxes here than those charged by competitors in other parts of the world, when we make it harder for them to be successful, we are hurting the workers. Don't take my word for it. That is what the shadow Treasurer, Chris Bowen, said as late as September 2015. You know the only reason why Labor changed its tune? It's because we made it policy seven months later in our 2016-17 budget.</para>
<para>Chris Bowen as late as September 2015 said, 'We must reduce the business tax rate to 25 per cent.' That wasn't when you were in government; that was during your period of opposition. Shadow Treasurer Chris Bowen said, 'We must reduce the business tax rate to 25 per cent.' He also said it won't be an easy thing to do. That is true, because too many people play politics with this. In the Labor Party, in their heart of hearts—well not everyone in the Labor Party, but the people on the Right of the Labor Party, in their heart of hearts, know that it's actually important to give businesses the opportunity to succeed into the future so that they can hire more Australians and pay them better wages.</para>
<para>But Bill Shorten has capitulated to the Left of the Labor Party. He has sold out on national interests. He's sold out the working families of Australia. The working families of Australia need their Senate to support our business tax cuts in full so that they can hire more Australians and pay them better wages and so that families around Australia can get ahead. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Singh, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, from your heart of hearts, can you please explain to the Senate how it is fair that this Prime Minister is slugging a nurse earning $60,000 a year in Tasmania with a $300 tax increase every year while giving a $65 billion tax handout to big business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll tell you why it's fair—I agree with what the shadow Treasurer, Chris Bowen, said when, as the Romans would say, in tempore non suspecto: before we got into the suspicious times of you playing politics. This is what Chris Bowen said on 22 September 2015:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Shadow Treasurer Chris Bowen says Labor accepts that company tax falls hardest on workers rather than wealthy shareholders, and aims for a 25 per cent company tax rate to spur economic growth.</para></quote>
<para>The reason we are pursuing this reform is that we care about the working families of Australia. We care about their future job opportunities. We care about their future career prospects. We want Australians today, as well as their children and grandchildren, to be able to pursue a career here in Australia. If we make it harder for them to be successful because we impose higher taxes here than are imposed on their competitors in other parts of the world, we will shift investment and jobs overseas and it will be on your head.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Singh, final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given the Turnbull government is taking an additional $300 a year from each Australian to pay for its $65 billion tax cut to big business, will the government guarantee that wages growth will more than offset the government's increase in income tax?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>( I know that the Labor Party, as part of its talking points, perpetuates the misleading statement that $65 billion is the cost of tax cuts to big business. You know that is not true. The Senate voted last year to pass income tax cuts for small- and medium-size businesses with a turnover of up to $50 million, which represents $30 billion of that cost. That is point No. 1 Point No. 2 is that, since the Senate did that, wages growth has picked up. As at the most recent update, wages growth is running at about 2.1 per cent. We want it to strengthen further, which is why we need to pass the remainder of our plan. Do you know what else has happened? Company tax receipts are actually picking up as well. If you look at the monthly financial statements that I released on Friday, you will see that, compared to the MYEFO, in the first two months of this year, company tax receipts were $3 billion higher than what was anticipated.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Now Senator Wong says that it was a really conservative MYEFO. We were told that it was overly optimistic. We were told that all these figures were overly optimistic. You keep changing your tune, according to what— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Affairs</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Senator Scullion. Can the minister please update the Senate on the government's support for native title holders? How is this government supporting native title holders to manage their land and, importantly, pursue economic development for their communities?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Stoker for the question and acknowledge that this is her first question in this place, and I think it's fitting, given this is such an important question for all Queenslanders, because it is, in fact, about that most important issue of jobs and growth.</para>
<para>All governments should be supporting jobs and growth for all Australians. That should include Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in Queensland. I'm pleased to advise that this government is supporting native title holders to deliver the very best outcome to their rights for land and seas. We must recognise and respect that native title holders must be empowered themselves to use their land to meet their aspirations. We recognise that native title holders are increasingly where the focus must be. That's why we are providing, for the first time, funding directly to native title holders to help them manage their land and participate in development. The $20.4 million in funding is one of the many measures that is being rolled out under the north Australian white paper.</para>
<para>I take this opportunity, as a resident of north Australia, to thank Senator Canavan for his work, for the focus he has brought to northern Australia and for the great gains we are making as a government. Northern Australian reforms are ensuring that native title holders have a seat at the table to pursue economic developments and opportunities to do what they want to do. This week, Senator Canavan and I will be meeting with the Indigenous reference group of the Northern Australian ministerial forum to discuss how we can make sure Indigenous people take advantage of this government's focus on northern Australia.</para>
<para>Since 2011, the number of Indigenous Australians with a job has increased by over 23 per cent. We are supporting around 60 jobs a day for Indigenous Australians through the Indigenous Advancement Strategy and almost 140,000 jobs for Indigenous Australians through the mainstream employment programs. A key to this is making sure Indigenous Australians, including native title holders, are empowered to pursue their economic development. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stoker, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Scullion, how does this approach support jobs for Indigenous Australians?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This government is strongly of the view that native title holders should be supported to pursue their own aspirations, because we know that the empowerment of native title holders leads to opportunities for economic development and better outcomes for Indigenous communities. All you have to do is look at the proposed Carmichael mine in the Galilee Basin. The native title holders, the Wangan and Jagalingou traditional owners, voted 294 to one in favour of the Indigenous land use agreement to facilitate rail construction to the Carmichael mine. I'm very pleased that Adani have now committed to an Indigenous employment target of 7.5 per cent. They've committed to $250 million for Indigenous business development and contracting and a further $7.5 million Indigenous training package that includes a target of 10 per cent of Indigenous trainees. I'm really looking forward to working with Adani and local Indigenous leaders to maximise employment in that region. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Stoker, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STOKER</name>
    <name.id>237920</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What is the government doing to address threats to the economic development of native title holders and Indigenous communities?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Unfortunately, the biggest threats are the Leader of the Opposition's desire to be loved by environmentalists in inner-city seats who care nothing about jobs for regional Australia and the hypocrisy of those activists who claim to be giving voice to Indigenous Australians, except in those circumstances when those same people want to do something with their land that activists disagree with.</para>
<para>We in the government will continue to ensure we focus on the future of the Indigenous jobseekers who will benefit from this project. The last word should go to traditional owner Patrick Malone—he is one of the signatories to the ILUA—who said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Green activists are happy to maintain the status quo for the Wangan and Jagalingou people of low socio-economic outcomes while they enjoy jobs, education, housing etc and I guess electricity generated by coal fired power stations. They want to stop the mine at all costs and unfortunately that cost will be borne greatest by the Wangan and Jagalingou people.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Visitor Visa</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Home Affairs, Senator Fifield. On 7 June 2015, Minister Dutton used his ministerial powers to intervene to issue a tourist visa to a person who was detained at the Brisbane International Airport for being an unlawful noncitizen. How exactly was Minister Dutton's intervention in the public interest, as he has claimed in a document before this parliament? What were the person's ongoing needs that Minister Dutton has claimed justified his intervention?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator McKim for his question. I'm advised that this matter is currently before the Administrative Appeals Tribunal—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Fifield, please resume your seat. We are 13 seconds into the answer. Senator McKim on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKim</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is that an appeal against an FOI decision is currently before the AAT, not the substantive matter—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim, you are not raising a point of order, and you know that. Senator Fifield.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. I'm simply endeavouring, through you, to share with Senator McKim the facts that I am aware of. As I was saying, I'm advised that this matter is currently before the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and I don't have anything else to add. Should that change, I'll certainly do so.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On how many other occasions has Minister Dutton intervened to grant visas to people in detention for being unlawful noncitizens?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not aware of the number of times that ministerial discretion has been exercised, but that's certainly something I can take on notice.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKim, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, can give you a categorical guarantee that Minister Dutton, in this case, did not breach the ministerial code of conduct, which precludes ministers from using their public office for private purposes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Any suggestion that the minister has acted for personal gain is baseless. For the benefit of colleagues, I'm advised that Minister Dutton does not employ and has never employed an au pair.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>South Australia: Defence Procurement</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. I refer to the minister who, in 2015, said that South Australia was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… guaranteed of getting the vast bulk of sustainment work …</para></quote>
<para>FOI documents released last week show that the minister's guarantee is worthless, revealing that the government began work on a plan to relocate sustainment work away from Osborne immediately after the 2016 election. When did the minister first become aware of the government's plan to shift sustainment work away from Osborne?</para>
<para>Government senators interjecting—</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Farrell for his question. Senator Farrell is, indeed, an Adelaide Crows supporter. I'm not sure what was being said up there, but I will absolutely verify Senator Farrell's credentials in that regard—they are outstanding credentials, in that regard.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Abetz</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They're the only ones.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They are the only ones, thank you, Senator Abetz. I realise that the Labor Party is very eager to try to, it seems, talk down the scale of investment that is being made in relation to naval shipbuilding and the naval shipbuilding industry at Osborne, but the Turnbull government is absolutely keeping our commitments. Indeed, I would say in many ways we're exceeding the commitments that we've made over the years. It stands in stark contrast—as Senator Payne has outlined in this chamber time and time again—that the previous Labor government commissioned not one new Australian ship for the Australian Navy during its time in office.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Not one.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Not one. Not a single one, Senator Williams, that's correct, whereas, of course, what the Turnbull government is delivering—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Birmingham! Senator Carr on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order on the question of relevance: the minister was asked when he was first aware of the plan to shift sustainment for the submarine program away from Osborne.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question had a preamble. I cannot instruct the minister how to answer a question.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, can I conclude what I was going to say, then I will take your point of order? The question had a preamble. The minister was addressing, in my view, part of the material raised in that preamble.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Perhaps after question time you could consider the preamble. The preamble only went to a quote dealing with sustainment work.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will consider it after question time. Senator Birmingham.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Future Submarine program is expected to generate an annual average of around 2,800 jobs in Australia. That's before we consider the sustainment needs, and, indeed, before we consider the activities in relation to future frigates and offshore patrol vessels as well. This is significant growth in jobs. As my colleague Senator Payne has made very clear, if you didn't have all of that additional investment and activity—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Birmingham! Senator Carr, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is one of relevance. The specific question was about his stated knowledge about the government's breach of a commitment. I would ask you to ask him to turn to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I attempt to take notes of every question. I'm happy to review the exact wording of the question after question time. In my view, the minister is addressing part of the preamble that was in that question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I was saying, if we didn't have the scale of additional investment across the range of shipbuilding and submarine construction activities, there would be no need to consider how it is we ensure that sustainment can also be accommodated rationally, sensibly and effectively into the future. But, as a government, we are absolutely determined to ensure that there is enormous additional activity, as there will be at Osborne in South Australia, across shipbuilding and submarine building, and that we also deliver the capability our defence forces need, including effective sustainment into the future.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do have a supplementary question. Was the minister made aware that work on the plan to relocate sustainment jobs from Adelaide to Perth was suspended? If so, when was he made aware and why was the work suspended?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It might have escaped Senator Farrell's attention, but I'm the Minister for Education and Training. What I have been relentless in doing is ensuring that we deliver—as we are as a government—additional work into South Australia that will support a continuous program of shipbuilding and naval industry activity, and build a vibrant new industry for our state's future and for our nation's future. It comes with benefits to South Australia, as it does to Western Australia and across a number of other states and territories. We are proud of the fact that our naval industry investment program is going to support thousands upon thousands of additional jobs. Our work and investment is going to support jobs, defence force capability and opportunities for new business with investment and job opportunities well into the future, something that the Labor Party was never capable of delivering when in government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do have another supplementary question. Given the minister also backed in Steven Marshall's misleading and inaccurate claims about the state Liberals' energy plan and assisted in hiding his government's plan to cut South Australia's GST share, isn't this just another example of the minister hiding the truth from South Australians?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would much rather be a member of a government that has delivered shipbuilding activity and submarine programs for South Australia than—like you and Senator Wong and Senator Gallagher have been—be a member of a government that delivered no shipbuilding investment in South Australia and no submarine investment in South Australia. I would much rather be a member of a party that has clear plans to ensure reliability and affordability of energy than be a member of a party that in South Australia oversaw the statewide blackout and oversaw the least affordable, least reliable energy markets in the country.</para>
<para>We are absolutely ensuring that, across South Australia and across Australia, we deliver continued investment in jobs growth that will benefit people in SA. If the Labor Party would only come on board and support the types of business tax plans the Turnbull government has outlined, we would see defence industries and other industries able to take even greater advantage of our investments and create more jobs, more high-paying jobs and better opportunities for all Australians.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cormann</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>49</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Answers to Questions</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answers given by the Minister for Finance (Senator Cormann), the Minister for Education and Training (Senator Birmingham) and the Minister for International Development and the Pacific (Senator Fierravanti-Wells) to questions without notice asked by Senators McAllister, Watt and O’Neill today relating to proposed company tax cuts.</para></quote>
<para>At the start I want to take the opportunity to put on the record just a few indications of how totally out of touch this government is. Right now, when inequality is at a record high and wages growth is at a record low, is the time that this government decides it's a good idea to give a $65 billion tax cut to the top end of town. How out of touch can this government get? It's breathtaking. I think of things we talked about in the last year. Right here and now—when wage growth is at a record low of about 2.1 per cent, essentials are rising in cost, electricity prices have grown around six times greater than wages growth, health prices are around two times greater than wages growth, nearly 1.1 million people are underemployed, more than 290,000 people are unemployed and young people are struggling to find secure work—this government adds a cut in income tax for people who earn over $180,000 while slugging working- and middle-class Australians with a $44 billion tax—that was the Medicare levy, which I expect most of the people in this room will be paying. That's the context, of deep need across our community, in which this government has decided it wants to give a $65 billion tax cut to big businesses.</para>
<para>The contrast between Labor's view and the current government's view of this couldn't be any starker. I want to go to some remarks that were put on the record in the debate today by Senator Wong, the leader of Labor in the Senate, who said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… few policies in recent years … have more starkly illustrated the difference between the Labor Party and the coalition than this government's commitment to handing $65 billion to Australia's biggest and wealthiest companies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recall that this is a tax cut which comes at a time when government debt is at record levels, when Australia's health system is under pressure, our schools need more resources, and inequality in this country is worsening—</para></quote>
<para>She said the government's priority is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a massive handout to our most powerful and most wealthy.</para></quote>
<para>For those who are interested she also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's also a transfer of wealth offshore, with an estimated 60 per cent of the benefit of the tax cut likely to head overseas.</para></quote>
<para>That's the reality that we're confronting with this out-of-touch government.</para>
<para>What's happening in the US should give us a bit of warning about why we shouldn't allow this government to go ahead with this. The crossbenchers who are holding firm should remain firm, because we can see what's happened in the US, where this has gone on. TrimTabs' research says that the tax cut to big businesses has meant that companies, instead of putting their money into jobs and investment, growing their businesses and creating jobs, are buying back their own shares. We know that so far in the US there's been a $214 billion buyback of shares. There have been no jobs and no investment in the things that create jobs; just the buyback of their own shares. The Bank of America said the S&P 500 companies are all repatriating their foreign profits, and they expect that they're going to buy about $450 billion worth of their stock back in addition to the $214 billion that I've already put on the record. That's triple the amount of previous record share buybacks in any single year.</para>
<para>So what has Mr Trump done that this government wants to do? He has given a big tax cut to the top end of town and is saying, 'It'll trickle down, it'll get to you little people some day.' But what's going on is that big business is using that to buy back their own shares to fatten their profits for themselves and give bigger pay rises to the CEOs. That is what a big business tax cut will do; it will not help the people Labor is standing up for.</para>
<para>My question today to Senator Fierravanti-Wells put on the record that the government agrees with all these things. They are making Australians work until they're 70. They admitted they're cutting the energy supplement of $14 a fortnight from pensioners. They admitted there is a cut to pension indexation. They have cut $1 billion from pensioner concessions. They have axed the $900 seniors supplement and cut the pension to around 370,000 pensioners. They didn't dispute that; Senator Fierravanti-Wells quite happily accepted that and went on reading her notes about 2009—completely out of touch! This government is attacking working people and pensioners at every single turn but ready to give a $65 billion cut to the top end of town. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The reassuring thing about Senator O'Neill's speech is that we all know she does not believe what she said. We also know that Senator Wong and others, in their contributions in this debate, do not believe what they have been saying. Indeed, Senator O'Neill quoted the Leader of the Opposition in her contribution in this place earlier today. But let me remind the Senate of where Senator Wong actually stands in her heart of hearts. She said to the Senate:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We understand that the cut in the corporate tax rate is important to increase productivity, to promote broad based economic growth and to encourage more investment and jobs across Australia.</para></quote>
<para>She has also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… lowering of the company tax rate is good economic policy.</para></quote>
<para>This is what the Labor Party understood. They still understand it but they simply can no longer say so to the Australian people—for cheap, mean, political purposes. The Labor Party know that corporate tax cuts do translate into more jobs and wages growth. How do we know that the Labor Party believes that? Because they have said so. Indeed, it goes 'up and down the income ladder'. The Labor Party believe that. How do we know the Labor Party believe that? Because they have said so.</para>
<para>Allow me to quote none other than Labor's current leader, Mr Shorten, from when he addressed the Australian Council of Social Service national conference just a few years back. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Friends, corporate tax reform helps Australia's private sector grow and it creates jobs right up and down the income ladder.</para></quote>
<para>So much for Senator O'Neill's ugly, divisive commentary about 'people growing fat'! No, Mr Shorten himself acknowledges that this helps people at the lowest rungs of the income ladder. And the good news is that, within one year, about 70 per cent of people—and within two years it is over 80 per cent—have climbed from the lowest rung onto the next rung and are on the way up the ladder of aspiration. We Liberals absolutely salute them because we want every Australian to have the opportunity to have a job and experience wages growth. That is what this plan does; this is what this plan delivers This is not on the say so of Prime Minister Turnbull or Treasurer Scott Morrison but of former Prime Minister Julia Gillard, current Labor leader Bill Shorten, economics spokesperson for the Labor Party Dr Andrew Leigh and Senator Penny Wong—and the list goes on.</para>
<para>The Australian Labor Party knows how good this policy is because it delivers a social dividend for the Australian people in jobs and wages growth. Yet they have the temerity, they have the audacity—indeed, they have the indecency—of today trying to tell the Australian people that somehow policy that was good only a handful of years ago is now destructive of Australian society.</para>
<para>I say to the Senate, and especially to those crossbenchers who are still thinking about it, that the Labor Party knows that corporate tax cuts translate into job opportunities and wages growth. How do we know that? Because they've told us so, time and time and time again. This is not one outburst by one Labor spokesman; this has been a continual thread of Labor policy—which, might I add, is one of those rare lucid moments that the Australian Labor Party has had when it comes to economic policy. We had a bipartisan approach on this some years ago. But today, for cheap political reasons, the Australian Labor Party seek to divide the Australian community, knowing that in so doing they deny our fellow Australians who are unemployed a job opportunity. And they seek to deny those who are employed, struggling with managing the household budget, the opportunity of an increased income.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Listening to the responses of those opposite, you would think that the corporate tax cut was the ultimate all-rounder: it can bowl, it can bat, it'll increase wages, it'll increase profitability and it'll increase investment, all without hurting the budget bottom line. I would caution the crossbench to treat these claims with a grain of salt, because a lot of the claims that are being made by the government simply do not stand up to scrutiny.</para>
<para>Take the claim by the Prime Minister this weekend that there would be an extra $750 in the pocket of the average Australian full-time worker if the government's corporate tax cuts were passed by the Senate. I want to spend a little bit of time exploring what this means, because, the way the Prime Minister says it, it sounds as though if we pass the legislation Australians will have cash in their pocket by Christmas. Now, even on the most optimistic modelling by the government, this is not the case. It's not $750 per person a year; it's $750 on average across the entire economy at some yet to be determined point in the future. I know this because Treasury Secretary John Fraser was asked about that $750 estimate in Senate estimates this year. He explained that it did not refer to an annual increase in wages per worker; it referred to the estimated level lift in wages that would occur across the economy once the tax cuts had been fully phased in and investment in Australia had increased as a result of companies responding to those tax cuts and there was an increase in productivity growth as a result. He did not say how long it would take for that process to run its course—and fair enough, because that sequence of events is almost impossible to estimate with any certainty. It's also difficult to tell whether any of those steps will happen. They are based on highly variable assumptions about company behaviour and Australian and global economic conditions.</para>
<para>If you are after a guarantee that the tax cut will increase wages, you are not going to get it. They can't give it. That is simply not what their modelling tells them. It is not what their modelling is based on. And it's probably why the Business Council of Australia's letter also ducked the question about wages and instead talked in very general terms about investing more. Adobe CEO David Mendels explained why this is the case. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As a CEO and member of the Board of Directors at a public company, I can tell you that if we had an increase in profitability, we would have been delighted, but it would not lead in and of itself to more hiring or an increase in wages. Again, we would hire more people if we saw growing demand for our products and services. We would raise salaries if that is what it took to hire and retain great people. But if we had a tax cut that led to higher profits absent those factors, we would 'pocket it' for our investors.</para></quote>
<para>That's the truth. That is really the dynamic in the package that's been put before the Senate. What is proposed in no way guarantees a flow-through to investments and productivity that will lead to job increases and in no way guarantees a flow-through to wages. This is simply not the way that business decision-making actually works.</para>
<para>Nobody from government can credibly tell anyone in this chamber that the tax cuts will go straight to wage rises. It's not what their modelling says. It's not what business is saying. It's not what economic research says. But there is one exception. An intriguing piece of research came out recently showing that companies that pay no corporate tax are also more likely to pay their CEOs an average of around a fifth more than firms of similar size and circumstances that do pay company tax. So there might be something in this claim that wages will go up—because there is some evidence that they will go up for CEOs, but not for average Australians who are doing it tough.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to contribute to this debate on responses to questions at question time. I noticed that Senator Wong was talking about foreign investment. We had a couple of arguments in Senate estimates about foreigners buying our farmland. The fact is—as John Laws has said for decades—that the more you tax something, the less you have it. So, if you're going to tax businesses less, they're going to grow more. As they grow, they will employ more people who will actually pay tax when they are paid their wage every week.</para>
<para>Senator McAllister was talking about some companies not paying tax. If they're making a profit they have to pay tax. So, if they are not paying tax, they're not making a profit. If you look at the mining companies that come here, for the first years of establishment they invest billions of dollars before they start selling the minerals and making an income. Of course, in this situation, I certainly support foreign investment and foreigners investing in Australia and creating jobs, our exports and our wealth. I also support the tighter restrictions that we've put on foreigners buying our land and the register of who owns our land in order to keep an eye on our food security for future generations.</para>
<para>A classic example is the Adani mine in the Galilee Basin. All these new coal-fired power station generators are being established around the world. When I got information from the Parliamentary Library some six months ago, some 621 new units of coal-fired power stations had been established. And guess what they are going to burn? They're going to burn coal. They have a choice: do they burn the higher-quality, higher-grade coal from Australia or the brown coal, the less efficient coal, from places like China or Indonesia? I would prefer that they burn ours from Australia. This is why we need investment to start places like the Adani mine. Those opposite support it, depending on where they are. If they're in Melbourne for a by-election for the seat of Batman, they don't support the Adani mine and coalmining, but if they are in Queensland they do. But I suppose that's populist politics—to support where you think you will get the most votes.</para>
<para>In relation to the age pension, I think one of the greatest commitments we need in this country is to those who have worked and done their bit for our nation, especially our war veterans. There's no question that the average population of Australia is ageing—in other words, living longer. The population is ageing and the government has made tough decisions to ensure that the age pension remains sustainable and supports those most in need. Since the coalition formed government in 2013, pensions have increased by $86 a fortnight for singles and about $130 a fortnight for couples. Pensions will continue to rise twice a year with indexation. The age pension is paid at the highest fortnightly rate of income support payments in the Australian social security system. The age pension has the most generous indexation arrangements in Australia's social security system. The indexation, calculated twice a year, is the most generous arrangement as far as indexation goes.</para>
<para>When the age pension was introduced, the average male life expectancy was 55 years. To ensure the pension was sustainable, the coalition supported the move to a higher pension age under Labor, who in 2009 said they'd shift the age pension age to 67. So it was Labor that actually first kicked off raising the pension age. While not yet legislated, increasing the age pension qualification age to 70 by the year 2035 remains government policy. That is still a fair way off. It will begin in 2025 and occur gradually over time, just as the Labor measure is increasing the pension age to 67 right now. In a media release, the then Treasurer, Mr Wayne Swan, supported by Minister Jenny Macklin, in 2009 said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Increasing the age pension age is a responsible reform to meet the challenge of an ageing population and the economic impact it will have for all Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   …   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia must move towards a higher pension age over the next decade.</para></quote>
<para>An op-ed by the member for Fenner titled 'You're only as old as you feel' also suggests a better approach would be to index upper age limits in all laws:</para>
<quote><para class="block">How might age indexation operate in practice? One approach would be to mandate that all elderly age limits should increase by three months every year …</para></quote>
<para>That might be a bit tough, that one. But the point is that we are living longer, we have better health and we are living fitter—if you have a hip wear out, you can have it replaced, as I had done three years ago. That's why the indexation's like it is. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to take note of answers and provide responses to Senators Cormann and Birmingham. Senator Cormann said earlier on, in a response to Senator McAllister, that he has no idea how much the banks expect to save as a result of his tax cut. I can tell you how much, Senator Cormann: approximately $9.5 billion. Even despite the bank levy and even despite a royal commission, his government continues to back his mates in big business. It's important that the crossbenchers listen to this, because this is a crucial moment where they can have influence, in the right way, for the people of Australia, for the battlers of this country.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy, please resume your seat. Senator Williams?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy President, I paid particular attention to the questions without notice to be addressed in taking note, and Senator McAllister's question, I believe, was not one of the questions that we are taking note of. Is that correct?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pardon?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In other words, I'm saying that Senator McCarthy is not speaking to the questions that were pointed out in the motion to take note of answers.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>She indicated in her opening that she is taking note of answers provided by Senators Cormann and Birmingham, and they were the answers that Senator O'Neill moved to take note of. Please continue, Senator McCarthy.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm glad we've clarified that. Let me say to the crossbenchers in the Senate: this is a crucial time, an important time, when you can influence an important decision to reflect the battlers of this country. Sixty-five billion dollars in cuts to big business should not be your priority. It should not be the priority of this Senate. The priority of this Senate should be issues like CDP, when we know that 33,000 people across this country can do so much better. When we look at the penalty cuts that have impacted on workers right across this country, where is the relief and the fairness for them? When we look at housing partnerships and the agreements that fail to be met, where is the priority of this government? It is not with the needs of the battlers of this country. And what about NAIF? There is $5 billion that has not been spent in the three years that it has been fed to be a lifesaver for companies across northern Australia. Not one dollar of a $5 billion program on infrastructure and investment, to provide confidence to this country, has been spent. If this government spent as much time as it is spending now to push, bully, persuade and provide any kind of support to crossbenchers to vote for it on working in the other areas that I mentioned that impact Australians in this country, we would be in a different place. We would certainly be in a different place.</para>
