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  <session.header>
    <date>2017-08-08</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>4</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
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            <a type="" href="Chamber">Tuesday, 8 August 2017</a>
          </span>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Stephen Parry)</span> took the chair at 12:30, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does any senator wish to have the question put on any of those items? There being none, we shall proceed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland and Western Australia</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Western Australia</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Qualifications of Senators</title>
            <page.no>2</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For the information of senators, I also table letters sent to me by Senator Roberts and by the Leader of the Australian Greens, Senator Di Natale, requesting that I establish an audit of the qualification of senators under section 44(i) of the Constitution. Similar letters were sent to the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The Speaker and I have discussed these requests, noting that they do not fall within the remit of our offices. It is a matter for the Senate whether to take any action in relation to these requests.</para>
<para>Finally, I have received correspondence from lawyers acting on behalf of Rodney Norman Culleton, requesting the Senate to refer matters relating to Mr Culleton back to the High Court for reconsideration. I am advised that the Senate has no power to comply with this request. I table the correspondence together with that advice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to section 376 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918, the Senate refers to the Court of Disputed Returns the following questions:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a)   whether by reason of section 44(i) of the Constitution, there is a vacancy in the representation of Queensland in the Senate for the place for which Senator Matthew Canavan was returned;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b)   if the answer to question (a) is "yes", by what means and in what manner that vacancy should be filled;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (c)   what directions and other orders, if any, should the Court make in order to hear and finally dispose of this reference;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d)   what, if any, orders should be made as to the costs of these proceedings.</para></quote>
<para>On the afternoon of Monday, 24 July, Senator Canavan approached me in my office in Brisbane to advise that he had been informed by the Italian embassy that he was an Italian citizen. Senator Canavan also informed the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister. In 2006, Senator Canavan was apparently registered with the Italian consulate in Brisbane on a register known as the AIRE, or Registry of Italian Nationals Resident Abroad. It seems this occurred as part of an application for registration made by Senator Canavan's mother. Senator Canavan did not authorise this registration to be undertaken on his behalf.</para>
<para>As I said in my press conference on 25 July, the government took advice from the Solicitor-General. Though this will of course be a matter for the court, it is the government's preliminary view that, given the circumstances in which Senator Canavan may have obtained Italian citizenship, he is not in breach of section 44 of the Constitution. However, as I also said on 25 July, the government believes it is appropriate to refer the matter to the Court of Disputed Returns to resolve any uncertainty. The government will seek a directions hearing at the earliest opportunity and will work to have the reference heard by the court on an expedited basis. The government has acted swiftly to address this matter. I announced our intention to refer to the matter to the High Court, sitting as the Court of Disputed Returns, on the day after senior ministers became aware of the matter and as soon as we'd received Solicitor-General advice.</para>
<para>There is an overriding public interest in resolving the uncertainty around Senator Canavan's status, and it is important to remember that, at present, the situation is just that—it is uncertain. One of the questions is whether Senator Canavan is indeed an Italian citizen. That is primarily a question of Italian law. There will no doubt need to be evidence from experts in Italian law, and I won't speculate on what that evidence may tell us. More importantly for honourable senators, and indeed for all members of this parliament, there are questions of law as to the proper interpretation of section 44(i) of the Constitution, which provides:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Any person who:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen of a foreign power …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">shall be incapable of being chosen or of sitting as a senator or a member of the House of Representatives.</para></quote>
<para>The legal characterisation of section 44(i) has long been the subject of legal argument, although primarily among constitutional law scholars, relatively seldom in the High Court itself. Senators may be interested to note that, in the 1897 draft of the Constitution, the equivalent clause referred to:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Any person-</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Who has taken an oath or made a declaration or acknowledgment of allegiance … to a Foreign Power, or has done any act whereby he has become a subject or citizen …</para></quote>
<para>In other words, the framers appear, at least initially, to have been concerned only with those who, unlike Senator Canavan, had taken active steps to swear or declare allegiance to a foreign country. Ninety years after that 1897 draft, in Nile v Wood, three members of the High Court—Justices Brennan, Deane, and Toohey—opined:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it would seem that s.44(i) relates only to a person who has formally or informally acknowledged allegiance, obedience or adherence to a foreign power and who has not withdrawn or revoked that acknowledgment …</para></quote>
<para>In 1981 the Senate Standing Committee on Constitutional and Legal Affairs reported that the aim of the provision:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… was to ensure that members of Parliament did not have a split allegiance and were not, as far as possible, subject to any improper influence from foreign governments.</para></quote>
<para>In Sykes v Cleary, now the leading case, which arose from the by-election to replace the former Prime Minister, Mr Hawke, as the member for Wills, Justice Brennan opined that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Section 44(i) is concerned to ensure that foreign powers command no allegiance from or obedience by candidates, senators and members of the House of Representatives; it is not concerned with the operation of foreign law that is incapable in fact of creating any sense of duty, or of enforcing any duty, of allegiance or obedience to a foreign power.</para></quote>
<para>Justice Deane, in Sykes v Cleary, considered that section 44(i) should apply:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… only to cases where the relevant status, rights or privileges have been sought, accepted, asserted or acquiesced in by the person concerned.</para></quote>
<para>According to Justice Deane, 'an Australian-born citizen is not disqualified by reason of the second limb of s.44(i) unless he or she has established, asserted, accepted, or acquiesced in, the relevant relationship with the foreign power.' To similar effect, Justice Dawson considered that what can reasonably be required by section 44 will depend, in part, on, 'The person's knowledge of his foreign nationality,' and:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the circumstances in which the foreign nationality was accorded to that person: …</para></quote>
<para>One wonders what members of the court might have made of an individual named John Christian Tanck. Born in 1867 in Chile to a Chilean father and an Irish mother, Mr Tanck moved to New Zealand as a toddler. He later emigrated to Sydney and was elected to the New South Wales parliament. In 1894, he was then elected as a member of the House of Representatives to the first Commonwealth parliament. In 1904, as the first federal parliamentary leader of the Australian Labor Party, he became our third Prime Minister. By that time, he was known as John Christian Watson.</para>
<para>So, the history of section 44 is a long one. It is to be hoped that the referral of Senator Canavan's circumstances to the Court of Disputed Returns serves the indisputable public interest in bringing some much needed clarity to this provision of the Constitution. I commend the motion to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the motion moved by the Leader of the Government in the Senate and also to make some comments, if I may, about motions which I understand Senator Di Natale intends to move in relation to two other former senators. These motions raise very important issues for the Senate to resolve. In November last year, the Senate considered similar motions relating to the eligibility of former Senators Day and Culleton. On each of these motions, the Senate came to the view without the need for a division. The matters should be referred to the High Court of Australia sitting as the Court of Disputed Returns for resolution.</para>
<para>It's important to note that that decision of the Senate did not presuppose an outcome. Rather, it was a reflection that serious doubts about the eligibility of the senators in question had been raised and that, given the complexity of these issues, it is desirable to send the matters to the High Court so that it may, as the Court of Disputed Returns under the Commonwealth Electoral Act, resolve the matters beyond any doubt. Taking this step—referring the matters to the only authority that can resolve them, which is the High Court of Australia—serves to protect the interests of the parliament and the integrity of our electoral system.</para>
<para>It is disappointing that we are faced today with the same task. However, the opposition believes the government is taking the correct approach. Credible doubts have been raised about the eligibility of Senator Canavan, and these doubts need to be resolved one way or the other. That is why the act makes provision for this process and that is why we believe that the government has done the right thing in moving the motion it has, and the opposition will be supporting it.</para>
<para>Senator Di Natale has also indicated publicly that he intends to move similar motions relating to former Senators Ludlam and Waters. I want to take this opportunity to foreshadow that, subject to any additional evidence that may be tabled or arise in this debate, the opposition also intends to support these motions. Again, this is not to presuppose the outcome. Evidence may be put before the court that leads to a determination that one or all of these senators are eligible to sit. But, in each case, doubts are clear and on the public record, and the only way to resolve these matters is for the High Court to determine them.</para>
<para>I also wish to set out the approach the Labor Party is taking to these matters more generally. It is a very serious matter to question the eligibility of a senator to sit in this place. It is not a decision that should be taken lightly and it can't be taken without consideration of evidence on the public record. I know some in this place have called for the appointment of some body or eminent person to 'audit' the eligibility of all senators. This isn't an approach that the Labor Party supports.</para>
<para>I would like to look at a little bit of history. The Senate considered a similar proposal to this in 1999, from Senator Len Harris, a One Nation senator. The debate on that motion is instructive. In particular, I draw the Senate's attention to the contribution from Senator Bob Brown, on behalf of the Australian Greens:</para>
<quote><para class="block">One of the problems is the reversal of the onus of proof. I am concerned it could be followed up by a wide variety of motions which require members of parliament to attest to their propriety without there having been any evidence that they had acted with impropriety. Surely that is not the way for us to proceed in a parliament which, as has been said by previous speakers, members have been required to sign something to say that they have abided by constitutional requirements. In effect, through taking the oath or affirmation when entering this place, they have repeated that assurance that they have been properly elected. This point was reiterated, on behalf of the Labor Party, by Senator Robert Ray:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… it is not unheard of for this chamber to refer a matter of qualification to the Court of Disputed Returns but it always does that on the basis of some evidence—and we do not want to reverse the onus of proof.</para></quote>
<para>Senators from the Liberal Party took a similar approach in the same debate.</para>
<para>So, the approach the Labor Party will take today is a consistent approach that we have taken on similar matters for several years, and actually reflects the position adopted by those opposite and the past position of the Australian Greens. We do not support reversing the onus of proof and requiring all senators to prove their eligibility where no question has arisen. However, where the public record reveals serious credible doubts, the only appropriate resolution is through a referral to the one body that can make an authoritative determination, and that is the High Court of Australia.</para>
<para>Those who propose an administrative audit need to appreciate that nobody other than the High Court can authoritatively resolve questions of eligibility. So their proposed solution is no solution, and any audit can only ever assess eligibility at a point in time. If we reflect on the case of Mr Day, an audit conducted when he was first elected to this place would have revealed no impediment. He only became ineligible subsequently, when he entered into a financial arrangement with the Commonwealth in breach of section 44 placitum (v). The current circumstances are also a reminder of the importance of all candidates and all parties in running a thorough vetting process. As Senator Faulkner said during that 1999 debate, with his characteristic clarity, 'If you fail to do your homework, as is the case with Ms Hill, you make a mistake, a big one, and you get caught out—tough, that's the way it works.'</para>
<para>Mr President, questions relating to the composition of this chamber go to the heart of representation in our democracy. It is unfortunate that, for the second time in 12 months, we find ourselves in the position of having to seek the guidance of the High Court to clarify who is properly chosen to sit in this chamber. In the 1999 debate to which I referred, Senator Robert Ray made the following observation about the processes that parties need to go through to assess the eligibility of potential candidates:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is tedious and it is time consuming, but it is done so that we do not face these particular situations.</para></quote>
<para>Recent events are a timely reminder of the importance of parties and candidates ensuring their processes are robust. The opposition supports the referral of this matter, and looks to the High Court for its decision.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do not intend to speak to Senator Canavan's case. As Senator Wong has pointed out, this is a case that needs to be adjudicated within the court, so I do not intend to make any further comment regarding Senator Canavan's case. I will shortly seek leave to move a motion relating to Senators Ludlam and Waters. However, I do feel it's important to put on the record our view, the Australian Greens view, about what should transpire from this point onwards.</para>
<para>Senator Wong is absolutely correct when she says that it is very serious to question the eligibility of any senator in this place. That is a very serious question to ask, and one that needs to be considered very, very carefully. What is more serious, though, is that there may indeed be senators, and members of the lower house, who are sitting as members of the parliament when they are ineligible to do so. That is of course a much more serious concern, because—Senator Wong is absolutely right—it goes to the very heart of a democracy in terms of who is eligible to stand and represent the Australian people.</para>
<para>What has transpired over recent months has involved a number of senators—in fact, two Greens senators, and we now have further action in the High Court relating to Senator Canavan, with questions being asked of other members of the parliament. While Senator Wong discusses section 44 quite broadly, it is our view that an audit is necessary to assess the citizenship status of all members of the parliament. That is the only way in which we can give confidence to the Australian people that members of parliament sitting here representing the Australian community are eligible to do so. And it does go to the heart of any democracy: the circumstances in which our Constitution determines that people are duly elected.</para>
<para>Ultimately, for people to have faith in the system, we rely on people within the system to act with integrity. I'm very proud of the actions of both senators Ludlam and Waters in accepting they made an error, and paying a very high price for that error by doing the decent and honourable thing and announcing their resignations. However, we need to be absolutely confident that everyone within our parliament is going to do the same thing. Sadly, I don't have that confidence. I don't think the Australian people have that confidence. If anything, what we have seen is a double standard being applied in terms of the actions taken by senators in this place.</para>
<para>So we do believe very strongly that there needs to be a thorough and independent audit of not other issues relating to section 44 of the Constitution but the citizenship status of individuals within the Australian parliament. We think it's important to restore faith in our democracy, and we will be moving tomorrow to establish such an audit. It will be up to other members of parliament to decide what they do with regard to such an audit—whether they think that restoring trust within our Australian democracy is a necessary task or whether they would like to rely on the fact that individuals within the system will simply act in the interests of the Australian people, rather than in their own narrow self-interest. Sadly, we don't have confidence that every member of this place will do that, and it is for those reasons that we will be moving for such a wide-ranging audit.</para>
<para>In the meantime, let me put on the record my pride in the actions of senators Ludlam and Waters, who both paid a very high price for a mistake that they made—but they did act, with the integrity that I am so proud that our party represents.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to indicate that I support the motion and the referral of this matter to the Court of Disputed Returns. Until three weeks ago, I had no knowledge or reason to believe that I might be registered as an Italian citizen. I was not born in Italy, and neither were my parents. I do not believe that I have contravened section 44 of the Constitution, and my own legal advice indicates that I have a good case in this matter. Nonetheless, I do think it proper that the matter be referred to and determined now by the High Court. I wish to fully respect this process, and that is why I have resigned from the ministry and I will also not vote in the Senate until this matter is resolved.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by the Attorney-General be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The following matters be referred to the Court of Disputed Returns under section 376 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether by reason of s 44(i), of the Constitution there is a vacancy in the representation of Queensland in the Senate for the place for which Senator Waters was returned;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the answer to Question (a) is ‘yes’, by what means and in what manner that vacancy should be filled;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) if the answer to Question (a) is ‘no’, is there a casual vacancy in the representation of Queensland in the Senate within the meaning of s 15 of the Constitution; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) what directions and other orders, if any, should the Court make in order to hear and finally dispose of this reference.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The following matters be referred to the Court of Disputed Returns under section 376 of the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether by reason of s 44(i) of the Constitution there is a vacancy in the representation of Western Australia in the Senate for the place for which Senator Ludlam was returned;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the answer to Question (a) is ‘yes’, by what means and in what manner that vacancy should be filled;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) if the answer to Question (a) is ‘no’, is there a casual vacancy in the representation of Western Australia in the Senate within the meaning of s 15 of the Constitution; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) what directions and other orders, if any, should the Court make in order to hear and finally dispose of this reference.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I indicate on behalf of the government that we support the motion moved by Senator Di Natale. We believe that Senator Di Natale, on behalf of the Greens, has taken the appropriate course of action in all the circumstances. I don't think, in view of what has been acknowledged by Scott Ludlam and Larissa Waters, that there is any area of factual controversy here, and I ask the Senate to join the government in supporting Senator Di Natale's motion.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, a point of clarification: I have put the motion for Senator Ludlam and Senator Waters together. I am moving both of those together. I am confirming that that's been done?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's correct. The question now is that the motion moved by Senator Di Natale be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>6</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>6</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion relating to deaths in Australia's offshore detention centres on Manus Island and Nauru and the need to evacuate the people there to safety in Australia.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent Senator McKim moving a motion to give precedence to a motion relating to deaths in Australia's offshore detention centres on Manus Island and Nauru and the need to evacuate the people there to safety in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>Australia's offshore detention centres in Manus Island and Nauru are a shameful chapter in the story of our country. This sorry and horrendous chapter in our nation's story, which was co-authored by the Labor Party and the Liberal Party, has to end, and it has to end by immediately closing these detention centres and bringing everyone who is there—man, woman and child—to safety here in Australia. They have to be evacuated, and they have to be evacuated now. On Manus Island, in particular, the situation is extremely dire and dangerous, and it is becoming more dire and dangerous by the hour and by the day. We have a situation in which over 850 people who have been detained by Australia on Manus Island have been denied their liberty, have been tortured, have been shot at, have been assaulted and have been murdered—and all that's just inside the camp. Outside of the camp we've seen a significant series of attacks by knife—attacks by machete—on refugees in the town of Lorengau and in the capital of Papua New Guinea, in Port Moresby.</para>
<para>Papua New Guinea is not a safe place for the people that Australia has detained there for four years. Neither is Nauru a safe place for the people that Australia has detained there for over four years. The overwhelming majority of people that Australia has detained on Manus Island and Nauru have been found to be genuine refugees—that is, they have a well-founded fear of persecution, which means they cannot, without being placed in danger—in some cases danger of death, arbitrary imprisonment and torture—be returned to their home countries. They can't be left in PNG and Nauru. They cannot possibly be forced back to their home countries. The only safe place for these people is to be evacuated from Manus Island and Nauru and brought here to Australia.</para>
<para>There are now eight people who have died on Manus Island and Nauru whilst being Australia's responsibility. They have effectively died at Australian hands. The names are as follows: Reza Barati, Sayed Ibrahim Hussein, Hamid Khazaei, Omid Masoumali, Rakib, Kamil Hussain, Faysal Ishak Ahmed, and yesterday, Hamed Shamshiripour. I now intend to stay silent for one minute in honour of all these men who have died while Australia's responsibility, and I invite the Senate to join me.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A minute's silence was observed—</inline></para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, last month, a letter from hundreds of detainees was sent publicly, and I want to finish by reading it: 'Our souls are destroyed under your cruel regime of years of torture and trauma, by your contribution. Evacuate the camps now—</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is always disappointing in this place when someone rises—it doesn't matter which party they belong to—to use the death of someone merely for political purposes, and that is what we are seeing today. Unfortunately, the Australian Greens continue to believe that when it comes to refugees and asylum seekers they can take the moral high ground.</para>
<para>The actual facts that the Australian people understand and that they overwhelmingly elected a coalition government on in 2013—which, unfortunately, the Australian Greens need to be reminded of yet again and again—are as follows—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I note a number of the Greens sitting there saying, 'Shame'. I agree with you: it is a shame that you have deliberately buried your heads in the sand, since the first boat arrived. Because of a dirty deal that you did with the then Labor government, you refuse to take any form of responsibility for what occurred as a consequence of your actions. Sometimes in life, when you come to this place, you need to grow up. You need to understand that, when you support a policy that basically opens the floodgates to tens of thousands of people getting on boats and risking their lives to come to Australia, there will be consequences.</para>
<para>In August of 2017 the coalition government—elected in 2013 on an incredibly strong platform of restoring integrity to our borders—is still cleaning up the mess and dealing with the consequences of the decisions made by the Australian Greens. For them to come into this place today and use the very unfortunate death of a person in Papua New Guinea as an excuse to, yet again, claim the moral high ground is, quite frankly—I would say 'disgusting', but it is way worse than disgusting; it shows the Australian people just how low the Australian Greens will go in refusing to accept responsibility for their actions.</para>