<para>At a time when wages growth has hit record lows, Malcolm Turnbull is doing everything he can to give big business a $65 billion tax cut and is doing nothing to stop a pay cut for workers. For workers, it is getting harder to make ends meet. In fact, under this Prime Minister, electricity prices have risen by 12.4 per cent, health prices have risen by four per cent, education costs have risen by 3.2 per cent, residential house prices have risen by more than eight per cent, and yet his priority is a $65 billion cut to big business.</para>
<para>What plans does this government have to address the increased cost of living? They have a plan to attack penalty rates. This time, it's hairdressers who are going to get the chop. The government have a plan to cut funding for our public hospitals. They have a plan to cut people's pensions. In fact, last week, they voted with One Nation to ensure poor women are worse off when their husbands die—an absolute disgrace. The government doesn't have a plan to end the Medicare freeze. The government doesn't have a plan to protect people's penalty rates. The government doesn't have a plan to increase apprenticeship numbers. Indeed, during question time, we heard Minister Birmingham respond to Senator Watt, saying that, yes, there has been a decline in apprenticeship numbers since the Liberals assumed power. The government's only plan, their only objective in this place, is to shamefully pass on tax cuts for their mates in big business. The government is one for billionaires and certainly not for battlers.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bushby</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And ordinary Australians.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll pick up on that. Let's talk about ordinary Australians. Let's talk about the 33,000 people on CDP who are breached and have no money to feed their families. They are the ordinary Australians you are penalising as a result of your $65 billion tax cut.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Forestry</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Resources and Northern Australia (Senator Canavan) to a question without notice asked by Senator Rice today relating to regional forest agreements.</para></quote>
<para>The government are in a total mess over the logging of our native forests. They are managing our forests on the run. We have logging laws that allow ongoing destructive logging that are due to expire in Victoria tomorrow and yet we still don't know whether those laws are going to be extended. At least Minister Canavan ruled out logging in national parks, which the community would breathe a sigh of relief about. For a brief moment, he ruled out logging in native forests, which the community would also be very supportive of, but no, on the logging in native forests, the government want us to just pretend that everything is absolutely fine. Basically, ruling out logging in national parks leaves the complete unsustainability of the logging industry in the balance. What are the government going to do regarding the sawmill statements this morning: 'At the moment, everyone's in denial, but we're in wind-down mode. We're about to fall over a resource cliff in two years time. There won't be enough wood for all the mills.'</para>
<para>Logging under regional forest agreements has failed. It's failed the industry, it's failed the wood supply, it's failed to create long-term sustainability and it's failed our wonderful plants and animals that live in our forests. Yet the government are saying, 'Don't worry. Everything's fine. Trust us. We'll keep on logging regardless.' They are rolling over the logging laws for a further 20 years and are refusing to do the scientific work that clearly needs to be done—the scientific work that would show the damage to our plants, animals and forests that has been done for the last 20 years of intensive clear-felling of our precious forests. Our regional forest agreements have been disastrous and destructive over the last 20 years, yet the government are asking us to just put our blinkers on, go full bore ahead and continue with native forest logging.</para>
<para>The outrage this morning over cricket and ball tampering shows that Australians expect their institutions to play by the rules. It's very clear that the ongoing destructive logging that we are seeing in our native forests is not playing by the rules; it is breaking the rules. It is coming out that the rules are being broken, that our forests are having irreparable damage done to them and that the legal certainty that we were told was there to just rollover these regional forest agreements for another 20 years isn't there. We've had the New South Wales government asking questions about the legal uncertainty, because the comprehensive regional assessments that were done, which underpinned the regional forest agreements, are now 20 years old—yet the government is ignoring that. The government is saying, 'No, we are just going to continue on.'</para>
<para>The really sad thing is that there is an answer to this. We can have a wood products industry without logging our native forests. We are now in a situation where 87 per cent of the wood that comes out of Australia comes from plantations. All of us are in furious agreement that producing wood from sustainable plantations is the way to go. Every year that percentage increases. In the time that I have been involved in looking at forests, it has gone up from 30 per cent to 40 per cent, 50 per cent, 60 per cent, 70 per cent and now 87 per cent. Almost nine out of 10 logs that are coming out of Australia are coming from plantations. The native forest logging industry is absolutely the rump of the timber industry. It is being incredibly destructive. For our forests, for long-term job security and also for long-term certainty of supply, it is about time we plan to be shifting the industry and actually acknowledging that we need to be shifting the industry so that 100 per cent of our wood is coming from plantations.</para>
<para>That's what's going to solve this issue. That's when you won't hear me talking about wood products and the impact on our forests ever again, because we will be able to protect our forests and we will be able to have a modern, thriving wood products industry with wood that's coming from plantations. That will enable us to both have wood and protect our forests. That is the direction we need to be going in. This government is completely blind to it and completely unwilling to acknowledge that that is where we need to be heading.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>54</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—At the request of Senators McKenzie and O'Sullivan, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to the following senators for personal reasons:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Senator McKenzie for today; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Senator O'Sullivan from 26 March to 28 March 2018.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Wong for 27 March 2018 for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>54</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does any senator wish for the question to be put on this notification? If not, we will proceed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>54</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Reporting Date</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Clerk. I remind senators that the question may be put on any of those proposals at the request of any senator. There being none, we will move on</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Education and Employment References Committee</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>54</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Marshall, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matters be referred to the Education and Employment References Committee for inquiry and report by the last sitting day of September 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The framework surrounding the prevention, investigation and prosecution of industrial deaths in Australia, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the effectiveness and extent of the harmonisation of workplace safety legislation between the states, territories and Commonwealth;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) jurisdictional issues surrounding workplace investigations which cross state and territory boundaries;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) issues relating to reporting, monitoring and chains of responsibility between states, territories and the Commonwealth;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) safety implications relating to the increased use of temporary and labour hire workers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the role of employers and unions in creating a safe-work culture;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the effectiveness of penalties in situations where an employer has been convicted of an offence relating to a serious accident or death; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) any other related matters.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>All sides of politics are united on the need to prevent deaths and injuries in the workplace. The government is currently conducting a review of the leading causes of fatalities in the building and construction industry. This will feed into the review of the model work health and safety laws being undertaken by Safe Work Australia, the national tripartite body for work health and safety. All levels of government, unions, employers and their representatives need to continue to work together to ensure that workplace deaths are prevented and Australian workplaces are healthy and safe. The government notes the ongoing workloads of committees and committee secretariats and related concerns about additional references.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics References Committee</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>55</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Cameron, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Economics References Committee for inquiry and report by 7 May 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The 'Commitment to the Senate' (the Commitment) issued by the Business Council of Australia (BCA) on 21 March 2018, and commitments to stronger wages and employment, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) annually measurable benchmarks, for the period of the proposed Enterprise Tax Plan, for the companies that have co-signed the Commitment and other senior members of the BCA membership, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) company wage growth estimates,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) employment estimates, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) schedules of investment by state and territory;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">and in each case how they vary if the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017 is enacted, or there is no change to the existing tax law;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) corporate tax data for the companies that have co-signed the Commitment, and other senior members of the BCA membership, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the total tax paid over the past five years, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the expected tax benefit from the Enterprise Tax Plan; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) other related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>55</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Dowsett, Professor Gary</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator O'Sullivan, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) acknowledges that Professor Gary Dowsett is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) currently employed as Deputy Director at the Australian Research Centre in Sex, Health and Society at La Trobe University, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) is the author of an article entitled, "Boiled Lollies and Bandaids: Gay men and Kids", in <inline font-style="italic">Gay Information Quarterly Journal</inline> (Spring 1982) in which he stated the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"And a new political position is needed for there are significant political struggles at stake. First we have three legal/social questions to win: custody rights for gay men and lesbians; the legal right of paedophiles and their young lovers; and finally the sexual rights of children as a whole...."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"How different then is that gentle, tentative sexuality between parent and child from the love of a paedophile and his/her lover? From all their accounts and from many academic studies (some worse than others) that kind of love, warmth, support and nurture is an important part of the paedophilic relationship. I am not saying that mothering/fathering is paedophilic; but I am saying they are not mutually exclusive..."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"...The current paedophilia debate is then crucial to the political processes of the gay movement: paedophiles need our support, and we need to construct the child/adult sex issue on our terms."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"We need to protect the youthful partners in paedophilia against the legal and social management systems which treats them as delinquents...";</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) condemns:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) any statement that supports any form of legal rights or political freedoms for paedophiles, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) as "vulgar and reprehensible" Professor Dowsett's past statements regarding advocacy for paedophilia and any connection between parenting and sexual/paedophilic "pleasures";</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) acknowledges that an overwhelming number of Australian parents would be concerned about any individual who has made past statements regarding advocacy for paedophilia to continue to be employed at any Australian university;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) calls on Professor Dowsett to publically explain:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) his past statements regarding advocacy for paedophilia, and detail his current beliefs specifically on the question of whether the LGBTI community should "support" paedophiles, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) whether his past statements regarding advocacy for paedophilia jeopardise his credibility among the parents of students at La Trobe University; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) calls on La Trobe University to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) provide a public explanation regarding why Professor Dowsett continues to be employed by La Trobe University, and continues to be afforded close contact with young people,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) publically explain what due diligence has been undertaken—throughout any period of Professor Dowsett's employment at the University—to investigate what risk and/or impact Professor Dowsett's past statements and any current views held consistent with those statements, regarding paedophilia might place on the wellbeing of young students at its institution, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) immediately investigate the current status of Professor Dowsett's views.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Issues relating to child protection and child exploitation are serious and draw the rightful condemnation of members of this government. Universities enjoy autonomy to operate and freedom of thought within the regulatory framework. However, as recipients of taxpayer funding, universities must ensure they operate within the law and in accordance with the community's expectations.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I foreshadow that the opposition will be seeking to split the question on this motion and vote on parts (a) and (b) together and differently on parts (c), (d) and (e). Labor supports the first and second parts of this motion, condemning what Professor Dowsett wrote, in an article published 35 years ago, in support of the rights of paedophiles. However, Labor does not support parts (c), (d) and (e) of this motion, on the basis that to indirectly or directly call for specific actions against an individual, including for employment to be terminated, is not an appropriate use of the protections of parliamentary privilege in this instance, especially as that individual is outside of this parliament.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens will not support this motion. The motion is simply a rerun of attacks from 2016 against the integrity of a well-respected academic and the institution that employs him. As is so often the case, references from an article published 36 years ago have been removed from their context in order to confect a social outrage. La Trobe University has already made clear its support for Professor Dowsett, who across the breadth of his career has made a valuable contribution to the academic and intellectual life of this country.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that parts (a) and (b) of this motion be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We now move to the second part of that motion. The question is that parts (c), (d) and (e) of this motion be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cambodia and Myanmar: Human Rights</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 764, relating to human rights in Cambodia and Myanmar, be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to this motion being taken as formal?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is an objection.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In lieu of suspending standing orders, I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Shameful. Shameful. Once again, we see the government blocking the will of the Senate and refusing to allow us a chance to vote on this important motion. Put yourself in the shoes of a Rohingya refugee living in squalid conditions in Bangladesh's refugee camps, or a member of Australia's Cambodian community who has had to endure threats of physical violence from Hun Sen. Put yourself in their shoes now, and think about what they'd be thinking about the response of the Australian government—the government's failure to criticise the leaders of Myanmar and Cambodia when they were on our soil. We have a responsibility here. Cambodia's democracy is crumbling before our very eyes. Myanmar has tried to wipe the Rohingya people off the map. What on earth is it going to take for this government to grow a spine and start to stand up for human rights in our region?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As formal motions cannot be debated or amended, they should not deal with complex and contested foreign policy matters, particularly when the motion has the potential to damage Australia's relations with other nations.</para>
<para>The Australian government is deeply concerned by developments in Myanmar and Cambodia. We continue to raise our concerns directly with both governments, including during the ASEAN-Australia Special Summit. We have supported United Nations resolutions calling for accountability for human rights abuses; unhindered humanitarian access; and the safe, dignified and voluntary return of displaced Rohingya. Australia supports the UN fact-finding mission on Myanmar and will engage closely with its findings. We have publicly and privately urged the Cambodian government to allow the exercise of democratic rights, including through a joint statement at the UN Human Rights Council on 21 March 2018. We are keeping a range of response options under review for both countries.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor have made known our view about the importance of rules based order, and ASEAN's role in providing and fostering such order. Labor has a strong history in leading efforts for peace and democracy in our region—including the role of Gareth Evans as architect of the 1991 Paris peace accords—recognising that any political system must operate with respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. Labor has routinely expressed concern about the treatment of persecuted minorities in Rakhine state in Myanmar, and the dismantling of independent voices in political opposition in Cambodia. Labor urges the government to continue to voice Australia's concerns about these matters with the governments of these countries.</para>
<para>The opposition notes that defence cooperation in Myanmar focuses on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, peacekeeping training, English-language training, and officer education and professionalisation. According to the Department of Defence, this engagement provides opportunities for Australia to promote the role of a professional defence force and highlights the importance of adhering to international humanitarian law.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Native Title</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the chamber that Senator Wong is also sponsoring this motion. I, and also on behalf of Senator Wong, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) it has been over 25 years since the decision of <inline font-style="italic">Mabo v Queensland (No</inline><inline font-style="italic">2)</inline>, and almost 18 years since the Kaurna Nation first lodged the Native Title claim in the Federal Court,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) on 21 March 2018, Justice Mortimer, of the Federal Court, granted native title rights over metropolitan Adelaide and Adelaide Hills to the Kaurna people,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the judgment officially recognises the Kaurna people as the traditional owners of the Adelaide Plains, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) this is the first time that a Native Title Agreement that covers an Australian capital city has been accepted by the Federal Court;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) further notes that the Deputy Premier of South Australia, the Honourable Vickie Chapman, has stated that the South Australian Liberal Government will ensure that the Indigenous Land Use Agreement, formalising the Federal Court's landmark decision, is finalised within six months; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) acknowledges:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the strength and depth of the relationship of Indigenous Australians with their land,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) that the Australian Human Rights Commission describes Native Title as "a relationship to land which is the very foundation of Indigenous religion, culture and well-being", and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) that the non-discriminatory protection of Native Title is a recognised human right protected by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. (<inline font-style="italic">general business notice of motion no. 766</inline>)</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Dividend Imputation</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Australian Labor Party has announced its intention to reform cash refunds for excess dividend imputation credits, an idea first proposed by the Australian Greens,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) this policy will predominantly impact on wealthy individuals and, if done properly, will reduce inequality, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) since making this announcement, the Australian Labor Party has:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (A) refused to release the Parliamentary Budget Office costing of their policy, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (B) effectively conceded that they had not properly accounted for the impact of their policy on pensioners, with the Leader of the Opposition saying they will have “more to say about this”; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on all parties, especially those who say they are committed to progressive taxation, to ensure that this measure will not impact on low income pensioners with few assets.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition government does not support Labor's retiree tax which will take money out of the pockets of one million Australians, including 230,000 pensioners. Labor's policy will overwhelmingly hit lower- and middle-income earners, with 86 per cent of the individuals impacted on taxable incomes of less than $37,000. The government calls on the Labor Party to release their costings immediately.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that notice of motion No. 765 standing in the name of Senator Whish-Wilson be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:55]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>13</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bartlett, AJJ</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                <name>Storer, TR</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>38</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Anning, F</name>
                <name>Brockman, S</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, D</name>
                <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>World Autism Awareness Day</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Postponement</title>
            <page.no>59</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That general business notice of motion no. 767 standing in my name for today, relating to World Autism Awareness Day, be postponed till Tuesday, 27 March 2018.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Dividend Imputation</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Deputy President, you may have missed it, but I was on my feet. I wanted to seek leave to make a short statement about my motion, general business notice of motion No. 765, which I understand you are able to do straight after a vote.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I just wanted to get on record how surprised the Greens are that Labor didn't vote with us to support the Greens on general business notice of motion No. 765, about making pensions fairer in this country. I could probably spend my whole minute talking about the breathtaking hypocrisy of the Labor Party, who two years ago attacked the Greens and Labor's new member in the House today, Ged Kearney, with a robo-call the following Christmas for making the pension system in this country fairer, taking money from better-off pensioners and giving the lowest income pensioners in this country a pay rise.</para>
<para>What I will say in the remaining few seconds that I have left is that I'm glad the Labor Party have read our motion from last week and that today, I understand, they have disclosed that they are going to look after the lowest income pensioners with their policy. They need to disclose this policy and get it out in the open so that we can actually see that they've thought it through and we can have a real debate on this issue, rather than the crass politics that we've seen in this place in the last two weeks.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF URGENCY</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF URGENCY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Politics and Sport</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that at 8.30 am today four proposals were received in accordance with standing order 75. The question of which proposal would be submitted to the Senate was determined by lot. As a result, I inform the Senate that the following letter has been received from Senator Burston:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Dear Mr President,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I give notice that today I propose to move that, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The need to understand why some politicians and professional sportsmen feel the need to cheat.</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times to each of the speakers in today's debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall call the Clerk to set the clock accordingly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BURSTON</name>
    <name.id>207807</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in the opinion of the Senate, the following is a matter of urgency:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The need to understand why some politicians and professional sportsmen feel the need to cheat.</para></quote>
<para>This particular ball has not been tampered with.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Burston, I remind you of the standing order that there are no props for use in the Senate. So please remove what's in your hand.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BURSTON</name>
    <name.id>207807</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've been no-balled! Anyway, that means I'm still not out! Fair-dinkum Aussies across our land agree that cheating is not on. Our cricket team's cheating in South Africa, involving the leadership team of one of the world's best cricket nations, causes people around the world to question our past success. Shame has been brought on our nation, and shame it is. We Aussies love to play fair. This cheating contradicts our values of having a fair go and being fair dinkum. We devalue ourselves by going down the path of cheating. When something like this happens in a game we love, cricket, it strikes at the heart of what it means to be Australian.</para>
<para>The key to this matter of public interest is the need to understand why some politicians feel the need to cheat. The fact is people only cheat when they don't think they're as good as the other person or team. When teams are competitive, there's no need to cheat. Cheating reveals a lack of belief in oneself. It reveals poor performance and laziness in taking the easy way out. That's not the Aussie way. We pride ourselves on facing up to issues and having a go, truthfully.</para>
<para>Cheating takes many forms, including deliberately misrepresenting facts. That's lying, and Australians detest lies and people being shifty. During the 2016 federal election, at the heart of Labor's campaign was a blatantly false statement about 'Mediscare'—a lie, cheating. During the recent 2017 Queensland election, and often in this federal parliament, Labor politicians and their advertisements falsely claimed that One Nation cut workers' penalty rates. That is blatantly false, and <inline font-style="italic">The Queensland Times</inline> newspaper independent fact checking during the election confirmed that. In federal parliament in 2017, senators in Pauline Hanson's One Nation voted to restore penalty rates. Further, in this Senate last year, Labor stopped One Nation from moving an amendment to restore penalty rates that had been slyly removed in deals between union bosses, including Mr Shorten, and multinational companies. Those deals stripped hundreds of thousands of workers of hundreds of millions of dollars in penalty rates. This was confirmed by video footage of the Senate. Had Labor supported our amendment, penalty rates would've been restored for all workers. Labor, though, lacked the integrity, fairness and courage to even let our senator move an amendment for a fair vote. Why? It was because it was Mr Shorten as employment and workplace minister under Julia Gillard who gave the Fair Work Commission the power to alter weekend penalty rates. It was because Mr Shorten as a union boss had done those shifty deals. As a former member of the boilermakers union, the AMWU and the teachers federation, I am disgusted with some of the union workers of today and the cheating of workers' basic conditions and cheating behind workers' backs while pretending to protect workers. They are shifty and cheating.</para>
<para>In the 2017 Queensland election, Labor accused Senator Pauline Hanson of wanting to sell public assets. Senator Hanson has throughout her political life been the greatest speaker against selling public assets. Indeed, Anna Bligh's Labor government sold more assets than any other and did so immediately after the 2009 election, following a campaign in which they promised not to sell assets—another Labor lie. They were cheating. Last week, Victorian Labor MPs were caught stealing from taxpayers to cheat in the last Victorian election. Although the Premier said he was not aware of this, Labor MPs have since come out saying he was. Worse, reportedly Premier Daniel Andrews spent around $1 million fighting to stop the ombudsman from revealing the facts of the investigation. Labor cheated, and they worked to stop being caught. In the recent by-election in the New South Wales federal seat of Bennelong, the ACTU was exposed for telling lies about health fees, medicine costs, numbers of doctors and workers, health funding and emergency surgery waiting times.</para>
<para>There's a pattern here of blatantly false statements and cheating. It is systemic and endemic in Labor and its cronies and a handful of dodgy unions, with shifty union bosses. Unlike the leadership of our nation's cricket team, Labor covers up its lies. That is because Labor is scared. Lies are a form of control, and always beneath control there is fear. What is new Labor afraid of? Labor is afraid of One Nation. As Labor has abandoned and betrayed its core voters, its heartland of honest workers and tradies for inner-city political correctness, Labor is vulnerable. People with a moral compass and strong work ethic now come to One Nation. Labor has lost these people and, as most Aussies are decent, law-abiding people who believe in a fair day's pay for an honest day's work, Labor's vote is plummeting.</para>
<para>As evidence of this, let's turn to the Queensland election result. That was so close it took 12 days to announce the result because of the very strong One Nation vote. Yet everyone watching the media coverage of the Queensland state election on polling day could be forgiven for thinking that Labor won in a landslide. Nothing, though, was further from the truth. In seats with One Nation candidates, the party averaged 22 per cent of the vote, or more than one-fifth of the voters. In nearly 40 per cent, or almost half, of the seats One Nation contested, One Nation received enough seats to be one of the two-party-preferred parties ahead of Labor and the LNP. Labor's primary vote fell over two per cent. A major result of the election is that it confirmed One Nation has arrived. One Nation is here to stay, and the previously entrenched parties will have to work with One Nation after the next federal election.</para>
<para>Lastly, journalists are saying that Steve Smith as captain was right to resign. I agree. Journalists are saying he was not alone and that the issue is cultural. I agree. The same is true of new Labor under Mr Shorten. He and his leadership team should resign. That would enable parliament to focus on restoring good governance and sound leadership to our nation that has lost its way under both tired, old parties—one dishonest and the other weak. New Labor under Mr Rudd, Ms Gillard and Mr Shorten is killing itself after adopting former Senator Richardson's mantra of winning at all costs, including cheating. Labor is no longer a grassroots party representing honest workers. Membership is declining as backroom party power brokers preselect MPs in grubby deals. Under Mr Shorten, Australians will lose a lot more than just their penalty rates; Australia will continue to lose integrity of government.</para>
<para>It's common sense: cheating needs to be understood for what it is and for what it does. It reveals weakness and it spreads like cancer. We cannot afford a cheater in the Lodge. One Nation provides a return to reality to get back to basics, bring back Australia and bring back common sense. Australia's insurance against a new Labor government, with Mr Shorten at the helm, is more One Nation senators in the Senate. It is a privilege to be elected to this parliament. As elected representatives, we have a duty to the people of Australia.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, too, rise to speak on this matter of public importance. Australia is a proud sporting nation. Integrity and honesty are critically important attributes for the grassroots local clubs through to our nation's largest sporting teams, both professional and community. All of our sporting teams, no matter what the level, must maintain the highest reputation possible, both domestically and on the international stage. We are not a country that tolerates cheats. In Australia, integrity isn't just something that's codified in sporting codes or legislation; it is in the fibre of our very being. As I said, we're not a nation that tolerates cheats. Those who are cheaters need to be called out and dealt with harshly. It's a betrayal of all Australians. Athletes who represent their communities, their states and our nation have a responsibility to live up to the highest possible standards—be they, as I said, in codes or not. It is all about integrity and also transparency.</para>