<para>Had the Australian Greens not made the deals they had with the then Labor government to wind back Australia's strong border protection policies, we would not be standing here today having this suspension of standing orders moved by Senator McKim. It is a fact that directly because of the consequences of the decisions made and the deals done by the Australian Greens in excess of 50,000 people came to this country illegally and in excess of 1,200 people died. Maybe Senator McKim would like to move a minute's silence for each one of them, in recognition of the consequences of the Australian Greens' decisions on policies that had, unfortunately, fatal consequences. And let's not talk about the number of children that the Australian Greens themselves are responsible—directly—for putting in detention and behind bars. It is we on this side of the chamber who got them out of detention. It is a great shame when a senator elected to this place comes into this place and uses the death of someone merely for a political purpose and nothing more.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor won't be agreeing to support the suspension of standing orders this afternoon. Primarily, it goes to reasons I have outlined when similar motions have been called on without any notice in this chamber through this term of parliament. It goes to the fact that we have had no notice of this. There has been no discussion and no forewarning about the intentions of Senator McKim and his desire to move this motion. I would say that this chamber, as senators know, relies on relationships and discussion so that we can, at times, support each other with particular positions or policies or motions that we want to see moved through the Senate. When those customs are not observed, in any way, it puts everyone in a very difficult position. We have no idea what the motion was that you wanted to move, Senator McKim. It was not circulated. It was not discussed with the Labor Party.</para>
<para>We note there is a desire by the Greens, particularly, to move these types of motions without notice. I do wonder whether it is more about being able to make a statement and then leave all of us here without any knowledge of what the bigger or longer and more worthwhile debate might have been had we been given notice. There are motions to be moved that our parties can use. There are senators' statements. There is private senators' time. There are a range of different parts of the Senate sitting schedule that allow for proper and orderly debate on matters of such importance, such as the management of Manus and Nauru—in this case, how people who are living there are being treated.</para>
<para>In the case that Senator McKim has raised about a death, of course we all extend our most sincere condolences to that individual's family, but, if we are to have a larger debate, it needs to be done with proper process and in accordance with proper standing orders. Those have not been followed in any way. I would urge Senator McKim, in particular, that if he is of a mind to move motions like this to please come and speak with me, as the Manager of Opposition Business in the Senate, or other senators in this place so that at least we can have the opportunity to discuss how this debate should roll out. It is an important debate. Labor have been on the record about concerns we've had with the management of Manus and Nauru. We do want to see people who are currently being held there resettled to third countries. It is an important discussion and one that is worthy of the Senate's time but not in the manner with which it has been forced upon us this afternoon.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd just like to add my support to suspending standing orders in order to deal with this matter as a matter of urgency. It is, of course, an emergency that is unfolding on Manus Island and, indeed, on Nauru. I for one am not going to sit here and be lectured to by Senator Cash about using the lives of refugees for political purposes. It is the height of hypocrisy for members of the coalition, ministers of the coalition, to pretend that treating these people appallingly, in a way that would be such a deterrent to them seeking refuge from war, torture and persecution, is somehow not political. They are trying to pretend to the Australian people that they care about the wellbeing of the men and the families on Manus Island and Nauru. No-one believes it. Everybody can see it is for sheer political purposes that this government treat these people—human beings—worse than animals.</para>
<para>I remember that in this place some years ago Senator Cash gave a death-defying speech about Senator Wong having blood on her hands. Remember that speech? Well, I put it to you, Mr President, that if somebody wants to talk about having blood on their hands they should think about the deaths of these people directly at the hands of the Australian government. Senator Cash has stood here and justified the treatment of these individuals as simply collateral damage. If the Australian people—the media and individuals—had the ability to see how torturous these hellholes are and to hear the cries of help from the individuals locked up, very few Australians would accept that this is a reasonable, decent policy to continue.</para>
<para>And we know false hope is being given to these individuals, because we heard ourselves, through the transcript of the meeting between President Trump and our own Prime Minister, that there is no chance that many of these people will have any hope of getting out of the hellhole that is Manus Island. In fact, it was a point of discussion and encouragement that our Prime Minister gave to the President—that he didn't have to help these people; he just had to pretend he was helping him. He is using these individuals as political pawns. So don't stand here and lecture other people about using refugees and these poor souls on Manus Island for political purposes. These camps are only open because the coalition and the Labor Party voted to reopen them and set them up and keep people there indefinitely.</para>
<para>The death of this man yesterday falls squarely at the feet of the Australian government. Doctors urged the Australian government, the minister and the department for months to get this man off the island, and those pleas for a medical evacuation were ignored. This man died in vain yesterday because of the political, torturous treatment carried out by the Australian government and by individual members of this government such as Senator Cash.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator McKim to suspend standing orders be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [13:20]<br />(The Acting Deputy President—Senator O'Sullivan)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>8</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>37</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McAllister, J (teller)</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>Nash, F</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Roberts, M</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>9</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>9</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5835">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to oppose the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017 as it is presented to the chamber. I want to make it clear that Labor has no tolerance for corruption in any form. Notwithstanding this, there are significant problems with the bill as it is presented to the chamber. Labor has unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate amendments with the minister. The minister's intransigence and refusal to take heed of the concerns of the Labor Party, the union movement, employers, the Law Council and academics reinforces the view that this government and its minister are driven by ideology as distinct from fair and effective legislation. These concerns are also held by the Scrutiny of Bills Committee and the Joint Committee on Human Rights. This demonstrates that, rather than making a genuine attempt to deal with corrupting benefits, the minister and the government are attempting to continue their attacks on the trade union movement. The bill also differs from the model legislation proposed by the Heydon royal commission.</para>
<para>The coalition has attempted to discredit and weaken the trade union movement, and I think everyone is well aware of that position. The coalition has a long history of attempting to diminish collective bargaining, union rights and right-of-entry provisions. It introduced Work Choices, the legislative framework designed to promote individual agreements, destroy penalty rates and diminish collective bargaining. The coalition introduced the Australian Building and Construction Commission, with its punitive legislative base, and the Building Code, which disadvantages builders' and other workers' attempts to collectively bargain in an effective and fair manner. The coalition has established two politically driven building royal commissions with the purpose of demonising building unions, restricting workers' access to their union and restricting collective bargaining rights. The coalition has been aggressively targeting the trade union movement in order to justify breaches of ILO conventions and the removal or weakening of trade union rights in this country.</para>
<para>The bill continues the Tory tradition of increasing the bargaining rights of employers and decreasing the collective bargaining rights of Australian workers. The political campaign by coalition members to reduce penalty rates has resulted in hundreds of thousands of lower-paid workers facing increased hardship and, in some cases, destitution. The so-called PaTH program will see tens of thousands of properly paid jobs being replaced with so-called internships. Workers, under the guise of an internship, will be paid $4 an hour. Is it any wonder that casualisation and insecure work is becoming more prevalent while living standards and inequality increase? This is an ideologically obsessed government with a minister who will never understand the needs and hardships of working Australians.</para>
<para>This bill continues the political attack on the trade union movement and is being perpetrated under the guise of so-called corrupting benefits. The bill creates a new criminal offence related to the solicitation, giving or receipt of corrupting benefits. It creates new criminal offences related to a national system employer offering, promising or providing certain prohibited payments and other persons soliciting, receiving or gaining by agreeing to obtain such payments. And it requires bargaining representatives to disclose financial benefits that they, or a person or body reasonably connected with them, would or could reasonably be expected to derive because of the term of the proposed agreement.</para>
<para>The bill is divided into two schedules. Schedule 1 deals with the proposed criminal offences relating to corrupting benefits and prohibited payments. Schedule 2 deals with amendments related to disclosure by registered organisations and employers.</para>
<para>A range of extremely serious concerns were raised by the Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills and the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights. The concerns raised by the scrutiny of bills committee and the Joint Committee on Human Rights are consistent with the concerns raised by the Law Council of Australia, academics, employers and unions. The Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights has reported twice on the bill, first on 9 May 2017 and then again on 20 June 2017. The committee initially raised concerns with the bill's potential infringement on the right to a fair trial in relation to double jeopardy and the right to be presumed innocent. The committee sought the minister's response in relation to these matters. After considering the minister's response, it concluded that it was not possible to find that the measures in the bill were compatible with the above rights.</para>
<para>The Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills has a responsibility to assess bills in relation to undue trespass on personal rights and liberties, whether administrative power is described with sufficient precision, whether appropriate review of decisions is available, whether any delegation of legislative powers is appropriate and whether the exercise of legislative powers is subject to sufficient parliamentary scrutiny.</para>
<para>The committee dealt with this bill in <inline font-style="italic">Scrutiny Digest No. 4 of 2017</inline>. The minister responded to the committee's comments in a letter dated 21 April 2017. The first issue the committee raised was the right not to be tried or punished twice, which is normally known as double jeopardy. The committee determined:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In light of the information provided, the committee makes no further comment on this matter.</para></quote>
<para>But it needs to be noted that the Joint Committee on Human Rights concluded it was not possible to find the measures in the bill were compatible with the right not to be tried or punished twice.</para>
<para>The next area that was raised was the reversal of evidential burden of proof. Following the minister's response, the Scrutiny of Bills Committee concluded:</para>
<quote><para class="block">From a scrutiny perspective, the committee considers that the offence as currently drafted is overly broad, relying heavily on defences to carve out legitimate transactions, and so may unduly trespass on personal rights and liberties …</para></quote>
<para>The committee requested that the key information provided by the minister be included in the explanatory memorandum. The committee also drew its scrutiny concerns to the attention of senators and left to the Senate as a whole the appropriateness of the breadth of the offence and the subsequent reversal of the evidential burden of proof for the offence-specific defences. The next area that was raised was strict liability offences:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The committee requests the Minister's advice as to how each element of the offences in proposed sections 536F and 536G to which strict liability applies are jurisdictional in nature, with reference to the principles set out in the <inline font-style="italic">Guide to</inline><inline font-style="italic">Framing Commonwealth Offences</inline><inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee notes that a person found guilty of an offence under these provisions may be subject to a maximum period of two years imprisonment and/or 500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<para>The committee noted that its 'consistent scrutiny view is that strict liability offences should be applied only where the penalty does not include imprisonment' and that monetary penalties do not exceed penalty units. And I reiterate what the minister is proposing, in opposition to the Scrutiny of Bills Committee recommendation, is that there be two years imprisonment and 500 penalty units. The committee noted 'that no evidence is provided for the conclusion' by the minister 'that a fault element would weaken the deterrent effect of the provision given the significant penalties to be imposed. The committee went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In this instance, from a scrutiny perspective, the committee does not consider it is appropriate to penalise persons lacking fault and suggests that the application of strict liability be restricted to elements which are jurisdictional in nature …</para></quote>
<para>The committee drew its scrutiny concerns to the attention of senators and left it to the Senate as a whole to determine the appropriateness of the application of strict liability.</para>
<para>The next issue that the Scrutiny of Bills Committee looked at was significant matters in delegated legislation. The committee noted that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A number of provisions of the bill leave significant detail to be prescribed in the regulations …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The explanatory memorandum provides limited detail as to why significant matters that set out aspects of the content of offences or civil penalty provisions are left to delegated legislation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<para>The committee came to the view that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… significant matters, such as matters that form part of an offence or civil penalty provision, should be included in primary legislation unless a sound justification for the use of delegated legislation is provided.</para></quote>
<para>The committee indicated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is particularly important, from a scrutiny perspective, for the content of an offence to be clear from the offence provision itself, so that the scope and effect of the offence is clear so those who are subject to the offence may readily ascertain their obligations.</para></quote>
<para>The committee requested advice from the minister as to why it is considered necessary and appropriate to leave many of the elements of these offence or civil penalty provisions to delegated legislation. It also requested advice as to the type of consultation it is envisaged will be conducted prior to the making of these regulations and whether specific consultation obligations can be included in the legislation, with compliance with such obligations a condition of the validity of the legislative instrument. The minister advised that the potential for new arrangements to arise that are not currently contemplated by the bill made it both necessary and appropriate to include regulation-making powers to allow the government to deal with the circumstances. The minister also advised that the government does not consider that it is necessary or desirable to include additional consultation requirements in the bill and noted that any regulations made will be subject to tabling and disallowance requirements and to scrutiny by the Senate Standing Committee on Regulations and Ordinances.</para>
<para>After noting the government's response, the committee reiterated its general view that it is important for the content of an offence to be clear from the offence itself so that the scope and effect of the offence is clear and so that those who are subject to the offence may readily ascertain their obligations. From a scrutiny perspective, the committee did not consider in these circumstances that it is appropriate to include elements of offence or civil penalty provisions in delegated legislation. The committee also considered the possibility of unforeseen arrangements for the making of legitimate payments arising because of the breadth of the offence provision and reiterated its scrutiny concerns about the broad scope of the offence. The committee also reiterated its general view that, whereas the parliament delegates its legislative power in relation to significant matters, it is appropriate that specific consultation obligations beyond those in section 17 of the Legislation Act 2003 are included in the bill and that compliance with these obligations is a condition of the validity of the legislative instrument. The committee noted that, although the instrument may be disallowable, it may be difficult for parliamentarians to know whether appropriate consultation has taken place within the time frame for disallowance. The committee drew its scrutiny concerns to the attention of senators and again left to the Senate as a whole the appropriateness of leaving such significant matters to delegated legislation. The committee also drew this matter to the attention of the Senate Standing Committee on Regulations and Ordinances.</para>
<para>As senators would know, both the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights and the Senate Standing Committee for the Scrutiny of Bills are advised by eminent legal advisers. The forcefulness of the concerns of both these committees needs to be understood by the Senate and acted upon appropriately. The Law Council of Australia, in its submission to the Senate Education and Employment Legislation Committee, raised concerns in relation to schedule 1, amendments relating to corrupting benefits. The Law Council indicated that, as a general proposition, whenever the legislature creates new offences, it should take care and use precise terms to ensure that it does not criminalise conduct that was not intended to be caught by the proposed provisions. The Law Council indicated there was little guidance on the related term 'legitimately due' in section 536D(5) and section 536D(6). The Law Council indicated that some clarity is provided in section 536D(4); however, section 536D(3), according to the council, significantly complicates the interpretation of these terms by providing that the defendant's intention does not need to be 'in relation to a particular registered organisation's officer or employee', or in relation to an official 'performing or exercising duties, functions or powers in a particular way'. The Law Council indicated that it is difficult to see how the test of requisite intention is to be ascertained, given the apparent indication that the defendant's intention might be as little as a hope that giving something to an official might influence them to perhaps formulate some unspecified idea to do something unstated. We would start to get the idea that this is a poorly drafted bill. It is not precise. It has come under criticism from the Law Council, the Ai Group, the ACTU and, as I have said, the Law Council.</para>
<para>The Labor Party sent some amendments to the Law Council to ask them to have a look at those amendments in relation to the issues that they had raised and ask them whether our amendments would deal with the concerns that they had. They wrote back to the shadow minister, Brendan O'Connor, on 6 June and said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I write in response to your letter of 30 May 2017 to Mr Ingmar Taylor SC, Chair of the Law Council's Industrial Law Committee, concerning the Fair Work (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017. Your letter summarised certain amendments to the Fair Work (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017 which the opposition intends to propose.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">You asked the Law Council whether the proposed amendments reflect and are consistent with the submission made by the Law Council of Australia in its written submission to the Senate inquiry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Law Council in its submission to the Senate Committee stated that it supported the objective of the Bill, but identified some concerns as to the draft text of the Bill, suggesting amendments be made to ensure that it did not criminalise conduct that was not intended to be caught by the proposed provisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed amendments that you summarised in your letter have been considered by the Industrial Law Committee of the Law Council. The Committee advises that the draft amendments summarised in your letter on page one at items 1 to 4 inclusive are consistent with the Law Council's submission to the Senate Committee on the Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Please do not hesitate to contact me if we can be of further assistance.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yours sincerely</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Fiona McLeod SC</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">President</para></quote>
<para>So not only have the Scrutiny of Bills Committee and the Joint Committee on Human Rights—and these are bipartisan committees; they include senators from the coalition and members from the coalition—raised concerns with the drafting of this bill and the implications of this bill but the Law Council have also raised concerns, the Australian Industry Group have raised concerns and the ACTU have indicated they don't know of any laws in this country where provisions like these are implemented. This is another example of the attacks on the trade union movement to force increasing inequality in this country. This is an attack on workers' capability to collectively bargain and operate independently of the government. The amendments should be adopted. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For those listening to this debate, you may not have understood from my friend and colleague, the previous speaker, what this bill, the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017, is about. I just mention initially that this bill is about banning secret and corrupting payments from businesses to unions. The bill also requires that, for legitimate payments arising from enterprise agreements, there be a full disclosure. That's what this bill is about.</para>
<para>The previous speaker indicated that the bill was about demonising unions. I say to Senator Cameron: they don't need this bill or me or anyone on this side of the chamber to demonise unions; they are doing it themselves. I will shortly give you just some of the corrupting payments which do demonise unions, not by anything the government or I or the minister have done but by what the union officials themselves have done. This is what is demonising unions. You only have to look at the paper any day of the week and you will see some report of yet another union being fined because they believe they are above the law. The law is for everybody else except the unions. Fortunately, the courts are taking the appropriate action and fining them. This is probably why membership of unions is at a record low of 10 per cent of the workforce in the private sector. Ten per cent of workers in the private sector choose to join a union. I suspect that workers are leaving the unions in droves because of this inappropriate and corrupt behaviour that the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017 seeks to address.</para>
<para>I know every member of the opposition in this place is here only because of the unions. The unions control the preselection process. They then tell senators, once they are elected here, what they should do. I reiterate, that might be sort of acceptable if the unions represented all workers, but the unions represent less than 10 per cent of workers in the private sector. So it's that very small coterie of workers and union bosses who direct the Labor Party and write their speeches for them in these sorts of debates.</para>
<para>The union movement should be above reproach and above suspicion. Where the unions do perform a worthwhile purpose, they should be allowed to do it without having attributed to them the sort of corrupt conduct that this bill is trying to address. This matter went before the Heydon royal commission, which uncovered a raft of payments between unions and employers that were designed to ensure that companies got favourable treatment from the unions. He called these payments 'corrupting benefits'; hence the name of this bill. The benefits were often disguised by false invoices marked as payments for 'training' or similar, and made as part of a deal in enterprise agreement negotiations or accompanied by lists of employees' names that were used secretly to join employees to a union without their knowledge. Some officials have been paid private kickbacks—and this is all documented in court records—that they used for their own personal expenses. We know the example of Mr Craig Thomson, formerly, I am ashamed to say, a member of this parliament and for many years protected by members of the Australian Labor Party, including one senator, who was at the time the guy who was protecting him and paying his legal bills, or was arranging for someone to pay his legal bills. Whether that arrangement came from within Australia or outside, we will never know.</para>
<para>In return for this corrupt behaviour, employers expected to gain more flexible and cheaper employee pay conditions, and win work and avoid strikes and other industrial powers. It's not only directed at the unions; this is also directed at those businesses that participate in the corrupt actions. Mr Acting Deputy President O'Sullivan, I have a list of some examples, which will take me to the end of my speech to go through. These are facts; these are not Ian Macdonald making things up—facts found by the courts to be corrupting actions. I said these are not made up by Ian Macdonald. I talk about me, Ian Macdonald, an LNP senator from Queensland. I don't want that to be confused with another politician, a Labor politician, named Ian Macdonald, who is currently, I understand, serving jail—for what? For allegedly—well, he's serving time, so it must have been proven—for giving a licence to a union official for a very, very valuable coalmine. As I understand it, both the union official and my namesake, the Labor politician from New South Wales, are serving time at Her Majesty's pleasure.</para>
<para>Mr Acting Deputy President, I will mention just a few of the other instances that this bill is trying to address. There was a secret payment—this was revealed by the royal commission—of $100,000 from Toll to TEACHO, a TWU entity, to secure an enterprise agreement with a promise to pay a further $50,000 for information about Toll's competitors. This is not only about cleaning up union corruption; it's also about cleaning up some business activities that are less than fair. There was a payment of over $350,000 from SapuraKencana to the Maritime Union of Australia at the time it was planning to use foreign-crewed boats. Why would they do that? There is nearly $1 million from Dredging International to the MUA apparently to secure an enterprise agreement. There is a $2,500 payment from an underworld figure, Mr George Alex, to officials of the CFMEU in New South Wales to ensure favourable treatment of Mr Alex's companies, even though they were repeatedly phoenixed—I see Senator Dastyari here so he'll no doubt tell us more about phoenix companies—leaving workers without jobs and with unpaid wages and entitlements. There was the $150,000 in-kind home renovations made by Mirvac to former CFMEU Queensland president Dave Hanna to secure industrial peace and favourable treatment. The payments were disguised by inflated invoices from subcontractors on their existing Orion shopping centre project.</para>
<para>I repeat: this is not me making up some facts or the minister making up tales. This is evidence to the royal commission—it is factual. There was over $118,000 from the owner of several construction companies to the CFMEU New South Wales to avoid entering its enterprise agreement. These payments were disguised as donations for various charitable causes, including safety industry dinners at a Friends of the Sinn Fein speaking tour. This sort of thing has to stop; this bill is meant to stop these corrupt practices. Where there are payments made that might be legitimate, they should be clearly explained so there is full accountability.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, I'm not going to have time to go through this very long list, but it's a list that should be understood, because this sort of activity is corrupt and it needs to be addressed. I congratulate the minister for having the courage to bring this bill forward. I know she's consulted widely, including with the opposition, on the terms of the bill. I certainly urge its support so that this matter can be addressed by the parliament and by the law.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This bill is based on a lie. It's a scam from a government that couldn't lie straight in bed. The Turnbull government peddles the lie that corruption only happens in the industrial setting. Obviously, that raises many questions. Why would they go with such a scam? Why? Because they have certain interests to uphold—the interests of their constituency, and their constituency is corporate Australia. What does corporate Australia want? What do they have to do, according to the law? Work out how to increase their profits. What is one of the easiest ways to increase your profits? Go after unions—and that is what this bill effectively does.</para>
<para>Again, if you were serious about fighting corruption then you would go for it across the board. You would come in here with a bill that would deal with corruption wherever it rears its ugly head, whether it be in the industrial sphere—as this government has suddenly discovered—in the corporate board rooms, in the public sector, or in this parliament. Do we really think that there is no corruption at the federal level? We have heard that time and time again from the government. The government is showing us how biased it is. It is not taking on corruption wherever it appears, which is clearly the responsibility of any federal government, but is using corruption as a cover to continue its agenda to weaken the union movement. It is doing this even to the point where it will make it difficult for employers. You will find, when you dig into this bill, that, because of how broadly this bill has been drafted, it will become very difficult for employers and employees to engage in what are often normal practices.</para>
<para>What the government should do—because it really is so blind to where corruption appears—is apply the famous pub test it often trots out when it is hard-up for an argument. It should go and ask the regular punters what they think about corruption and where they think corruption is. I think even it would know, in its heart, that the answer it will get back is: politicians, corporate board rooms and, maybe, the public sector. That is what the regular punter would say if you went and asked: what do you think about corruption? But, looking at this bill, the government must be thinking, 'We can probably get away with it; we'll just go hard on the union movement again.'</para>
<para>What we've got here is a pathetic bill that would have been an embarrassment to draft. If passed, this is what would happen: it will only be the industrial sphere that will be targeted. Corrupt activities elsewhere have been ignored. The message coming from the government to areas other than the industrial sphere is: 'No worries. You can get away with it. There is no corruption in the federal parliament, or the corporate board rooms, or government agencies. No legislation is needed. You'll be right; you'll be able to get away with it.' That is effectively the message that's coming from this government when it brings in a bill like this. It is a bill that should be withdrawn.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKenzie</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, come on!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm happy to take that interjection. Again, it was a National Party MP defending a pretty dodgy bill. The bill was brought forward by the Liberal Party, but the Liberals and Nationals are in cahoots together—and they're not helping the country out at all.</para>
<para>What the government should do is come in here and, with some courage, admit that it's been outed and that it's been wrong, show it's committed to fighting corruption and bring in a national corruption watchdog. Every state has one, and they do a good job. There are MPs—and a lot of Liberal MPs, by the way—falling over like ninepins in state parliaments, particularly New South Wales and Victoria, because there are corruption watchdogs that can look at and check these things. But what do we get at a federal level? We get: 'Oh, no, we don't have a problem.' We've heard MPs in this parliament say that we don't need a federal corruption watchdog because we don't have corruption at this level. That's not what should be happening now. That's the bill we should be debating, if this government was sincere, rather than covering the backs of the government's mates and not doing the real job that needs to be done.</para>
<para>What you also see with this bill is that the government doesn't care about fighting corruption, because it is only targeting people with a blue collar. Let's be frank: that's what's going on here. If you're a traditional blue-collar worker, look out! The government's after you, in one way or another. It's after you; it's after your union. But, when it comes to fighting corruption across the board, if you're a white-collar worker, hanging out in corporate boardrooms, everything's okay. If you're in the upper echelons of society, nobody's going to go after you while this government is in power. How long will it keep turning its back on what is so clearly needed?</para>
<para>What is clearly needed is a national anti-corruption watchdog. It should have been introduced long before now. We've had them for such a long time, and done some important work in our state governments, exposing the depth of the problem. It's also worth putting on the record that the Liberal-Nationals around the country are getting a real name for themselves of working together to water down anticorruption measures. In New South Wales, where 10 or 11 Liberal MPs have fallen over because they were caught out by the investigations of the anticorruption watchdog, what does the Liberal government do? The Liberal-National government in NSW turns up and weakens the law.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It being 2 pm, we move to questions without notice.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>14</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement about changes to the ministry and ministerial absences from question time this week.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para>For the information of honourable senators, I table the current list of ministers, dated 27 July 2017, including representation of House of Representatives' ministers in the Senate. I can advise the Senate that Senator Scullion will be absent from question time today due to interstate ministerial commitments. In Senator Scullion's absence, I will represent the Minister for Indigenous Affairs and the Minister for Resources and Northern Australia. I can also advise the Senate that Senator Ryan will be absent from question time for the duration of August and September on medical leave. In Senator Ryan's absence, Senator Cormann will be the acting Special Minister of State, Senator Fifield will represent the Minister for Social Services, and Senator Payne will represent the Minister for Human Services. Finally, I advise the Senate that Senator Fierravanti-Wells will be absent from question time today and tomorrow due to overseas ministerial commitments. In Senator Fierravanti-Wells' absence, Senator Sinodinos will represent the Minister for International Development and the Pacific.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>14</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>14</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There might not be anyone left to ask questions of! My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. In a recent interview with Fran Kelly, the Treasurer, Mr Morrison, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… inequality – it's actually gotten better.</para></quote>
<para>Does the Treasurer's statement reflect the government's position?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, I haven't seen Mr Morrison's statement. However, Senator Wong—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Calm yourself, Senator Wong. However, I can imagine very well what Mr Morrison was referring to, and that is that the government intends that Australia shall be a more prosperous and better nation in which every single Australian has the chance to get ahead. And that, Senator Wong, has been this government's track record. Senator Wong, over 60,000 people went out to get a full-time job in June and got one. There were 60,000 new full-time jobs in June alone as a result of this government's policies. As a result of this government's policies, over 240,000 jobs have been created in the past financial year—in one financial year alone. It is the strongest financial year of jobs growth since the GFC. Over 175,000 of those jobs—almost three-quarters—have been full-time jobs. In fact, honourable senators will be interested to know that since the government came to office almost four years ago over 700,000 new jobs have been created—over 50 per cent of which have been full-time jobs. So, Senator Wong, that, no doubt, is what Mr Morrison was referring to: that under our government more people are getting jobs—and better jobs—and more people are prospering. We, through our economic policies, and led by the Prime Minister and Minister Morrison, are showing the way forward for a fairer and more prosperous country. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Governor of the Reserve Bank, Dr Lowe, says that inequality has:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… become more pronounced particularly in the last five or six years …</para></quote>
<para>Does the Turnbull government think that the Governor of the Reserve Bank is wrong?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, what we think, what we intend to do and what we are doing is to make sure that every single Australian shares in the benefits of our growing economy, because we know that the best way to reduce poverty and the best way to create equality, equality of opportunity in particular, is to ensure that strong job growth continues.</para>
<para>I have given you the figures, Senator Wong: 60,000 new jobs in June alone as a result of the policies of this government. And we are continuing to take action on many fronts by cutting taxes so that small businesses and family businesses will have the ability to pay better wages to the employees they have and employ more people in their businesses. By enabling 120,000 young Australians to get real work experience through the PaTH program— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the Essential poll published last week, it was shown that a majority of Australians think that economic inequality in this country is increasing. Can the minister explain why it is that the government's response is to tell Australians doing it tough that they're wrong instead of addressing the underlying causes of increasing inequality in this country?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, you are wrong. The premises of your question are entirely wrong, because the very thing that this government's policies are doing is to ensure that there are more Australians in work—more Australians with a chance for good jobs and better-paid jobs. And that is what we have done: 60,000 new jobs in one month; 240,000 new jobs in the last financial year; the fastest, the strongest rate of jobs growth since the GFC. You don't seem to be disputing that, Senator Wong.</para>
<para>That is the way to make Australia a country in which everybody can get their fair share of the nation's wealth. That is the way to make sure Australia is a country in which everybody has a fair crack at a good job, at a good wage. That's what we are doing, and we're doing it through the policies—some of which you're trying to hold up here—that incentivise business, employ more people, pay them better wages— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland: United States Marine Corps Aircraft Accident</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Defence minister, Senator Payne. Can the minister update the Senate on how Australia is assisting the US-led recovery operation following the tragic MV-22 incident off the coast of Central Queensland in the weeks following Talisman Sabre?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Macdonald for his question and his interest in this issue. I want to, first and foremost, express my most sincere sympathies to the families and to the members of the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Force who have been affected by the very tragic events surrounding the downing of the MV-22 Osprey helicopter on Saturday off the coast of Shoalwater Bay in Queensland. On being advised of the incident, Mr President, I briefed the Prime Minister and spoke directly with my United States counterpart, the defence secretary Jim Mattis, to offer Australia's assistance in any way that we could.</para>
<para>Australia has been able to assist the United States' 3rd Marine Expeditionary Force in key roles as part of the US-led recovery operations. HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Melville</inline>, a Royal Australian Navy survey vessel based in Cairns, was deployed on Sunday. HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Melville</inline> commenced survey operations in the area on Sunday evening and, shortly thereafter, located the submerged aircraft relatively quickly. The positional information and associated hydrographic information has been passed to the United States to assist with further recovery planning. A navy clearance diver team also departed Richmond via a Royal Australian Air Force C-130J Hercules around midnight on Sunday night as well. The diving team transferred to HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Melville</inline> via a US navy landing craft. I can confirm that that team commenced operations with a remotely operated underwater vehicle late yesterday. The imagery from the underwater recovery vehicle assists with the dive planning for the recovery of the three missing marines.</para>
<para>These recovery operations are very complex in nature. They're affected by a range of factors including weather conditions, depth, sea state, debris, water current and a number of others. I particularly want to thank the ADF personnel who are involved in this process for their very swift response and their professionalism.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Macdonald, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How will Australia continue to assist the US-led recovery operation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have Australian Army aviation assets, as well as other ADF personnel and assets, remaining at short-notice readiness to support any further requests for assistance. In the coming days, we will see the dive team and the crew of HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Melville</inline> working closely with the US military to continue their planning and recovery operations. The focus will be, of course, on finding and recovering the three missing marines and then on retrieving crucial equipment, such as the flight data recorder, which will aid in accident investigation. As I said, these are complex operations affected by a range of factors, including the state of the aircraft wreckage, which is yet to be determined, and what access divers are able to gain to it. It could, in fact, take some time. There is a United States salvage vessel en route to Shoalwater Bay, which will assist in enabling the recovery of the helicopter, weather and conditions permitting.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Macdonald, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could the minister please advise how our country and the United States continue to ensure that they are able to work collaboratively together on operations like this one, albeit, hopefully, never one quite as tragic as this?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I take the point Senator Macdonald made at the conclusion of his question. But, unfortunately, it is often through the most challenging circumstances—and, in this case, indeed, through tragic accident—that the strength of the alliance with the United States and our ability to work collaboratively is reinforced. Australia and the US are focused on working to ensure that our militaries are interoperable and able to work together seamlessly in circumstances such as these. Indeed, ironically, this was demonstrated most recently through Exercise Talisman Sabre, which concluded in late July. More than 33,000 United States and Australian personnel and number of our neighbouring nations took part in the largest joint exercise to test and evaluate our amphibious capabilities. So, whether it is in training or in peacetime operations or in operations in conflicts such as those we see currently in Afghanistan and in the campaign to defeat Daesh, Australia and the United States do have a proud history of confronting adversity together.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>16</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform senators that in the gallery this afternoon we have a parliamentary delegation from Myanmar and also the Australian Political Exchange Council's 16th Delegation from Japan. On behalf of the Senate, I extend our welcome to you.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>16</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Murray-Darling Basin</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources, Senator Nash. On 26 July, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources, Barnaby Joyce, said that allegations of theft and corruption in the Murray-Darling Basin were 'overwhelmingly an issue for New South Wales'. Only four days later, the Prime Minister announced a compliance review by the Murray-Darling Basin Authority. Minister, what changed? Or was the Deputy Prime Minister just brought into line by the Prime Minister?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for his question. I think, at the outset, it is important to assure the Australian people of the coalition government's absolute commitment to the health of the Murray-Darling Basin. Indeed, that has been very obvious for some period of time. We can look back at the National Water Initiative under John Anderson. We have seen the Murray-Darling Basin plan come into creation—and I do have to credit the current Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, for the work he did on the water plan. Interestingly, it has been a difficult period. It has taken 100 years to get this plan into place. There have been times, of course, when we have had to make concessions on both sides, but I do acknowledge that the opposition, the Labor Party, has worked with us from time to time to ensure that we do get good outcomes for the Murray-Darling Basin.</para>
<para>In relation to the senator's question, I do not think it is an exclusive thing that one jurisdiction should take responsibility to respond to the allegations that were made. Of course, primarily, the allegations were made in New South Wales, so New South Wales is the appropriate jurisdiction to take the lead in the response. But, of course, the Commonwealth is committed to the health of the Murray-Darling Basin. We do have the Murray-Darling Basin Authority, and it was quite appropriate to ensure that the Murray-Darling Basin Authority conducted a review of the compliance regimes which were ordered. I don't see that it is mutually exclusive—that one jurisdiction should take the lead in the response. Indeed, I think everybody out there in the community would want us to respond to those allegations—and I do note that they are allegations. They should be treated as such. We have seen a methodical, sensible response from both New South Wales and the Commonwealth to those allegations.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister confirm that the Murray-Darling Basin Authority compliance review announced by the Prime Minister cannot compel witnesses to appear, cannot take evidence under oath, cannot compel the provision of documents and cannot protect whistleblowers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Minister for Agriculture and Water Resources and those of us across the government are very confident that the Murray-Darling Basin Authority will be able to conduct this review appropriately, thoroughly and independently and will draw on the powers to which it is afforded. What we don't need in this situation is a response that is not balanced, not measured and not appropriate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order. Pause the clock. Point of order, Senator Cameron.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question was clear and unequivocal. It was about compelling witnesses taking evidence under oath, the provision of documents and the protection of whistleblowers. The minister has not gone near any of those questions.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister has gone near those, but I will remind the minister of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very happy to take this specific detail on notice for the senator, but I do note—and the senator may not be aware—that the Murray-Darling Basin Authority has significant information-gathering powers under the Water Act, including powers to request information directly related to the implementation of the Basin Plan. This has been a very considered response from the government. I think people out there in the community would think that we are indeed doing what we need to do in response to the allegations at hand.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why does the government continue to refuse to heed calls for a national judicial inquiry, through the COAG process, empowered to properly investigate the allegations of theft and corruption? What does the government have to hide?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, I reject that the government has anything to hide. We have nothing to hide and, indeed, are not doing so. The government, as I think has been clearly stated, does not consider that the establishment of a judicial inquiry or a royal commission is either necessary or justified.</para>
<para>We know that that sort of inquiry would take about nine to 12 months to actually conclude. I think the people across this nation who do have an interest in the Murray-Darling Basin would be looking for a very quick response on the allocations that were made. In addition to the Commonwealth's review of the Basin-wide compliance, the New South Wales independent investigation and the ANAO's review into National Partnership Agreement on Implementing Water Reform in the Murray–Darling Basin, the current allegations have also been referred to the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption and the New South Wales Ombudsman. Across all of those things we have seen a very considered, a very balanced and a very detailed and appropriate response.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>17</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the next questioner, I acknowledge the presence in the President's gallery today of three former senators: former Senator Lightfoot, former Senator Forshaw and former Senator Wright. So we've got an eclectic gathering in the President's gallery.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>18</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>18</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Minister for Immigration and Border Protection. Minister, Reza Barati, Sayed Ibrahim Hussein, Hamid Kehazaei, Omid Masoumali, Rakib, Kamil Hussain, Faysal Ishak Ahmed and Hamed Shamshiripour—these are eight asylum seekers who have died in Australia as a result of their mistreatment on Manus Island and Nauru. Does the government concede that, regardless of what policies were implemented in the past, their policy—the Liberal Party's policy—right now is responsible for the deaths of these innocent people and destroying the lives of many more?</para>