<para>Sometimes I think that those in large professional sports organisations, of which Cricket Australia is one, become a business and they then forget that they are actually custodians of the sport for their members, for all of their supporters and, of course, for their players. Sporting organisations are run as companies—quite rightly—but sometimes they do lose focus and do forget whom they are there to represent and the purpose that they exist for. Cricket Australia appoints their skipper to lead by example, ensuring not only that the rules and standards are maintained but also that the game itself is played in accordance with the spirit of cricket, with integrity, with freedom from cheating and with freedom from corruption. Whether it be Cricket Australia or Rugby Australia, these organisations both have responsibilities to their members, to the Australian public and to us all.</para>
<para>Reading about the Cricket Australia scandal and the cheating over the last 24 to 48 hours has reminded me of an inquiry I established last year, with the support of those in this chamber, into Rugby Union. I did so because I believed that Western Force supporters deserved to know why their beloved team was so brutally culled. Integrity was hard to see, and Western Force players and supporters felt cheated by those who were designated to look after their best interests. Certainly, accountability was almost invisible. Just because you can do something in big sport, doesn't mean that you should. Clearly, in the case of Rugby Union, this was a textbook case of a national sporting organisation losing sight of the obligations they had as custodian of a sport.</para>
<para>The 8,000 strong crowd that assembled in Perth in August last year demonstrated very clearly that the WA Rugby community deserved an answer, they deserved transparency and they deserved to know where the integrity was in that decision. Their pain and despair was exacerbated by the failure of the then Australian Rugby Union to even come and address them to provide answers, to provide transparency, to be honest and to demonstrate that this wasn't, in effect, cheating on behalf of another team. I promised at that rally to find answers for supporters, for players and for their families, and to call that sporting body to account—and also, importantly, for federal taxpayers, who fund the sport through the Australian Sports Commission, and for Western Australian taxpayers, who in good faith invested well over $100 million in infrastructure. They had every right to feel they had been cheated and they certainly saw no integrity and no transparency in the process.</para>
<para>I was personally very disappointed with the custodians of the sport and with the fact they had failed to see this inquiry as a way of fully, transparently and honestly explaining the circumstances that led to the decision to cull Western Force and save the Melbourne Rebels. It was very clear that the ARU representatives were contemptuous of those in this place and of our role in seeking answers. These captains and titans of industry were resentful for having to account for their activities. I also believe, as I've said previously in this place, that there were highly inappropriate and misdirected attempts by ARU officials to stop and to impede the inquiry.</para>
<para>To me, one of the greatest tragedies in this sad tale of ARU stewardship is that since 2008 at least 13 reviews were conducted into the sport, into grassroots engagement and into governance transparency. But, sadly, after 13 reviews in less than 10 years nothing was actioned, nothing was changed and the sport kept going backwards. The committee made very strong recommendations to the Commonwealth government, to the WA state government and also to ASIC, which I understand is still inquiring into matters raised in the inquiry. Having strong, sustainable and community focused sporting teams is unquestionably in the national interest. Therefore, it's only sensible that the Commonwealth government review world's best practice funding measures and performance measures to strengthen performance across our national sporting landscape.</para>
<para>I'm also pleased that, as part of the development of the National Sport Plan, the Commonwealth government, independently of this inquiry, is finalising a review of Australian sports integrity arrangements. Clearly, the events with Cricket Australia over the last couple of days are some of the most offensive and gross breaches of trust and honesty—and cheating—that have occurred for many years, not just in that sport but I think across all major sports. It is something that the government, the minister and this inquiry now need to look at further. As the sports integrity threat environment continues to change rapidly, all stakeholders across government and sport need to work together to ensure Australia's sport integrity arrangements remain effective and also remain contemporary.</para>
<para>Sport is an integral part of Australia's identity, bringing with it physical, social, cultural and economic benefits. Sport unites communities and is a driver for inclusion and social cohesion. Sport plays an important role across all Australian communities, from the cities to rural and regional centres, from grassroots local clubs right up to the elite sports level. It is essential to the integrity of all sports in this country, large and small, that they not only are living up to the letter of the law but are doing it with great transparency and with great integrity, free of cheating and corruption.</para>
<para>The review I mentioned was conducted by an independent panel, led by the Hon. James Wood QC. He was supported by a highly eminent panel. The review represents the most comprehensive examination of Australian sports integrity arrangements that has ever been undertaken. The review makes 52 recommendations, in line with its terms of reference. In light of what happened with Cricket Australia, and their almost inconceivable breakdown in ethics, process and integrity, this inquiry could not be better timed. I ask that the minister and the inquiry go back and have a look at the implications of what has come out and how this could possibly have happened in one of Australia's most beloved sporting traditions. I very much look forward to seeing the government's response to this review and, importantly, the impact it will have in ensuring that Australian sporting teams remain amongst the world's best, and they do it with integrity and free of the stain of cheating.</para>
<para>Our sportsmen and sportswomen, as with politicians and other community leaders, not only are required to follow the codes of conduct but are there to lead by example and set standards we all can be proud of. As I said throughout the inquiry into rugby union last year, just because legally you can do something doesn't mean you should ever do it, particularly when you're the custodian and the stewards of a great sporting code. All custodians are not just there to run a business; they're there to maintain national sports that millions of Australians love, participate in and feel very proud of. I commend the government for this review and I hope that the catastrophic failures of culture, process, plans and attitudes in Cricket Australia cannot and do not happen again in any sporting code.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I really couldn't believe it today when One Nation requested that we have an urgent debate today about cheating in politics and sport. I note that this matter was so urgent to them that they walked out of the debate as soon as Senator Burston concluded his extremely unfunny presentation, which was rather like the jokes you pull out of Christmas bonbons; it was so urgent they had to be somewhere else. I couldn't believe that they wanted to talk about cheating in politics and cheating in sport. Everyone in Australia is appalled at the actions of the leadership of the Australian cricket team—it's all that anyone has been talking about for 24 hours—and I think we all expect Cricket Australia to take strong action as this matter is investigated. But for One Nation, of all parties, to want a debate about cheating in politics is really something I never thought I would see.</para>
<para>The only conclusion I can reach is that the reason Senator Burston said he wanted to have a debate about cheating in politics is that it is the only way he can get the attention of the person whom we all know is running One Nation, and that is James Ashby. It's known widely that there is immense turmoil behind the scenes in One Nation with Senator Burston, Senator Georgiou and other leading members of One Nation having had a gutful of the control that James Ashby is exerting over their party. But obviously they're so in fear of him they don't think they can have a private conversation with him about his incredibly untrustworthy, duplicitous approach to politics. They can't talk to him about it privately so they have to use up the Senate's time to have a public argument about cheating in politics. That's the only way they can air their concerns.</para>
<para>The reason I'm so astonished that One Nation want to have a debate about cheating in politics is that anyone who has watched politics in Australia over the last 20 years knows that if there is one group that has turned political cheating into an art form it is One Nation themselves. Forget about what Senator Hanson was up to 20 years ago when she was exposed for her approach to politics. Let's look at the way they have carried on since they have come back into this parliament. We had the infamous audio tapes where James Ashby, the person who really runs One Nation, was caught on tape conspiring to rip off taxpayers' money with a scheme. The quote from him was: 'We can make a lot of money out of this.' This is the approach from the person pulling the strings in One Nation. He's all about cheating taxpayers out of funding by manipulating electoral returns and claims for public funding.</para>
<para>We know that it's always been about the money for Senator Hanson and everyone who surrounds her. Over the last 20 years, Senator Hanson and her party have generated about $6 million in public funding to support their activities. And no-one ever knows where the money ends up. There are always these opaque company structures to disguise where the money ends up. In just this term James Ashby himself has generated over $10,000 in taxpayer funding that's gone to his private printing businesses to reimburse him for printing that he has done for One Nation candidates. And who can forget the donation of the plane. That is still under investigation from the Australian Electoral Commission. So if we want to talk about cheats in politics we don't need to look any further than One Nation themselves.</para>
<para>For One Nation, it's not just about the tactics they adopt and it's not about the way they rip off taxpayer funding to support their political activities; they also spend every waking moment they are in Canberra cheating the voters that actually support them. These are the people who get around regional Queensland saying that they're in this for battlers, and every time they come down to Canberra they line up with the Liberals, line up with Malcolm Turnbull, to sell out the very people who support them. They've done it on penalty rates—not once, but twice. Twice they came into this chamber and supported the Liberals and supported cuts to workers' penalty rates, despite saying that they care about battlers.</para>
<para>Last week we had the embarrassing fiasco where they were shamed into coming back into this chamber to reverse one of their earlier votes, which cut the bereavement allowance, and then spent the entire day lying to cover their tracks. They've voted with the Liberals to make it easier for construction companies to bring in temporary overseas workers. They've voted with the government to reduce apprenticeship funding. And of course this very week they've done a deal with the government to support company tax cuts. One Nation are the greatest cheats Australian politics has ever seen.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak on a matter of urgency submitted to this place by a parliamentary colleague from New South Wales, Senator Burston. In the wake of the saddening revelations of ball tampering by members of the Australian cricket team, Senator Burston wants this place to consider 'the need to understand why some politicians and professional sportsmen feel the need to cheat'. Now, whether intentionally or not, Senator Burston's timing is impeccable, because only last week the Victorian Ombudsman, Ms Deborah Glass OBE, handed down her report into the egregious practices of 21 separate members of the Victorian state parliament from the Australian Labor Party. There is no other word for it.</para>
<para>As the Ombudsman has made perfectly clear, the Andrews Labor government cheated its way to electoral victory in 2014. By using taxpayer funds that are ordinarily used for expenditure on the electorate, 21 state MPs were able to fund an army of campaign coordinators called the red shirts. This is deception of the very highest order. It was a scheme devised by the Labor leadership. It was endorsed by the Labor campaign team. It was signed off by Premier Daniel Andrews. More than 1,100 days of work was ascribed. Nearly $400,000 worth of taxpayer money was used. It was specifically designed to use taxpayer funds to subvert the democratic process. Quite frankly, it makes ball tampering look like amateur hour.</para>
<para>So let us be clear about exactly who we are talking about. Who is responsible for this rort? Who are the 21 state and Labor MPs involved? Well, I can show you exactly who they are, because they've been named and shamed in the<inline font-style="italic"> Herald Sun</inline>.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm probably one of the last ones to be pulling you up on this, but you know that you're not allowed to use props. I've been guilty myself, but you are not to use props. You'll have to put the prop down.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm terribly sorry.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have no doubt that you are.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I apologise. I'm afraid I'm a little bit like Premier Andrews: I didn't know that I was cheating. Let me just name the individual members of parliament who cheated the taxpayer. Let's start with John Lenders. He's now the retired member for Southern Metropolitan Region. He was the architect of the scheme to defraud the taxpayer. This man was once the Treasurer of Victoria. He was the architect of this scheme. He was rewarded by the Labor Party for his audacious fleecing of the taxpayer, with a $90,000-a-year chairmanship of a government-run organisation, a company called VicTrack. He's since resigned from that position—thank heavens for that—because he knows that you cannot defend the indefensible. And then there is Martin Pakula, the member for Western Metropolitan Region. He's actually the current Attorney-General—the highest lawmaker in the state. Yet not only was he a willing participant in the scheme but he was responsible for the extra $1 million of taxpayer money spent to try to fend off the investigation by the Ombudsman and protect the cover-up.</para>
<para>Gavin Jennings, the member for Southern Eastern Metropolitan Region, was the Special Minister of State. His job description is supposedly to oversee government transparency, integrity and accountability. What a joke! Jenny Mikakos, the member for Northern Metropolitan Region, the Minister for Families and Children and the Minister for Youth Affairs, was one of the largest contributors to the scheme. Gayle Tierney, the member for the Western Victoria Region, was—the irony!—the Minister for Corrections. Perhaps she could tell us which correctional facility houses those who have stolen from the taxpayer and subverted the democratic process. And then there is John Eren, the member for Lara, the Minister for Tourism and Major Events and the Minister for Sports. It was his staff member who became the whistleblower.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Gallacher?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My point of order is that Senator Hume may be misleading the Senate by saying that these members of parliament have stolen from the taxpayer. It is clear in the Ombudsman's findings that that is not the case.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallacher, that is a debating point, as you well know.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Lily D'Ambrosia, the member for Mill Park, is the worst minister for energy that this state has ever seen. If only she would put as much energy into keeping the lights on in Victoria as she did into rorting the 2014 state election. Adem Somyurek is my favourite. He was the Minister for Small Business, Innovation and Trade. He may wield a butterknife like nobody else in the parliamentary dining room, but siphons are his weapon of choice when it comes to taxpayer funds. Cesar Melhem, the former government whip, former national secretary of the AWU and the man behind the Clean Event payments, was referred to authorities by the Heydon royal commission. He's no stranger to using other people's money for political gain. There are so many other members of the Victorian parliament named in the Ombudsman's report who cannot possibly look their constituents in the eyes: Anthony Carbines, Marsha Thomson, Nazih Elasmar, Shaun Leane.</para>
<para>These are just the current members of the Victorian parliament; there were retired members involved, too. They have since been rewarded for their obedience and their silence with very comfortable jobs on the taxpayer teat. Former Dandenong MP John Panzadopoulos earns up to $30,000 a year with three separate government boards. Retired member for Northern Victoria Candy Broad earns about $51,000 a year as the chair of PrimeSafe, a statutory authority for the meat industry.</para>
<para>Liz Beattie, the former member for Yuroke, receives $20,000 for a board position on the Greater Metropolitan Cemetery Trust. There are other retired members: Brian Tee, Margaret Lewis, Johan Scheffer. My favourite, though, is Joe Helper. Let me tell you the story of Joe Helper. He was the former member for Ripon who used funds that should have been dedicated to his electorate to fully fund a red-shirt campaigner, whose name is Juliana Addison. Well, Ms Addison had the last laugh. She campaigned alright, just not in his electorate of Ripon! She campaigned for Sharon Knight in Wendouree, and poor old Mr Helper lost his seat. He must have been hopping mad, but Ms Addison has done okay out of this. She was illegally paid taxpayers' money but she's now the ALP's candidate for Wendouree at the upcoming state election. Well, good luck to Ms Addison. Every time you think the Victorian Labor Party has stooped to a new low, they surprise you once more by plumbing a depth previously unthinkable.</para>
<para>Where was the ALP campaign team in all of this? Surely, the campaign team knew what was going on. Let's ask Senator Carr, who was on that campaign team. When he saw the Ombudsman's report, he said it was 'imprecise, vague and partisan'.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And inaccurate, vague and inaccurate.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, you said 'partisan', Senator Carr. I've read the 200-page report.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Partisan! Partisan! It would not allow any connection to the Liberal Party.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, could you show a bit more restraint, please, because I can't hear Senator Hume over your interjections.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How extraordinarily unsportsmanlike of Senator Carr!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Unsportsmanlike! It's a rort by the Liberal Party.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How very typical, because, if you don't like the rules of the game, you blame the umpire!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, please resume your seat. Senator Carr, I have already asked you, if you're going to interject, to do it more quietly, because I cannot hear Senator Hume and what she's saying.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So many Labor members embroiled in this deception have been caught cheating, but where does the buck stop? It stops with Premier Daniel Andrews. It is entirely implausible that he was unaware that using taxpayer funds to campaign was immoral, illegal and unethical. When this rort was discovered in 2015, Daniel Andrews denied there was any wrongdoing. He said no rules were broken. He was wrong. Then he said that there may well have been rules broken but that other parties did it too. The Ombudsman said, 'No, that wasn't the case. No other parties did this, only the Labor Party.' When the rort was referred to the Ombudsman, Daniel Andrews attempted to block the investigation. More than $1 million was spent to thwart the Ombudsman's investigation, but the highest court of the land said there was reasonable cause. When the report came out, Daniel Andrews said, 'Whoops, sorry, sorry,' and he even returned the $388,000 stolen from the public purse. He said, 'That's it, no more to see here. There should be no minister or no member that faces any further consequences for their action.' The most important thing he said was that he was sincere in his apology. How woefully inadequate! Imagine if this were any other workplace. If you were to steal from your employer, you would get sacked. How can—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, please resume your seat. Senator McAllister, you have a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McAllister</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Acting Deputy President, I'd ask you to reflect on the language used by Senator Hume in relation to Mr Andrews, whom incidentally she may call by his title. The standing orders prohibit reflection—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is this standing order 193?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McAllister</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is, 193(3).</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Senator Hume, I would remind you that serving members of other state and territory parliaments are protected people, and aspersions are not to be cast on them. Please keep that standing order in mind and refer to them by their correct titles.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Acting Deputy President. I will do so.</para>
<para>How can Premier Andrews believe that the rule of law, the most fundamental of ethics, the most basic tenet of civic duty and, heavens, the eighth of the    Ten Commandments don't apply to him and don't apply to his government? You cannot take taxpayer money from your constituents and undermine the democratic process. At the very heart of the cricket scandal is a 'victory at all costs' mentality and a corruption of the spirit of the game. The Victorian Labor Party is no different. This scandal is a misappropriation of taxpayer funds and a corruption of the democratic process of the highest order. But Victorian Labor are worse because, unlike the Australian cricket team, Daniel Andrews actually won. He got away with it—victory at all costs. These are the people who are governing Victoria. They have no morals, they have no principles, they have no remorse and they have no shame.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Kim Carr interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You have been caught ball tampering!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, please resume your seat. Senator Carr, I've already said twice now that I cannot hear what Senator Hume is saying, and that's the third time you have been so disorderly and so loud that I'm sure others in this chamber also cannot hear Senator Hume while she's speaking. She has the right to be heard in silence.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Premier Andrews has been caught ball tampering. Premier Andrews, I have a message for you: you and your corrupt cronies are a national disgrace. My state of Victoria deserves better. It's time to step up. It is time to be a man.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, please resume your seat. Senator McAllister, with a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McAllister</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a point of order. Again, Senator Hume's language is reflecting on and making imputations of improper motives of a member of the Victorian parliament, Mr Andrews, and I'd ask that she withdraw her remarks.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take the point of order. Under standing order 193(3), it is inappropriate not only to refer to someone not by their correct title but also to impute improper motives to currently serving members of other parliaments.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Acting Deputy President, before the time kicks on, I just need to know which word I need to withdraw.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McAllister? The Clerk has just pointed out 'corrupt cronies'. Was that the expression you were—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator McAllister interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw 'corrupt'.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would just remind Senator Hume and all other senators of standing order 193 and its requirements.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If you won't go, Premier Andrews, don't worry; come November, the Victorian people will happily show you the door. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We know the senator opposite is under a preselection threat over in Victoria, and we see her come out with basically a smear. Is it any wonder people are cynical about politics? We can see why from the performance of Senator Hume opposite. We can also see why from Senator Burston. On an issue which the Australian people have taken seriously, the issue of what we saw with the Australian cricket team over the weekend—and I've been astonished at the response from the community—the best we can get from Senator Hume, the best we can get from Senator Burston, is to come in here and run a smear campaign. That's all they've got. They've got nothing left to offer the people of Australia other than coming in here and offering a smear. Is it any wonder that the public are so cynical about politics, when you see efforts like that? Absolutely not. This is the best they've got.</para>
<para>We know that from time to time people in politics do the wrong thing, and they absolutely get held accountable for that. What we see from those here is nothing more than a smear campaign. We saw it started off by Senator Burston.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Sterle interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Chisholm, please resume your seat. I will again remind colleagues of standing order 193. There were several references to senators and members that were unparliamentary. I would remind all senators to address their comments through the chair and also to use correct titles. Thank you, Senator Hume—sorry, Senator Chisholm!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Luckily, she finished! There are some people who say that sport and politics don't mix. I think what we've seen from the contributions of those opposite today is that, indeed, in this chamber, sport and politics don't mix. As to the contribution from Senator Burston: of all the things you'd say about Senator Burston, you wouldn't call him a creative type. It was not a very creative contribution from Senator Burston. He came in here and read out a shopping list of accusations against people. But there is some really important substance to this issue, and it's a pity those opposite haven't been able to rise to that bar.</para>
<para>The Australian people have been appalled at what they've seen from the Australian cricket team in their behaviour. The response has been something that has impacted me. As politicians, we are representative of the people, and they also look to us to provide leadership. So I think that, at times like this, we absolutely all need to look at the way we conduct ourselves in public and the way that we set an example for others. I know that my kids, unfortunately, like me, are political tragics. When they are home from school on a particular day, they watch question time and they see the way that we behave, and they say, 'Why did that person say that about you?' or 'Why did that person say that about someone else?' It's always a good reminder for us that we are leaders in the community and that we should behave and act accordingly.</para>
<para>I think that the win-at-all-costs mentality that pervades politics is something that we always need to provide a check and balance on. I know, from being in my old job as the state secretary of the Labor Party, you feel enormous pressure to win elections. But you've always got to ensure that you have good guidance from people around you, and that you have mentors that you can talk to from time to time, to ensure that you do not let that get the better of you. There are always temptations to take the low road, to take a shortcut here and there, but you are never rewarded from that. I think that there is a serious element to the question that we have here, but it's disappointing that those opposite weren't able to rise to the occasion.</para>
<para>I think it also goes to the mentality and the motivation that we see from Senator Burston and One Nation. To come in here and try and attack the Labor Party and brand us as cheats is completely outrageous, because cheating in Australian public life has many different forms. I'm not someone who watches <inline font-style="italic">Married At First Sight </inline>or <inline font-style="italic">The Bachelor</inline>, but I'm sure people in Australia get a daily view of what happens through their TV channels. From what I know about politics, the Australian people hate it when they feel as though they have been cheated by their political party. I know that, from time to time, the Labor Party have been guilty of this. We've suffered the consequence when we haven't stuck true to our voters and stuck to what they believe in and what they elected us, as representatives, to deliver for them. I certainly know, from the history of One Nation—and I know they've been wiped out before, and I know they've come back—that they are always cheating on the voters they represent. This is something that they come in here and throw around accusations on. They don't understand the seriousness of the Australian community and the way they treat these issues.</para>
<para>When One Nation were first elected in 1998, in Queensland, 11 MPs were elected to the state parliament. But, within the course of that term of government, all bar one left. Over the term of those 11 MPs, all bar one abandoned One Nation. The fact that they have a history of cheating the people of Queensland and cheating voters through the history of their existence is proven time and time again. We also know that the first time Senator Hanson had someone elected to this place, Senator Heather Hill, she was deemed ineligible—again, an example of when they have cheated the voters. We've seen in this place in more recent times, since Senator Hanson and her colleagues were elected, that they constantly cheat their voters. They do that by signing up with those opposite and supporting legislation that is going to have a detrimental impact on those people who voted for them. I can think of no better example in recent times than their support for the government and the LNP when it comes to penalty rates. I know the impact that this will have in regional Queensland. I know the communities, workers and families that are going to suffer from penalty rate cuts, the extra hours that they're going to have to work or the extra travel they're going to have to do to pick up another job. This has an impact on family life. This is what One Nation have signed up for.</para>
<para>There's probably been no bigger sellout that One Nation have been responsible for than what we're going to see take place in this chamber through the course of the week with regard to the corporate tax cuts, the big business tax cuts, that those opposite are pursuing and One Nation have signed up for. This will have a significant impact in Queensland and the other states on the voters that Senator Hanson and her team purport to represent. So, in order for them to come in here and try and lecture other people about cheating, they need to own up to why they are cheating their voters. Time and time again, no matter what the issue is in this place, they are willing to sell out their voters, support those opposite and support the government.</para>
<para>Australians see that cheating takes many forms, and they can be absolutely appalled at the Australian cricket team. I'm determined to see that the Australian Cricket Board take appropriate action to ensure that whatever culture was built up inside the team where they would allow something like this to flourish is dealt with swiftly so that the Australian people can be confident that their cricket team will operate within the spirit of the game.</para>
<para>It's also an opportune time for political parties and those involved in the political process to ensure that we are holding true to our voters and our values. I'm very proud that the Labor Party and the stance that we've taken under Bill Shorten is that we are absolutely staying true to our values. We know that, when we stray from them, we suffer electoral consequences. I'm very proud that the agenda that we are taking to the Australian people—and we also took to the last federal election—is something that is steeped in Labor values.</para>
<para>We will absolutely continue to represent workers and stand up for penalty rates and, if we are to win the next election, we will reintroduce them. We will absolutely crack down on labour hire and the devastating impact that it is having in Australia and particularly, in my experience, in regional communities. It is altering and changing the nature of regional towns. Once they used to be attractive places to live and work; under labour hire, they aren't. It's making it harder to get a loan for a house or a car. Families are often working at different times in different places, and it's harder for those families to plan.</para>
<para>We will also stick to Labor values when it comes to education. We know what those opposite are doing when it comes to their cuts, and federal Labor will ensure that we stand up for those towns and those communities that need education funding to ensure that they get equal chances, particularly those people in regional Queensland.</para>
<para>We will also stick to Labor values when it comes to health. We will not sit by and let those opposite cut services to health and hospitals. We will stand up with state Labor governments and ensure that we continue to fight those cuts from the federal government that are having these impacts. We will not stand by and let this happen. Federal Labor will stand up for those people who support us and vote for us. We know that we need to stay true to them and ensure that there is a federal Labor government that those people who support us can believe in and be proud of.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to make a contribution in this matter of public importance and the urgency motion proposed by Senator Burston. It's a typical One Nation attempt to get a bit of notoriety or publicity out of very serious subject matter and to conflate needs to understand why some politicians and professional sportsmen feel the need to cheat.</para>
<para>We all woke up to the story that our best and brightest in the cricket world had done something which is, in my view, unpardonable. It's not in the spirit of the game. It's not in the spirit of Australian sport per se. The Australian sporting public will not look at this kindly. History will deal with these people very, very severely, and I hope that the Australian Cricket Board does the same thing. But I think this urgency motion is a really tawdry effort of taking what's quite a serious affront to Australia's sporting credentials and conflating it with a puerile political debate, as was put forward by Senator Burston, who, coincidentally or incidentally, couldn't even manage 10 minutes on his feet. He couldn't manage 10 minutes on his feet in this chamber. Talk about someone who's says they're doing one thing but then doing another—he's taking a senator's salary and senator's allowances and is probably chairing a committee, yet he's incapable of speaking for 10 minutes on a matter that he brings here as a matter of urgency. Incapable!</para>
<para>He used eight minutes and 29 seconds to launch into a diatribe against the Labor Party. There was no suggestion of any balance in his discourse, no suggestion of even-handedness. It was just, 'No, the Labor Party are cheats.' But the record doesn't actually bear that out. The Labor Party is not in receipt of donations for airplanes and the like which it forgot to disclosure. The Labor Party doesn't go to its base constituency and tell them that we're on track to represent them and then come into this chamber and, on almost all occasions, vote with the Liberal Party. It doesn't say one thing in the electorates out there and then come in and do another.</para>
<para>If you have a cursory look at some of the media in relation to the short history of Senator Hanson selling out her base, the corporate tax sellout is probably the most affronting. Her base is predominantly, I believe, in Queensland, although there are pockets of support around the country. Fortunately, in my home state, the electors seem to have resoundingly rejected One Nation philosophy. There was contemplation that she was going to control Queensland a short while ago but, obviously, that fell through. We owe her presence, as well as the presence of Senator Burston, Senator Giorgio and the like in this place, to only one person, and that's the honourable Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. Without that double dissolution, we would not have had anyone other than Senator Hanson. I think that is abundantly clear. Without that double dissolution, we would not have had to put up with these puerile contributions from that side of the chamber. To bring forward a 'really important matter', in Senator Burston's words, and fail to speak on it for the 10 short minutes is unpardonable and akin to cheating itself.</para>