<para>If the minister won't acknowledge that then how else, Minister, do you explain the deaths of these innocent people?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Di Natale for his question. Again, I find it very disappointing that anyone would come into this place and use the death, in particular of these people, for merely political purposes and claim the moral high ground which, quite frankly, they do not have. Any death is, obviously, regretful. But as Senator Di Natale well knows, we would not be standing here in August 2017 and this question would not be being asked if it were not directly—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pause the clock. Point of order, Senator Di Natale.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In my question, I referenced past policies and said, specifically, 'regardless of what was done in the past'. We're talking about the government's policy right now—the Liberal Party's policy right now. And that is what the question went to.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister still has a minute and 21 seconds left with which to answer the question. I remind the minister of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government concedes that it continues to clean up the incredible mess created by the former Labor government, hand in hand with decisions supported by the Australian Greens. The government concedes that it was elected in 2013 by the Australian people on a very, very clear policy to restore integrity to Australia's borders. The government concedes that it has done exactly that. The government concedes that it has been in excess of 1,000 days without a boat arrival. For the benefit of Senator Di Natale, the government concedes that since we cleaned up the mess created directly by the decisions of Senator Di Natale and the Australian Greens all of the children that Senator Di Natale was responsible for putting into detention have been released from detention by this government. The government concedes that 1,200 people were killed at sea by decisions made by Senator Di Natale. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I won't dignify that diatribe with a response. Mr President, my supplementary question to the minister is this: in relation to the death yesterday of the man Australia imprisoned on Manus Island, Hamed Shamshiripour, how many requests did the government receive to medically evacuate Mr Shamshiripour before his death and why were those requests refused?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the premise of Senator Di Natale's question that this particular individual was imprisoned, I clearly refute that premise. In relation to the death that Senator Di Natale is referring to, obviously I regret to inform the Senate of the death. The incident is currently under investigation by the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary, and I understand the incident will be investigated by the Papua New Guinea coroner's office.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>President, this was a very narrow question and it related—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What's your point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>To relevance. It related specifically to the requests the government received from medical authorities, from doctors, wanting this man to be evacuated from Manus Island, and those requests being refused by your government, by the Liberal Party, by Minister Dutton. What were the grounds for those requests being refused?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In answering that question, the minister has indicated the matter is currently under investigation by the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary. In that answer, I interpret that the minister will give you as much detail as she can. I invite the minister to conclude her remarks. A further point of order, Senator Di Natale?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A further point of order: the Papua New Guinea Constabulary are not going to be determining the number of requests to the Australian government.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! You're debating the issue, Senator Di Natale. I can only entertain a point of order in relation to relevance, if you want to continue.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How many requests did the government receive? That's independent of any investigation.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is now a matter for the minister, and the minister has heard your point of order. I will call the minister.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Had Senator Di Natale given me but an additional second, I would have gone on to say: given the investigations, I am sure that Senator Di Natale understands that it would be inappropriate for me to make any further comments at this stage. However, I can assure the Senate that health care is provided to all transferees on Manus Island.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Minister. Senator Di Natale, a further supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given the images that were circulated last night showing Mr Shamshiripour appearing to suffer from fresh injuries that, again, appeared to be inflicted before his death, will the Australian government return his body to Australia for an autopsy or, at the very least, ensure an independent observer is present during the autopsy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, given that the death is currently under investigation by the Papua New Guinea coroner's office, it would be inappropriate for me to make any further comment.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>19</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is also to the Minister for Employment, Senator Cash. Can the minister update the Senate on recent proceedings in the Federal Court relating to unlawful strike action by registered organisations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Bushby for his question, and disappointingly, yes, I can. I can advise the Senate that recently the CFMEU was fined $430,000 by the Federal Court for unlawful strike action. Disappointingly, the strike action included action that delayed the construction of a children's hospital in Brisbane. That's right—the CFMEU, in their complete contempt for the law, will actually hold up, quite deliberately, the construction of a hospital that is there to help sick children.</para>
<para>In relation to the $430,000, it now gives the CFMEU the dubious record of having in excess of $10 million in penalties imposed against it and its representatives. That's right, $10 million. And, in handing down its decision, the Federal Court found that there was a pattern of behaviour by the CFMEU by which it routinely flouted industrial laws. In fact, the Federal Court stated: 'The most significant point to emerge from the schedules of past cases is that the CFMEU is a recidivist when it comes to contravening industrial laws. No penalties that have been imposed in the past have appeared to reduce its willingness to breach the law. It continues to thumb its nose at industrial laws.' With the imposition of this latest fine and the comments from the Federal Court, it is yet again clear that the CFMEU—it does not matter what you do—believes it is above the law, unlike the rest of us, unlike the rest of Australia and Australians.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bushby, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of any links between the unions which have undertaken these illegal activities and major political parties?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yet again, I hate to say it, but yes, disappointingly, I am. As I said, with its latest fine the CFMEU now has in excess of $10 million in penalties awarded against it. There is only one other figure that comes anywhere near matching the $10 million. Colleagues, what do you think that figure is?</para>
<para>An honourable senator: Donations!</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Donations. That's exactly right. And where have those donations gone, colleagues? Just look at those opposite. Eight million dollars has gone from the CFMEU to the Australian Labor Party to support things like refusing to restore law and order to the building and construction sector in Australia—$8 million of funds from the hardworking members. Ten million dollars of funds from the hardworking members has literally just gone to absolutely nothing, and the CFMEU is proud of that. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bushby, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What steps has the Turnbull government taken to restore the rule of law on our nation's building sites?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>With the support of the crossbench, you will be aware that late last year we restored the Australian Building and Construction Commission. And with the support of the crossbench, we restored law and order to the building and construction sector within Australia. We on this side of the chamber have said 'no' to deals being done between big unions and big employers. We have said enough is enough. It is time to level the playing field. It is time to stand up for the small and medium businesses in Australia. It is time to stand up for the small subcontractors. It is time to stand up for the mums and dads who are the victims of the deals done between big unions and big employers to the detriment of all Australians. Unlike those on the other side, we won't turn a blind eye to bullying, intimidation and thuggery, because that's not in the interests of all Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>20</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. On 1 July, EnergyAustralia's electricity prices for the average household in New South Wales went up by nearly 20 per cent, or almost $320 a year. Why then is the government making it harder for pensioners, trying to make ends meet, by cutting the $365 energy supplement?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm very pleased you asked me that question, because it enables me to inform the Senate that tomorrow the Prime Minister has actually summoned to Canberra the CEOs of the major energy retailers to ensure that they put in place policies and change their practices to ensure there is downward pressure on electricity prices for Australian consumers. The Turnbull government is reining in the cost of poles and wires. We're putting more gas into the system and implementing the Finkel review recommendations, all of which are designed to put downward pressure on energy prices, particularly electricity prices, and to secure, very importantly, the reliability of supply so that people in Queensland—where you and I come from, Senator Ketter—don't find themselves in the state that people in South Australia found themselves in last year as a result of the ideological policies of the state Labor government.</para>
<para>We know that in some states, in particular the Labor states, electricity prices have increased by up to 20 per cent. That is why the federal government is moving in to take action. Unlike the Australian Labor Party, whether it be the opposition in Canberra or Labor state governments in Queensland and South Australia—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ketter</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, a point of order on relevance: the question was very clearly about the cut to the $365 energy supplement. The minister has gone nowhere near answering that question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ketter, I'll have to disagree, because your question said, 'why then is the government', and I think the Attorney-General has explained why the government has removed the rebate. If the Attorney-General does not want to go any further, that's up to the Attorney-General, but I think he has been directly relevant to your question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>So, Senator Ketter, unlike the Labor governments in states like Queensland and South Australia, and unlike Mr Shorten's opposition, we take a practical approach to this problem, not an ideological approach, as the Labor party does.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on both sides, on my left and my right! Senator Ketter, a supplementary question?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I do. Thank you very much, Mr President. The Prime Minister's answer to increasing power prices is to summon energy executives to a meeting. Given that the Prime Minister's chat with gas exporters resulted in no change to energy prices, why is the Prime Minister pursuing yet another talkfest instead of taking real action to address the cost of energy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Through you, Mr President: Senator Ketter, because it will be anything but a talkfest. Just as the Prime Minister's meeting with the CEOs of the major gas exporters produced real results, so will the meeting tomorrow, to which he has summoned the CEOs of the energy companies, produce real results. Senator Ketter, I mentioned a moment ago that the Australian Labor Party's approach to energy policy is not based on engineering, not based on pragmatism and not based on the needs on the needs of consumers; it's based on ideology. And perhaps that's the reason, Senator Ketter, why in South Australia, under the government of Premier Weatherill, the lights went out. A state Labor government that can't even keep the power on is in no position to lecture a government that has had a successful energy policy on how to conduct it.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ketter, a final supplementary question.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr President. Why is the government's only answer to increasing power prices to cut support to pensioners and talk to those profiting from the cost? Isn't it clear that the government is so divided that its policy paralysis will only continue, with Australians left to suffer under increased prices?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't think, Senator Ketter, you would have asked that question if you had remembered that, during the Labor government, the federal Labor government of Mr Rudd and Ms Gillard and Mr Rudd, electricity prices increased in Australia by 101 per cent in six years. Senator Ketter, far from policy paralysis, the government has already adopted all bar one of the Finkel report recommendations, and that last recommendation is under consideration. We have already taken action to ensure that there is downward pressure on gas prices. We have already taken action to ensure that there is pressure on the CEOs of the electricity retailers to ensure that the gouging of the system stops. Unlike you, Senator Ketter, this is a government led by a Prime Minister who cares about and understands how to make energy policy work for all Australians. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Building Better Regions Fund</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Regional Development, Senator Nash. Can the minister update the Senate on the outcomes of the first round of the coalition government's Building Better Regions Fund infrastructure stream?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Williams for his question and for his longstanding commitment to and very hard work for the people of regional Australia. I was delighted last week to announce the first round of the Building Better Regions projects. We had $219.5 million going out across regional Australia to 110 projects, worth $497 million, in those communities. This is a fund that is targeted to regional communities. We know that, when we invest in those communities, those communities gain confidence, and we know that one of the most important things for our rural, regional and remote communities is that confidence. It leads people to invest in their businesses, in their futures, in their families. And it says from the government that we recognise that those regional communities are worth investing in, because we know they're the backbone of the nation. About 67 per cent of our exports come from regional Australia.</para>
<para>We can look across the country. I was in Western Australia, South Australia, Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland last week talking to local communities about these projects. Right across the board in those communities, there was interest in those projects because they know how valuable they are. We saw $10 million go to Velocity Park in Bathurst. This is going to be an incredible motor racing precinct which is going to light up the whole region. It is absolutely fantastic. I note Senator McGrath is nodding in his very real appreciation of that particular project. And there is $2.4 million in Victoria for the Wangaratta Turf Club stage 2—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Wow!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Indeed, wow, Senator—'wow' from the Labor Party. This funding will create an equine centre of excellence and provide an economic return of $35.6 million annually to the region. Those are the types of outcomes this fund is getting.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Williams, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister for the good news. Can the minister further outline the Building Better Regions Fund investments the coalition is making and how these have been welcomed by the local communities we have partnered with?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Particularly the pork industry!</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a shame those opposite do not do as much for regional Australia as they do trying to interject about regional Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They wouldn't know where it is.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You're right. They wouldn't know where it is. I'm delighted to advise the Senate that these projects are happening right across the nation. In the Northern Territory, we're going to invest $1.9 million in partnership with the Top End Association for Mental Health, TEAMhealth, to construct a new mental health facility in Darwin. It's interesting, Mr President, that those on the other side purport to be interested in mental health, so I would have thought they would have been most appreciative about funding going to a project to improve mental health in the Northern Territory.</para>
<para>We're also investing $446,000 in partnership with the Northern Territory Cattlemen's Association to construct a specialised training centre in Roe Creek. These investments are going to make a real difference in these communities, and we know that the people in these communities need government to work with them in partnership. Government can't solve everything, but we can certainly work in strong partnership with these communities.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Williams, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister further update the Senate about additional projects in other states and how these will benefit regional communities?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, these projects are right across the country: $10 million for a project in Palm Island; in Dwellingup, in Canning, an investment of $1.2 million in the national trails centre, which is going to transform that town into a world-class trail hub; and in Durack, as one of the eight projects in Durack, I am delighted to announce $4.8 million for an innovative Indigenous training-to-work initiative.</para>
<para>I was particularly pleased to see that even the Labor MP for Shortland, Pat Conroy, in response to the coalition funding of $2.2 million for a road project in his electorate, said, 'This is a great win for our community.' So we've even got Labor members recognising the importance of coalition funding going into Labor electorates to improve circumstances in those communities. I'm very proud of this fund, Mr President, as I know the whole government is making real change for the future of the regions.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Marriage</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Attorney-General, Senator Brandis, representing the Prime Minister. Former Liberal Prime Ministers John Howard and even Tony Abbott have said in the past that change to the Marriage Act should be made by the elected representatives of the country. Even Prime Minister Menzies once promised that discrimination would not be written into Australian marriage law. Senator Brandis, why won't your government let us do our job?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Hinch. Obviously what you are referring to is the government's intention to give all Australians a say on the question of the definition of marriage. Now, Senator Hinch, might I remind you that late last year the Australian Labor Party and the Greens and some of the crossbench, including, I'm sorry to say, you, voted to stop the Australian people having their say on this issue. Had you not done that, Senator Hinch, on 11 February, six months ago this Friday, there would have been a plebiscite. From all of the opinion polls and empirical evidence, we have every reason to believe that that plebiscite would have returned a resounding yes vote.</para>
<para>I believe in marriage equality and I know you do too. I regret and I lament the fact that the Senate rejected the government's legislation late last year, which would resulted, six months ago, in this issue being resolved. Six months ago, this would have been behind us. Now, Senator Hinch, what the government is going to do is present the plebiscite bill to the Senate again. We hope that you, Senator Hinch, and others on the crossbench will reconsider their positions, because I do not believe that on all social questions, particularly vexed social questions like the meaning of marriage, politicians know best; I don't. I believe that marriage is something about which we who have the privilege to sit in this chamber have no greater wisdom and no greater insight than every man and woman in Australia, which is why we want to give them a say.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaking of wisdom, how can you justify spending $122 million on another opinion poll when you have heaps of national opinion polls showing overwhelming support, as you say, for same-sex marriage?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch, you and I have discussed this matter. You're a reasonable person, and I believe you approach this issue in good faith and with goodwill. Please appreciate that the government considers this to be a unique issue. A marriage is the most intimate relationship into which any two adults will enter, and no politician can claim to know the secrets of the human heart. No politician can claim to know the nature, the features and the meaning of the most intimate relationship any of us will enter into, which is why, recognising the uniqueness of this issue, we think that it is one of those very rare kinds of issues about which the parliament has no greater wisdom, insight or right, frankly, to decide than the people voting as one.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hinch</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, unlike in the other place, we get these time-wasting supplementary questions, especially the dorothy dixers, so, on principle, I'll forfeit that time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Housing Affordability</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Given that it is now over two years since former Commonwealth Bank chief executive David Murray called on the government to examine a raft of tax breaks that distort borrowing, including negative gearing and capital gains tax, why will the government not heed his advice and assist young homebuyers and reduce intergenerational inequality?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What we are doing is trying to provide incentives and opportunities to young Australians to get a home. We are doing that through a series of policies and measures that will give them the opportunity to get ahead. I quoted in answer to your leader, Senator Cameron—had you been listening to the first question asked—what the government's record on job creation has been. It has been a fantastic record: the strongest rate of jobs growth since the GFC. That is a result of this government's policies. Most of the beneficiaries of those new jobs have been younger Australians. That is what we are doing, Senator Cameron—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Cameron?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On relevance. The question went to the issue of David Murray's inquiry and his position on negative gearing and capital gains tax. The minister has not gone to those issues.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Cameron. I make this point in relation to your point of order—and probably to previous points of order—and for those to consider when they make future points of order: it is not for me to judge the merit of the minister's answer; it is for me to judge whether the minister is directly relevant to the question. Senator Cameron, your question was, 'Why will the government not heed his advice?' You added a bit more to that, but the prime portion of your question was: 'Why will the government not heed his advice?' The minister has been directly relevant. Whether you like the answer or not, he's been directly relevant, because he's indicating possibly why the government is not heeding his advice. That's the way I have to interpret, and that is the way I will continue to interpret. So I don't want points of order to be where you restate the question. I've been very generous with points of order for a long period of time. I just emphasise that I will judge whether the minister is being directly relevant to the question and not the merit of the answer. Senator Wong, on the point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Perhaps I could seek leave to—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm happy to entertain a further point of order, Senator Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition will certainly have regard to what you have said. We accept your ruling. I would simply make the point that Senator Cameron was making a point of order in relation to direct relevance. I accept that you didn't accept that, but that was the point of the point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I've made my ruling and I call the Attorney-General.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm simply making the point to you, Senator Cameron, that when you make the economy more prosperous, as this government has done as a direct result of its policies, when you create more jobs, as this government has done as a result of its policies, when jobs growth is stronger now than it has been at any time since the GFC almost a decade ago, directly as a result of the government's policies, and when you put more young people in particular into work, into good jobs, into full-time jobs, at better wages, which has happened as a result of this government's policies, then those young people have a greater opportunity to get into the housing market, as they are doing. Nevertheless, Senator Cameron, since you asked me more particularly, let me give you the details of some of the other measures, apart from growing the health of the economy, that the government has also taken to address the issue of housing affordability. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia is the second most expensive housing market of advanced economies, and home ownership for all age groups is declining under the Turnbull government. When will the Prime Minister concede that the distortions identified by David Murray are increasing inequality as homebuyers face stagnant wages and are locked out of the market by wealthy investors?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I must say, Senator Cameron, given your history and, perhaps, recent events, I am very surprised to hear you invoking the chief executive of a bank as your authority on a question on equity.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It was the chair of the committee of inquiry.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Be that as it may, Senator Cameron, let me tell you—through you, Mr President—about some of the other measures the government has taken in order to enhance housing affordability. Through our Reducing Pressure on Housing Affordability Plan, the government is committing $570 million in spending and new incentives to unlock supply, to encourage more investment in affordable rental housing and to deliver additional homelessness funding. We are providing practical solutions across the entire housing spectrum, from Australians struggling to put a roof over their heads right through to older Australians looking to downsize. Our package will make more homes available— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Isn't it clear that the Turnbull government's refusal to level the playing field between first home buyers and wealthy investors is worsening inequality in Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is the very opposite of the truth, Senator Cameron. If you merely listened to the answer, rather than staring off into space, you might learn something. The package that I've just outlined will make housing more available through collaboration across all levels of government to increase the supply of housing. The plan, which I'm asking you to listen to, Senator Cameron, involves a $1 billion National Housing Infrastructure Facility to build the critical infrastructure needed to bring forward the supply of housing; a new National Housing and Homelessness Agreement with the states and territories to provide funding certainty for homelessness services; and Commonwealth land releases, including the release of 127 hectares of Department of Defence land in Maribyrnong, to open up more land for development. The package will make housing more affordable for Australians through savings incentives. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Literacy and Numeracy</title>
          <page.no>24</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. Can the minister update the Senate on what the latest NAPLAN data shows on the performance of Australian students in literacy and numeracy, both around Australia and, particularly, in my home state of South Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Fawcett for his question and his interest in student performance around Australia. Last week, the latest NAPLAN results were released in relation to NAPLAN testing in 2017. They really did demonstrate a mixed bag of results. Around the country, we saw, for year-on-year results, marginal gains in relation to reading and numeracy skills, but a marginal decline in writing skills. In our home state of South Australia, Senator Fawcett, we did see longer term trends that showed, in particular, improvements, as across the nation, in relation to the areas of reading and numeracy but particular declines in relation to writing skills.</para>
<para>Overall, I'm sorry to say, across all measures in relation to the year-on-year results, our home state was the worst or second worst performing state in 16 out of the 20 different categories. Alarmingly, for the most significant negative shift, there was a five per cent decline in year 3 writing skills, which shows a significant impact and a concern in relation to future results. This, as Senator Fawcett and other senators would be well aware, comes on the back of 15 years of state Labor policies in South Australia, which are clearly failing hardworking teachers and principals, parents and students in terms of the outcomes that South Australia needs. South Australia clearly needs to look at some of the other states that have shown more positive results. In New South Wales, there were positive gains in all categories; Western Australia has seen a strong gain over a long period of time. These are instances and demonstrations that policies in states can make a difference. What we must do is identify how the record funding to Australian schools is used most effectively and ensure it's being replicated right across— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Fawcett, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister apprise the Senate of what the government is doing to support the states and territories and the non-government sector to ensure that the record funding that the Commonwealth is providing is being invested in ways which will actually lift student results?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>While funding is important, how it's used is even more critical, and that's why we are very pleased as a government that David Gonski is now leading and undertaking a further body of work, which is focused on the achievement of educational excellence around Australia. Having implemented the fundamental recommendations of his first substantial report on needs based school funding, we are now pursuing the real focus of how we guarantee the record and growing investment in Australian schools delivers the type of lift in quality outcomes. We are pleased that a number of leading educationists, particularly those with grassroots, hands-on experience as principals and teachers, are joining with Mr Gonski in undertaking this work, which will ensure that, in a state like South Australia, there is an expert evidence base for the future to guarantee that the extra $763 million flowing into South Australian schools—that is, the extra $2,500 per student—is used as effectively and efficiently— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Fawcett, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of any alternative approaches to improving student outcomes?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This government is the first government to seriously take the issue of how we get best bang for our buck from educational investment. Those opposite like to talk a lot about how much is spent, but the only plan we're aware of that they have is a plan to promise to spend more. They have a plan to promise to spend more, but they have no idea as to where that money would go, as to who they would give it to or as to how it would be used—they just have a promise to spend more. In addition to that promise to spend more, there is one other thing that we know: they have a promise to tax more as well.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They have a promise to tax more. They want to tax take-home pay more; they want to tax companies more; they want to tax small businesses more; they want to tax housing more; they want to tax investment more; they want to tax companies and jobs more. They have a plan to spend and tax, but they have absolutely no plan to ensure that it's used effectively, efficiently, wisely or whether it's to lift school outcomes or in any other area of investment— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Child Care</title>
          <page.no>25</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator JACINTA COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>GB6</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. A recent survey conducted by The Parenthood found that 34 per cent of respondents have been late in paying their bills, mortgage or rent because of childcare costs. Can the minister confirm that out-of-pocket childcare costs have risen every year under the Abbott-Turnbull government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Collins for her question. I am happy to reflect on a few parts of that question. Firstly, in relation to the Facebook survey conducted by The Parenthood, it is a survey that is of questionable means. I note that the person out there commenting on it on the weekend is none other than a former Labor Party candidate, so it is clearly, of course, a credible, impartial survey that Senator Collins is citing! Nonetheless, in relation to childcare costs, the Turnbull government is incredibly proud to have legislated, through this parliament, reforms to childcare and early-education payments that are going to ensure the hardest working, lowest income Australians receive a significant boost in relation to childcare support in the future. And do you know what, Mr President? When we put those reforms through this parliament earlier this year, Senator Collins and all of her colleagues voted against them! That's what happened.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, a point of order on direct relevance. There is one question: can the minister confirm that out-of-pocket childcare costs have risen every year under the Abbott-Turnbull government?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is correct, and I will remind the minister of the question that has been asked.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am happy to confirm that this government has been concerned about childcare costs, which is why we have taken action. We have legislated reforms, which will come into effect on 2 July next year, that will deliver real relief to Australian parents. They will abolish, for all low- and middle-income Australian families, the current cap in relation to childcare fees and provide a significant increase for low-income families, from around 72 per cent to around 85 per cent support for their childcare fees. Our assistance is going to ensure, for example, that a family earning just $60,000 a year would be significantly better off in terms of the support they receive for their childcare assistance. Families right across low- and middle-income spectrums will receive more support in terms of what is subsidised as a result of the Turnbull government's reforms, as against those opposite, who did nothing when in power and have voted against the reforms that we have brought forward. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Collins, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator JACINTA COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>GB6</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government's own figures show that childcare fees are set to keep rising at over five per cent a year, with an average family with two children set to face fee increases of over $2,500 a year. Can the minister confirm that, under his changes, the cost to government will be capped but there will be no limit on the increasing out-of-pocket costs faced by parents? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can confirm that, under our reforms, which will come into effect next year—notwithstanding the opposition of those opposite, who've done nothing to help in relation to childcare fees—for the first time ever, there will be a clear price signal built into the way in which childcare support is built, which will help to keep a lid on fee increases in the future by tying them to reasonable cost increases, ensuring there is a benchmark price across the sector and ensuring that there is something tangible—as recommended by the Productivity Commission as a result of their extensive consultations and work—as an effective means not only to provide additional support to low- and middle-income families in terms of their child care but also to do something about fee increases.</para>
<para>We know that when those opposite went to the last election all they promised to do was increase the cap on the childcare rebate. That was their solution. Of course, the last time they did it we saw a huge fee spike. We have totally overhauled the childcare system, including putting in place an efficient price indicator. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Collins, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator JACINTA COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>GB6</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The 2017 HILDA report found that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… child care costs may be acting to increase inequality …</para></quote>
<para>Isn't it clear that the government's continued policy failure in this area, including cutting access to early education and pushing children out of the system, is only acting to worsen inequality in Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The biggest beneficiaries of our childcare reforms are the lowest income families. The biggest beneficiaries are the hardest working families because what we are doing is increasing the level of childcare subsidy to the lowest income Australian families. We're better targeting support—in terms of the hours of child care that are available—to the hardest working Australian families. We've put in place a mechanism to keep a lid on fee increases in the future. We are investing significantly more in child care. It will be around $37 billion of support—an increase as a result of our reforms of around $2.5 billion targeted at those low- and middle-income families—because we want to empower people to be able to make a decision, a choice, about when to work and how much to work without childcare costs being an impediment on the decisions for their family to guarantee that they are confident they can access high quality early education and to make sure that we give that access to those who need it most. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the Attorney-General, I will add to my remarks in response to Senator Cameron's point of order and the supplementary point of order, if I could put it that way, from Senator Wong. I didn't want to hold up question time—and just as well I didn't, otherwise the opposition would have lost a question. I will add that, if questions that are asked are shorter, sharper and more direct, it is far easier for me to make an instant adjudication as to whether the minister has been directly relevant or not. Of course, it's entirely up to the questioner as to how long they wish their question to be and how many components the question has.</para>
<para>Finally, could I add that, as I have done in the past and as I will continue to do in the future, if ministers are not directly relevant to the question asked, the minister will be reminded of the question. I wanted to add those remarks without taking up time in question time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>With that salutary admonishment, I ask that further questions be placed upon the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>26</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>26</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MARSHALL</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Attorney-General (Senator Brandis) to a question without notice asked by the Leader of the Opposition in the Senate (Senator Wong) today relating to inequality in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>It's a debate which I'm very pleased we are now starting to engage in. It's a debate which I think will create an important part of the political discourse over the coming years. It's a debate where both sides of the argument will be able to rely on many statistics to support the propositions that they may put. Indeed, today, Senator Brandis used some of the words and information that the Treasurer has used to simply dismiss the issue of growing inequality in this country by saying there has been some significant employment growth. While I'm not disputing those statistics at the time, they are simply statistics. They do not reflect much of the problem or much of the evidence that is growing for people to see. I'm going to use and quote some statistics to support my proposition that inequality is, in fact, rising. Again, as I understand, there will be other statistics used to support the proposition that it's not.</para>
<para>While we can have these arguments in this place and say, 'Our statistics are better than yours,' politicians in particular—from all parties—ought to be very wary of ignoring what the Australian people are experiencing themselves. I know my colleagues on my side of the chamber and, indeed, colleagues from across the chamber do engage in a very constructive way with the Australian people, and they see some of the inequality that's happening. They get feedback from Australians. It would be to everyone's peril to simply ignore that. Sometimes the feelings and the views of Australians are not exactly demonstrated by the facts and sometimes it is partially misguided. But, on the whole, when I go and talk to Australians and visit different communities, I see—from the very privileged position that I have—growing inequality. I see the wages share of GDP decreasing. I see the profit share of GDP increasing. I'll go to some of those statistical figures in a minute that were prepared by The Australia Institute.</para>
<para>Not only is the share of wages of GDP decreasing; wages themselves are in decline. Wages themselves are going backwards. When you factor in inflation, there are very few examples of wages increasing at all over the last couple of years. We have award reliance in this country increasing and agreement making decreasing. We have employers—and I have experienced this—saying, 'Oh, but we pay the award.' Since when did it become a badge of honour for an employer to say, 'We pay the lowest legal minimum wage we are allowed to by law' and say that this is a badge of honour and something that they should be proud of? Since when did that actually happen in Australia? It's been happening for some time. The reason a lot of those employers are proud of paying the lowest legal minimum wage is that a lot of employers are not paying that and a lot of their competitors are not paying that. We see noncompliance increasing, and the government acknowledges that. The Fair Work Ombudsman now employs around 800 people. It's an insatiable appetite. They cannot keep up with the level of complaints that are being made about wages theft, theft of superannuation and noncompliance with other provisions of employment.</para>
<para>We see at the same time union membership down. I know some people on the other side of this chamber celebrate that fact. I certainly don't because unions, historically in this country and today, play an absolutely essential role in compliance of industrial instruments and wages conditions. Yet we have seen the Fair Work Act restrict the ability of unions to conduct that essential role. We've seen that restricted. We've seen the Fair Work Act restrict the ability of workers themselves to enforce their own entitlements. I think that is something that we will also have to debate quite seriously. My personal view, after being substantially through a Senate inquiry into noncompliance with the Fair Work Act, is that the Fair Work Act is no longer fit for purpose and really needs to be readdressed.</para>
<para>We see agreement making now at an all time low and, as I said, award reliance up. We see housing costs up and people being pushed further and further out, increasing traveling time— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's always a pleasure to follow my colleague Senator Marshall, who is a very reasoned person, in these debates. I welcome his recognition that sometimes the facts and perceptions about the facts don't always align. I think that's been true for both sides of government for the Australian community over many years. What's important is understanding what those facts are, recognising and empathising with the people who are affected, and then deciding how to reach an outcome. What is the outcome that is in the national interest and is in the interest of those people who are affected?</para>
<para>This issue around equality is probably one of the first and foremost differences between those who are on that side of the chamber and those who are on this side of the chamber. It's not because we don't recognise that some people are struggling—both of us do that. We interact with people in our community. The difference is what we are going to do about it. The focus for the government and people on this side of the chamber is: how do we help people get ahead; how do we help people to seize opportunity and to grow a future for themselves and their families?—as opposed to how we can help people to get even, which is the approach that is so often taken by those opposite. That concept of evening out the existing pie can only go so far.</para>
<para>If we look to the ABS, we see that the lowest 20 per cent of households on average receive cash transfers and social services benefits that are worth more than eight times what they pay in taxes. In 2015, the Productivity Commission found that 40 per cent of families pay no net tax after taking into account their transfer payments like the family tax benefit. By contrast, the top 10 per cent of income earners in this country pay almost 50 per cent of the personal income tax received by the government, and the top one per cent pay a staggering 17 per cent of all tax received. So this approach of 'Let's claw from people over there so that we can even it up here,' logically has a finish point. It can only go so far before either they run out or you remove the incentive for people to actually work hard and invest in their own training and personal development, to get jobs and to earn money so they can pay that tax. So that pathway is clearly flawed in the long term.</para>
<para>This government has a different approach. This government is about growing opportunity, about providing the opportunity for people to get jobs so that they can seize opportunity and grow the national wealth. Then everybody can share in a growing national economy. That's why it's great to see that, in June this year alone, some 60,000 jobs were created. In the last financial year, 240,000 jobs, three-quarters of which were full time, were created. That's the highest rate of growth since the GFC. Since this government has been elected, there have been some 700,000 jobs, more than 50 per cent of which have been created. This government is about creating jobs and opportunity, and its policies are working.</para>
<para>In terms of the data around inequality, members opposite have criticised the Treasurer for his comments, but I noted in question time today that they were very happy to quote the HILDA survey. That is the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey, which has been a long-term, longitudinal study. It's interesting in this debate if we look at the fact that Mr Roger Wilkins, who is the Deputy Director of the Melbourne Institute and responsible for that survey, rejects the notion of growing inequality. He told the Melbourne Institute's Economic and Social Outlook Conference, 'If anything, inequality has been declining.' He went on to cite a whole range of coefficients and facts that prove that inequality has been decreasing. The OECD, more recently, has also acknowledged that inequality has actually fallen in Australia since the global financial crisis, on a number of key inequality measures. And the ratio of income from the top 10 per cent compared to the bottom 10 per cent in Australia is well below the OECD average. That is why this government is committed to growing the pie and providing opportunities. This government is committed to growing the economy and to supporting more and better-paid jobs. It is committed to guaranteeing the essential services that Australians rely on, like Medicare, PBS, school funding and disability services and to putting downward pressure on the rising costs of living, such as electricity— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's interesting that Senator Brandis said, in response to Senator Wong's quoting of the Essential poll, that she is wrong. Really when he says that, he is saying not that Senator Wong is incorrect but that the Australian people are wrong. After all, they were the ones who were surveyed. The tin ear of this government is incredible. Of course, that tin ear is also clattering away in the Treasurer's statement about inequality: 'It's actually got better.'</para>
<para>Returning to the Essential poll that Senator Brandis was able to dismiss so readily, let's take a look. There were 1,805 voters surveyed, and 52 per cent believed economic inequality in Australia is on the rise. Senator Brandis should note that that percentage included 43 per cent of coalition voters. Only 12 per cent agreed with the Treasurer; that is, 12 per cent—plus one Treasurer of Australia—thought inequality was decreasing. So what did the voters prioritise in that Essential poll? They prioritised the improvement of the health system; the improving of housing affordability; the reduction in unemployment; looking after national security and terrorism; dealing with tax avoidance by big companies; and protecting the wages and conditions of workers. But it's not just this Essential poll; it's the International Monetary Fund and the chair of the US Federal Reserve. Like a clarion call, they are warning that inequality threatens prosperity. More than that, as the Leader of the Opposition said a fortnight ago in his speech to the Melbourne Institute: 'Inequality kills hope. It feeds that sense, that resentment, that the deck is stacked against ordinary people, that the fix is in and the deal is done. No-one deserves to feel like this.' JD Vance's memoir, <inline font-style="italic">Hillbilly Elegy</inline>, explores this feeling of despair. It explores the killing of hope. But one doesn't need to visit Mr Vance's childhood home of Middletown, Ohio; one need only go to the Latrobe Valley or to Western Australia, where the former state Liberal government drove the economy off the cliff, or to other places to know that people are despairing. No-one deserves to feel the emptiness of powerlessness.</para>
<para>Senator Brandis also explained why he believes the Treasury is correct. He talked about jobs—more jobs and better jobs. What a facile response. Workers' share of income is at its lowest level in half a century. A lot more people are working a lot harder for a lot less. Over one million people are underemployed and are working fewer hours than they would like to. More and more Australians are working part time or are casualised, denied a proper income that they can live on. The part-time share of unemployment is 31.9 per cent. This is just 0.1 per cent below the historic high in November last year. This is one of the highest part-time employment rates in the developed world.</para>
<para>The OECD disagrees with the government. The government would have you believe that insecure and part-time jobs lead to something better. The OECD recently concluded that 'non-regular contracts are rarely a stepping stone to better jobs.' Our economy is strongest when it's powered by a skilled, capable and confident working middle class. Our economy is strongest when our society is more equal. The former chief economist of the World Bank, a Nobel Laureate and author of <inline font-style="italic">The Price Of Inequality</inline>, Joseph Stiglitz, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The only true and sustainable prosperity is shared prosperity.</para></quote>
<para>Stiglitz described the US in this way:</para>
<quote><para class="block">For too long, the hardworking and rule-abiding had seen their paychecks shrink or stay the same, while the rule-breakers raked in huge profits and wealth. It made our economy sick and our politics sick, too.</para></quote>
<para>Speaking of sick politics, this government haven't really been able to focus on developing policy and legislation because they're very focused on their internals. In the last 24 hours, we've certainly seen this. But the ALP has been able to develop policy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was extraordinarily pleased, but not at all surprised, to see that the issue of equality was the first issue raised by the ALP when we returned to parliament after the winter break. Clearly, the ALP and Bill Shorten feel like they have found themselves a winning organising theme to regain office at the next election, but this is a crusade; it is a false crusade. Shorten's inequality crusade appeals to the basest politics of envy—the politics that says someone has to do worse for you to do better. That is the road to political ruin. It is the ultimate embodiment of that Corbyn-esque world of populism and resentment. It appeals to the basest of emotion. I am surprised that the ALP would stoop this low, particularly when those opposite often recall the legacy of the Hawke-Keating years. This message, this slogan, repudiates all that was good in those years. Far be it for me to sing the praises of previous Labor governments, but let's think about that legacy. That legacy placed the primacy of importance on growing the economic pie by unshackling the economy. It floated the dollar, it removed capital controls, it deregulated the financial system, it reduced tariffs, it privatised government owned businesses and it retreated from centralised wage-fixing, and yet all that the opposition has is the rhetoric of inequality. It brings shame upon the legacy of previous Labor governments.</para>