<para>Let's look at the sorts of things that they've moved on. Senator Hanson says the Family Court. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Children have two parents and until we treat mums and dads with the same courtesy and rights, we will continue to see murders due to sheer frustration, depression and mental illness caused by their unworkable scheme.</para></quote>
<para>She was talking about the Family Court in that quote. She was talking about the Family Court! Did she put that out in any electoral documentation? Did she get elected on the basis that really vulnerable people in the community who are protected by the Federal Court would be supporting such diatribes? On decreasing welfare she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I'm sorry, I can't please everyone and not everyone's going to agree with me but I have to make decisions I believe are right for this country and future generations.</para></quote>
<para>So she proposed to reduce welfare. People who have supported her, who have put their tick alongside her name on the basis that she was going to advance their cause, are getting let down, very sadly, by this party. I just hope that, if a future opportunity to contribute comes up, Senator Burston will put his 10 minutes in. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Like many Australians, I spent a fair chunk of summer on the couch watching our Australian cricket team and, like any Australian, I was very proud to see our team perform so admirably, so well and so successfully against our rivals—England. I had particular admiration for our captain, Steve Smith. He seemed to me to be an incredibly articulate, level-headed young man—yes, a very ambitious young man and a very competitive young man, but someone who all Australians could have pride in. We all marvelled as his statistics got better and better throughout the summer as he came closer and closer—though no-one ever will—to Bradman's test batting average.</para>
<para>So I think every Australian who's heard the news in the last 24 hours—waking up yesterday morning to find out that the Australian cricket team and, indeed, our captain had been involved in what appears to be premeditated cheating—was very disappointed. My overwhelming sense was a sense of sadness and disappointment. It goes without saying that we expect better from our sports men and women, and that when they have the honour of representing us they are not there just to win, to fight successfully and to prevail on Australia's behalf but to represent us with honour and to uphold our values, particularly on the international stage.</para>
<para>Cheating in sport is bad not just because it's disappointing to us and because it's not consistent with our Australian values but because cheating in sport undermines faith in the game. It's not much fun to watch a game where you know that the outcome is premeditated, where you know the players don't abide by the rules and where you know that you can't be sure they are having a real contest. It's a pretty boring game to watch, if that's the case.</para>
<para>Obviously, the motion today is not just about sport; it's also about politics. If cheating is bad in sport, then it's even more serious in politics, because undermining faith in the game of politics is undermining faith in our democratic institutions, and undermining faith in our democratic institutions is a very dangerous thing to do. I think we, in this country, often presume that the prosperous, stable, harmonious liberal democracy that we enjoy is rock solid, that it is immune and that it could never regress, but the truth is that Australia, which is such a young nation, is also one of the world's oldest democracies, and we are one of the world's oldest democracies because democracy is fragile. Anything which undermines people's faith in our political system is toxic to that stability. As other senators have pointed out in this debate already, we've had a very serious example of that in recent years in my home state of Victoria where the then opposition, led by Daniel Andrews, systematically rorted taxpayers' money for political gain. They cheated in an attempt to win an election. As frustrating as that may be for me, as a Liberal, to know that the rules were being abused, that the game wasn't fair and that there was cheating, because my side was on the losing end of that political contest, as an Australian, I'm much more profoundly disturbed about what that does to our political institutions. If Australians form the view that political elections in this free country can be stolen, then no wonder they will be disillusioned completely by our election.</para>
<para>I want to recognise some of the people who were the victims of that scheme to defraud taxpayers to cheat the election. There were people like Donna Bauer, the member for Carrum. Unbeknownst to her, she was not just competing against the Labor Party and any funds it could raise from its members in the union movement; she was also competing against taxpayers. The candidate she was up against, and ultimately lost to, Sonya Kilkenny, was funded by Gavin Jennings, now, laughably, the Victorian Special Minister of State and responsible for administering the resources of MPs. There was Elizabeth Miller, the member for Bentley, who was campaigning against not just Nick Staikos but taxpayer funded campaigners. There was Lorraine Wreford, the member for Mordialloc, who was campaigning against not just Tim Richardson but also taxpayer funded political staff in breach of the rules spending taxpayers' money in an attempt—and, as we now know, a successful attempt—to steal an election. While we might throw around partisan points in this debate—and there are partisan points to be made—I think we all have a much greater and higher duty here, which is to preserve the system as we know it, which has served us very well. If we continue to cheat in politics and sport, we will undermine both.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd rather not contribute to this MPI today, but, unfortunately, I have to—seriously. There are so many experts and commentators out there. The sad part is you think to yourself, 'Steven, my God, man, what were you thinking?'</para>
<para>I just want to say to sporting heroes: kids do look up to you, so it is indefensible. I feel sorry for young Cam Bancroft. I think he's just playing his eighth test. Oh, God! Let's hope something good comes out of it.</para>
<para>I did listen intently to all the contributions, and yours, Acting Deputy President Reynolds, and I know the hard work that you have done in the inquiry you set up about the ARU and that terrible behaviour. I also listened to the squealing and carrying on from other senators—Senator Hume nearly blew my ears out—and I did listen to Senator Burston's contribution. All I can say—through you, Mr Acting Deputy President Whish-Wilson—is: Senator Burston, you started this, so I'm going to reply. You came in, and I thought, 'Well, this'll be interesting. I'll have a listen to you.' You started off with the ball and the no-ball comment, and all sorts of stuff, and you did go into an unbelievable tirade against Mr Shorten. You did make—I was sitting in the chair—some wild accusations there. Anyway, I want to raise this, Senator Burston, if I may. I'm not making anything up here; this is what was reported in <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline>, and it's a well-known fact that I don't read <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline> very much, but there was a report that accused you, Senator Burston—through you, Mr Acting Deputy President—of misleading parliament in your maiden speech. You are here. You can make a point of order should you feel the need to, and I would expect that, if I'm saying anything wrong, Senator Burston, you must pounce out of that seat. In fact, you must jump so high you're going to hit your head on that steel beam up there.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Burston?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Burston</name>
    <name.id>207807</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Acting Deputy President, on a point of order: I did repeat those statements that I lectured at university—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's not a point of order, Senator Burston.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Burston</name>
    <name.id>207807</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He's accusing me of not—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's a debating point. Senator Sterle.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Burston, I haven't accused you of anything yet. Wait for this. Let's go back to the article in <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline>, where, as I said, you're accused of misleading parliament in your maiden speech, when you said to this chamber, and to honourable senators in here, and to all those listening, that you 'lectured in teacher education at Newcastle University'. It is on the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>. But, Senator Burston, I believe you were caught out when Newcastle university said that it had 'no record of Brian Burston ever being employed'. What did come out of it, Senator Burston—and take a point of order and scream me down through the Acting Deputy President if I'm wrong, or if I'm misleading honourable senators, or the Senate, or those who may be listening—is that it's true that you were actually a TAFE diploma of teaching lecturer at the Newcastle College of Advanced Education. So, one would think, and we should all think, Senator Burston, that you thought you were being a little bit tricky or that you could've got away with the comment because the university and TAFE amalgamated six years after you lectured there. Senator Burston, that's a very inglorious contribution that you made on your first time in here. I haven't seen Senator Burston or anyone else jump up to scream me down and say that I'm presenting misleading information to the Senate, because I know darn well I'm not. To quote an old saying: the silence is deafening.</para>
<para>We've heard from other senators today—from Senator Watt and Senator Gallacher—and it's a well-known fact that, if you're going to start throwing rocks in this place, you'd better make sure your own backyard is very, very, clear, very clean and very, very far away from any accusations of cheating. It is a well-known fact, as to One Nation, through this nation, that there's still an investigation by the Electoral Commission into the use of a privately supplied plane that, at one stage, Senator Hanson's chief of staff said he owned. Then we found out it was actually owned by a gentleman called, I think, Mr William McNee, a property developer. I think he threw $50,000-odd at the One Nation campaign. The more I go on—I really, really wish that I had 20 minutes. Senator Burston, you have just made a complete and absolute goog of yourself.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>70</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DELEGATION REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>70</page.no>
        <type>DELEGATION REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Parliamentary Delegation to Greece and Turkey</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I present the report of the Australian parliamentary delegation to Greece and Turkey which took place from 26 September to 4 October 2017.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>70</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Department of Agriculture and Water Resources</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration</title>
            <page.no>70</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BROCKMAN</name>
    <name.id>30484</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to speak on the Australian Meat and Live-stock Industry Act 1997 <inline font-style="italic">Livestock mortalities during export by sea</inline>reports for the period of 1 July to 31 December 2017. Live exports are obviously a vital part of the agricultural sector, particularly in my home state of Western Australia. The latest livestock mortality report shows an ongoing very good result for the sector in delivering very good animal welfare outcomes for the live export trade. We've seen fairly stable, but slowly declining, mortality rates for the live export trade, particularly in the cattle sector, over the seven years of the reporting, as published on the departmental website. We saw a rate in 2010 of 0.14 per cent. There's been a little bit of movement up and down but it's been fairly constant around that level, declining in 2017 to 0.1 per cent. Obviously the industry continues to improve over time. Similarly in the sheep export trade, we've seen, again, a little bit of movement up and down, but we've seen another period of equal best reporting over the period 2010 to 2017, declining from 0.89 per cent in 2010 to 0.71 per cent in 2017, which was, as I mentioned, the equal best result in that particular area of the trade, equal with 2014.</para>
<para>Obviously the live export trade does attract some criticism, particularly from green groups, but it is a very important part of the agricultural sector. We have a long tradition of exporting livestock to overseas markets and we have a very proud tradition of providing very high animal welfare standards. With the ESCAS process and with the active engagement of the live animal sector with overseas markets, we are continuing to see improvements in animal welfare in overseas markets as well. Obviously it's not all smooth sailing. There are different approaches to animal welfare in different countries, and we have seen the results trumpeted across our TV screens at various times throughout the years. However, as this report shows, we do see a slow but steady and clear improvement in the mortality rates over time.</para>
<para>As someone who comes from a farming background, I know that farmers and entities associated with the farm sector, including the live export trade, have a very high commitment to animal welfare standards, both on their own properties and through the supply chain. The sector has been very proactive in making sure that animal welfare standards are paramount, in areas that we obviously control, such as our own farms, and through the supply chain, through the live export chain and then on into overseas markets. Importing countries need to have confidence in the system as well. They need to have confidence in the health status and quality of Australian livestock. Our regulatory certification system is obviously the most robust and comprehensive in the world. In order to supply those markets, we need to be able to show both the Australian community and those foreign markets that we have a very robust, very strong animal welfare focused supply chain. Again, the live export sector is extremely important to the agricultural sector, particularly to the agricultural sector in WA.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to add my comments to the tabling of this report which, as Senator Brockman has said, continues to demonstrate the quality of management that we see in the Australian live export industry. Considering the shock that was created to this sector going back eight or nine years ago now, to see the improvements that have been made both in the management of animals while they're being transported and also in their markets is something that we can be proud of. That is particularly so given that we now have this level of transparency where, on a regular basis, industry reports to government on not only the level of transparency but what is actually being done as a part of that process to improve the performance across the industry. In this respect, Australia is and continues to be an absolute world leader in this space.</para>
<para>In fact, we are the only country that has in place an active process of training on management of animal welfare issues in countries that receive our products. ESCAS, the system that was put into place and has since been substantially improved by this government, continues to provide the opportunity for people to see what is actually going on in those supply chains and for people in this country, in particular, to have confidence in what is, as Senator Brockman quite rightly said, a very, very important industry for this country.</para>
<para>The work that this government has done to open up new markets for our agricultural exporters is one of the reasons that we see such prosperity in that particular sector. We know that when you confine industry to a particular and small market the returns to growers from being confined to that scale of market are obviously impacted on. I've had a conversation about this a number of times, for example, with our horticultural exporters in the vegetable sector, who grow something like 25 per cent more product than the market in Australia needs. Then, when they go and try to sell all that in the Australian market, they do not get a premium price because the market is overcrowded. Opening up the markets as we've done in the live cattle sector to new markets such as Vietnam and China really does provide the opportunity for our cattle growers to have options in the market to go where they can get the best price for their product. That obviously then returns a higher market back to farm gate, which is one of the objectives that we as a government have had right from the outset and which was one of the key features of the agriculture white paper launched by former Minister Joyce when he was Minister for Agriculture.</para>
<para>So the transparency and the opportunity for the Australian community to see into the system what the mortality levels are and for those to be reported on a regular basis is obviously very important. But it also gives the Australian community confidence that we can continue to open up those new markets to provide those opportunities for our agricultural sector, which makes a considerable contribution to our national prosperity, particularly in rural and regional Australia. For some sectors, the fact that they have the opportunity to sell into these markets makes a huge difference to the bottom line of their agricultural businesses.</para>
<para>We saw only too graphically the decline in the market and the devastating impacts when Labor quite cruelly, and against what they were saying publicly, decided to close the industry off when they did. It took a considerable time to repair the damage in rural Australia, particularly across the north, once the ban was lifted. It wasn't just a matter of switching it on and switching it off. The fact that these reports continue to be reported into the parliament, so that people can see what's happening in the sector, is extremely important in the context of maintaining that public confidence so that we can continue to open up new markets and agricultural producers in this country have the opportunity to take advantage of those and the prosperity they bring.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Murray-Darling Basin Authority</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration</title>
            <page.no>72</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I also seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator COLBECK</name>
    <name.id>00AOL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On the Murray-Darling Basin Authority's <inline font-style="italic">2017 Basin Plan evaluation</inline>, considering the debate that has occurred in this chamber over recent times, I find it interesting that there's not too much interest in speaking to the report at this particular point in time, as it's being delivered to the chamber. The controversy and the impact on the implementation of this plan by the disallowance that was passed through the chamber only a few weeks ago can clearly be put into context by having a look at the recommendations and what is in this report. It was quite interesting, at estimates a couple of weeks ago, when we sat and we started talking about what this process actually is and what it has already achieved, even though we are only in the very early stages of the implementation of the report, as opposed to the broader delivery of what's occurring.</para>
<para>Yes, there are pluses and minuses, and there have been some problems along the way. Let's not forget that, in this process, we are transitioning from a circumstance where there had been a certain level of regulation and oversight of the Murray-Darling Basin, a system that has been fought over for over a century. In fact, the creation of the Commonwealth was delayed by issues surrounding water, going back into the beginnings of the creation of the Commonwealth. It's not as if it's an issue where you can't get an argument if you're looking for it. We are at water recovery of 77 per cent, as the report says, and there have been over 750 environmental watering events in the last four years, but the report is also acknowledging that there is still some work to be done.</para>
<para>It was interesting at estimates, when we considered what was happening in the basin and when we were talking to the authority, to think about where this process stood and to consider that it was something like growing a tree, which takes a long time. One of the issues that needs to be considered as part of the implementation and delivery of this program is that it is a long-term scheme and its full effects are not going to be felt not just for a few years but, in some circumstances, not for decades. It takes time for the repair to have an impact and it takes time for the reforms, obviously, to come into place.</para>
<para>It's a bit like how a small tree has only a certain amount of shade that it can cast. It's not until a tree grows for something like 60, 70, 80 or even 100 years that it develops its full canopy, and then you can see the full effect. That's a pretty apt description for where we are in the context of the implementation phase of the Murray-Darling plan. There's a small tree in the ground. It still needs a stake to support it, and, to some extent, that stake is the support of this parliament. It needs the support of governments to make sure that it is sustainable, its objectives are met and those objectives can be fulfilled.</para>
<para>The withdrawal of support by the parliament a few weeks ago undermines the planting of that tree. As was discussed after that quite unfortunate event in the chamber a few weeks ago, we now have to rebuild that support and the elements that sit around it. What is at stake in the development of that is not just what's happening in the here and now; it's not just about a particular political argument that might be of interest to someone here in early 2018. We're trying to put in place not only something that deals with the impacts of over 100 years of utilisation of water in the Murray-Darling Basin but also a plan that will have an impact over the next 100 years. I think that's quite important. I seek leave to continue my remarks in respect of the report.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Timor Sea Treaty</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, I'm pleased to table a ministerial statement on the Treaty between Australia and the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste Establishing Their Maritime Boundaries in the Timor Sea, together with three additional treaties.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Membership</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The President has received letters requesting changes in the membership of committees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIERRAVANTI-WELLS</name>
    <name.id>e4t</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be appointed to committees, as set out in the document available in the chamber and listed on the Dynamic Red.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Community Affairs Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Constitutional Recognition relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples—Joint Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Senators Dodson and McCarthy</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Economics Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Education and Employment Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environment and Communications Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finance and Public Administration Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Future of Work and Workers—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">National Broadband Network—Joint Standing Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Political Influence of Donations—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Red Tape—Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse—Joint Select Committee—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Legislation and References Committees—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed—Participating member: Senator Storer</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>73</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Services Legislation Amendment (Welfare Reform) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r5927" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Welfare Reform) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from the House of Representatives</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Junior Minerals Exploration Incentive) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r5996" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Junior Minerals Exploration Incentive) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from the House of Representatives</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>74</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Constitutional Recognition of ATSIP</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>74</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Family Law Amendment (Parenting Management Hearings) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1116" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Family Law Amendment (Parenting Management Hearings) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report of Legislation Committee</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to order and at the request of the Chair of the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee, I present the committee's report on the Family Law Amendment (Parenting Management Hearings) Bill 2017, together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Broadcasters Legislation Amendment (Enhanced Transparency) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1111" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Broadcasters Legislation Amendment (Enhanced Transparency) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report of Legislation Committee</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to order and at the request of the Chair of the Senate Environment and Communications Legislation Committee, I present the committee's report on the National Broadcasters Legislation Amendment (Enhanced Transparency) Bill 2017, together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="r5867" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan No. 2) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GICHUHI</name>
    <name.id>270552</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The current shadow Treasurer, when asked in 2015 whether he agreed with the statement that 'company tax falls hardeston the workers', said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's a statement of fact , which I agree with.</para></quote>
<para>And I agree. These are lucid comments made in more simple -minded times. We cannot allow the politics of the day to intrude upon sound economic policies and practices. Let us all support policies that accord with what is best for all Australians and Australian businesses. We cannot afford to submit to a spirit of fear, to d ivision or to economic propaganda.</para>
<para>Contrary to popular opinion, the vast majority of business es in Australia pay their fair share of tax and do not engage in sophisticated tax avoidance strategies. The Australian Taxation Office has received over $ 600 b illion in company tax over the last decade. Roughly 20 per cent of all Commonwealth taxation revenue in 2017-18 is expected to come from company tax.</para>
<para>The problem we have as a nation is not too little tax received from companies but too much reliance on this taxation. Our companies are compliant and consistent in their contribution to this country, but we've become over - reliant upon this revenue , compared to other OECD nations. Australia's corporate tax revenue in 2015 was over 5.2 per cent of GDP, exceeding the OECD average of 2.9 per cent of GDP. Two decades ago, we ranked in the top five countries in the World Economic Forum's global competitiveness index. Thanks to our stagnant corporate tax rate, we have now fallen to No. 21. Our high rate has become the second - greatest factor in why international investors have been reluctant to do business with Australia. A modest , incremental, competitive and certainty-enhancing initiative is before us. I urge the Senate to pass this vital piece of legislation for the benefit of all Australian s and Australian businesses.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" style="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" background="">
            <a href="s1106" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise after some anticipation, having thought we were going to get to this legislation last week, but here we are, one week later, and we have the piece of legislation before us: the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017. Labor has a very strong record on addressing community concerns around gambling promotions during live sport. We know that Australia's a sport-loving nation, and the engagement over the last 48 hours with matters cricket gives us an indication of the depth of Australians' feelings about sport in this nation. We believe that Australians should be able to enjoy watching live sport without the unwarranted intrusion of betting odds and gambling promotions. In particular, it's in everyone's interest to ensure that children don't associate betting and gambling as a normal part of enjoying sport. Labor supports the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017 as a step in the right direction because it enhances consumer protections and sets up a platform-neutral approach to regulation in relation to gambling promotions during live sport. We welcome the government's move to extend restrictions to online platforms and avoid regulatory bypass.</para>
<para>This bill builds upon the leadership of the Gillard Labor government in 2013, which took the step of demanding that Australia's broadcasters amend their industry codes of practice to ensure a reduction in the promotion and advertising of gambling during live sport. Following Labor's intervention, the broadcast television industry responded by developing rules to restrict gambling advertising in live sports broadcasting and the promotion of betting odds. The updated codes of practice were then registered by the Australia Communications and Media Authority. At the time, both the Labor government and the ACMA noted that further action in this area might be necessary in future.</para>
<para>More recently, and in response to ongoing and significant community concerns, Labor formally called for stronger protections, noting that the industry should be given time to adjust to any changes. In March 2017, in the context of debate on the Interactive Gambling Amendment Bill 2016, Labor moved a successful motion here in the parliament calling for stronger restrictions on gambling promotions during live sport. The announcement the government went on to make in May 2017 responded to Labor's call and was the only consumer oriented measure they announced in the raft of industry deals that were done to push their media law changes through the parliament last year. Unfortunately, it took the government another seven months before it introduced this bill into parliament in December 2017. Meanwhile, a range of people—parents and gambling experts included—continued to worry about children's level of exposure to gambling ads, especially during live sporting events. This delay means that new restrictions for online platforms contemplated by this bill are unlikely to commence at the same time as the new restrictions for broadcast platforms, given the time the ACMA will need to develop new online content service provider rules. Furthermore, and despite the length of time the government has taken to address community concerns, a host of issues are yet to be worked through under this bill. There's a high level of uncertainty amongst the industry and consumers about the exemptions that will be permitted by the ACMA under the new online content service provider rules. Addressing this issue has not been enough of a priority of the Turnbull government. However, we do support this bill, as I said, as a step in the right direction.</para>
<para>The aim of the government's approach is to create 'a clear and safe zone where parents can be confident children can watch live sport without experiencing messages that normalise gambling as a part of that sport', as I quote from the government's legislation. While the government's approach is intended to cause a reduction in gambling promotion during live sport, it remains to be seen whether the clear and safe zone that they declare will satisfy the Australian public in practice, given it cuts out at 8.30 pm. This is a time when high-profile sports programs are often still in play.</para>
<para>According to research commissioned by the Australian Communications and Media Authority, the majority of Australians—that is, 61 per cent—do not want gambling advertising during live sport broadcasts, no matter the time of day. However, the Turnbull government has acted to restrict gambling advertising during live sport between the hours of 5 am and 8:30 pm, as well as providing for a host of exemptions from the online scheme, when the majority of Australians don't want gambling promotions during live sport at all. While selecting the hours of 5 am to 8.30 pm does address the time that children are most likely to consume media, they do not address the timing of sports programming so neatly. Even the explanatory memorandum to the bill acknowledges this. It states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… many sports events commence between 7pm and 8pm or take place on weekend afternoons when there are significant child audiences. Children are thus exposed to significant levels of gambling advertising on television which risks increasing adolescents' desire to experiment with gambling. Increased exposure to gambling advertisements has also been associated with more positive youth gambling attitudes and intentions towards gambling.</para></quote>
<para>It also states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the Department has received and continues to receive a significant amount of correspondence from the community, expressing concern about the impact of gambling advertising on child audiences. In a recent campaign the Department received over 1150 emails calling for gambling advertising in association with live sport to be banned.</para></quote>
<para>Here it's worth noting that consistency in application of the restrictions is guided by the regulatory policy of the Broadcasting Services Act 1992, which already applies in relation to broadcast platforms and which the bill extends to online content services. The regulatory policy provides that the parliament intends that different levels of regulatory control apply across the range of services, including broadcasting and online content services, according to the degree of influence that different types of those services are able to exert in shaping community views in Australia. Further, it provides that services be regulated in a manner that enables public interest considerations to be addressed in a way that does not impose unnecessary financial or administrative burden on providers of broadcast and online content services, among other things. Labor is cognisant of the regulatory policy and believes that industry should be afforded the time and the flexibility needed to alter business practices and contractual arrangements to address community concerns.</para>
<para>Here I would like to make some brief comments on the broadcast industry codes of practice that have recently been updated to reflect government policy in this area. Labor welcomes additional restrictions on gambling advertisements during the broadcasting of live sports between 5 am and 8.30 pm on commercial TV, pay TV and commercial radio as a step in the right direction. I note that questions remain about inconsistencies in the approach taken under these codes. The broadcast codes of practice, which have been registered by the Australian Communications and Media Authority and were announced on Friday, 16 March 2018, permit exemptions for low audience share channels on subscription television and, for technical reasons, treat time zones differently, as between platforms. While these differences may be justifiable under the regulatory policy of the Broadcasting Services Act, the simple fact is that the broadcasting platforms have not been treated the same way under the government's approach when both industry and consumers want consistency.</para>
<para>It's good to see that the ACMA has stated that it will closely monitor the operation of the additional restrictions in the updated broadcasting codes and, after 12 months, will consider whether to conduct a formal review of their effectiveness. In the name of consistency, Labor welcomes the move to extend restrictions to online services. Online platforms were included in the government's announcement, at the urging of the broadcast sector, over concerns about regulatory bypass and the need for a level playing field in a lucrative sports rights and gambling promotions market.</para>
<para>The bill seeks to introduce a platform-neutral approach to the restriction of gambling promotions during live sports coverage across broadcast, subscription and online platforms to achieve a level playing field and consistency in consumer protection. However, the bill to restrict gambling promotions during live sport on online platforms permits all manner of exemptions, the detail of which is yet to be worked through—after the legislation has passed the parliament. Under the Turnbull government's approach, neither industry nor consumers enjoy clarity or consistency around the application of the additional restrictions. While Labor acknowledges that the aim of the measures in this bill is to reduce gambling promotion online, the wide range of exemptions permitted under the bill, and the lack of policy guidance on those exemptions, causes many to wonder what this bill will actually end up achieving in practice.</para>