<para>At that stage, Australia went from a position of having a per-capita income level that was around 20th in developed economies to being in the top five. It was a remarkable outcome for a reformist ALP government. But, in contrast, the rhetoric of the policy approach being adopted by the present Labor opposition could not be starker. Quite frankly, shadow Treasurer Chris Bowen should know better. After all, the empirical evidence is perfectly clear. The best way to reduce inequality is to ensure people get jobs. That is exactly what this government has been doing: 240,000 new jobs in the past financial year alone; 175,000 of those full time and more than 700,000 since this government came to power in 2013.</para>
<para>Imposing bigger tax burdens on high-income earners and businesses inevitably lead to less investment, less risk-taking, reduced work effort and, ultimately, fewer jobs. I, too, am going to mention Roger Wilkins, who is the deputy director of the Melbourne Institute and responsible for the HILDA survey. He said that he fears that popular focus on inequality may come at the expense of growth.</para>
<quote><para class="block">I do think this is a risk. I am wary of the debate degenerating into a zero-sum game where people fight over the spoils rather than increasing the spoils. The market-based system has delivered a lot of good stuff for our country and I have a concern this gets neglected.</para></quote>
<para>That is exactly what may happen if we let this debate descend into the rhetoric of inequality and the politics of envy.</para>
<para>The best way to tackle inequality, we know, is to grow the pie. Don't redistribute it, don't cut it differently; grow the pie. The second way to do it is to ensure that essential services like health and education are guaranteed—unlike the politics of envy. We create the jobs of the future—nearly a quarter of a million jobs in the last 12 months. Jobs and growth for the Turnbull government is not a slogan; it is an outcome. Finally, we must consider tackling entrenched disadvantage at the root causes, not by redistributing income—tackling worklessness, tackling homelessness, tackling drug and alcohol addiction and tackling domestic violence, abuse and neglect. These are the issues that this government is focused on as the better path out of poverty traps—that entrenched impoverishedness. Prioritising redistribution over growth is shallow populism and quite to be expected from an opposition that is devoid of ideas.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, your time has expired. I remind you to refer to members of both houses by their correct titles.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I note the contribution from Senator Hume and I also note that later this evening Senator Hume and I will be launching the Parliamentary Friends of Blockchain, which will be a fantastic event that you are all welcome to attend. I think it's important and timely that we are talking about an issue that is as significant as the issue of inequality and the growing nature of inequality in this country. I note the contribution that was made by Senator Marshall. I think it was a very important one. This is an important debate. It's a timely debate. It's a relevant debate. It's a debate where a whole set of statistics are going to be thrown at people. This is not simply going to be a debate about one set of numbers versus another set of numbers. We heard from the Treasurer recently, citing figures relating to the Gini coefficient and trying to make the case as to why inequality is not a problem. Inequality is a problem. It is a real problem and it's a growing problem that people are experiencing in their day-to-day lives and their day-to-day experiences. This isn't one of those cases where politicians take a set of numbers, skew them, play with them and then represent them in a manner that is not genuine.</para>
<para>The day-to-day experiences of Australians across this country is that inequality is real, it's growing and it's getting worse. To note what Senator Hume said, the objective of addressing inequality is not simply to redistribute a shrinking pie. The objective is this: to grow the pie and to share that pie better. They are a dual objective. The work of economist after economist in recent years has demonstrated that one of the ways of achieving economic growth, one of the ways of actually increasing the size of the pie, is to have a better redistributive network and to address this issue of inequality.</para>
<para>I want to touch specifically on some of the issues that have arisen with inequality. In the first question we are here to address and take note of, which Senator Wong asked Senator Brandis, was this quote from Treasurer Scott Morrison: 'Inequality—it's actually gotten better.' Could you hear a more out-of-touch statement! The statistics speak for themselves. It has not gotten better when the top 20 per cent of Australians have such a disproportionately large share of the economy and when the bottom 24 per cent are looking at a four per cent share and a gap that is continuing to grow. When you look at executive bonuses, you have an economic system where a handful of individual Australians have simply grown and increased their own economic status at the expense of everyone else's.</para>
<para>I want to touch on one of the big issues that has happened with inequality. A lot of people in different speeches in this chamber have addressed issues of gender inequality and Indigenous disadvantage, which are huge matters, but there is also an intergenerational challenge here. For a generation of young Australians the growing inequality means they increasingly have to come to an acceptance that it is unlikely they will ever be able to purchase their own home. It is unlikely they are going to have the same kinds of economic security and benefits their parents had. It is likely that the security of work their parents and grandparents were able to enjoy is something they will never be able to enjoy. When you have the median property price in my city of Sydney at a million dollars, it is out of control. To give you a breakdown of what that means: a $1 million house means you need to have a $100,000 deposit on a 90 per cent loan. If you are not fortunate enough to have the start of wealthy parents, an inheritance or equity within your family, the idea that you are practically able to save $100,000 in a reasonable period of time locks you out of the market. Inequality is real and inequality is a problem this Senate needs to address. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Employment (Senator Cash) to a question without notice asked by Senator Di Natale today relating to the deaths of asylum seekers.</para></quote>
<para>The question regarded the death of Hamed Shamshiripour; yet another preventable tragedy that happened because we have a government and Liberal Party that is abandoning the men, women and children that it has a responsibility to look after. These are innocent people doing nothing other than fleeing persecution and torture. They are seeking Australia's help and being met with not just a turned back but also by unspeakable cruelty. The people being detained by the Liberal Party—with, it must be said, the support of the Labor Party—have suffered appallingly for so many years. They have not just been denied their liberty; they have been tortured, they have been fired upon and they have been hacked with machetes. And now what we see is a government trying to shut down the detention centre in which they are housed without anywhere for these prisoners to go. It is utterly remarkable that we are seeing their premises being demolished, with water, power, and sewage being cut off to parts of the centre, in what has to be seen as nothing other than an appalling breach of their human rights.</para>
<para>Six months ago, we saw the Prime Minister trying to include the people who are now being detained on Manus Island in what is a crude people swap, trafficking of human cargo, with Donald Trump. We are seeing the Liberal Party treat human beings like cattle. For six months, from that decision from the Prime Minister, not one person has been resettled; in fact, quite the opposite. We saw the government being shameful and brazen in its attempt to try to create a political fix when what is required here is some decency, compassion and humanity. The reality is that it's not safe for these people to return home.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister talks about 'economic refugees'—there's no such thing. These are genuine humanitarian refugees who are fleeing war-torn parts of the world—indeed, in some instances, conflicts that we ourselves, here in Australia, have spilt blood over—conditions that make it unsafe for some people and conditions that mean that individuals and families are being chased out of their own homes. But neither is it safe for them to be abandoned in Papua New Guinea. There is only one option left on the table if this country is to show the world that we have not turned our back on the innocent, on the desperate, on those people who are looking for nothing other than to contribute to the Australian nation. That option is to immediately evacuate those detention centres on Manus Island and Nauru and to bring every one of those men, women and children here to Australia.</para>
<para>Just last month, a letter from hundreds of detainees gave us a harrowing insight into the effects that this government's indefinite detention has had. Let me quote from it:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Our souls … are destroyed under your cruel regime of your of torture and trauma by your offshore detention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">You have the army, the police and all of the necessary manpower and equipment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Bring them here and we will line up so you can shoot us to end our misery if you want to force us out.</para></quote>
<para>It has come to this. It has come to this: eight innocent people, all now dead because we have a regime endorsed by the Liberal Party here in this country that has at its core a principle that says innocent people must be traumatised, must be harmed, in order to send a message to another group of people. It violates some of the most basic principles that any democracy should be founded on, and that is that the innocent—men, women and children—should never be harmed in an effort to try to direct a message to another group of people. That is what lies at the heart of this policy. There are so many Australians who are despairing at the torture being carried out in their name. To them I say: do not give up; we will continue fighting until every one of those people is returned to Australia. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PETITIONS</title>
        <page.no>31</page.no>
        <type>PETITIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Plebiscite on Marriage</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Force Retirement and Death Benefits Scheme</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Embassy</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 69(6) I present this petition as presented to me in my capacity as President of the Senate. I do not have any association with this petition. Further to the provisions of this standing order I hereby place my name at the beginning of this petition and declare that one person has signed this petition:</para>
<quote><para class="block">To the Honourable President and members of the Senate in Parliament assembled:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The petition of the undersigned Australian citizens demonstrates that the visit of the Prime Minister of Israel to Australia in this very significant year of 2017, moves the signatories to request that the Australian government take immediate action to move the Australian Embassy, in Israel, from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Your petitioners ask that the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Takes note of the fact that, as Mr Netanyahu declared in his remarkable visionary speech at the United Nations, Israel is widening the circle of its diplomatic missions and strengthening new ones. Mr Netanyahu sees a new era ahead for his</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">country - an era Australia could not only move into along with Israel, but could indeed help bring about by cementing this friendship in a significant way.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Understands that while Mr Netanyahu will perhaps not be making an issue about our embassy's location anytime soon, this <inline font-style="italic">is </inline>an extremely important matter for the Government of Israel - an issue all of Israel, and Jews everywhere, quietly yearn to see addressed. Understands further that were the initiative for such a move to come from the Australian</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">government, rather than in response to an Israeli complaint or request, the friendship it would reinforce between Australia and Israel would be incomparable, the fruits of it rich.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Takes counsel that, as demonstrated in the outrageous UNESCO resolutions concerning Jerusalem's Temple Mount and the indigenous ancestral burial site of Israel's founding fathers in Hebron, the effort is fierce and unrelenting to de­ legitimise Israel by disputing the Jews' ancient roots in, and millennia-long ties to, their land. Notes that Australia, as a nation founded on Judeo-Christian values and whose cornerstone is the Bible that upholds Israel's claims to this land, especially to Jerusalem and to the Temple Mount, should desire to unequivocally stand alongside Israel against this, and many other attacks, because of our common origins.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notes that current initiatives continue to deepen ties between the two countries and, during the tenure of the previous Prime Minister, Australia was exemplary as virtually the only country that refused to try and strong-arm Israel into a "two state solution."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recognises that Israel is the <inline font-style="italic">only </inline>country which does <inline font-style="italic">not </inline>have the senior diplomatic representative of the Australian government in its designated capital! This is surely an act of unjustifiable discrimination that Australia could move to amend. Agrees that whilst all other countries with diplomatic representation in Israel maintain their embassies in Tel Aviv, it does not make it right that they do. Even though, after passing UN Resolution 478 ruling null and void Israel's claim to Jerusalem as its capital, the United Nations Security Council called on its member states who had embassies in Jerusalem to withdraw them, there is no law forbidding Australia from moving its embassy to that city.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Holds to the fact that Australia has always had a warm and close relationship with Israel and there is so much more that has gone into this mateship than just the diplomatic aspects, not least the enormous amount of Australian blood shed to</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">help liberate Israel's historical homeland in World War I, and to keep the Nazis from reaching this land and killing its Jewish population in World War II. 2017 will <inline font-style="italic">also </inline>mark the sot11 anniversary of the return of the Jews to the cradle of their</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">nationhood and to their holiest site - the Temple Mount.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These interrelated anniversaries offer a real opportunity for Australia to stand with its mate, Israel, whose legitimate and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">historical national claims international organisations - in their so often anti-Semitic attitude towards Israel - are seeking to sever and deny. We humbly pray that these matters are attended to as a matter of urgency.</para></quote>
<para>(from 1 citizen)</para>
<para>Petitions received.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>32</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following general business orders of the day be considered on Thursday, 10 August, 2017 at the time for private senators' bills:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 42 Competition and Consumer Legislation Amendment (Small Business Access to Justice) Bill 2017;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 49 Productivity Commission Amendment (Addressing Inequality) Bill 2017.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to the following senators:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Senator Abetz from 8 August to 10 August 2017, for personal reasons;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Senator Fierravanti-Wells for today and 9 August 2017, on account of parliamentary business;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) Senator Ryan from 8 August to 14 September 2017, for personal reasons; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) Senator Scullion for today, for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Dodson for Tuesday, 8 August and Wednesday, 9 August 2017 for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Greens</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I inform the Senate that Senator Rachel Siewert and Adam Bandt are Acting Deputy Leaders for the Greens at this stage.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Qualifications of Senators</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to table statements of facts regarding the citizenship of Larissa Waters and Scott Ludlam, as have been circulated in the chamber and provided to government and opposition whips.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table both those documents.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>37</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Reporting Date</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>37</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Incarceration</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 389 standing in my name for today relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incarceration.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the release of the report, Indigenous incarceration: Unlock the facts, produced by international accounting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers in collaboration with the Change the Record campaign;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the important contribution it makes in highlighting the social and economic benefits of closing the gap on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incarceration rates;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) acknowledges that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander men are 11 times more likely to be incarcerated than the rate of the general male population,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women are 15 times more likely to be incarcerated than the rate of the general female population,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander youth are 25 times more likely to be incarcerated than the rate of non-Indigenous youth, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) on any given day, there are approximately 10 000 Aboriginal adults, and 500 Aboriginal youth in prison;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) acknowledges the growing incarceration rates of our First Peoples is shameful;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) notes that the report, Indigenous incarceration: Unlock the facts, calls for justice targets as part of the solution to reduce Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incarceration;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) notes that many other reports, Aboriginal leaders and communities have called for justice targets to be rolled out as part of the approach to reduce Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander incarceration; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) calls on the Federal, state and territory governments to develop and implement justice targets at the first opportunity as part of closing the gap efforts.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted? Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Commonwealth government notes the release of the Indigenous incarceration <inline font-style="italic">Unlock the facts</inline> report. However, the elements that make up the criminal justice system, including justice targets, are the responsibility of state and territory governments. It is a priority for the government to work with the states and territories to drive down Indigenous offending, victimisation and incarceration. COAG has already agreed to consider renewed targets under Closing the Gap in the coming year. The government recognises that the Northern Territory, Victoria and South Australia have already set various targets in relation to justice outcomes and commends these jurisdictions for taking this action. We continue to encourage states and territories that have not yet set justice targets to do so. Where individual states and territories commit to justice targets, the Commonwealth will work collaboratively to identify practical actions that will help achieve the targets.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Incarceration</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senators Brown, Fierravanti-Wells, Gallagher, Gichuhi, Hanson-Young, Hume, Lambie, Kakoschke-Moore, Kitching, Lines, McAllister, McCarthy, McKenzie, Moore, Nash, O'Neill, Pratt, Polley, Reynolds, Rice, Rhiannon, Ruston, Singh, Urquhart and Wong, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the report, Over-represented and overlooked: the crisis of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women's growing over-imprisonment, which was released in May 2017;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the harrowing statistics in the report that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women make up only 2 per cent of the adult female population, but 34 per cent of women in prison, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) some 80 per cent of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women behind bars are mothers; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) asks for Federal leadership to develop a national action plan to address the crisis of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women’s growing over-imprisonment.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted? Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government notes the report. It is a priority for the government to work with the states and territories to drive down Indigenous offending, victimisation and incarceration. However, the elements that make up the criminal justice system are the responsibility of state and territory governments. The Commonwealth's focus will continue to be on addressing the underlying factors that lead to offending and high rates of contact with the justice system by Indigenous Australians. In 2016-17 the government invested approximately $260 million through the Indigenous Advancement Strategy—Safety and Wellbeing Program to improve community safety and wellbeing. We are supporting the Redfern alliance to work with Indigenous stakeholders on a national response to the important issue of Indigenous incarceration.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that at 8.30 am today, 10 proposals were received in accordance with standing order 75. The question of which proposal would be submitted to the Senate was determined by lot. As a result, I inform the Senate that the following letter has been received from Senator Gallagher:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The need for the economy to work in the interests of working Australians.</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times to each of the speakers in today's debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall ask the clerks to set the clock accordingly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LINES</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today in question time we heard that the government is seemingly in a parallel universe when it comes to the question of whether the economy is working for ordinary Australians. In response to a survey, we have found that ordinary Australians, working Australians, pensioners—a whole range of Australians, voting for different political parties in this country—overwhelmingly believe that there is economic inequality and that it is increasing. That is what they are saying, and they know that because they feel it in their pay packets, they feel it in increased charges and they feel it because they see a government that favours the big end of town over their interests.</para>
<para>If we need further proof of this, recently we saw the Governor of the Reserve Bank, Dr Lowe, come out very strongly and say that wealth inequality has become more pronounced, particularly in the last five to six years. He went on to say that workers are currently experiencing lower rises in their pay packets than they experienced during the last recession. That was almost 30 years ago. This is coming from the conservative elements of our society—the Governor of the Reserve Bank, who does not normally make these sorts of statements, but he is making them because that is the reality. We know that Australians are earning less. It is an appalling state of affairs when workers today are seeing lower wage increases than they saw 30 years ago. Wage growth has slipped to a record low of 1.9 per cent. I heard Labor members saying today that our wage-fixing system, enterprise bargaining and so on, is broken. It clearly needs to be looked at, when workers are not getting a fair share for the hard work that they are putting in.</para>
<para>We also know that household debt is high and is rising faster than the unusually slow growth in incomes. No wonder ordinary working Australians are concerned about the economy, when they see that their household debt is rising yet they are not being compensated in their pay packets for the hard work that they do. Sadly, that fell on deaf ears today in the government. The federal Treasurer recently even claimed that inequality has got better. I do not know what statistics or reviews the Treasurer is looking at, but nobody—from the Reserve Bank governor to well-established experts—is telling us that the incidence of inequality is falling; everyone is telling us it is rising. The experts are saying the opposite to what the Treasurer says. We recently had David Hetherington from Per Capita tell us that the labour share of income in the economy has fallen. Workers know that because there is less in their pay packets, but we now have a statistician telling us that. Inequality expert Peter Whiteford has directly contradicted the Treasurer, Mr Morrison, stating that household income inequality has become much more unequal. Meanwhile, we know that the top one per cent have almost doubled their share of the national income.</para>