<para>For a sport-loving nation like Australia, the new online provisions are cast very broadly indeed. Schedule 8 covers the internet—pretty well! It applies to:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… any service that delivers or allows users to access content using an internet carriage service to the public and has a geographical link to Australia (if the service is targeted at individuals physically present in Australia or any of the content is likely to appeal to the public, or a section of the public, in Australia).</para></quote>
<para>In recognition of the wide variety of online content services with different business models and technical characteristics, the explanatory memorandum to the bill states that 'the online content service provider rules will not need to regulate all online content services and the bill provides for a very broad range of exemptions'. The exemptions to the online content service provider rules will be considered by the ACMA once the legislation has passed this parliament. I note the concerns of the Digital Industry Group about inconsistent regulation. It will be interesting to see how the ACMA balances evidentiary and policy considerations as it considers specific and class exemptions, as permitted under the bill.</para>
<para>Further, I note the concerns of Responsible Wagering Australia, who submitted to the inquiry into this bill the following statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">From industry's perspective, this [approach] results in a disjointed process under which the entity responsible for the legislation (the Department) cannot speak to nor provide assurances around which exemptions will apply—despite this being a pivotal issue for industry. Similarly the proposed entity responsible for the consideration of exemptions (the ACMA) is awaiting finalisation of the legislation before it will discuss possible exemptions in any great detail.</para></quote>
<para>   …   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill takes an expansive view of what constitutes an 'online content service' for the purposes of the legislation, with the legislation providing a mechanism for exemptions to be made by the ACMA. In our view, this approach provides no certainty to industry.</para></quote>
<para>As I mentioned earlier, while the Turnbull government made its policy announcement back in May 2017, the legislation was not available publicly until this bill was introduced in the final sitting week of December 2017. And even now, in March, a raft of question marks still hang over this bill—a number of which were canvassed during the inquiry into this bill and will continue to play out.</para>
<para>I will now move to the proposed regulation of the Special Broadcasting Service by this bill. Let's start with the facts. SBS content is regulated by the SBS codes of practice—codes which apply to the SBS's radio, television and online services. Unlike the commercial broadcasters, whose codes of practice apply only to TV and radio services, SBS's online services are regulated by the SBS codes of practice. The SBS is committed to implementing appropriate restrictions on gambling promotions during live sport, in accordance with government policy, by 30 March 2018—this week—on both its broadcast and online platforms. Consistent with past practice, SBS will incorporate the new gambling advertising restrictions by reference to the FreeTV and CRA codes of practice that have been registered, so there will be consistency between services. In the online space, SBS will be ahead of the rest of the market by implementing restrictions to its online platforms this month. This is likely to happen ahead of the making of any rules by the ACMA, which is yet to be empowered under this bill to develop and implement online content service provider rules.</para>
<para>However, despite all this, this bill proposes to regulate SBS programming with rules developed by the ACMA. This implementation mechanism is inappropriate for application to a public broadcaster such as SBS. It permits a level of ACMA intervention over SBS programming that is inconsistent with SBS's independence and the co-regulatory framework in the Broadcasting Services Act. The SBS Act requires the SBS board to maintain the independence of the SBS and limits the matters on which SBS can be directed by the minister. In turn, the Broadcasting Services Act 1992, which this bill seeks to amend, recognises the independence of SBS and contains distinct processes for code notification, the investigation of complaints and any actions the ACMA may take in relation to the SBS. These actions are quite distinct from the actions the ACMA may take in relation to commercial and subscription broadcasters. It is really very simple: SBS should not be captured by the regulatory regime set out in the bill. Instead, implementation of new restrictions for the SBS should be achieved by establishing one set of rules in the SBS codes that cover both the broadcasting and the online platforms.</para>
<para>While in theory the bill permits the ACMA to exempt the SBS from online content service provider rules, there is no assurance the ACMA would do so. In any event, and with respect to the ACMA, rules around SBS programming should not be a matter of ACMA discretion. Furthermore, subjecting the SBS to this bill is contrary to the stated policy objective of the government to pursue opportunities for self-regulation and co-regulation to a greater, not a lesser, extent. As a matter of regulatory policy and practice in order to alleviate the burden on the Australian taxpayer, the SBS should be encouraged to self-regulate, which it is already doing. If the Turnbull government wants to regulate both broadcast and online platforms coherently, or alter the co-regulatory framework in the BSA vis-a-vis the SBS, it should conduct full and overdue reform of the BSA.</para>
<para>In essence, the bill highlights the ongoing failure of the Liberal government to adapt the regulatory framework for media and communications in the 21st century. The bill proposes to regulate online platforms by tacking yet another schedule for online services onto the outdated, pre-internet Broadcasting Services Act 1992, which is now over 25 years old. It clumsily draws the SBS into this regime. Overall for the SBS, including restrictions on gambling advertising during live sporting events on online platforms in the SBS codes would be clearer for audiences as it provides one port of call for complaints about SBS content. It enables a more efficient handling of complaints by the SBS and the ACMA, and it would appropriately preserve SBS's editorial independence from government.</para>
<para>Finally, in closing I wish to return to some evidence that promoted Labor's call this time last year for stronger restrictions. An ABC News story last year by Damian McIver mentioned concerns two high-profile AFL players had about the prevalence of gambling advertisements. Geelong defender Harry Taylor was quoted as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I've got three kids at home and when my eldest can name a lot of the ads on TV, that is a bit of a worry …</para></quote>
<para>Taylor's comments followed comments by Western Bulldogs defender Easton Wood, who posted his views on Twitter last year. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Gambling advertising is out of control and I think it needs to change …</para></quote>
<para>Wood said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The obvious issue here is the effect this advertising has on children every time they watch us pull on our boots.</para></quote>
<para>Research undertaken by Deakin University points out a number of very concerning issues with regard to children and gambling advertising on television. The research found that more than 90 per cent of children—90 per cent!—can recall having seen an advertisement for sports betting. About three-quarters of children aged between eight and 16 can recall the name of at least one sports betting brand. Approximately one-quarter can recall four brands or more. Seventy-five per cent of children think that gambling is a normal or common part of sport. Parents conveyed concerns that gambling advertising is so prevalent that it's changing the way kids think and talk about sport. When you look at these findings, you can understand why parents and the community in general are worried about our kids being subjected to gambling advertising, especially during live sporting events. Labor understands that Australians don't want children to associate betting and gambling with normal parts of enjoying sport. For these reasons, and with the reservations I've articulated, Labor supports this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017. This bill amends the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 by inserting a new schedule 8 to create a regulatory framework for the Australian Communications and Media Authority to make rules prohibiting or restricting gambling advertising for online content service providers. It provides for the first time a platform-neutral approach to restrictions on gambling ads during live sporting events. Sporting fans, including thousands of children, whether at the game or watching a broadcast, bear witness to an unprecedented volume of sports betting promotion before the siren, during scheduled breaks, on player jerseys, ground signage, scoreboard displays, and after the match and in highlight reels.</para>
<para>Whilst some form of regulation on gambling ads and associated promotion already exists, this bill attempts to restrict gambling ads on live sports coverage across television, radio and online platforms. This will include subscription television providers. The additional restrictions proposed in this bill prohibit the broadcast of gambling ads from five minutes before the scheduled start of play until five minutes after the conclusion of the live sporting event where the event occurs between the hours of 5 am and 8.30 pm. It provides ACMA with the power, if directed by the minister, to apply the gambling promotion restrictions detailed in this bill if existing codes of practice are not amended to include them.</para>
<para>This bill is the result of a lengthy campaign by researchers, community organisations and anti-gambling campaigners such as former Senator Nick Xenophon over concerns about gambling addiction and the well-established risk to children from being exposed to gambling saturation during sport. Whilst the Nick Xenophon Team support the bill, we have concerns about its implementation and the effectiveness of some of the measures. Put simply, this bill does not go far enough. It doesn't go far enough in achieving the policy intent, which is to protect children from the risks associated with being bombarded by gambling advertising. We know that the only way to protect children from the well-known risks associated with gambling ads and promotion is to remove them entirely from view. We can't pretend children ignore pre- and post-game entertainment and only sit to watch just before the game and stop watching immediately after. Given this, we will support the Greens amendment that extends the prohibition of gambling ads 30 minutes on either side of a live sporting event.</para>
<para>If we are serious about tackling problem gambling, we need to ensure it is not normalised. We need to ensure that kids are not primed to accept gambling as an ordinary part of sports—and life, for that matter—because of the advertising that is served up to them while they are innocently watching or listening to the cricket, soccer or footy with their families. This is why I will be moving amendments that will include a prohibition on all gambling ads during the hours of 5 am to 8.30 pm during G-rated programs and any sporting event on TV, radio or online, regardless whether the event is live or not. In instances where a sporting event has started but not finished before 8.30 pm, the NXT amendments will also extend the prohibition of gambling ads to 30 minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event. I would urge the Senate to support these amendments.</para>
<para>I note the explanatory memorandum states there is less of a concern where live sporting events are broadcast after 8.30 pm as children are less likely to be viewing at this time. This is not true. Children stay up late over the summer break watching the summer of tennis and summer of cricket, and teenagers don't go to sleep at 8.30 pm. I certainly wish mine did when they were younger! Under the provisions of the bill, a tennis match starting before 8:30 pm between tennis legends Federer and Djokovic at the Australian Open that goes for five sets over several hours would likely feature gambling ads between sets because they would be acceptable after 8.30 pm. We know that BBL matches were all shown during prime time and continued for three hours. Under the measures proposed by the government, there will be no gambling ads during the live match until 8.30 pm, after which gambling ads and promotions will be shown during scheduled breaks, such as the change of innings. For night AFL matches you won't see gambling ads during quarter-time, which will occur before 8.30 pm under the new regime, but you will see gambling ads at half-time and three-quarter-time when these scheduled breaks will occur after 8.30 pm.</para>
<para>After two years of experimentation in 2017, the AFL went all in with Thursday night footy, scheduling eight night matches. This will mean lots of gambling ads after 8.30 pm. This is why we thought it was important to extend the bans until 30 minutes after the end of play where the sporting event commenced prior to 8:30 pm. I encourage all broadcasters and online service providers to adopt these measures in their respective codes now. Former Senator Xenophon moved similar amendments in his Interactive Gambling Amendment (Sports Betting Reform) Bill 2015. During the inquiry into Nick's bill, the Australian Psychological Society made a submission stating:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the proliferation of gambling advertising, particularly sports betting, is positioning gambling as an integral and 'normal' part of enjoying sports, and is paving the way for young Australians to become the new generation of problem gamblers.</para></quote>
<para>The Gambling Impact Society of New South Wales told the inquiry that gambling advertisements often created triggers for those already struggling with gambling addiction.</para>
<para>At the time, broadcasters and sports-betting organisations argued against a ban, saying that people under 18 comprise a very small proportion of the audience for live sports events on television. This is simply untrue. Millions of children across the nation love sport. They participate at school and at local clubs. They attend games to see their sporting heroes in action, and they watch them on TV or portable devices at home. There are many sports specifically geared to children, like the Big Bash League, a domestic T20 competition, which has achieved record audience figures and match attendance year on year since its introduction seven years ago. Cricket Australia's efforts to attract kids and families with the BBL has paid off. More Australians are attending cricket than ever before. Last financial year, the BBL attracted an average crowd of more than 30,000 people at each match, making it the fifth biggest league in the world in terms of average attendance. Twenty of the 35 matches were sold out. These high crowd numbers were backed by strong TV ratings. More than a million viewers tuned in to watch the BBL—making it the most popular TV show 31 nights out of 35. A large proportion of this viewing audience are children, who stay up over the summer break until the last exciting ball is bowled. Sadly, CrownBet was a major sponsor for Channel 10's coverage of this year's BBL season.</para>
<para>The Nick Xenophon Team also do not believe that there should be broad exemptions. ASTRA's recently released draft code attempts to circumvent these bans on the basis of ratings and viewer numbers. There is absolutely no logic there. To exempt channels with an average low audience share is devious as children are watching, especially when there is a big event like the Super Bowl. On that basis, we will be supporting the Greens' amendment to specifically deal with this issue.</para>
<para>Gambling is a major problem in Australia. We have the highest per capita spend on gambling of any other country in the world. We stand alone as a nation of gamblers. This is shameful given that we know that a large proportion of this spend comes from thousands of addicted gamblers who have lost their homes, families, jobs and futures. The latest figures from Australian Gambling Statistics for total gambling expenditure in Australia show that the nation's gambling spend increased by 3.9 per cent between 2005 and 2016 to a whopping $23.648 billion—almost $24 billion. Total sports betting increased by 13 per cent in that time to $921 million. But by far the worst offender remains poker machines. Over $12 billion was pumped into greedy poker machines by Australians in that one year alone. These figures are astounding.</para>
<para>Underneath the cold facts lay the stories of thousands of families whose lives have been impacted, even destroyed, by gambling addiction and predatory gambling. Despite this, we have seen the money-hungry Australian Hotels Association fight tooth and nail against sensible measures to curb the harm from these insidious machines. Most recently, they waged a multimillion dollar war against SA-BEST in the South Australian election because of its opposition to predatory gambling. Another gambling lobby group even took to sending a gloating text message on election eve to the party leader, Nick Xenophon, that stated, 'We will kill you all off.' Well, good luck with that, because federally and at state level we will never give up the fight against predatory gambling—never.</para>
<para>The sporting codes are complicit when they take sponsorship dollars from sports-betting and gambling companies. The AFL has a $10 million a year deal with CrownBet, the NRL has a commercial deal with Sportsbet worth $60 million and Cricket Australia has a multimillion dollar deal with bet365, a sports-betting company hit with a $2.75 million fine in 2017 after being found guilty of luring new gamblers with false free bets offers.</para>
<para>Over half of the NRL's 16 teams are sponsored by sports-betting companies or casinos—over half. The biggest sporting codes in this nation have done a deal with the devil by partnering with gambling operators and sports-betting companies for sponsorship dollars. The Coalition of Major Professional and Participation Sports, made up of the major sporting codes—including the AFL, NRL, rugby, cricket, tennis, soccer and netball—made an astonishing submission to the inquiry into the bill, saying that they know that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… know that a large number of our fans and supporters enjoy wagering on our sports and want to remain informed about the products and offerings that are available.</para></quote>
<para>Well, I'm sure they'll manage just fine without those ads.</para>
<para>The submission didn't bother to acknowledge the legions of their fans who are children, and the inherent risks gambling ads and promotion pose to children, and yet the research is clear on the risks gambling ads do pose to children and adolescents. The Australian Gambling Research Centre has identified that gambling ads can increase adolescents' desire to experiment with gambling. Research also shows that children have significant recall of sports-betting brands when they are aligned with culturally valued activities such as sport. And children's recall of inducements used by sports-betting companies, such as free bets and cashback offers, may reduce children's perceptions of the risks associated with gambling.</para>
<para>Sports stars and celebrities often feature in gambling ads, with the research showing that the use of sporting stars and celebrities to promote sports-betting companies was attractive to children because of the instant recognition. The Nick Xenophon Team want gambling restrictions that create a safe zone where parents can be confident that children can watch sport without promotional content and messages that normalise gambling. This can only occur when we remove all gambling ads and promotion during the times that children are watching.</para>
<para>Gambling addiction doesn't discriminate. We need to be mindful of those most vulnerable and not mindful of vested interests. We have a duty to protect children from becoming the next generation of gambling addicts. The protection of children must be the paramount consideration. This is seemingly lost by those broadcasters and sporting codes who are increasingly reliant on sponsorship dollars from sports-betting companies and gambling venues. They need to break their own habit.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to speak to the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017. In starting, I would like to concur with many of the comments made by Senator Griff. I think he's outlined the weaknesses of this bill extremely well. While of course the Australian Greens welcome the overall limits being put on gambling advertising as attempted in this bill, the legislation falls far short of what is actually needed. If we agree that our sporting events, when they are televised, should not be bombarded with gambling ads encouraging our young people and other citizens to participate in betting as they are watching the game, then of course we shouldn't be restricting ourselves to either the audience numbers on channels or the time frames that these ads are banned from. I agree wholeheartedly that 8.30 pm is not sufficient if we are genuinely going to protect our kids from these insidious ads that simply want to groom young Australians to be gambling addicts.</para>
<para>This chamber has had many a debate about the need to put restrictions on gambling throughout the country, whether it is in relation to disgusting, life-ruining and culture-sucking machines such as poker machines or whether ads should be promoted and available to encourage people to take up gambling and to participate in that type of activity. As the mother of an 11-year-old daughter, I find it obscene that we could be watching the tennis in the evenings and she could still, under this legislation, be bombarded with gambling ads. What has happened in this country where we've moved from sport being about sport to sport being about making money for gambling barons? What has happened in this country when we say that it's okay to be teaching kids more about the odds than about the technique of the sport and the game?</para>
<para>We're debating this bill in the context of what has been discovered over the last 24 hours: the scandal in South Africa, where the ball-tampering affair was discovered. The only reason that things like that shock Australians so deeply—and I think the response from the public has been fierce and severe, with huge disappointment—is that we like to believe that we have a fundamental belief in the spirit of the game. We believe in the spirit of sport for sport's sake—that it teaches good values to our kids, that it's about community, and that it's about understanding that there is a set of rules you play by and the best player will win. It's not about cheating, tampering or gambling.</para>
<para>As parents, we put our kids in front of the television to watch the grand final because we want our team to win and we want to be part of the national spirit of the grand final weekend. That isn't about having to put your hand in your pocket or get on your phone to hand over tens, dozens, hundreds or thousands of dollars in gambling revenue to people who don't give two hoots about the talent of the players or, indeed, the moral lessons that are being taught through sport to our kids. I find it sick that we have a situation where kids can be watching sport and—instead of learning about the techniques of the game, or seeing ads that suggest where they could go to get involved in their local footy or cricketing club or ads promoting the activities that many of these clubs are involved in in their communities—getting bombarded with gambling ads grooming them to be gambling addicts.</para>
<para>Of course we need to put restrictions on this. This bill goes some way to doing that, but it doesn't go far enough at all. Harmonising the laws to protect our kids and ensure that audiences aren't bombarded between 5 am and 8.30 pm is fantastic, but it is nowhere near what it needs to be. The Greens have moved an amendment to this bill that also deals with the ridiculous situation where there is a loophole that has been created depending on the size of the audience on a television channel. If you have a small enough audience, you can still bombard them with gambling ads. It is just preposterous! The channels that are allowed off the hook with this exemption, of course, fall under the banner of Foxtel. I will remind you that that's the same organisation that got $30 million of taxpayers' money from the minister, from this government, as compensation for the fact that they're not meant to be able to show gambling ads on their television stations. We've now seen the regulations. They've been handed down by ACMA, the Australian Communications and Media Authority. They came out last Friday. Lo and behold, there is an exemption in there, based on audience size, which would mean that some of the key sporting channels of Foxtel are not even bound by these new rules and regulations. Let's be clear: Foxtel didn't identify an existing loophole. The government didn't leave open an existing loophole; they've created a new one.</para>
<para>Who benefits from this? It's not the media industry itself. Every broadcasting network and every online content provider has to abide by the new restrictions. This exemption doesn't apply to the commercial broadcasters. It's not the community, who overwhelmingly oppose gambling advertisements during live sports events, and it's certainly not the kids and the children, who are supposed to be the ones being protected by this legislation but are instead having that protection fundamentally undermined. The only ones who benefit from this exemption are Foxtel, the same for-profit, News Limited, Murdoch-owned, subscription television station that got $30 million of taxpayers' money because they were crying poor that, if these gambling ads were taken off, they wouldn't be able to survive. They got $30 million in compensation and now we find they can do it anyway. It's obscene. These are Australian taxpayers' dollars. This is a company that we know don't pay enough tax as it is, yet they're being given taxpayers' dollars and they don't have to follow the same rules as everybody else.</para>
<para>But who could be surprised that this government would put the interests of Foxtel ahead of the interests of the public? I look forward to hearing from the minister in relation to this as we get to the committee stage. I'd like to know exactly what that $30 million is being spent on, because that taxpayers' money was handed out from the minister to Foxtel and yet of course not every taxpayer has the right to even watch Foxtel, because it is a subscription service. It is not free to air. So taxpayers have paid this amount of money to a company that then charges people to access its service. It's ridiculous. They are a government that gave Foxtel a $30 million handout because they were worried that their media mates weren't going to get enough money out of the Liberals' media reform. This is the reform bill that passed through this parliament last year. The truth is you just can't trust the government when it comes to handing out taxpayers' dollars and doing the right thing when it comes to the proper regulations that they talk about.</para>
<para>We are genuinely concerned that this bill has been watered down so much that it only deals with a small part of the problem. Senator Griff has outlined the issues in relation to the time zone—5 am to 8.30 pm does not deal with some of the most significant and largest live sporting events that Australian families sit down to watch year in and year out, such as the tennis, the Big Bash League, the rugby grand final and many, many others. To say that you want to introduce legislation and to have all of the kudos of cleaning up this industry, of protecting children and of listening to the genuine concerns of families about the impact that these gambling ads are having during live sporting events and then not to follow through is frankly pathetic. It's absolutely pathetic. You either do the job properly or move over and let somebody else do it for you. The government has watered this down so much that children are not protected. This doesn't deal with the issues.</para>
<para>The other issue in relation to this is that, while Foxtel got $30 million of taxpayers' money as compensation for removing these gambling ads—although, as we find out months and months later, they have exemptions to still show them—the commercial broadcasters, Seven, Nine and Ten, were given zero licence fees. They had their licence fees removed so that they didn't have to pay them anymore. That was their compensation for this. Yet, past 8.30, they can still play the ads. Past 8.30 at night, in prime time, they can still play the ads. So what did they really get those broadcasting licence fees reduced for? Really, what was that compensation all about? Of course, SBS, a public broadcaster, have been told they're not able to put these ads on air either and—lo and behold!—have said, 'We don't want to run the ads anyway.' We have seen the statement from the CEO of SBS, as recently as today, that they will comply with these regulations. But SBS didn't get any compensation from the government. So they gave $30 million to their mates at Foxtel, they gave free licence fees to the commercial broadcasters and they gave absolutely nothing to SBS. In fact what SBS, the public broadcaster, has got is almost $60 million worth of cuts from this government. That's what SBS got: a big kick in the guts and budget cuts. You can see there's a bit of a pattern developing here: public money going out the door to one group, cuts to another, and lots of: 'Wink, wink, nudge, nudge. It'll be right mate. We'll give you some exemptions. We'll lessen the impact here.' That's what's happened in relation to this.</para>
<para>Despite all of the fanfare when this package was first announced—it was done during the media reform debates this time last year; we had the Prime Minister standing up and saying that parents could be assured that their kids were going to be protected and that we wouldn't have gambling ads being shown during live sport—they paid off their mates so that they would get them to sit around the table, and then they weakened the regulations anyway. They haven't done the job properly.</para>
<para>The Greens will be moving amendments to this bill. We're happy to have a debate for as long as it takes tonight, if this bill is going to continue. We will also support the amendments put forward by both the Labor opposition and the Nick Xenophon Team, because we need to strengthen this legislation. It's been watered down so much that we need to make sure we give it some real teeth at least.</para>
<para>One of the amendments that the Greens will be moving is in relation to the quotas that broadcasters currently have in relation to local content, because we know that one of the key things that these commercial broadcasters want is to not have to show so much Australian made content on their television channels. This isn't about sport; this is about drama and this is about kids television. In this great big magical everyone-in-the-tent deal that the minister managed to pull off last year, he said: '$30 million for Foxtel. No licence fees for the others.' He did nothing about making sure there was a quid pro quo from these commercial broadcasters. Every sitting week, these broadcasters have been walking up and down the corridors in this place, lobbying members of parliament and saying 'We don't want to have to have quotas on the Australian content that is shown on our televisions.'</para>
<para>Channel 9, Channel 7 and Channel 10 don't want to have to show kids TV; they think it's too expensive. They don't want to have to invest in Australian made content; they don't think it's worth it, so they want the current quotas that are in place watered down. The government's given them a free ride, because they've taken away their licence fees, and now these broadcasters want more. They don't want to have to show Australian kids television, and they don't want to have to make Australian drama. That's going to have a huge impact on our Australian producers, on our content creators, on our writers and on our production staff. A huge Australian industry is about to walk out the door if these broadcasters don't have quotas enforced upon them.</para>
<para>We're having this debate on the eve of the content review about to be released by the government and the ACMA. If they do what the broadcasters want, they are going to say: 'We should have these quotas watered down. There should be no requirement for Australian made kids television. There should be no requirement, or little requirement, for Australian made drama.' Imagine not having Australian actors on television. Imagine our kids not hearing and seeing Australian stories. Imagine what happens when you turn on the television, or open up your on-demand service from whatever broadcaster, and all that your kids are watching is some of that junk television coming from the US. Australian kids deserve to hear and see and experience Australian made stories. Every Australian deserves to see their own community reflected back at them. Part of what makes the social fabric of a nation is being able to tell our own stories, to reflect upon who we are.</para>
<para>This government is on the eve of being able to take all of that away. So we're going to move an amendment during this debate to ensure that any changes to these quotas are disallowable by this parliament. We should be able to have a check and balance. At the moment, the government can change those quotas willy-nilly. I don't know what the minister is going to advise, but I sure as hell know what the commercial broadcasters would like to see. And if he's weak enough to give away all this public money and not stump up the regulations strong enough on this gambling stuff, we know that the minister and his government are not going to be strong enough to do the right thing by the Australian people and Australian kids and protect the jobs of Australian creators and the entire industry.</para>
<para>Being able to show that there is integrity in the system is essential. This minister has proven time and time again that he's prepared to do the bidding of the commercial broadcasters and Foxtel. He isn't prepared to put money into our public broadcasters and tells them that they can just suck it up and deal with the cuts. And the next big sledgehammer is going to hit Australian content, Australian stories and kids television. As a result, our Australian kids are going to suffer. Under this bill, they can wait up until 8.30 pm and be bombarded with gambling ads. If they're watching anything before that, chances are that, if the commercial broadcasters get their way, if the minister isn't strong enough to stand up to them, and if we don't put a check and balance in this legislation tonight, they're not even going to be watching Australian-made shows before 8.30 pm—before those sporting shows.</para>
<para>Some people in this place will say that these issues are different, but they are not. When the government negotiated this package with the broadcasters 12 months ago this was the quid pro quo. The Senate has every right to be a check and a balance on making sure that, if there are changes to the requirements of broadcasters, the Senate is able to say yes or no. It shouldn't just be at the discretion of the minister. So I appeal to you, as crossbenchers: don't give the minister the ability to dump Australian content at the flick of a pen, when it suits him. Make sure the Australian people are represented in the parliament. I move the second reading amendment, which deals with the need for SBS to be compensated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“, but the Senate is of the opinion that the Government must reinstate the SBS’s revenue shortfall of $9 million as included in the 2017-18 Budget.”</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017. I echo the sentiments expressed by my colleague Senator Griff but I also want to take this opportunity to address a particularly deceptive gambling product known as Lottoland. A few months ago, I was informed by someone that they saw a Lottoland advert during Channel 7's <inline font-style="italic">Sunrise</inline> program. It appeared as they crossed to the weather report, just after 7.30 in the morning. Lottoland is not a lottery as most people would be familiar with; it is a synthetic lottery that threatens the viability of the Australian lottery system and, with it, the incomes of over 4,000 newsagents and lottery agents who sell legitimate tickets in Australian lotteries.</para>
<para>Lottoland is registered in Gibraltar and pays no income tax on the money it earns overseas. Lottoland also avoids paying any local taxes like Tatts pays. It is licensed in the Northern Territory, but thankfully has been banned in my home state of South Australia. It is misleading and confuses the public. You can see why people are confused. Firstly, it is named Lottoland. You fill in an online form that looks like a lottery ticket but instead you are entering a bet. Lottoland causes confusion by saying, 'Manage all your lotto games in one place by downloading the free Lottoland app.'</para>
<para>The main 10 pages of Lottoland's website mentions the words 'lotto' and 'lotteries' a total of 423 times; that number excludes its own name, which has the word 'lotto' in it. Despite the misleading name, Lottoland is not a lottery at all. However, little has been done to make it clear that Lottoland is a fake lottery that bets on lottery outcomes. While the top 10 pages of the Lottoland website features the word 'lottery' 423 times, the words' 'bet' and 'betting', which are a more accurate description of Lottoland, are only used 243 times. Consumers need to understand that, after you look at the fine print, what you can win on Lottoland is often not what they say. Here is a quote from a recent expose of Lottoland on ABC's <inline font-style="italic">The Checkout</inline>: 'Lottoland is not a lottery. It's barely even a land. It's a bookmaker in Gibraltar.'</para>
<para>Secondly, what you can actually win is nowhere near what they say you can win. Thirdly, the jackpots are subject to a 35 per cent reduction because of US taxes, and Lottoland reflects that. Let's say you won $100 million. You get $65 million, and that's if you want it paid as an annuity over a 30-year period; it's less if you take a lump sum. Powerball takes off another 40 per cent, and so does Lottoland, so now your $100 million is actually $39 million. So when Lottoland says don't settle for less they mean settle for a lot less.</para>
<para>But that's not all. If the real lottery gets even more winners, your position gets worse. Even though you're not in a real lottery, they split your winnings as if you are. So if three Americans win the real US Powerball, you only get a payout as if you're the fourth; and if another person wins through Lottoland in Australia, you're the fifth. But after they reduce it to a lump-sum payout you only get $7.8 million. So you're not as rich as Lottoland said you'd be—and that's the case for two of Lottoland's biggest lotteries. After the winners of the real lotteries are paid out, the state governments gets 40 to 80 per cent of what is left. This situation is simply not good enough, and this is why I foreshadow that I'll be moving a second reading amendment calling on the government to ban betting on the outcome of lotteries.</para>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">(Quorum formed)</inline></para>
<para>Proceedings suspended from 18:30 to 19:30</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BARTLETT (</name>
    <name.id>DT6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>) ( ): I apologise to senators for requiring a quorum just before the dinner break due to my not being here. I'd like to join with my Greens colleague Senator Hanson-Young in speaking on this issue. The Greens have a number of amendments that will be addressed when we get to the detail of the legislation. In my role as the Greens spokesperson for gambling, I want to put on record our strong concern at the continuing what I was going to call 'inability' but is clear unwillingness of the federal government to adequately address problem gambling. This bill purports to make a small measure to try to address gambling advertising online and in broadcasting, but it clearly has major loopholes, even with the inadequate measures that it's trying to put forward.</para>
<para>On top of that, we have the continuing inaction of this government—and, it should be said, of the previous Labor government as well—when it comes to the massive social harm that is done, particularly by poker machines in the community. That is something that the federal government can address, should it choose to do so, but they've clearly chosen not to do so. What we are now seeing, with major social and human harm being caused across most of Australia because of the world-record amounts of pokies proliferation, is a huge cost—a huge social cost, and a huge economic cost as well.</para>
<para>It is impossible to reach any conclusion other than that this world-record level of pokies per capita in Australia—clearly, the most of any country in the world—is a deliberate policy decision. It's an orchestrated outcome of decisions of governments, both Labor and Liberal, at state and federal levels to allow this to happen and to enable it to be brought about. Clearly, this is because of the significant amounts of money that the pokies lobby donates to both political parties. The Greens would certainly like to see donations from gambling interests banned entirely. If that happened, I think we would definitely get far better policy and legislative outcomes in this area, whether it's regulation of advertising and promotion of gambling or how we deal with it online or in the broader community. The fact that the federal government is legislating in the area of online content services and broadcasting shows that it has the constitutional power to do so. I am quite sure that, were they of a mind, the federal government could legislate national controls and standards for poker machines as well. That's something the Greens will promote, and we'll be pushing that issue more fully as we move into the federal election.</para>
<para>We saw at the state election in Tasmania that the fate of poker machines was a major issue. We don't yet know how much money the gambling lobby put into ensuring that their interests were looked after in that state election, because it hasn't been disclosed, but the amount was extraordinary. That is certainly not going to deter the Greens from continuing to push this issue with our various representatives in state parliaments and at the federal level. The issue in regard to this particular legislation and the way that it seeks to deal with advertising of gambling is a sign, once again, of government looking after its mates. Those are the loopholes that the Greens will try to close with amendments to this particular legislation.</para>
<para>Let's be clear: this is something that the public wants. The public does not want to see gambling advertising proliferating across sporting programs or after programs. They don't like to see the amount of influence that the gambling lobby now has through sponsorship of sporting teams. This is something that can be got rid of in the same way that it was with cigarette companies. We used to have cigarette companies sponsoring football teams and providing all the advertising around the grounds. We even had premierships and best and fairest medals named after brands of cigarettes. That was phased out. It was phased out with the conscious choice at the federal government level and financial assistance to enable sporting bodies to transition to other sources of revenue. I believe the same needs to happen in regard to the gambling influence in sport and, I might say, in regard to poker machines as well. At the federal level, we can provide financial incentives for states to move away from their dependence on poker machines, get rid of the massive social harm that they are causing and enable similar amounts of revenue and money to be spent in the community in ways that are not tied to such massive human harm. The sooner we can do that, the sooner we can put an end to some of the terrible suffering that poker machines and problem gambling cause.</para>
<para>I should say that I and indeed the Greens are not against all forms of gambling. We don't seek to ban it or rule it out. What we seek to ensure is that it's properly regulated. At the moment, particularly in the poker machine area but even in this measure before us now, it is not adequately regulated. There is not adequate protection against problem gamblers and gambling addicts being inappropriately targeted. The fact is that there has been some small progress in regard to trying to assist problem gamblers in the online space. The fact that that principle is accepted by the industry in the online space as a code of practice is good, but it does mean that it should be able to be applied in regard to poker machines. If it can be regulated and controlled with a set of standards in an online way, particularly in regard to people opting out universally across the country, then it can be done with poker machines as well. Poker machines these days are all networked. They are all basically plugged into each other across clubs, across casinos and sometimes across different venues as well. So the same opportunity is there and the same legal power is there, should there be the political will to do it. That is something that we certainly would like to encourage other parties to look at, as the Greens will be doing.</para>
<para>The final thing I want to say in regard to this area is to really point out the hypocrisy here at the policy level where we have government turning a blind eye to problem gambling and particularly to poker machine addiction, which is the worst and most addictive form of gambling that there is, while at the same time we have a minister in this government saying that we need to put all people who are on income support and receiving welfare payments on a cashless welfare card so they can't decide for themselves how to spend their money. They are using things like gambling addicts and people putting money in pokies as a reason why this needs to happen. If they're really concerned about the harm caused by people putting their money in poker machines then they should tackle the problem of poker machines and not further punish people who are addicted at the other end of the process. That's where they should be putting their attention if they are genuinely concerned about how people on welfare are spending their money—removing and regulating the danger of the deliberately addictive nature of poker machines being proliferated throughout the community.</para>
<para>In my own state of Queensland we have the state Labor government there continuing to push a policy of more casinos and somehow trying to create the myth that you need a big casino somewhere to create a tourist attraction. We are seeing that in my own city, in Brisbane, with the Queen's Wharf project. A huge amount of public land is being given over to the casino baron, with a huge pile of poker machines added to it. At the same time the state government are making it harder for small venues and live music venues with their restrictive lockout laws they are giving the casinos a complete exemption. We saw that in New South Wales as well, with their lockout laws—funnily enough, the casino gets an exemption. It is the same in Queensland. The casinos always seem to get an exemption.</para>
<para>The state Labor government are currently trying to do exactly the same thing in Cairns, on a smaller scale, as they have done with Queen's Wharf in Brisbane, and have a CBD casino. There is already a casino there, but they want to put a casino in the CBD—and, again, provide a developer with the use of some public land and just call it all a tourism hub, as though a casino is essential for a tourism hub. To make it profitable, it will inevitably rely on the local population spending money on the pokies. I was walking through the existing Cairns casino just a couple of weeks ago. The casino is 90 per cent pokies, I think. There are a few blackjack tables and a few other things, but 90 per cent of it was pokies. Clearly a lot of the people there were locals. It is clear that the existing casino relies on the local population putting their money into pokies to try to maintain its profitability. Why any government would be looking at building bigger casinos with more poker machines is beyond me. Certainly the Greens will continue to do what we can to stop that.</para>
<para>I repeat my praise for the state Labor government in moving to ban donations from property developers, because of the way they have clearly perverted the policy and decision-making processes at a local government and state level. Clearly the same thing has happened with the gambling lobby, and we need to see them, in particular, put into the same category. They cause just as much social harm—in fact, more social harm in lots of ways. The suicides, the family breakdowns and the crime consequences that come from gambling addiction are well documented. A body as dry as the Productivity Commission has examined this, and it has detailed the harm to productivity, purely from an economic side of things, because of our poker machine policy and our inadequate regulations around gambling.</para>
<para>What we should not be doing—and, unfortunately, are doing with the inadequacies in this legislation, unless the Senate can support the amendments that Senator Hanson-Young is putting forward—is opening up the risk of further social harm being caused because of inappropriate advertising reaching people that it shouldn't be reaching. We need a better regulatory regime, and I urge the Senate to look at the amendments that are put forward in this chamber to strengthen the regulatory regime being put in this legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to make a contribution on the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017. Certainly from my perspective, I think this demonstrates the responsiveness of the government to responding to two things: the first being the rapid change in the use of gambling-type technologies and the second being—and I think perhaps more importantly in this case—the very strong and clear community sentiment that was relayed to the government and to other members of this chamber and the House of Representatives. The community has, I think, drawn a very clear line in terms of what it finds acceptable in gambling advertising over some mediums. I'm pleased that the Minister for Communications and the Arts, Senator Fifield, has been quick to listen to those concerns, to understand those concerns and to respond to them in the legislative manner that we've got before us.</para>
<para>That doesn't mean, of course, that everyone in this chamber will agree with the proposal that is before us. As Senator Bartlett has alluded to and as Senator Hanson-Young alluded to in her comments earlier today, there are lines to be drawn regarding the proper scope of regulatory action in response to these and other changing circumstances. Having worked closely with the minister on the issue, I think that where the government is drawing the line is the most prudent measure. That doesn't mean that in the future other measures may not be properly canvassed and that those views and the views and attitudes of other stakeholders sought with regard to their appropriateness. But I think that, when you look at the detail of what's proposed here, this is a very, very prudent measure that properly reflects community concerns and it does so in a way that's totally consistent with the legislative or regulatory framework that operates in this area more generally as a starting point. That's why I think it is important that, when we do come to legislate on matters like this or extend the regulatory scope to respond to community concerns, we do so in a way that properly reflects the existing architecture of the laws and the regulations in that particular area, and I think that this bill does that.</para>
<para>In the brief time that's available to me, I want to reflect on a couple of things. I remind the Senate of the origin of this particular reform because it sits amongst some other media reforms which are a very, very important and sizable success story for this coalition government. Again, full marks to the Minister for Communications for pulling off what many people said was impossible. He responded accurately to concerns from industry stakeholders that the operating environment for them was becoming more challenging. The real losers over the medium to long term were not actually media proprietors—although I'm sure they would face some sort of commercial costs—but Australian consumers. I think that the media reform package that finally made its way through this place was a very, very necessary and timely measure.</para>
<para>There is another thing I want to talk briefly about. In this place we get to read lots of explanatory memoranda. I've got to say that many of them are tedious. They're very, very dry. If I could be so bold: they often don't have the depth of evidence that legislators are looking for to justify policy responses. I compliment officials from the Department of Communications and the Arts. The explanatory memorandum in this case was very, very dense—I use that word politely—in terms of properly articulating the problem that the government is seeking to address, and I'll come to that in a moment. Then I'll just briefly talk about why I think that this particular resolution is the right way to proceed and will make some comments with regard to the government's approach to SBS, because that's a matter that Senator Hanson-Young reflected on in her contributions.</para>
<para>I start by winding the clock right back. Sometimes it can be too easily forgotten how quickly the issue of gambling has progressed in our community and how quickly community attitudes have become much clearer in terms of what are acceptable approaches to gambling. I want to recount for the Senate some of the key points that came out of the Productivity Commission report that Senator Bartlett might have been referring to in his contribution. I don't believe—others will think differently—that the matter of gambling in our community is as easily rectified as some people would have us believe. Clearly, it has its origins in a range of issues, not least of which are psychological issues. I think it is a naive and very shallow response to only apply legislative or regulatory remedies to these issues to somehow rid us of the curse of problem gambling.</para>
<para>To begin, I want to remind people of some of the comments that were provided to us in the original Productivity Commission report. Even though it was some time ago, its observations are still quite pertinent. Not surprisingly to some, the report identified:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Gambling is an enjoyable pursuit for many Australians. As much as possible, policy should aim to preserve the benefits, while targeting measures at gamblers facing significant risks or harm.</para></quote>
<para>It said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">While precision is impossible, various state surveys suggest that the number of Australians categorised as 'problem gamblers' ranges around 115,000, with people categorised as at 'moderate risk' ranging around 280,000.</para></quote>
<para>It went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is common to report prevalence as a proportion of the adult population, but this can be misleading for policy purposes, given that most people do not gamble regularly or on gambling forms that present significant difficulties.</para></quote>
<para>Again it goes on to try to calculate or predict:</para>
<list>The significant social cost of problem gambling—estimated to be at least $4.7 billion a year—means that even policy measures with modest efficacy in reducing harm will often be worthwhile.</list>
<para>I think that's a particularly important point because some people come to this debate thinking there is a silver bullet. This point from the Productivity Commission recommendations or observations clearly demonstrates that even policy measures with modest efficacy can reduce harm and be worthwhile. It goes on to say that:</para>
<list>Over the last decade, state and territory governments have put in place an array of regulations and other measures intended to reduce harm to gamblers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">– Some have been helpful, but some have had little effect, and some have imposed unnecessary burdens on the industry.</para></quote>
<para>In other words, it's been a mixed bag. Finally—and I think it was quite a prophetic final point in its observations—it goes on to say:</para>
<list>Governments have improved their policy-making and regulations with respect to gambling, but significant governance flaws remain in most jurisdictions, including insufficient transparency, regulatory independence and coordination.</list>
<quote><para class="block">– There is a particular need to improve arrangements for national research.</para></quote>
<para>Of course, what the Productivity Commission was talking about was the known problem, but what we are here tonight to discuss and to debate is trying to prevent that problem getting itself rooted into the minds and the behaviour of children, and then providing significant adverse outcomes as a result of that.</para>
<para>But these reforms are important. As I said, they come out of a much broader package of media reforms that the Senate successfully agreed to late last year, I think it was—it feels like a long time ago now. The broad package of media reforms that were brought to the Senate by the government and ultimately endorsed by this Senate were intended to, and will over time, improve the sustainability of Australia's free-to-air broadcasting sector, support the creation of high Australian content and modernise broadcasting and content regulation.</para>
<para>Importantly for us, the package does also include community safeguards in the form of additional restrictions on gambling promotions during live coverage of sporting events, provided on broadcast, subscription and online platforms. The additional restrictions will prohibit gambling promotions from five minutes before the scheduled start of the sporting event until five minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event, where the event occurs between the hours of 5 am and 8.30 pm. To reflect on the comments of Senator Hanson-Young and Senator Bartlett—I didn't get a chance to listen to Senator O'Neill's contribution—no-one doubts that this is an issue that is worthy of immediate remedy. No-one doubts the fact that there is a broad community call for action on the part of government. Certainly, for me and for the government, we're saying that the best remedy is a remedy that sits comfortably within our existing legislative and regulatory architecture, using ACMA as the primary regulator and using the codes that currently exist, but extending them across new platforms to provide the best possible protection for families and, by extension, the best possible protection for children. Whenever I listen to constituents raise the issue with me, hear it talked about in our backbench communications committee or even hear in Senator Hanson-Young's contribution, we know that children with their older brothers and sisters, parents and grandparents enjoy that great Australian pastime of sport participation and sport watching as a family. So anything that can be done to protect children is very worthwhile.</para>
<para>I just want to go back to the point of the explanatory memorandum. The explanatory memorandum makes the case for reform very, very powerfully, and, as I said in my opening remarks, provides much more depth in providing a policy justification for this action than many of the explanatory memorandums that I've had the opportunity to read. I want to briefly focus on three paragraphs from the explanatory memorandum.</para>
<para>The explanatory memorandum does an excellent job of identifying what the problem is that we're here tonight to rectify. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">While there are a number of 'time of day' and classification related restrictions on commercial free-to-air television that are intended to reduce children's exposure to gambling promotions, these do not apply to sports and news broadcasts. In addition, restrictions in relation to live sporting events, outlined in Appendix 3 of the Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice (the code), do not restrict broader gambling advertising immediately prior to the match and in breaks with the result that there are significant levels of gambling advertising associated with live sporting events.</para></quote>
<para>That's a statement that is well supported, because we know that from the anecdotal evidence we hear from constituents. It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is less concern where these events are broadcast after 8:30 pm as children are less likely to be viewing at this time however many sports events commence between 7pm and 8pm or take place on weekend afternoons when there are significant child audiences. Children are thus exposed to significant levels of gambling advertising on television which risks increasing adolescents' desire to experiment with gambling. Increased exposure to gambling advertisements has also been associated with more positive youth gambling attitudes and intentions towards gambling.</para></quote>
<para>I think this is particularly important, because the statement is supported by some independent research. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In a recent study, children aged 8-16 who regularly watched Australian Football League (AFL) and National Rugby League (NRL) matches were more able to accurately recall the names of sports betting brands (eg Sportsbet, TAB) compared to other sports like soccer. Further, many children were able to describe gambling sponsorships associated with AFL and NFL player uniforms. This demonstrates the 'normalising' effect of gambling and how intertwined it becomes with the sport itself. Gambling and sport are no longer disparate entities in the eyes of children but have become enmeshed.</para></quote>
<para>I thought that was a powerful demonstration that the problem is not an imagined one. The problem is a real one, and does deserve some attention.</para>
<para>Finally, let me briefly touch on the legislative approach that the government has adopted and why I think it is a prudent one. I think this will be the subject of much of the debate as we approach the committee stage of the bill. When we explore the preferred action of the government, we know that it has taken a decision to, as far as possible, broaden how the restrictions will apply to online content service providers who provide live sporting events. Those will include: sporting codes, such as the Australian Football League, of course; telecommunications companies, such as Telstra and Optus; social networking companies, such as YouTube, Facebook and Twitter; emerging live content providers; online wagering providers, such as Ladbrokes; internet protocol television; community television providers; internet radio providers; commercial free-to-air broadcasters; online platforms, such as SBS online platform; and subscription television broadcasters' online platforms. Parents and families can be confident that this regulatory approach will have the widest possible reach.</para>
<para>In choosing this particular approach, the government has been conscious that no existing legislation has attempted to impose broadcast-like program standards on online content services. To date, regulatory intervention in the online space has been limited to addressing content that causes significant harm to society. Existing regulatory frameworks, such as schedule 7 of the Broadcasting Services Act, and the Interactive Gambling Act, seek to prohibit or block access to harmful content, not to set standards around the provisioning of scheduling of content. The regulatory framework in the Telecommunications Act was also unsuitable as it does not regulate the content of content services. Following a review of the existing framework, the department considered that none were fit for purpose and that significant amendment would be needed to adapt each framework to address the proposed reforms. Given that the Broadcasting Services Act covers regulation of broadcasting content, it is practical to include the new online content restrictions in the same legislation and it will ensure consistency across platforms. As a result, the government has developed a targeted new framework, in proposed schedule 8 to the Broadcasting Services Act, to enable ACMA to make the necessary rules to restrict gambling promotions during live sports events.</para>
<para>So, at a variety of levels, this is a very prudent approach. I think the chamber agrees it's a necessary and timely one. It's one that is consistent with the legislative and regulatory architecture around these issues. You only have to look at the Senate committee report to see that there is a divergent view about how these things should be regulated, but I'm confident the government has chosen the most correct path. I'm sure that, as community standards continue to change and as pressure comes on the parliament from electors, if need be the government will be very responsive to other issues in the same way it's been very responsive to this one. I commend the legislation to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution this evening to the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017 before us. I want to start with two words: Sam Pickles. Sam Pickles happens to be a character from a very Australian book called <inline font-style="italic">Clouds</inline><inline font-style="italic">treet</inline>, which you may be familiar with, Acting Deputy President Sterle. It is written about your home town of Perth, in Western Australia, where I also grew up as a boy. It's become one of the most read novels in Australia by a Western Australian author, Tim Winton, who you may also be familiar with. I was very fortunate to meet Mr Winton on Saturday night and had my copy of <inline font-style="italic">Cloudstreet</inline> signed.</para>
<para>In <inline font-style="italic">Cloudstreet</inline> the key character, Sam Pickles, is a likeable enough man who does his best for his family, but he's a terribly compulsive gambler. He has an addiction to gambling. The story talks about the life of the family and their challenges as they deal with Sam's gambling habits. The conclusion you draw is that he just can't help himself sometimes. He calls it 'the hairy hand of Lady Luck'. He believes in an external force that is somehow always going to deliver him the next win. Of course, he blows all the family savings and they lose their home and their friends. It's really about their trials and travesties. The book, while it might be fiction, is the sad story of a lot of Australians who have addictive gambling personalities and addictive gambling problems.</para>
<para>Any kind of addiction, whether it's gambling, alcohol, drugs or sex, tends to be seen in this society as perhaps a weakness or a philosophical or character flaw. In fact, it's very much a physiological problem. While I accept some of Senator Smith's assertions here tonight that we shouldn't be too prescriptive in trying to regulate for what he calls 'a psychological problem'—and, let's be honest, that's exactly what it is for many Australians who suffer from addiction, such as gambling addition—the government has a very important role to play, as it does in dealing with other forms of addiction. We have very strong rules, regulations and laws in this country around the use of illicit drugs. We regulate tobacco, alcohol and other drugs because of addiction and the negative externalities that are associated with people who are addicted. We know that gambling, as Sam Pickles shows in the book <inline font-style="italic">Cloudstreet</inline>, can not only ruin families; the problems can flow right through communities.</para>
<para>My home state of Tasmania has just had a state election that has seen the Hodgman government re-elected on the back of the mother of all pro-gambling industry election campaigns that I have certainly ever seen. Senator McKim, who's been through a few elections in Tasmania, would say the same thing. We don't know how much money the gambling industry has pumped into this election. We're guessing it's several million dollars, if not way more than that. Because of Tasmania's gambling laws, we may never know exactly how much money big gambling has put into the Tasmanian election.</para>
<para>The Greens have been campaigning for decades to remove pokies from pubs and clubs in Tasmania. We've worked with stakeholders right across the board. We've looked at the problems of problem gambling, addiction, and the amount of money being lost through pokies to local communities and to local businesses where that money would be spent otherwise. The government don't mind it, because they pull in some tax, but we've estimated, through ACOSS and TasCOSS—the Tasmanian branch of ACOSS—and a number of other stakeholders, that we are talking about tens of millions of dollars of revenue each year being taken out of the Tasmanian community and going directly into the pockets of those big gambling companies, in particular the Federal Group. That is owned by one family, the Farrell family. They are based in Sydney, but they set up Federal Group in Tasmania and essentially it has a monopoly on gambling in Tasmania. We have casinos and a number of pubs and clubs that have slot machines.</para>
<para>We have had lots of debates in here about problem gambling around slot machines and pokies. This is different, because it is about advertising for sports bets, but the principle is essentially the same. For someone who is addicted to pokies, the addiction is fed by bright lights, stimulation, noise and, of course, the idea that somehow the hairy hand of luck is going to come down on their side of the ledger. It is no different with sports betting on TV. When someone with an addiction problem is sitting down in front of their TV and they get into a sports event that they are highly into, especially if it is their team, these things also offer stimulation. These are the sorts of things that the committee uncovered when we looked at this, and the online gaming inquiry that the Senate Environment and Communications Committee held last year also talked about the systems that have been put in place in online gaming. But the principle is basically the same.</para>
<para>The philosophical question is: does the government have a role to play in trying to regulate and reduce the harm from problem gaming, whether it is problem gaming online, problem gambling through online sports betting or gambling through pokies or other forms of gambling? And of course we do. The bill that we have before us today doesn't get to the heart of the matter as far as the Greens are concerned. Senator Hanson-Young, my colleague—you were a bit worried then, weren't you, Senator Hanson-Young, as you thought I wasn't going to add the second part of your name—gave a great speech in here tonight where she basically said that, on behalf of Foxtel, the government has deliberately produced a loophole to let channels like ESPN get exclusive rights to broadcast gambling ads to children. We don't think it's satisfactory that any ban on sports betting finishes at 8.30 pm. When I get the chance to sit down and watch the AFL—which is, sadly, very rare these days—8.30 pm is not even getting towards half-time. That's when things are starting to get warmed up. Usually, it is not until we get to later in the game that things start getting pretty tense.</para>
<para>Why ban online sports betting at 8.30 pm? Who came up with that arbitrary line? Is that when we think children go to bed? Well, they don't. My children certainly don't go to bed at that time. They go directly online or they do other things. I don't think the old-fashioned 5.30 pm to 8.30 pm when you get tucked into bed really works anymore, if that is what has driven this decision—but we can ask Senator Fifield about this during the committee stage. Sports events like the Big Bash—and I can think of lots of other events—can go to much later at night. Sometimes the tennis will go until midnight, depending on who is playing and how many tie breaks you get, especially in the fifth set. But the same point applies: why turn it off at 8.30 pm?</para>
<para>I want to get back to the loophole that I mentioned and that Senator Hanson-Young mentioned. Let's be clear: this loophole wasn't identified in this legislation. They didn't leave open an existing loophole in this legislation; they created a new one. And who benefits from this loophole? It's not the media industry. Every broadcasting network and online content provider has to abide by the new restrictions, although we've made it clear we don't think those restrictions are anywhere near good enough—especially to prevent children from picking up the habits of online sports betting. This exemption doesn't apply to them. It's not the community, who overwhelmingly oppose gambling advertisements during live sporting events. It's not children, who are supposed to be protected by this legislation but are instead having that protection undermined. The only one who benefits from this is Foxtel.</para>
<para>Who could be surprised that this government would put the interests of Foxtel above the interests of the public? This is a government that gave Foxtel a $30 million handout because they were worried their media favourites weren't getting enough money out of the Liberals' media reform deal with Senator Xenophon and One Nation. I remember those special deals from not so long ago very well. This is the government whose communications minister received a fancy pair of cufflinks from Foxtel a week after the deal came through. He may indeed even be wearing those tonight! We can ask that question during the committee stage.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens think the intent of the bill is too important to water down, especially when we've come so far, with the inquiries we've had and the time it's taken to get the legislation to this point. I remember having a very late night in here with Senator Xenophon a few years ago on online betting. I remember going to an inquiry in Melbourne where Senator Conroy presented to the committee in his new role with the gambling industry. We've come a long way, so why don't we get it right? Tonight may be the opportunity for us to do that, if we can convince the Senate that we should strike while the iron's hot.</para>
<para>This is about protecting children, not about protecting this government's media mates. The amendment before us today rights a wrong by closing a loophole that puts children at risk just so Foxtel can make a buck. It shuts down the ability of the regulator to agree to carve-outs and exemptions like the one it signed up to on Friday. It means that the regulator can't be asked to sign on the dotted line for any gambling regulations that actively undermine the intent of the prohibition.</para>
<para>It's the job of this place to make legislation better. That's what we are; we're a house of review. It's our job, through the committee stage and through consultation across all party lines, to make legislation better. That's what we'll do tonight—certainly, that's what the Greens are going to attempt to do. This is not a political colour issue—a left-wing or a right-wing issue. This is actually about getting it right, especially for those who have problem-gambling addictions, and about protecting children from going down that road. If you think that children and teenagers aren't susceptible to this, then think again, because the evidence shows that is not the case. I heard that evidence when I was on the committee.</para>
<para>When the Prime Minister was asked about what he wanted to achieve from this bill, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Parents around Australia will be delighted when they know that during football matches and cricket matches, live sporting events before 8:30pm, there will be no more gambling ads.</para></quote>
<para>Let me say that again: the Prime Minister thinks there should be no more gambling ads during live sporting events when there are children watching. The Prime Minister says that the intention of this regulation is to protect children and help parents. I don't imagine the Prime Minister believes that children who live in homes with Foxtel connections or—as I mentioned earlier—those, like my children, who are often up past 8.30 pm are any less deserving of that protection. Yet that's exactly what this exemption for low-audience-share channels, which was signed into effect on Friday, has done.</para>