<para>Sadly, we hear members of the government saying, 'It's just the politics of envy', but this has nothing to do with the silly notion of the politics of envy. This is ordinary working Australians—Liberal and Labor voters, voters of all political persuasions—who are saying overwhelmingly that things in their households are getting tough, and that's backed up by the experts. Unfortunately, the Turnbull government have just not looked at that. In fact, we have seen that they have rewarded those top-income earners with tax cuts and they have hit the pay packets of low-income earners in standing by earlier this year and doing absolutely nothing when penalty rates were cut. They've also cut Medicare, making it harder for ordinary Australians to go to the doctor. We've also seen cuts to education and we've seen, more broadly, cuts to health. So Australians are quite correct when they say the economy is not working in their interests. They're making the contribution but they're not getting the rewards. Inequality will continue to rise.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The best way for the economy to work in the interests of working Australians is for there to be a Liberal-National government. When you have a Labor government, they destroy the economy. If you look at the history of Australia, and I encourage those on the other side to look at what happens when Labor get into power, they destroy the economy. They're not nasty people; it's just that they're not very good at things to do with money. They get in there, and it all becomes a bit too much for them, because they don't have the experience and understanding of what you need to drive the economy to help working Australians.</para>
<para>You can look at the history of Australia and look at what happens: Labor get in and they spend money, they go crazy and they destroy the economy, and then we come back in and clean up Labor's mess. It happened in 1931; it happened in 1949; it happened in 1975; it happened in 1996; and it happened recently, in 2013, when we returned to power to clean up Labor's mess. To give you an indication of how bad Labor are at running the economy, let's talk about debt. When John Howard and the Liberal-National coalition won power in 1996, we had $96 billion worth of foreign debt. Mr Howard, Mr Costello and the leaders of the National Party all worked together to get that debt down to zero—we got it down to zero—and we had money in the bank. But in comes the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd-Green conglomerate, which was running Australia, writing out cheques and going crazy, and, when they were thrown out of power in 2013, our debt was hundreds of billions of dollars.</para>
<para>Don't come in here, members of the Labor Party, and talk about the need for the economy to work in the interests working Australians, because you're the problem. The Labor Party and the union movement are the problem when it comes to modern Australia, because they don't understand what it's like to start a business. They don't understand that, when you start a business and when the money comes in, you pay everyone else—you pay your staff, you pay all the bills—before you worry about your own family. It comes down to the culture between the left and the right. The left in this country don't come from the business world; they come for the union world. They come from a background where the money is always going to come in and they don't have to worry about where the money's coming from or balancing the books, because each year, more money comes in.</para>
<para>On this side of the chamber, there are people who have run businesses and who understand that, if you want to help working Australians and if you want to help the economy, the best way is to make sure that business does well. The best way for people to have jobs is not for the government to declare and issue an edict from these granite and marble foyers that make up this city of Canberra to employ more people; it is for government to create the conditions for business to employ more people and for business to grow so those who are working will have secure jobs and jobs that pay well. They are jobs that will make sure that people can look after their families—and they, too, can start a business one day. The great Australian dream is to actually start a business, because it empowers people. It empowers people to understand that no matter what their background, no matter what school they went to or whether they went to university, or whatever it is, whether they have an IQ of 200 or an IQ of 20, the great Australian dream is to start a business. So you are in charge; if you are the boss, you don't have to answer to anyone else. And that's why we push business.</para>
<para>How do we encourage business to grow? It's because we cut taxes. Do you know what? You need taxes to pay for social services, but we cut taxes because we believe that Australian families are the ones who are better to decide how and where they spend their money. We are loud and proud to be the party of cutting taxes because we believe lower taxes are good for you. We believe lower taxes are good for you and your families. We believe lower taxes are good for businesses. We believe lower taxes are good for society as a whole. We believe that the individual—that great construct of the individual—is the person who can best decide how they can spend their money. Not government, not bureaucrats—it is the individual.</para>
<para>In terms of this government and making the economy work in the interests of working Australians, we will cut taxes. We will cut taxes for those who work for business. We will cut taxes for business. But what we have on the other side is a Labor Party that wants to increase taxes. It should be proud and strong about this. The modern Labor Party is not the party of Hawke and Keating in terms of opening up the economy. It is not the party of Hawke and Keating in terms of actually lowering some taxes. This is a party of plagiarism.</para>
<para>What Labor has done is go on the internet and googled: 'How to win an election?' or, 'What does left wing mean?', and it has looked at what has happened. I am not talking about Venezuela; I am talking about Jeremy Corbyn. We have a modern Labor Party that has looked at what has happened in the United Kingdom with Jeremy Corbyn and gone, 'Golly me, Jeremy Corbyn. Let's run this class warfare. Let's run this class warfare argument. Let's see what Corbyn did in the United Kingdom, and let's bring that over here in Australia. Let's get the militant unions in power again. Let's have this class warfare.' That is what the modern Labor Party has become. 'Let's put taxes on people and businesses. Let's put taxes on people who want aspiration and hope for their families.'</para>
<para>The modern Labor Party are going to grind down this economy. God help us all if you ever win an election again. I will do my utmost to make sure you never win an election again at a national level because of the damage that you create and the damage you inflict on working Australians. You sit there in your ivory towers. You want to raise taxes here. You want more red tape here. You talk about class warfare while you are sipping your soy lattes and you don't understand what you're doing in terms of how you are damaging working Australians. Where are you on the Adani project? Where are you standing up for hope in Central Queensland and North Queensland with the 10,000 jobs that will come out of that project to help working Australians. Do you know what? We don't just get silence from the Labor Party but have the Labor Party actively attacking this project and actively attacking people who want to get a job and who want to get ahead to make sure they can look after their families.</para>
<para>Don't come into this chamber and talk about equity and use words like that which one of your researchers has used a thesaurus to find those types of things. Come in here and talk about jobs. Come in here and talk about helping businesses. Come in here and talk about cutting taxes. Come in here and talk about helping Australians get on with their lives by growing business, cutting taxes and standing up for freedom rather than standing up for political correctness rot. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That contribution by Senator McGrath shows that the coalition are not listening to workers or the people of Australia. His contribution illustrates quite clearly that they, the federal government, are the problem. I'm really sick and tired of people like Senator McGrath standing up here and saying that we on this side don't know about small business. My partner operates a small business. I know exactly what small businesses go through and I know exactly what this government is not doing for them. So I'm pleased to be able to stand up and talk about the need for the economy to work in the interests of working Australians, because that contribution by Senator McGrath wasn't in the interests of working Australians.</para>
<para>It's widely acknowledged that we are experiencing the highest levels of income inequality since the Great Depression. Senator McGrath and his colleagues only have to get out there and talk to ordinary workers, and they'll tell them that the gap between rich and poor Australians remains one of the great fault lines in our country. It's clear that the economy is not working in the interests of working Australians, who are rightly worried about their future, and they're worried about their kids' future. Where will they get a job? Where will they get good jobs? Average weekly hours worked by full-time workers have declined to levels not seen since the 1990s. Workers' share of income is at its lowest level in 50 years. Too many Australians are working harder for less money. As well as having less money in their pay packet, they have less security in their jobs. You don't have to believe me; you only have to go outside and talk to people. You only have to talk to ordinary workers about the fact that they feel less secure in their jobs. And we have a growing and chronic problem of unemployment. A record high number of people—in fact, more than one million Australians—are underemployed. They are working fewer hours than they want to and need to. Around one-third of part-time workers say they want to work more hours.</para>
<para>Those opposite would have us believe that insecure and part-time jobs are okay because they eventually lead to something better. But this theory is disputed by the experts. The OECD said, 'Non-regular contracts are rarely a stepping-stone to better jobs.' The cycle of low-paid and part-time work continues and, as the OECD points out, it rarely leads to a better job or a promotion. There is 40 per cent of the workforce in non-permanent forms of work. This leads to less economic security. The Australian community knows this—they see it firsthand—so it's no use in the government denying it. They are not believed out there and, if they continue to deny it and continue to not listen to the Australian people, they will pay the price, because they have illustrated that they are the problem here.</para>
<para>People are underworking and are underpaid, and many are too scared to speak up because they fear they will lose the part-time jobs they have. Wage growth is at its lowest since 2001 and has been on a downward trend since around 2013. How do workers get a loan for a car or a house when they don't have a secure income coming in? In my home state of Tasmania, the unemployment rate stands at 5.8 per cent. Sadly, the participation rate stands at just 61 per cent. Hundreds of Tasmanians have given up looking for work. Recent ABS data reveals that more than 700,000 Australians are working more than two jobs just to survive. Growth in secondary jobs, up to 9.2 per cent, has surpassed the growth in main jobs for the past three years. In 2015, the Australian Council of Social Services released a report on the growing economic inequality. We need a government that delivers for all Australians, not just the wealthy few. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The title of this debate, 'The need for the economy to work in the interests of working Australians', is typical Labor division and misunderstanding of what government is about. We want to have a good economy not just for working Australians but for all Australians. Why the Labor Party would single out that the economy should only be there for working Australians is completely beyond me. Why don't they care about non-working Australians?</para>
<para>It brings to my mind the old adage that you don't weaken the strong to benefit the weak. You have to have an economy that not only provides for the strong—that is, those who have a job—but also looks after those who don't have a job: those who, through disability, are incapable of working; those young people attending schools, who are not working Australians. To get them the sort of education that Senator Birmingham and the Turnbull government are giving them, you need a good economy. You have to have an economy that is going ahead, is working, is positive and is properly managed.</para>
<para>I've been here a long time now. I've seen a few Labor governments come and go. None of them have been any good. When Labor governments are in power, you always see that they just spend money, spend money, spend money. They have no plan on how to raise that money, except by increasing taxes. That's typical of Labor, whether it be the Hawke government—when I first came here—the Keating government, the Rudd government, the Gillard government or the Rudd government. It is always the same—always spend taxpayers' money and, if you run short, borrow from overseas, which means you then pay huge interest rates to overseas lenders. That means that the things that you could use that interest rate money for get left behind.</para>
<para>We want an economy that is working well and is properly managed—one where we live within our means. Why do we want to do that? It's because we need to look after those non-working Australians as well as the working Australians. You can only do that if you have a good economy. That's what the Turnbull government's economic plan, budget plan, is all about. If you'd read the budget papers in any sort of detail, you'd understand there is a plan there. It's a workable plan. It keeps an eye on Labor's debt. It tries to reduce the debt that Labor ran up while, at the same time, keeping the economy going and saving our AAA credit rating.</para>
<para>In response to the previous speaker talking about the numbers of unemployed: unfortunately, the facts completely disagree with the submissions made by the previous speaker. Let me give you the real facts. A record number of 12,166,900 Australians are employed. I emphasise 'a record number'. That's never happened before. A record number of 8,356,000 Australians are in full-time employment. The total number of people working in Australia has now increased for the past nine months. Full-time employment has now risen by 166,700 in the six months to June 2017—the largest increase in full-time employment in the first half of the calendar year on record. So there we are. Full-time employment has risen in the first six months by what is, in fact, a record for the first six months of any year ever. Since the coalition came to office in December 2013, more than 700,000 jobs have been created.</para>
<para>You can have Labor speakers get up and give you some figures, and I'm sad to say the Labor Party are very good at this. Never mind about the truth of your information, your facts or what you say. Just throw any figures around and someone, somewhere—particularly the ABC, if they're listening—will pick up those figures and broadcast them to assist the Labor Party. But they will ignore the real facts, which I've just given you. Those facts are by the appropriate authorities. They're uncontestable. They are there, and yet Labor will still tell you we're in an employment crisis. I add that employment has now increased by 240,200 people, or two per cent, over the whole year, above the decade average rate of 1.6 per cent. Let me explain that and emphasise it again: the 10-year average rate has been 1.6 per cent; in the last year, it's been two per cent. It shows that the Turnbull government's plans have indeed been working.</para>
<para>I heard at question time and in other debates today that the Labor Party are attacking the PaTH program for internships. I have been waiting to say this: did you know that the first person to take up the internship program was none other than the Labor member for Herbert? She put on an intern. She had it publicised in the paper and said, 'What a wonderful program this is!' And yet here we have the Labor Party today criticising it. Whoever's speaking after me in this debate might indicate why it is that the Labor Party think that this is an awful program of the Turnbull government and yet one of their own elected representatives is using the internship program. I might say to those Labor senators in the chamber today, perhaps you've also used the internship program to assist in your office. If I am wrong on that, perhaps you will be able to tell me and speak for yourselves, but I am aware of a number of politicians using it. I looked at it. I haven't done it yet, but it is a good program. It provides an internship for a period of four to 12 weeks, and a youth bonus wage subsidy of up to $10,000 is available to help more businesses hire young people.</para>
<para>We are certainly dealing with ways that the government can help to create jobs. But the best way to create jobs, of course, is to have an economy that is moving ahead, not one that the Labor Party wants: an economy driven by envy and class warfare—a proposal where you want to drag down the rich and drag down those property investors, although, as I was interjecting at question time, those property investors are pretty widely spread across the community. I know—and I won't name names—a number of my colleagues sitting opposite me in the Labor Party are pretty good property investors too. You have this rhetoric from the Labor Party against the different means by which investors are encouraged to invest in property, and yet, at the same time as the Labor Party is officially questioning or criticising these approaches, I am aware that many of my friends opposite are actually taking advantage of those sorts of provisions that are available. We are interested in an economy that is for all Australians, and the Turnbull government is doing it.<inline font-style="italic">(</inline><inline font-style="italic">Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What a great matter of public importance has been put on the agenda today: the need for the economy to work in the interests of working Australians. I am sure every working Australian out there paying their taxes would dearly love to see how it's going to be addressed. Our economy is in the hands of our governments: our past, current and future governments. Unless we actually rein it in and pull in our spending, then I am sorry to tell the Australians out there: you're going to be paying more taxes. We are one of the highest-taxed countries in the world.</para>
<para>What is dear to the hearts of many Australians is their cost of living. The cost of living has been rising. Most importantly as of late is the cost of electricity. I have just travelled to Queensland quite extensively. I have spoken to someone in a fish and chip shop—a small business that I used to have. She got her last electricity bill: $14,000 for a quarter. I spoke to a hotelier in Ayr: $14,000 per month in electricity. Then we talk about a community club in North Queensland that is paying $531,000 a year in electricity—a non-profit organisation. These are costs. These are the retail electricity prices, in cents, per kilowatt hour in Australia in August 2017: South Australia, 47.13; New South Wales, 39.10; Queensland, 35.69; and Victoria, 34.66. What are Americans paying? They are paying 15.75c per kilowatt hour. If you go to other countries around the world: Sweden, 28.36; Norway, 23.9; and Poland, 20.9. We have the highest electricity costs in the world, and yet you want to shut down the power stations here. We're going to renewables—another thing that's rising costs here in Australia. And we are not managing our money correctly. We are actually borrowing to give away $3.9 billion in foreign aid in 2017-18. That is money that we are borrowing to give to countries that I feel are actually corrupt. It's mismanagement of Australian taxpayers' dollars, and that needs to be reviewed.</para>
<para>Another thing that we need to look at is what we're paying our bureaucrats, which doesn't pass the pub test with many Australians. Vice-chancellors are highly overpaid. They are basically the highest-paid vice-chancellors in the world. Taxpayers pay nearly 60 per cent of their salaries, and yet do our universities perform on a world basis? No, they don't, yet they're paid the highest salaries. An average salary is around $890,000 and that is excessive.</para>
<para>If we look at what happened with successive governments, both Labor and Liberal, we can see they sold off our assets. Telstra was sold when it was making $2.2 billion profit a year and now it makes over $6 billion profit a year. We sold our airports: Melbourne, Brisbane, Perth and Sydney. That's all gone. Telstra has been sold. At the moment, we are looking to the Adani mine to build the railway line. We're going to loan them the money, a billion dollars, to build it. Here we have an asset that would possibly make a billion dollars a year and yet we're not going to build it and own it. The Australian people are fed up with both the Liberal and the Labor governments and how they've run this country. They have destroyed it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was going to start my contribution this afternoon by saying that the government have taken their foot off the throttle, but I have to be honest in this chamber: they've never, ever had their foot on the throttle. The government are leaderless, rudderless and so self-absorbed with their own infighting that they have not progressed in the way that they promised they would at the last election to drive the economy and create jobs. That's the reality of it.</para>
<para>You can tell that we've been on a winter's break, which is good, because most of us reunited with our families. But there was Senator McGrath's contribution this afternoon. If it were not such a serious topic, it would have been quite comical. I give him one tip from today: he needs to buy a razor. Senator Macdonald's contribution was what you would typically hear from somebody who's obviously been in this place for too long. During the winter break, Labor and those on this side of the chamber, and in the other place, were out in the community talking about the issues that really matter to the community: whether they have jobs, whether they are able to meet their rent or their mortgage payments and whether they are able to meet their energy prices. Those are the issues that really matter. But what we've heard from those on the opposite side is all about themselves.</para>
<para>The government have been obsessing about what Labor have been doing when, in fact, what they should be doing is running the country. We've been putting our policies out there. It's fine for Senator Macdonald to talk about some of those in this place, but we're really focused on listening to what the community are saying to us. We've learnt from this period in opposition that we need to develop our policies, and we will have them fully costed before we go to the next election. Unfortunately, the Prime Minister of this country, as we know, is an elitist and he's out of touch. He's more interested in protecting his own job than creating jobs for everyday Australians.</para>
<para>With the infighting, the government have taken their eye off the ball. As I said, they've never had their foot on the throttle. They've always considered themselves to be the champions, and they say that the Australian people trust them when it comes to the economy. The reality is very different under this government. What has this government done in relation to the rising cost of living? What have they done in relation to the rising cost of child care? What have they done in relation to underemployment in this country? People who are unemployed are still the most disadvantaged in this community. There are those in our community who are struggling to pay health care because of low wages. We have not had any wages growth for the last three years at least. There's job insecurity that we have never experienced before.</para>
<para>We see the government ripping off Australians every day—and we have seen what else it has been involved in when it comes to money laundering with one of the big banks. We see excessive university fees. This government is hell-bent on making it harder for Australians to be able to afford to go to university. We know the rising cost of housing. Right across the board, this government has failed in every area that drives the economy and gives Australians a good standard of living.</para>
<para>In his press conference today, the Prime Minister—and maybe he's following on from Senator McGrath and it is comedy day—stood up in front of the media and said, 'I am a strong leader.' Well, what a joke. We've been away for some six weeks and we've seen nothing but chaos and dysfunction from this government. We've seen government members and senators espousing that they want to bring on a vote in this place about marriage equality. What happened? It fizzled out, and those people have gone back underground. Maybe he's been practising in front of the mirror too much, saying, 'I'm a strong leader; I'm a strong leader.' No-one believes he is, because people are totally and utterly disappointed. I hear from Liberal people not only from Tasmania but also when I travel around the country who are so disappointed in the Prime Minister's failure to deliver and to show leadership at a time when Australia is crying out for it.</para>
<para>The Labor Party, under the leadership of Bill Shorten, are united. We are developing our policies and we will have policies the Australian people can have confidence in. I look forward to election day. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This afternoon's debate comes at quite an important time, because over the recent five-week recess many of us were busy in our electorates. Many of us were organising to argue important points about fairness and equality on other sorts of issues not just in regard to the economy. Many of us might have taken an opportunity to go abroad during the recess. I used my time, amongst other causes, to review what was happening across the Australian media landscape. Over the last few weeks, it was interesting to see an increasing number of stories talking about wages growth or, more particularly, the lack of wages growth in Australia. It forced me to contemplate just how important it is to establish an economic narrative, how important it is to have an economic plan and how it is always important to build the trust of the parliament in being able to get that economic plan legislated.</para>
<para>Over the course of the first year of the Turnbull government, I think the record starts to look very, very clear. It's a record that bodes well for the next two years of the Turnbull government. We can start to point to a clear plan being implemented by the Turnbull coalition government around a number of important issues—important issues to Australian families and important issues to working Australians. Of course, when we talk about fairness and equality, we also need to reflect on privilege in our community. We often hear those opposite and some crossbench senators talking about the privilege that the Turnbull coalition government seeks to protect—arguments, I would argue, that are ill-conceived and narrow; arguments that are built on the politics of envy and the old politics of class warfare.</para>