<para>The amendment is an opportunity to put the Prime Minister's stated intent into effect. It makes explicit that the intention of the bill is to make sure the regulations of gambling promotions in live event coverage are applied consistently across all broadcasting services. It then requires that ACMA checks that the intention of the bill is reflected in any code of practice that it includes in its register. It prohibits ACMA from including a code that undermines the intention of the bill. It gives ACMA the power to remove a code that does not satisfy the bill's intention, which, if this amendment proceeds, would include the Foxtel carve-out that I have mentioned today. It would also prevent giving consideration for a broadcast service's audience share when applying gambling regulations for live coverage of a sporting event. It also increases the time when the prohibition of gambling promotions during live co-produced sporting events kicks in, taking it from five minutes before the event begins to 30 minutes before.</para>
<para>As the government's own explanatory memorandum makes clear, all the analysis and research indicates that the majority of gambling promotions are in the 30 minutes prior to some football matches. That may be so, but I must say tonight and get on the record something that has been a big source of frustration for me. I think the worst online sports-betting gambling ads are the ones on the side of the Adelaide Oval, those flashing lights when you are trying to watch the footy. You are trying to follow the football and what's going on and then your eyes are drawn to these 'place a bet' ads. I don't know if I'm right, Senator Hanson-Young, but most of them seem to be at the Adelaide Oval. It is a personal dislike of mine. Not only am I opposed to Sportsbet and its advertising on TV; it really shits me when I'm watching the football and I get distracted by these flashing lights. They are not just a billboard that's been put up. They flash, and they run really fast. So the wording of 'place a bet'—on whatever it happens to be—goes right around the oval like a firecracker. It's almost impossible to miss if you are watching the footy. It is really, really hard to miss.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>When you're meant to be watching the ball!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's right—when you are meant to be watching the ball. This is a very serious matter and we've made it very clear that these kinds of things are detrimental to problem gamblers, as they potentially are to children.</para>
<para>We believe that kids should be able to watch the pre-game show without being bombarded by a flurry of gambling advertisements. Kids shouldn't have the sporting experience linked to gambling every time they turn on the television. The idea that we want to protect children from being exposed to what all the research shows is dangerous should not be controversial. Children should be protected no matter how many are watching the program. Would we protect 50,000 children watching a sporting program but not 10,000 children doing the same? Why are we protecting children based on numbers, not on principle? The Greens amendment is about saying, 'Just because Foxtel ask for the right to exclusively market gambling ads to children doesn't mean we have to give it to them.' It seems that News Ltd get a lot of what they ask for in this place. It is about showing this government that there is a way not to compromise on good intentions simply because someone gave you some cufflinks one time. We are fixing a problem that was introduced by design, but it's a chance to protect children and push back on a broadcasting service that thinks it should be exempted from that responsibility. When we go into the committee stage Senator Hanson-Young and the Greens will be raising these issues, and I'm sure—much to your delight, Minister!—we will go into more detail on these issues.</para>
<para>Briefly, to summarise, problem gambling is a big issue in this country. It goes across all sorts of platforms. From online gaming on computers at home to sports bets on TV, we get an incredible amount of stimulation. Did you know you can place a bet on who is going to kick the next goal, where it is going to be kicked from or which team is going to do it next? There are all sorts of things you can bet on during a game when you are caught up in the excitement of it all. Or it could be pokies. We need to accept that the government has a role to play in minimising the damage that problem gambling and problem gaming causes not just for individuals and their families but for communities and, often, the economy. This is money that could be spent elsewhere. We don't believe with that physiological addiction that is so evident, especially in poorer communities like we have in Tasmania that have pokie addictions and state governments that have pokie addictions, that not regulating those industries because you're in the pockets of big gaming or, in this case, creating exemptions because you are in the pocket of Rupert Murdoch and News Ltd is good enough. Tonight is a chance for the Senate to get it right, to do our job, to scrutinise the legislation before us and to make sure this amendment will get the balance right on the original bill that came through this place, which I and my colleagues and many other senators in this place contributed towards. So I will be sitting here with Senator Hanson-Young during the committee stage and we will look forward to asking the minister a few more questions about his cufflinks.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, colleagues, for contributing to this debate on the Communications Legislation Amendment (Online Content Services and Other Measures) Bill 2017 tonight. As has been canvassed, this bill will introduce a new regulatory framework which may be used to regulate gambling promotions on online content services. The bill will also establish a regulatory mechanism that can be used to apply the new gambling promotion restrictions to broadcasting services if necessary. As we know, that's not likely to need to be the case.</para>
<para>The government has indeed listened to community concern about the scheduling and the quantity of gambling promotions shown during live sporting events, particularly in the context of the impact of these promotions on children's audiences. In response to this, the government's broadcast and content reform package included new community safeguards in the form of additional restrictions on gambling promotions shown on broadcast during live sporting events in children's viewing hours. I like to describe this as being a community dividend from the media reform package. These additional restrictions will prohibit all gambling commercials and promotions during live coverage of sporting events from five minutes before the scheduled start of play to five minutes after the conclusion of play. These restrictions will apply between the hours of 5 am and 8.30 pm. Importantly, the government determined that these new restrictions should apply across commercial free-to-air television, the Special Broadcasting Service, subscription television, commercial radio and online content services. The gambling promotions reform will mean that for the first time broadcast-like program standards will be applied to online content services.</para>
<para>The bill, once enacted, will add schedule 8 to the Broadcasting Services Act 1992. Schedule 8 is an enabling framework that will allow the Australian Communications and Media Authority to make service provider rules which regulate gambling promotional content shown on online content services in conjunction with live coverage of sporting events. Broadcast sectors have worked closely with the government and the ACMA to ensure that their codes are appropriately amended. I'm grateful for the constructive engagement of industry on implementation of this important community safeguard within the existing co-regulatory framework. This engagement has resulted in registration by ACMA of industry codes giving effect to these additional restrictions for commercial free-to-air television, subscription television and commercial radio. The new broadcast rules take effect from 30 March. The announced gambling promotion restrictions will establish a clear safe zone during which parents and carers can have confidence that children will not be exposed to gambling promotions by viewing live sports events. The bill will facilitate the implementation of these restrictions.</para>
<para>There are a number of amendments that have been circulated, and the government will address these in the committee stage. A number of them seek to extend the restrictions beyond that which the government is seeking. These are significant new restrictions and build on those put in place by the Gillard government, as has been mentioned by Senator O'Neill. I appreciate that there will always be an argument to go further and, indeed, we are moving to a point today beyond that which has previously been the case. But the government, in formulating these new restrictions, has sought to achieve an appropriate balance. We wanted to establish a clear live sports safe zone for parents and carers in children's hours whilst still allowing for a legal adult recreational product to be advertised in an appropriate way.</para>
<para>In this area, there is always a balance to be struck between community safeguards, logistics and technical capabilities, and how and when a legal product should be able to be advertised. Free-to-air broadcasting in particular relies on advertising revenue to be viable and, given the popularity of sport broadcast to Australians for free, this was a relevant consideration for the government when seeking to strike the right balance.</para>
<para>Of course, these reforms take place in a wider context. The government is responding to widespread community concern about the prevalence of gambling advertising during live sporting events, which ratings data does indicate are popular with children and young audiences. We're taking the opportunity to provide a community dividend from our broader media reforms. The government has listened to the concerns that regular exposure to gambling advertisements during live sport normalises gambling in the eyes of children and can encourage vulnerable people to gamble. In light of these concerns, the government has decided that the existing rules are not meeting community expectations and that additional restrictions are required to provide appropriate community safeguards. There are existing restrictions that were put in place by the previous government, and the maintenance of these existing restrictions will reassure viewers who are worried that they will be saturated with gambling advertisements after 8.30 pm.</para>
<para>Appendix 3 of the Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice already restricts when betting advertisements or the promotion of odds are permitted. For example, during a live sporting event, gambling advertisements may only be shown at designated times, such as before and after play, and during scheduled and unscheduled breaks in play. They cannot be shown when a broadcaster goes to a commercial break after a player has kicked a goal or scored a try. In addition, the promotion of odds is not permitted during play or scheduled breaks or in unscheduled breaks during a live sports event.</para>
<para>I want to thank the peak broadcasting bodies for their work in voluntarily implementing the new restrictions in their code. They engaged constructively with the ACMA to draft amended codes, which the ACMA ultimately registered. So I put on record my thanks to Free TV Australia, Commercial Radio Australia and the Australian Subscription Television and Radio Association for working to implement these additional restrictions through their codes. I also acknowledge that the Special Broadcasting Service has indicated it too will implement the additional broadcast restrictions, all of which take effect from 30 March.</para>
<para>There has been some commentary about the use of 8.30 pm as the cut-off for the additional restrictions. There is a clear rationale for choosing this as the time after which the new restrictions won't apply. Broadcasters are required to place a high priority on the protection of children from exposure to material that may be harmful to them. These requirements are given effect via program standards and industry codes of practice. There are long-established practices under broadcasting legislation to ensure that children are not exposed to certain types of ads. For example, the current rules prevent commercial television broadcasters from showing advertisements or promotions for alcoholic drinks until after 8.30 pm, intimate services until after 11 pm and television programs that have a classification of M or higher during G or PG programs until after 8.30 pm. The specific requirements under the Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice are as follows: an advertisement for alcoholic drinks may only be shown between 8.30 pm and 5 am every day, and between 12 pm and 3 pm on school days. Alcohol advertisements may also be broadcast as an accompaniment to sports programs broadcast at any time on weekends and public holidays. There are similar requirements for other products.</para>
<para>I should mention for the sake of completeness that there are a number of government gambling advertisements that have exemptions which are longstanding. The proposed ban will not apply to promotions in relation to government lotteries—Lotto, Keno—or contests. These are currently exempted under broadcast codes of practice and haven't caused significant community concern in the context of live sporting events. In contrast, advertisements for lottery betting services are not exempt from the additional restrictions. Live sporting events that consist of horse, harness or greyhound racing: these events exist predominantly for the purpose of betting and do not appeal to mainstream audiences, perhaps with the exception of the Melbourne Cup. These exclusions are consistent with the current longstanding approach in industry codes of practice. Further exceptions under the Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice include a commercial relating to entertainment or dining facilities at places where betting or gambling takes place, a reference that is accidental or a reference that is an incidental accompaniment. Senators will be aware, as I mentioned earlier, that these new gambling restrictions were introduced as part of the major media reform package legislated by the government last year. These were landmark reforms and contained the protections from gambling advertising for children. They also modernise and assist the broadcasting sector and recognise change in consumer viewing patterns.</para>
<para>The reforms demonstrate that the government is listening to community concerns. We've acted. Our reform package enjoyed the unanimous support of Australia's media industry. We should acknowledge that free-to-air broadcasters play an important role in providing access to high-quality Australian content, such as sporting events, current affairs, drama and children's programming, for all Australians. However, as colleagues know, they are operating in an increasingly competitive and challenging environment, due to the entry of online service providers. Audiences now have viewing opportunities across more platforms than ever before. Audiences are increasingly fragmented and advertising revenue for commercial broadcasters is falling, as competition in the sector increases. Our broadcasting and content reform package has modernised regulation and helped position the sector to deal with these existing and future challenges more effectively. The key elements of the package, as colleagues might recall, were the abolition of broadcasting licence fees for television and radio, allowing broadcasters to better compete with other media platforms, but, it's important to add, the introduction of a price for the use of spectrum by broadcasters to better reflect its use. Other elements include: protecting Australian children with further gambling advertising restrictions; broad-ranging amendments to the anti-siphoning scheme and list; a comprehensive review of Australian and children's content; and a funding package for subscription TV to support the broadcasting of women's and niche sports.</para>
<para>These reforms will ensure the ongoing production of high-quality Australian content and will strengthen the competitiveness of our broadcasting sector. But the package also acknowledged that the broadcasting sector is facing increasing competition and that measures such as the new gambling advertising restrictions did happen in the context of a broader media reform package—hence the government's decision to abolish broadcasting licence fees and also to make sure that the new restrictions on gambling advertising apply to all platforms. I would like to put on record again my thanks to the broadcasting sector for engaging with the government in such a constructive and cooperative manner, as this reform package was developed and ultimately legislated. This is significant reform in an area where reform is hard, and it was only possible with the good faith and engagement of the broadcasting and media sector. Broadcasting licence fees, which I've touched on, were a relic of an era of analog media regulation. They couldn't be justified any longer in an increasingly competitive media environment. The fees were introduced at a time when broadcasters had a privileged position. These days, commercial TV and radio broadcasters do face strong competition.</para>
<para>I thought it might be helpful to go back and ponder and reflect, just for a moment, on the significant media reform package of which what is before us is a part. I am tempted—but will resist—to go through the amendments to the anti-siphoning scheme and list; I'll take those as read. But this legislation is really one of the final pieces in the delivery of our comprehensive media reform package, and I commend this legislation to my colleagues.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the second reading amendment moved by Senator Hanson-Young be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [20:39]<br />(The Acting Deputy President—Senator Kitching)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>11</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bartlett, AJJ</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>38</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Anning, F</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATRICK</name>
    <name.id>144292</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the second reading amendment standing in my name on sheet 8404:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">", but the Senate is of the opinion that the Government should legislate to prohibit betting on the outcome of a lottery."</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor is sympathetic to the concerns behind the amendment moved by Senator Patrick and is consulting with stakeholders on the issues that relate to Lottoland. Labor acknowledges concerns about the impact of Lottoland on consumers and small business and its implications for regulatory and tax structures in Australia. As Labor said in the Senate during the debate on the Interactive Gambling Amendment Bill last year, Labor are sympathetic to the concerns about Lottoland and we understand that Lottoland is a fast-growing online bookmaker in Australia. It is licensed in the Northern Territory and has a foreign parent company. Lottoland invites consumers to bet online on the outcome of a lottery but isn't itself an official lottery but a so-called synthetic lottery.</para>
<para>On 27 September, Labor wrote to the chairman of the ACCC to convey concerns about representations made by companies that offer betting on lottery results, such as Lottoland, that may mislead or deceive consumers into believing that they are purchasing a lottery ticket or directly participating in a lottery, and we invited the ACCC to investigate whether consumer law has been breached. In response to Labor's letter, on 25 October 2017 the ACCC undertook to continue to review developments and complaints received in relation to Lottoland. More recently, in November 2017, the Labor government of the Northern Territory moved to ban Northern Territory licensed bookmakers, including Lottoland, from accepting bets on the outcomes of Australian based lotteries.</para>
<para>But this is not the end of the matter. Like many other sectors, newsagencies and lottery retailers have been very disrupted by digitisation. The sale of official lottery tickets remains a key element of the newsagency business model and contributes to state and territory revenues via lottery taxes. Online betting bookmakers which allow customers to bet on the outcome of official lotteries such as Lottoland have implications for traditional business models and related consumer protection, regulatory and tax structures which deserve closer examination. We note that a number of other jurisdictions around Australia have acted to deal with the issue of betting on the outcome of a lottery and we note the grassroots campaign Lottoland's Gotta Go! has effectively raised the profile. Labor is currently looking into these issues. We do have real concerns about betting on the outcome of a lottery, but we're not in a position to support this second reading amendment this evening. I indicate for the record that Labor will continue to consult further on this issue.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens support this amendment. We think it is just another rank example of how gambling in this country is absolutely out of control. When you get to the point where you can make a bet on a lottery, there is something wrong. This bill, broadly speaking, deals with one part of the insidious gambling industry. We know that the gambling industry has so much power in this country. They won the Liberal Party government in Tasmania. They tried to destroy South Australia. If we in this place can't even get ourselves on the same page to clamp down on this insidious industry that thrives on the misery of people, then we shouldn't be here. We should all be voting for this amendment, and we should be getting it through.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the second reading amendment of Senator Patrick be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [20:51]<br />(The President—Senator Ryan)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>40</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Anning, F</name>
                  <name>Bartlett, AJJ</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Brockman, S</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Colbeck, R</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ (teller)</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Martin, S.L</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Molan, AJ</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Patrick, RL</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Steele-John, J</name>
                  <name>Stoker, AJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>21</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Keneally, KK</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the bill be read a second time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have some questions for the minister. Could the minister outline which sports events would be shown on commercial television post 8.30 so that we are absolutely all aware about which sporting events can still be ruined and infected by gambling ads that would fall outside this set of rules. I find it extraordinary that, despite all of the passion that we saw from the Prime Minister some 12 months ago that he would introduce and oversee legislation to stop gambling ads during live sport that impact on children and families, we now find out that it's only for those sporting events prior to 8.30 pm. Could the minister give us a comprehensive rundown of which sports he believes children will not be watching after 8.30, because I think every parent would want to know whether their children will still be bombarded with gambling ads.</para>
<para>Then there is also the issue of the different time zones across the country. There are three, sometimes four, different time zones across Australia, particularly during daylight savings. There's a time zone in Queensland that is different to New South Wales and Victoria; then there is South Australia and then WA. I would just like the minister to explain how the 5.00 am to 8.30 pm time slot impacts on the different time zones.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In terms of which sporting events will be shown after 8.30 pm and which ones won't, scheduling is ultimately a matter for the sporting codes and the broadcasters. I don't have with me the NRL and AFL fixtures; I don't have with me the programming and the broadcast guides that will be in the newspapers closer to the events. We would be here for quite some time if I had the AFL and the NRL fixtures and the broadcast schedules with me. So I will leave it to the broadcasters and the sporting codes to release their broadcast schedules.</para>
<para>In terms of how the code rules will apply across time zones, on commercial free-to-air television and radio services, the relevant time zone will generally be that of the viewer or listener. On subscription services, the general rule is that where the broadcast is a national signal, the Australian eastern standard or daylight time zone will apply, regardless of where the actual sporting event is taking place. Whereas the commercial free-to-airs can split their signals, in effect, that's not the case with subscription services. However, the new ASTRA code does provide that the restrictions will apply in different time zones in the event that a subscription broadcaster can have multiple signals going to different viewers. For example, if a subscription channel broadcasts different content in different geographical areas, the applicable time zone for each of those would apply. The ACMA, in registering the relevant code for subscription TV, has recognised that there are technical issues which need to be addressed and are reflected in the code.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to know whether the minister accepts the argument that, for sporting events that run later than 8.30 pm, children will be subjected to gambling ads as a result of the lax nature of these rules. This pretence, per se, that somehow 8.30 pm is the magic time that all of our children are in bed or that the television is switched off strikes me as fanciful, frankly. I take the minister's point that he doesn't want to give us an entire list of all the fixtures of various different sporting codes. The question was about the absurdity of suggesting that, at 8.25 pm, it's wrong to play gambling ads, but, at 8.35 pm, it's somehow okay to play gambling ads. If you think it is wrong, if you think that we shouldn't be ramming these adverts down the throats of our children and young people, then stop them. Stop them if you think that gambling ads are insidious and ruin the spirit of what watching sport in Australia is for and what is appealing about the nature of being a sporting nation. We all rally behind our team or the Australian players, if it's an international fixture. If it's an individual sport like tennis, then we're all rallying behind Sam Stosur or somebody like that. Why are we saying that it depends on the time zone—the time that that show is on—as to whether gambling ads should be able to be shown?</para>
<para>Furthermore, I'd like to understand why the minister has allowed the loophole based on audience numbers for certain channels on Foxtel, where it's okay for ads to be played because of a smaller audience number. Again, I appeal to you. I'm asking what the rationale is for the government to say: 'On one hand, gambling ads are bad. On the other hand, they're only so bad that they shouldn't be shown before 8.30 pm or they shouldn't be shown anywhere but on these smaller channels on Foxtel.' It's a mixed message, Minister. I wonder why you would go to all of this effort to put in place these changes, these regulations—to try and clean up what is an insidious and life-destroying industry, to take on those gambling barons, to say you're going to cut down on this—and then not actually do it properly. It's as if this legislation has been born out of simply wanting the kudos without actually having the teeth to make sure it happens. You can't be half pregnant. You either have to follow through and make sure these rules are in place or you accept that you haven't really dealt with the issue at hand.</para>
<para>We all know that there are some live sporting events that start prior to 8.30 pm, but many run much later. Some of them don't even start until 8.30 pm. There are live sporting events that are on the subscription television services that children do watch, and yet you have these bizarre exemptions. There's one for Foxtel, and another for the time frames for the broadcasters. It just doesn't make any sense. Can the minister please outline what is his rationale?</para>
<para>Senator Smith talked about needing to draw the line somewhere. It seems to me that the line has been drawn based on what suits the commercial interests of the broadcasters and the commercial interests of the gambling industry. We know what happens when there is a live sporting event on: the later it gets in the game, the more exciting it gets and the tension rises. That's when those insidious ads tell people to start betting, and that's when those ads really are at their most powerful. That is what addiction is all about: grabbing people at their most vulnerable. And when children are watching these games—these games are getting tighter and tighter, it's getting later and later and there's an opportunity to see whether it's going to get turned around in the last quarter—that's when these insidious ads drag vulnerable people into spending their money to place a bet.</para>
<para>We watch sport because of the enjoyment of the game. As parents, we sit down with our kids to watch a game of football because it's something to enjoy as a family, to enjoy with your community and to celebrate your team—and, if you're watching an international sport, to celebrate the country. And yet that all gets ruined the moment the game gets taken over by gambling ads saying, 'Don't worry about the spirit of the sport, or the spirit or the talent of the sportsperson; just put your hand in your pocket or on your phone, click away, spend your money and bet.' That's not what sport is about. That's not what backing the Australian soccer team or the Australian cricket team should be about—and it's not as if the cricketers have had a very good last 24 or 48 hours.</para>
<para>What kind of message are we sending to our kids? 'If you wait up past 8.30 pm you can still put your bets on.' It's either wrong and it needs to be stopped, or you're simply allowing those who have a commercial interest in this to draw the line. Can the minister please explain why events that go past 8.30 pm are able to have gambling ads and why, despite appeals, you have allowed the ACMA regulations that are currently in place to have an exemption for those channels that have smaller audiences, in particular in relation to Foxtel? Why have you drawn the line there? Frankly, if you care about cutting down on this insidious industry, if you care about the integrity of sport, then you would have rules that govern that, but currently where you have drawn the line on the board—it doesn't fit. It seems like it is far more in the interests of commercial operators, of the gambling industry and of the big broadcasters than it is anything to do with children or anything to do with cracking down on gambling as a genuine health issue in the community. So I'd like to know from the minister: where is the evidence that audience numbers for channels either do or don't make a difference, and why is 8.30 pm the cut-off time?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>You have raised a number of issues, which I'll endeavour to deal with in turn. Whenever you are looking at an issue such as the restriction of gambling advertising, it is always about seeking to balance community safeguards, seeking to balance how and when legal products should and shouldn't be able to be advertised and also, in the case of subscription TV, taking into account that there are different technical and logistical arrangements in terms of those particular broadcast services. I make those general comments by way of context. In terms of having 8.30 pm as the point after which there can be some gambling advertising during live sporting events, 8.30 pm is recognised, and has been recognised in other codes, as the point at which there is a greater capacity for certain products to be advertised. Alcohol is one such example. There are fewer restrictions on alcohol advertising after 8.30 pm. So 8.30 pm is already recognised as a relevant time zone.</para>
<para>The purpose of having 5 am until 8.30 pm as the period where there are restrictions on gambling advertising during live sport is to create a clearly identifiable safe zone so that parents will know that after 8.30 pm they may be in a position where they need to exercise greater parental supervision. This recognises what is already a time zone at 8.30 pm, as in the case of alcohol products. It makes it clear to parents and families when there may need to be closer supervision.</para>
<para>I should also point out—and this is something that Senator O'Neill touched on before—that the Gillard government put in place some restrictions. Those restrictions will remain in place after 8.30 pm. Appendix 3 of the <inline font-style="italic">Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice</inline> already restricts when betting advertisements or promotion of odds is permitted. For example, during a live sporting event, gambling advertisements may not be shown at designated times such as before or after play and during scheduled and unscheduled breaks in play. In addition, the promotion of odds is not permitted during play or in scheduled breaks or unscheduled breaks during a live sporting event. That situation remains unaltered.</para>
<para>In terms of the particular situation of subscription television and the decision of ACMA to cast and register the codes as they have, ACMA is already required to act in a way that is consistent with the objects of the regulatory policies set out in the Broadcasting Services Act. In particular, before registering a new or amended broadcasting industry code, under part 9 of the Broadcasting Services Act the ACMA must be satisfied that the code provides the appropriate community safeguards. ACMA is an experienced regulator and does take into account the technical circumstances of particular broadcasters alongside the objective of enhancing community protection in this area.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, can you please explain what consultations you or your department had in relation to the drafting of the code? Who did you speak to? Which stakeholders did you consult with? What were the relevant issues that were discussed? I'm speaking, of course, in relation to the code that came into effect through ACMA as of Friday a week ago. I want to know what involvement your office and the department had, what consultations were undertaken and to which stakeholders you spoke.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government outlined the broad parameters of the gambling advertising restrictions when we announced the media reform package just before the May budget. So those parameters were outlined and clear. The nature of the ACMA code process is that the relevant organisations—in this case the broadcasters—prepare a draft code. That code is provided to ACMA. There's a period of public consultation before the code is provided to ACMA and then ACMA need to be satisfied that the code is in accordance with the act and also that the organisations concerned have undertaken appropriate public consultation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, that didn't answer my question. I asked which stakeholders your office or your department spoke to in relation to the drafting of the now code. You have obviously had conversations about it. It has been in the works for a number of months now, since the announcement that you made some 12 months ago that this was going to occur. Submissions were put in by various stakeholders. We know that Foxtel put in a submission asking for an exemption. That has now been taken up in the code that has been put forward and is in force as of Friday a week ago. Which organisations and stakeholders have your office and your department spoken to about the development and the draft of the code?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In terms of the code, I, from recollection, wrote to each of the three peaks, ASTRA, Commercial Radio Australia and Free TV, and SBS indicating views on a number of subjects, some of which were in accord with what those particular industry associations thought and some which were contrary to what those particular industry associations thought.</para>
<para>In terms of the consultation process for the bill that is before us, my department consulted with ACMA, Free TV, SBS, ASTRA, Commercial Radio Australia, the Digital Industry Group Incorporated, the Coalition of Major Professional and Participation Sports, Responsible Wagering Australia, William Hill, Tabcorp, Optus Sport and the Advertising Standards Board on the proposed approach.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, did you consult with any of the online gambling companies in relation to the code since the announcement last year that you were going to introduce this legislation? Have you met with or had conversations with any online gambling companies in the last six months? For example, have you spoken to, met with or had representations from and correspondence with Sportsbet?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a regular schedule of meetings with stakeholders, which would include a number of sports betting organisations. I think you asked particularly in relation to Sportsbet. I'm almost certain that I would have met with Sportsbet, who I understand are supportive of these gambling advertisement restrictions.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Did the minister meet with Foxtel specifically in relation to their submission to ACMA in the development of the code? Did the minister discuss the exemption sought by Foxtel which has now eventuated?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd have to check whether I personally met with Foxtel, but no doubt my office spoke to Foxtel during that process. They may have met with them. I almost certainly would have written to Foxtel over that period.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does the minister agree with the submission that Foxtel has put that, due to smaller audience numbers, a number of their channels should be exempt from these online gambling restrictions?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My disposition was to recognise the particular technical circumstances that Foxtel were in, and I would have expressed that.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Has the minister met with any of the free-to-air broadcasters—Nine Network, Seven Network or Network Ten—or had representations from Free TV in relation to their concerns that Foxtel are getting exemptions above and beyond public expectations that are being put on the free-to-air broadcasters? Has the minister heard those representations? Has he spoken to any of them about that? Is there anything that the minister has taken on board to alleviate those concerns?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't think I met specifically with any of the free-to-air broadcasters on those particular issues. My office did. I'm aware that Foxtel don't always agree with the policy propositions of free-to-air TV, and free-to-air TV doesn't always agree with the policy propositions of Foxtel.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could the minister outline the conversations his office or his department has had with SBS in relation to the impact that these changes will have on SBS?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think SBS have expressed views in meetings with my office and also in writing. They are of a view, which you'll no doubt be articulating—or it might be the Australian Labor Party who have an amendment in this area to do with whether legislation should apply to their online activities or whether they should have code based arrangements applying to those.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What is the minister's response to the argument that including SBS in this particular legislation—it is to be caught under this same code administered by ACMA—interferes with the independence of SBS? Has the minister had representations or communication from SBS in relation to their commitment to the spirit and intention of said code?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, SBS have made clear their support for the spirit and intention of the new advertising restrictions for gambling. I don't believe that this legislation would be a dagger to the heart of SBS independence; it would simply be the consistent application of law to all online platforms. Independence for the public broadcasters means that they have legislated protection from the government of the day seeking to direct their editorial and programming decisions. This legislation doesn't seek to do that. Public broadcasters always have to operate within the parameters that the parliament determines. This is not something that would impinge on their independence.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could the minister give the reasons why the government wrote a $30 million cheque to Foxtel while, over the last four years, seeing a $60 million cut to SBS? This is giving taxpayers' money to a for-profit private subscription service versus cuts to the public broadcaster. Has the minister considered ensuring that SBS has some of its funding restored as a result of these changes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just to put the grant to Fox Sports into context, SBS receives in excess of $270-odd million a year. The ABC does a little bit better; it gets in excess of $1 billion a year. Both organisations have really good capacity to further support the broadcast of women's sport and other under-represented sports through the funding that they receive. In terms of SBS's funding, you'd be aware that we fund on a triennium basis, and decisions about funding for the public broadcasters are taken in the context of the budget.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could the minister explain why giving $30 million to Foxtel—public money given to a private for-profit subscription service—is a good use of public money when that is not available to all Australians? Foxtel is not available to the public—you can't watch women's sport, or any of the other programs, on Foxtel unless you pay to access it. We have here taxpayers' money being spent on a service that is only accessible to those who can then also pay, in addition. Could the minister explain the justification as to why that is in the public interest, and why it is deemed by this government to be a good use of taxpayers' funds? Are there any other examples, Minister, where that extraordinary amount of money, $30 million, is given to a company that Australians by and large cannot have access to?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Fox Sports broadcasts the largest amount of women's sport in Australia, so they're very well placed to do more. I'm pleased to let colleagues know that Fox Sports will provide enhanced coverage of sports from 13 codes in 2017-18. For the year, it's expected that Fox Sports will broadcast over 1,300 hours of live coverage, and just under 4,000 hours of coverage in total, of women's niche and emerging sports. This represents an 18 per cent increase in the amount of live coverage of these sports in 2017-18, compared with 2016-17, and an 11 per cent increase overall. I think that's good news. The government, in the context of the last budget, decided that this would be an appropriate way to support under-represented sports and their broadcasts. As I've already mentioned, the ABC could do something with the $1 billion plus a year that they receive and SBS could do something with the $270 million a year that they receive, so this particular funding grant is fairly modest in comparison.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, you haven't addressed the core issue, and that is that the programs and events shown on Foxtel's various channels, including Fox Sports, are not accessible to the public. They are simply inaccessible. You've said there's an increase in hours of women's sport being broadcast on Foxtel. Well, good, except that most Australians can't view it. Most Australians don't have access to Foxtel. In fact, I must say that, with the growing living costs across the country, most Australians can't afford to pay upwards of $60, $70 or $80 a month subscription. You're willing to give $30 million to this company so that women's sport can be shown on Foxtel and hardly anybody can watch it. Your government sits here, day in and day out, trying to say that we need to have funding cuts to schools, funding cuts to the ABC and funding cuts to SBS—'We don't have enough money to fund this, that and the other'—but it's well and truly okay to hand over a cheque of $30 million to Foxtel for shows that people can't watch because most people can't afford it. That's how out of touch this government is.</para>
<para>If you really cared about women's sports, you'd make sure it was on free-to-air television, through the public broadcasters, and we know that SBS and the ABC do a fantastic job. It would be through the free-to-air commercial stations. Why on earth would you lock up these shows on a subscription television service that most Australians can't watch? You love women's sport, but you don't want anybody watching it, and you're more than happy to justify a $30 million cheque. It just beggars belief and it doesn't pass the sniff test.</para>
<para>Let's be absolutely honest with what's happened here, Minister. You needed some way of justifying some rule change to gambling advertising. Your mates at Foxtel weren't happy, so you handed them $30 million in the hope they'd go away and shut up. But, of course they didn't. They came crawling back only six months later and said, 'The $30 million isn't enough. We also need exemptions because not only do we charge people to watch our stations but not enough people are prepared to do that. It's too expensive.' Now they don't have to have the gambling restrictions on their stations, because not enough people watch the bloody shows in the first place. It is a rort—a $30 million rort paid for by the taxpayer and handed over by you to your mates at Foxtel at the expense of what could have been funded by our public broadcasters or, even beyond that, our free-to-air broadcasters. You're ripping off taxpayers, you're ripping off women's sport and you're just looking after your mates. I put it to you, Minister, that you have no idea how much this stinks.</para>
<para>Could the minister please explain: where did the $30 million figure come from? Was that something the government put on the table? Was it asked for by Foxtel? Why was $30 million the figure that was agreed to?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I've said already, what was announced shortly before the budget is what was agreed to and determined by the government in the context of the budget preparation. So I can't further interrogate any number that has come out of the budget process because what comes out of the budget is what is decided in the budget process. I will have to leave that there.</para>
<para>In answer to Senator Hanson-Young's question about whether it was inappropriate that people who want to watch subscription TV need to be subscribers, I would point out to Senator Hanson-Young that Screen Australia, for instance, supports productions such as <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline> which was on Foxtel. You can't watch <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline> unless you have a Foxtel subscription. <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline> was supported by taxpayer dollars. That's not a bad analogy because it demonstrates that taxpayer dollars are put towards good purposes in broadcast—be it women's sport or be it <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline>. I haven't heard anyone say, 'Well, Screen Australia shouldn't give money to <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline> because you've got to subscribe to pay TV.' We also have Screen Australia funding and a number of taxpayer-funded incentives that go to produce major Australian feature films. To watch one of those major Australian feature films, you have to go to a cinema and probably pay $18—that's $18 for just one screening. But I haven't heard anyone say, 'Well, that's outrageous that I've got to pay $18 to go and see a film that taxpayers' money has gone towards.'</para>
<para>If the proposition here is that enhanced women's sport isn't appropriate, then it wouldn't be appropriate that Screen Australia money went to <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline> because you'd have to be a subscriber to Foxtel to see that; and it wouldn't be right that taxpayer money went to support major feature films because you'd have to buy a ticket to go and see that. Obviously, I think it's appropriate that Screen Australia supports <inline font-style="italic">Secret City</inline>; it's appropriate that we have taxpayer support for major Australian feature films; and what we are doing in relation to women's sport is also appropriate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator, you've made a decision this evening to acknowledge matters around Lottoland. You certainly acknowledged that Labor has been consulting very widely with stakeholders and, in fact, very widely with the industry on this issue. We noted that the individual states are enacting laws. Minister, could you please explain to me when the minister expects the ban to come into effect? When will the corresponding advertising ban become effective?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will ask Senator O'Neill whether she was talking about the legislation that is before us or talking about Lottoland.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>You supported a second reading amendment, by saying the government should prohibit betting on the outcome of a lottery. When do you expect that ban is going to come into effect?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Government senators did vote to support the second reading amendment that you referred to. If the government has more to say on that in the near future, then we will do so.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I still haven't got a sense of the timing of this. You've just passed something here. What timing should the sector expect for this ban that you've agreed to this evening? When will it come into effect?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Senate has not agreed to do anything at this point. The second reading amendment was to have the Senate state an opinion, and I think the Senate has stated an opinion, which the government will be cognisant of.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will have to consider that one in terms of the opinion. Senator Griff might be interested in your answer too. When does the minister expect that the corresponding advertising ban will become effective?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There are no exemptions for the sort of business activity that we're referring to in the code.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, can you indicate if there will be any legislation brought into the Senate to deal with the matters that you've agreed to this evening here?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Senate has expressed an opinion, and, as I've indicated, the government will be cognisant of it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just to be clear, is it the government's intention to ban synthetic lotteries and the advertisement of those lotteries?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've already addressed the question.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>You haven't really addressed the question. It's a pretty straightforward question. Is it the government's intention to ban synthetic lotteries and the advertising of those lotteries or are you just having an opinion about it?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government's gambling advertising restrictions apply to that organisation, as they do to any other betting advertising.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GRIFF</name>
    <name.id>76760</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I now move amendments (1) to (4) on sheet 8395 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 13, page 6 (after line 14), after subsection 125A(5), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">Prohibition of gambling promotional content between 5.00 am and 8.30 pm</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (5A) A gambling promotion program standard must prohibit the broadcast by a broadcasting service of gambling promotional content between 5.00 am and 8.30 pm:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) during a broadcast by the service of a sporting event (whether or not the broadcast is live); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) during a broadcast by the service of a program classified as "G".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 13, page 8 (line 23), omit paragraph 125A(11) (b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) ending:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) if the sporting event starts between 5.00 am and 8.30 pm—30 minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) otherwise—5 minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 22, page 22 (after line 3), after subclause 13(1) of Schedule 8, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">   </inline> <inline font-style="italic">Prohibition of gambling promotional content between 5.00 am and 8.30 pm</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (1A) The online content service provider rules must prohibit the provision of gambling promotional content by an online content service provider between 5.00 am and 8.30 pm:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) during coverage provided by the online content service provider of a sporting event (whether live or not); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) during the provision by the online content service provider of content classified as "G".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 22, page 29 (line 5), omit paragraph 21(1) (b) of Schedule 8, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) ending:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) if the sporting event starts between 5.00 am and 8.30 pm—30 minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) otherwise—5 minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments fit within the regulatory framework proposed by the government in the bill and have the effect of a prohibition on all gambling ads during the hours of 5 am to 8.30 pm during G-rated programs and any live sporting events across platforms, regardless of whether the event is live or not. In instances where a sporting event has started but not finished before 8.30 pm, the NXT amendments will also extend the prohibition of gambling ads to 30 minutes after the conclusion of the sporting event. I urge the chamber to support these amendments. Children and adolescents should not be subjected to harmful gambling ads during live sporting events which continue past 8.30 pm as they continue to watch their sporting heroes to the end of the game.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I indicate to Senator Griff that the government won't be supporting NXT's amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor understands the sentiments behind these amendments, but believes they create inconsistencies that undermine the coherence of the current framework, limit flexibility around rule making and may even be counterproductive when it comes to consumer protection. Firstly, in relation to the amendments to the ministerial direction to ACMA to determine a gambling promotion program standard for the broadcast industry, in general Labor does not wish to fetter the discretion of the minister in relation to the program standard in this way. We do not wish to limit any future standard to the parameters as set out in the amendments. While removing gambling promotional content from sports programs and programs classified as G between the hours of 5 am and 8.30 pm might be an option to consider in the future, we would not want to constrain any future standard making in this way. As drafted, the amendments could limit rather than create a minimum floor in any future standard. Also, mandating the extension of a prohibition to all sporting events, whether or not the broadcast is live, in a future broadcast standard may see broadcast regulation fall out of step with online regulation that applies to live coverage of sporting events, and we are concerned that that could lead to regulatory bypass.</para>
<para>Secondly, in relation to the amendments to the online content service provider rules, mandating a higher standard for online services by applying the prohibition to all sporting events, whether live or not, puts online services at a relative disadvantage to broadcast platforms. Doing so may not be consistent with the regulatory policy of the Broadcasting Services Act, which provides that parliament intends that different levels of regulatory control apply across the range of services according to the degree of influence that different types of services are able to exert in shaping community views in Australia and that services be regulated in a manner that enables public interest considerations to be assessed in a way that does not impose unnecessary financial or administrative burden on the providers of broadcast services, among other things.</para>
<para>The online environment is regulated differently to the broadcast environment, and applying the concept of G-classified content in the online environment is not straightforward either for the regulator or the industry to administer. Given the global nature of the Internet, the application of the time frame of between 5.00 pm and 8.30 pm may involve the imposition of unnecessary financial or administrative burden on the provider of services at this point in time. The ACMA will bring its expertise in media and communications regulation to bear in developing the online content service provider rules, and we are satisfied that this process will enhance consumer protection in this area.</para>
<para>Labor understands the sentiment behind these amendments but is not inclined to support them this evening, for the very specific reasons stated in my response.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens will be supporting these amendments. We think they go a significant way to fixing the incredible weaknesses in this bill. The whole point of this legislation was to ban gambling ads during live television. The minister and the Prime Minister said that this is what they were going to do and this is what they had agreement to do. Then, once we had the legislation and once we had the code developed and adopted by ACMA, we found out that that is not what is occurring. What is occurring is that some gambling ads will be banned, but not all and not during some of the most popular and watched periods and not for some of the most popular sporting events—whether that be the Big Bash, Friday night football or the tennis. These are all things that are shown beyond 8.30 pm.</para>
<para>The evidence and the health experts tell us, and the Prime Minister has acknowledged, that these insidious gambling ads are dangerous and terrible and should not be rammed down the throats of our children, that they undermine the spirit of watching sport and that they ruin that experience for many parents sitting there with their kids. That's all undermined by the fact that the way these rules are written means that, post 8.30 pm, you can go rip—the ads can be played. It's extraordinary that, on the one hand, we're hearing the government saying that we need this legislation to put in place these laws because these ads are terrible but, on the other hand, during some of the most popular periods of these sporting events, these big, online gambling companies can continue to play their ads. Just like my colleague Senator Whish-Wilson mentioned, all of the evidence from various Senate committees that have looked at this issue in the past has said that the later in the evening these events go the more intense the ads for betting become.</para>
<para>Progress reported.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>102</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fatality Free Friday</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution in tonight's adjournment debate on a matter of critical importance to the Senate and also to the whole of Australia. As co-chair of the Parliamentary Friends of Road Safety, I need to invite all senators to sign the pledge hosted by Fatality Free Friday and partners on Wednesday, 28 March 2018, at 12.30 through to 2.30 pm in room 2S1. The special guests will be Craig Lowndes, the Australian Road Safety Foundation and Caltex road safety ambassador. He will be there. Signing the pledge will only take a few minutes. The pledge consists of some simple proactive advice:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Join forces to beat road trauma and take the pledge for Fatality Free Friday by promising to:</para></quote>
<list>Always be fit to drive</list>
<list>Stay focused on the road</list>
<list>Scan the road ahead</list>
<list>Keep a safe distance</list>
<list>Drive to suit the conditions</list>
<para>Get along on Wednesday, get a photo, hopefully, with the ambassador, Craig Lowndes, share it on your Facebook page, share it on any social media that you can and put the pledge in as many arenas as possible so that we can be on a proactive footing as we approach what is essentially one of the most dangerous times of the year for Australian drivers.</para>
<para>If we go back to 2011, 16 Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. In 2012, 11 Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. In 2013, 21 Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. In 2014, 12 Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. In 2015, 22 Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. In 2016, eight Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. In 2017, 11 Australians lost their lives over the Easter break. A total of 101 Australians have lost their lives over the four-day Easter break. If we do the cumulative sums of those Australians who have lost their lives through motor vehicle accidents in that six-year period, it is 8,638. In six years, 8,638 Australians have lost their lives due to motor vehicle accidents. There many countless thousands more who have had their lives disrupted and who have had catastrophic and serious injuries, and there are literally thousands of emergency services workers who have had to deal with that trauma.</para>
<para>And yet we in this parliament do not have a minister, parliamentary secretary or assistant minister for road safety. We do not have that. Each year we are losing 1,200 to 1,300 Australians on the roads. That's the equivalent each year of three 787s with 300 people crashing, and we don't have any federal coordination on this. It is an absolute travesty that we don't even spend all of the money we allocate for black spots. The money doesn't actually get where it's supposed to go as efficiently and as fast as it should, even though the science is there. There's a 30 per cent reduction in death and injury for a treatment worth $170,000. It just doesn't get spent. There's no priority. This is an absolute disgrace.</para>
<para>We can look at the other side of the chamber and say it's all down to the Liberal-National Party coalition, but it's simply not true. The national government of Australia, whichever form it takes, has not prioritised coordination and reduction in this area. We did tremendous things in the 1970s. We did tremendous things for a lot of the decades leading up to these last two decades. But now we're slipping lower and lower down the international rankings. We are not prioritising it from a federal point of view. As I will say in this place repeatedly, we don't make motor vehicles in Australia. What are we protecting? Why are we not mandating autonomous braking technology or lane keep assist in the same way Korea is doing and in the same way the United States is doing?</para>
<para>It is absolutely astounding to me that we can let these figures go without remarkable, urgent action: 8,638 Australians have lost their lives in the period 2011 to 2017. We know that over the next short period, if we look at the stats, anywhere between eight and 22 Australians won't be with us at the end of the Easter weekend. It should be an urgent priority for everybody in this chamber. It should be a priority for the House of Representatives. It is just so obvious and important that, for the life of me, I can't understand why it doesn't have a higher focus in any government's mandate.</para>
<para>It is evidence based. There are many, many thousands of professionals in this space working to give us the solutions. What we know—we've known this for a very long time—is that human beings are frail and they're not meant to travel at speed. If you have an accident at 60 and you stop instantly, the impact is at 120. You're going to be catastrophically injured unless there are mechanisms to avoid that. We know that other people take zero harm very seriously. They take seriously design of road safety and design of roads. They try to eliminate errors, and that's where the technology comes into the motor vehicle. If you do inadvertently fall asleep and you're on a country road, lane keep assist will stop you running off the road or crossing into the path of another vehicle. It may not solve all problems, but, combined with autonomous braking technology, it is proven to reduce the incidence and severity of accidents.</para>
<para>We know that 75 per cent of all accidents take place at quite low speeds for vulnerable users like children, pedestrians and cyclists. Autonomous braking technology will come in when people are not paying the full attention that they need to on the road. They are human beings; they'll make mistakes. We should accept that they make mistakes and mitigate those mistakes by putting in technology that will cut in when they're not paying full attention. You will save a vulnerable cyclist, you will save a vulnerable pedestrian and you will save a vulnerable child if they come out in front of a vehicle.</para>
<para>This is not rocket science, but the awful reality is that we've had a period of some six years that we've listed here in which 8,638 Australians have lost their lives, and we can't see a road safety policy that's been enacted in this place. Despite the best endeavours of many groups in the community, in the industry and in various states and territories, we can't see a coherent, cohesive plan by the federal government to put in place practical measures which will reduce this.</para>
<para>I go back to my starting point: Fatality Free Friday. The slogan is 'The key to road safety is in your hands'. We want people to come along and share the message on their Facebook to get it to many thousands of people out there and hopefully influence behaviour, particularly over this Easter period and also on the actual day of Fatality Free Friday, which is 25 May 2018. Obviously we need to launch this now because we will be having a break and then we'll have the budget period. On the Wednesday, please come along. Think about it and share it as widely as you possibly can.</para>
<para>There is not an electorate in the country that doesn't have the impact of road deaths and injuries almost every week. It's every area of Australia. Most electorates are about 100,000 people, and the road safety stats are measured as a percentage of 100,000. We know from the figures that I've just quoted you that we're probably going to lose 100 Australians each month, and they're going to be spread right around this great country. We're never going to eliminate all of those deaths and injuries, but if we get this to front of mind, front of policy and front of action for any government in this place, then we will go a long way towards reducing it. It is our fellow Australians, the emergency service people, who have to pick up these pieces. We know that the police forces cannot regulate it. We know that the doctors can't fix everybody. Political will and political effort in this place will go a long way to reducing this tragedy.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Western Sahara</title>
          <page.no>104</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Western Sahara is Africa's last colony and it has implications for Australia. The importation of phosphate mineral rock from the occupied part of the territory to this country needs to stop. The evidence that this fertiliser represents the illegal exploitation of Western Sahara's natural resources is now overwhelming. More and more countries are refusing to be involved in this illegal trade. I thank the Australian Western Sahara Association and Kamal Fadel, the Sahrawi republic representative to Australia and New Zealand, for their informative briefing on these issues.</para>
<para>Western Sahara has been listed for decolonisation by the United Nations for more than 50 years. A resolution has been adopted every year by the United Nations General Assembly. It is time Australia recognised the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination. Uniquely, the International Court of Justice has concluded on the status of Western Sahara and the right of the Sahrawi people to exercise self-determination. In its 1975 Western Sahara advisory opinion, the International Court of Justice determined that Morocco did not have any claim to sovereignty over or territorial rights in the territory. However, Spain attempted to hand over the territory to Morocco and to Mauritania—which had pursued a territorial claim that was also rejected by the International Court of Justice—on the basis that the three states would assure for the Sahrawi people their self-determination. In 1979, Mauritania withdrew from Western Sahara, abandoning its claims and acknowledging its actions to have been wrong. Since 1975, senior international- and national-level courts have adopted the ICJ's reasoning—the British high court in 2015, the Court of Justice of the European Union in 2016 and the South African high court in 2017. Clearly, these are issues that the Australian government should take note of.</para>
<para>More than a quarter century after the United Nations' commitment to administer a self-determination referendum for the Sahrawi people in a manner similar to Timor-Leste, the matter has become stalled. Half the Sahrawi population—more than 160,000, now moving into third-generation refugees—have lived in refugee exile since 1975. Documented human rights abuses, including social and economic marginalisation, persist for those in the occupied part of the territory, which was reported on by independent organisations, including Human Rights Watch. Both the African Union and the United Nations General Assembly refer to Western Sahara as an occupied territory. Criminal investigations are proceeding in Spain, including about alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Morocco's invasion and early presence in the territory.</para>
<para>Many countries, including Australia, have come into contact with Western Sahara through the resources exported by Morocco from Moroccan territory in Western Sahara. Matters of human rights and territories' stalled decolonisation do not feature in most capitals where governments simply defer to the United Nations. Unlike Namibia, for example, the United Nations is unwilling to monitor human rights or natural resource exploitation in Western Sahara, so it is high time the international community adopted a different and more proactive approach. In many ways this is happening, and Australia needs to catch up. The most significant resource exported by Morocco from Western Sahara is high-quality phosphate rock for agricultural fertiliser. Australia's Incitec Pivot Ltd—IPL—purchases this fertiliser. Two other Australian fertiliser manufacturers have actually withdrawn from the trade since 2010. IPL has ordinarily received three shipments annually with a total value of A$14 million.</para>
<para>The Polisario Front, the government of the Sahrawi republic, and civil society organisations have long protested against the stripping of resources from Western Sahara. These concerns are the basis of the successful 2016 Court of Justice of the European Union decision, and for a related case now in that court about the longstanding European Union-Morocco agreement for fishing in Sahara waters. After years of requests and warnings to companies involved in the phosphate trade, the Sahrawi government acted to detain a cargo of the resource by application to South Africa's high court in May 2017. The cargo had been carried aboard a vessel that stopped in that country to refuel. It was thought the ship was bound for Australia, but it was revealed to belong to one of two importing companies in New Zealand. In June last year, the high court made a preliminary ruling that the Sahrawi government and people were the rightful owners of the cargo. The Moroccan exporting companies that had defended the matter then abandoned the proceeding. Now the cargo is expected to be sold by Sahrawi authorities because it cannot realistically be returned to Western Sahara. In the meantime, shipments to a single company in India and two to South America have stopped. The position of the Australian company IPL in light of these developments has not been declared.</para>
<para>The Sahrawi government official responsible for resource matters, M'Hamed Khadad, has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is yet another sign that the days of business as usual are over when it comes to the plunder of Western Sahara's natural resources … We're seeing a major momentum shift as companies are waking up to the fact that there will be consequences all over the world for those who are involved in the illegal exploitation of our natural resources.</para></quote>
<para>It is time that IPL made clear what their intentions are.</para>
<para>On 10 January this year, the Advocate General of the European Union underlined that the European Union and Morocco cannot include Western Sahara in a bilateral fisheries agreement as Western Sahara is a separate territory from Morocco. He underlined that Western Sahara is under occupation and that international humanitarian law applies.</para>
<para>On 25 January last year, there were further developments significant for Australia. The company Nutrien intends to end its trade in phosphate rock from Western Sahara. Nutrien is a newly formed Canadian company, following the merger in January this year between PotashCorp and Agrium. Mr Chuck Magro, Nutrien's president and CEO, has confirmed that notice has been given to end imports to Canada by stopping the contract with Agrium at the end of the year.</para>
<para>It is time that Australia supported the self-determination of the people of Western Sahara. This should include ensuring the protection of their sovereign rights to their resources. As stated above, there are few companies now involved in the trade of Western Sahara's phosphate rock. Several withdrew in 2017, as I have outlined. These cases underline the substantial reputational and legal risks facing IPL if it continues to purchase this resource. IPL's involvement in the illegal trade of Western Sahara phosphate has repercussions for Australia's reputation and international standing. I do urge that the foreign minister, Julie Bishop, considers the question of Western Sahara. A starting point is to support the efforts of the United Nations to deliver a referendum to the Western Sahara people. A second option is to firmly declare that imports of resources from the territory will not be permitted into Australia. For more than 40 years, the people of Western Sahara have dealt with violence, exile and the exploitation of their resources. For more than 40 years, so many of them have been in refugee camps. By Australia taking these actions, they can bring justice to the people of Western Sahara.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 22 : 10</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>105</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>106</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>