<para>I reflected on an opinion piece that appeared in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> that tackled the issue of privilege by identifying the trade union privilege that exists in the Australian economy. I might just read from that opinion piece in the short time that's available to me, because there is this great myth in Australia that trade unions exist to protect the interests of workers—not true. I noticed in the gallery many young children, schoolchildren. And I just want to remind them that the myth of the labour movement, whether it be the Australian Labor Party in our parliaments or the trade union movement, is that they are protecting ordinary working families—not true. I might just start by reading the opening remarks in this <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> opinion piece. It says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">For all their talent at finding instances of "discrimination" and "privilege" in even the most benign of circumstances, Australia's modern left refuses to acknowledge, much less remedy, one of its most powerful and pernicious contemporary examples.</para></quote>
<para>And I will remind you that here that we are talking about privilege and, in particular, trade union privilege. It goes on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Trade union membership among Australians has been in precipitous decline for the last two decades. Just over 20 years ago, around 40 per cent of Australian workers were members of a trade union.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today, that figure is just 15 per cent of the total workforce—and a mere 10 per cent of the private sector workforce. Perhaps most ominously for unions, they are failing to cultivate the next generation of workers, with just 6 per cent of employees aged 15-19 signing up.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is even more remarkable when you consider that major retailers such as Coles and Woolworths—who employ large numbers of people in the 15-19 year old cohort—effectively act as recruitment agents for the Shop, Distributive and Allied Employees Association (SDA).</para></quote>
<para>I'm just wondering, Mr Acting Deputy President, whether you might have seen this opinion piece in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline>. Perhaps you did and perhaps you didn't. It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The union pays considerable sums to these retail giants, and in exchange they actively encourage their employees to join the SDA, helpfully facilitate the automatic deduction of union fees through their own payroll systems and nominate the union-controlled REST superannuation fund as the default choice for employees.</para></quote>
<para>The argument goes on to say that in our economy, in Australian society, the real issue of privilege, if we are to tackle it, must be tackled by focusing on that trade union privilege that exists in the economy. It goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">So, despite the fact that the Australian economy is now more dependent than ever on small businesses competing in a globalised marketplace to drive growth and create jobs, we find ourselves saddled with a workplace relations system that is more centralised, inefficient and inflexible than the one that existed in 1993.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a result, despite the fact that union membership is at an all-time low, the special privileges our centralised system confers on unions through the Fair Work Commission means they can still claim to negotiate on behalf of some 60 per cent of the total workforce.</para></quote>
<para>That's the point. We have a trade union movement in a country whose membership is declining, particularly amongst young workers, who are not signing up to trade unions. I think that's a good thing. But what we say is that on the alternate side to that is this exceptional privilege, this exceptional power, this exceptional influence, that trade unions have through the Fair Work Commission.</para>
<para>If we turn more specifically to the issue of fairness and what we are doing for working Australians, much of this debate depends on the particular position you occupy, whether it's in the Australian political class or in the Australian economy, and whether or not you think that things are improving for Australian workers and Australian families. There can be no denying that things are more difficult for Australian families. In my home state of Western Australia we know that to be particularly true. Coming off the back of a tremendous commodity boom, significant investment in infrastructure is very, very necessary. We have now seen a significant slowing of the Western Australian economy, and that means that the lack of new jobs, the lack of future jobs, makes it much harder for families. It makes it harder for families to be confident about their future, how they set their budgets up, how they save, how they invest, how they extend their homes, how they plan for holidays and how they plan for their children's education. And, importantly, it does cause people some concern about what sorts of jobs might be available for their children and for their grandchildren as they start to enter the workforce.</para>
<para>But in this debate this afternoon I do just want to highlight one comment from Roger Wilkins, who is the deputy director of the Melbourne Institute and the author of what I think is quite an important report with regard to economic and lifestyle issues in Australia. Commenting on Bill Shorten's oft-repeated claim that inequality is at a 75-year high, he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I would push back a bit against that very broad sweeping statement that inequality is at a 75-year high, not just because if anything inequality looks like it's been edging downwards since the GFC— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a very interesting MPI: the need for the economy to work in the interests of working Australians. If we want the economy to work for any of us then we need the government to play a strong role in our lives. The Greens is a party that is working very hard in this Senate and in this parliament, with Adam Bandt in the lower house, to put up policies and to campaign for an economic system that works for all Australians, especially for working Australians. Why do we need government to play a strong role in our lives? If you look at what an economy is, essentially economies are underpinned by markets that facilitate transactions for labour, for example, and wages. But we know one thing for certain: markets, if left to their own devices, will fail. Call it laissez-faire economics, call it free market economics, call it trickle-down economics or call it neoliberal economics—we've got lots of terms for it—but free, unfettered markets, if left to their own devices, will fail. Any university student from either side of the political divide will tell you that.</para>
<para>We know markets don't price or deliver public goods. We know markets are no good for pricing or delivering essential services. We know markets don't price externalities like pollution if they are left to their own devices—and there's a role for government. We know that if labour markets are left to their own devices then workers in this country and elsewhere will get screwed. So we need strong institutions like industrial relations systems, we need a strong, effective organisation of labour through unions and—I agree, Senator Smith—we need effective representations to promote the interests of small businesses. Having run a small business myself, I recognise that millions of Australians in this country, including in my own state of Tasmania, across a largely rural economy, are in small businesses. Small businesses are a very important part of our economy and are comprised of very hardworking Australians. There are a lot of things we need, but we have to recognise that government must play a strong role in correcting for market failure, looking after the interests of workers and upholding the institutions that are essential for making sure that labour markets are fair, efficient and function well and don't just represent the interests of big businesses.</para>
<para>What's one of the other side effects of unfettered markets? Inequality. Christine Milne, in every speech she gave, used to say, 'The two challenges of my generation are climate change and inequality.' I recognise that it took one speech for Mr Bill Shorten to get this on the public radar, and I am glad that it is, but the Greens have been talking about this for decades. Inequality is one of the biggest challenges of our generation, and we in this place need to do everything we can to tackle it. There's wealth inequality and income inequality, and there's a whole range of issues around climate change that lead to inequality. All of them can be tackled by good policies and some convictions and some backbone in this place.</para>
<para>What has polled as the single biggest issue in Sydney in relation to inequality recently? Housing affordability. I have done everything I can in the last four years—every chance I get and every estimates I go to—to ask about housing inequality. I've asked the Treasury secretary—and I've have held up an avocado as a prop in estimates. I have done whatever shameless promotion about this very important issue. What are we doing about it? We can actually tackle this. No more fiddling around the edges; let's look at the perverse incentives and the fact that the government policies that we have in place, and have had in place for decades now, are actually creating this problem. I do not believe that these issues can be fixed by supply-side changes. We have to fix the demand-side changes that incentivise wealthy, mostly older Australian housing investors who are buying properties and definitely contributing to a bubble in housing prices and an affordability crisis against the interests of, especially, young and low-income Australians, many of whom are good, hardworking Australians. That's the kind of thing we can do.</para>
<para>This is a very important issue. I would rate it right up there with climate change—as Christine Milne did in her time here at the Senate. As the two biggest challenges of our generation we have an ethical and moral responsibility in this place to tackle them. Leaving markets to do their own thing is only going to make things worse. The No. 1 thing we can do in this place is recognise that we are here, our job is important, these hardworking Australians have put us here to represent them and, with good policies, courage and conviction, we can tackle these issues.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in this matter of public importance debate to whole-heartedly condemn the Turnbull government's failure to ensure the Australian economy is operating in the interests of working Australians. Nowhere is this failure more evident than when it comes to the treatment by this government of workers under the flawed failure of the Community Development Program, the CDP. CDP requires participants to do 25 hours of work-like activity a week in return for welfare payments of about $10 an hour for 52 weeks a year. It only applies to people in rural and remote areas—and I am certainly not going to go into how this scheme is discriminatory with 85 per cent of Indigenous participants or how it's unfair when people who don't live in rural and remote areas don't have the same requirements to work for welfare payments.</para>
<para>CDP does nothing to build economies in regional and remote communities. It does nothing to build Indigenous business and Indigenous employment on country and community. In fact, it does the opposite by creating a pool of free labour for businesses by paying people with minimal welfare for work they should get a wage for. There is no long-term commitment or real vision by this government to develop real jobs in remote areas. This government is failing people who live in regional and remote Australia by refusing to come to grips with the need to make sure our economy works for everyone, not just the top earners. The government is particularly failing Indigenous Australians in remote regions. As former Liberal minister, Fred Chaney, said in a submission to the Senate inquiry into CDP, 'It's hard to describe the government's attitude as anything other than assimilationist, where they require remote Aboriginal people to fit into a metropolitan framework of work or welfare.' CDP does not stimulate remote economic development. It does not lead to the development of Indigenous business or jobs, and it actually works against what opportunities there are to get people into working on country.</para>
<para>But this government's failure to deal with the economic realities of remote and regional areas goes beyond the failures of the CDP. The Northern Territory is experiencing real issues with the impact of the government's proposed changes to the skilled migration program. The NT has a unique labour market, with workforce challenges that are not faced in other regions. We have a small population spread over a large geographical base and we have high participation and low unemployment. We have occupations in shortage in the long term in the NT that are not in shortage elsewhere in Australia. We also have a transient population. In recognition of this, the Northern Territory is the only state or territory with a designated area migration agreement. Northern Territory minister Ken Vowles is in Canberra at the moment letting federal ministers know how essential it is that the NT DAMA remains in place and be broadened to reflect the needs of local employers, the occupations that reflect NT labour market shortages and the flexibility to meet future occupation list changes.</para>
<para>Employment of local workers is the NT government's priority, and then other Australian workers to fill shortages. Many NT employers, including the Northern Territory government, continue to rely heavily on overseas workers to fill positions that cannot be filled locally. As at 1 July 2017, there were 1,619 primary 457 visa holders, with 1,078 dependants, filling skills shortages in the Northern Territory. The government's proposed changes to the skilled migration program may impact the NT's DAMA. They have created concern in the Northern Territory business community about their ability to meet their ongoing skills shortages. The NT DAMA arrangements have the potential to provide an alternative pathway for NT employers to fill skills shortages. A pathway for permanent residents for DAMA is necessary to attract appropriately qualified and experienced overseas workers and also recognises that the majority of occupations being accessed through DAMA have been in long-term shortage.</para>
<para>I urge the government to listen to Minister Ken Vowles and his Northern Territory parliamentary colleagues about ways that the Northern Territory's workforce needs can be accommodated so that it can continue to contribute to Australia's economic future. I urge you to listen to remote area workers who are being unfairly impacted by the discriminatory CDP and to make changes that will stimulate our regional and remote economies so that all workers and residents can benefit.</para>
<para>I do need to pick up on some of the comments by previous speakers—in particular, Senator Smith—in relation to unions. It's the unions in this country, particularly around the Indigenous issues of remote Northern Territory Australia, who are standing strong to bring about a better way of life in terms of wages for the people of the Northern Territory. Over the winter break, there was the establishment of the First Nations Workers Alliance to look at the inequality that is facing CDP employees across Australia. It is the unions who stood strong with Vincent Lingiari in order to pursue the rights for the Gurindji in terms of equality, wages and living conditions. It is the unions who are there for the most vulnerable in Australian society in jobs right across this country. So, I would encourage young Australians to turn to the people that you know are there to support you and to fight for you, to fight for your rights and to fight to return programs that are important to young Australians—penalty rates, for example.</para>
<para>I travelled the length and breadth of the Northern Territory these past six weeks and listened to Territorians who spoke about their concerns in relation to penalty rates. In Katherine, in Tennant Creek and in Alice Springs, and in the hospitality industry, there are many issues facing our young people. They are wondering: 'What is the vision for our country? What is this government doing to show real vision and real commitment to all Australians who live in these remote regions of our country?' There is none. Instead, the vision concentrates on those who have it all. The vision stays with those who want more and can get more under this government, but there is no long-term commitment and vision for the most vulnerable.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>47</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>47</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Law Enforcement Committee</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>47</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I rise to take note of the Joint Committee on Law Enforcement's report into human trafficking, slavery and slavery-like practices, which was presented out of sitting, on 18 July. As the deputy chair, I'd like to speak to the recommendations of the Joint Committee on Law Enforcement. The committee's inquiry into human trafficking actually commenced in the last parliament. However, then parliament was prorogued, and we know the status of committee inquiries at that time. The committee was reinstated in this parliament and has continued with its deliberations and its work, which has culminated in the report before the Senate. The terms of reference and, indeed, a number of the submissions that were received for this report were the same as for the original inquiry in the last parliament, but a number of submitters chose to add to their original submissions, and extra submissions were received. There is a lot of interest in the issues of human trafficking, slavery and slavery-like practices in Australia. They have gained a lot of momentum, not just here in Australia but, indeed, around the world. That culminated with the UK recently, in 2015, moving legislation known as the Modern Slavery Act, which came into force in 2015 to deal with the supply chain issues of big businesses when it comes to slavery. What that found in relation to the UK was that a number of businesses are unaware of the fact that they do indeed have slavery or slavery-like practices in their supply chain.</para>
<para>In relation to this report, because it came out of the parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement, its focus was on law enforcement. That led to it having a number of recommendations which address those issues of law enforcement. But, at the outset, the terms of reference for this inquiry didn't just focus on slavery in supply chains. It did look at issues of forced labour, debt bondage and the like, but it also looked at a number of other issues, such as the prevalence of human trafficking in Australia, including those in culturally and linguistically diverse communities. It also looked, very much so, at the effectiveness, or lack thereof, of Commonwealth law enforcement agencies in responding to human trafficking. Out of the committee's deliberations and the evidence that it received, it was found that there were a number of inefficiencies in the way the Commonwealth government deals with human trafficking and slavery in Australia. It also focused on organised crime, transnational organised crime into human trafficking, the extent to which human trafficking is facilitated by migration visas, including marriage, partner, student and work visas, technology and false identities, and a number of related issues.</para>
<para>There are a number of recommendations that I could refer to, but I did want to highlight one issue which goes beyond the issue of slavery, in the sense of a modern slavery act, and that is the issue of forced marriage. Firstly, to be honest, it is amazing that we are here, in 2017, talking about slavery, slavery-like practices and forced marriage. But, nevertheless, here we are. Forced marriage for women and girls is still occurring here in Australia. A number of the victims are too scared to come forward, and their access to the support they need to make their situation known to law enforcement services is not always very straightforward or helpful. Alarmingly, there seems to be a number of women and girls still in forced marriage situations in Australia. Between 2013 and 2015, of the 49 reported referrals that the Australian Federal Police looked into, 32 of them were for girls under the age of 18. Since that time, the number of referrals of forced marriages to the AFP has only increased.</para>
<para>Out of all of the referrals and investigations the AFP carried out into human trafficking and slavery, 50 per cent of them are in the area of forced marriage. The committee did focus, therefore, on recommendations in relation to not only forced marriage but also the role of the AFP in identifying these situations. It recommended that the Commonwealth government increase the number of AFP officers with specialised human trafficking and antislavery training in all states. In relation to forced marriage, the committee took some of its information and advice from what occurs in the UK and recommended that the government consider extending the application of protection orders relating to forced marriage to people over the ages of 18 years. This is because of statistics showing that it happens not just to young women under the age of 18 but also to women over the age of 18, and they also need to be given the same protection at the airports that the current law gives to those under the age of 18.</para>
<para>The other issue, when we talk about forced marriage here in Australia, is that there are a number of organisations that do a lot of work in education in relation to forced marriage, yet they simply are not funded to reach out to enough schools to do that work. In the past year, ACRATH, for example, which does a lot of that education on forced marriage in schools, only had enough funding to reach out to about nine schools in the whole country. So we also recommended that the Commonwealth continue to fund organisations and programs that engage in outreach, education and awareness-raising activities on forced marriage issues and that the Commonwealth consider the inclusion of education on forced marriage in the school curricula, because that would make it a mainstay and, I would hope, bring extra funding on the issue to those schools.</para>
<para>We also recommended that information on forced marriage be consistently and routinely provided to newly arrived migrants in Australia through their engagement with government officials and agencies as well as appropriate community groups and programs so that they realise that forced marriage is outlawed in this country. It is not allowed. In fact, it has been legislated in this place to be against the law and should therefore not be occurring, yet we know from those Australian Federal Police statistics that, unfortunately, that is the situation that a number of young women and girls in Australia find themselves in.</para>
<para>One of the really important recommendations that I want to raise in the time I have left is the issue of compensation. We know that human trafficking and slavery comes under the federal Criminal Code, and yet there is no national compensation scheme for victims of human trafficking and slavery. Instead, they have to rely on the various nuanced state victims-of-crime compensation schemes, which differ depending on which state you look at. I think in Tasmania it's around $10,000 and in Queensland it's $100,000. If you're in a situation where you're trafficked, where you're in a forced marriage and slavery or slavery-like conditions—whatever situation you are in that warrants some form of compensation—then it shouldn't matter whether it occurred to you in Queensland or Tasmania; the compensation should be the same. So we recommended that there should be a national compensation scheme for victims of human trafficking and slavery that can be funded out of proceeds of crime funds, so that it doesn't have to come out of consolidated revenue.</para>
<para>All of these recommendations will now be considered by the government, I am sure, and I hope that they look upon them favourably. I will continue my work in this space on the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, which is inquiring into a modern slavery act for Australia, specifically focusing on the supply chains of businesses. I hope that inquiry considers the recommendations of this inquiry as well.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KAKOSCHKE-MOORE</name>
    <name.id>265982</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the tabling of the report of the inquiry into human trafficking, slavery and slavery-like practices by the parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement. The human trafficking inquiry has raised many crucial issues for this parliament that must be urgently addressed. The committee heard harrowing evidence of human trafficking and slavery occurring both in Australia and through Australian channels. Submissions and evidence received by the committee painted a picture of modern human trafficking in Australia and abroad. This evidence shone a light on the many forms human trafficking can take. Be it the exploitation of foreign workers in Australia, women being trafficked into the sex industry or children and, in some cases, adults being subjected to forced marriages, it was abundantly clear that we could be doing more to protect victims of trafficking, but that we should also be doing more to prosecute the offenders. I welcome the recommendations made by the committee in this important report and call on the government to act on them without delay.</para>
<para>This inquiry also heard evidence about a relatively new but rapidly growing form of human trafficking—cybersex trafficking. Cybersex trafficking, or the live streaming of online child exploitation, is a form of trafficking that is transnational. It involves offenders in Australia who commission the abuse of children in developing countries on a pay-per-view basis. The Nick Xenophon Team supports the committee's recommendation that the Commonwealth government investigate the adequacy of current legislative provisions in criminal offences to address cybersex trafficking, but we believe the committee could and should have gone further.</para>
<para>The Australian Federal Police and the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions have reported increases in cybersex trafficking cases over the past three years. The International Justice Mission has helped rescue 201 children who were forced to participate in online sexual exploitation between 2011 and May this year. Our current legislation is failing to ensure that adequate protection is provided to victims, especially to children, who are exploited through cybersex trafficking by criminals in Australia. The Nick Xenophon Team believes the government must amend offences under the Commonwealth Criminal Code to ensure that the conduct of offenders engaging in cybersex trafficking falls within the relevant criminal provisions and can be effectively prosecuted by Australian law enforcement bodies.</para>
<para>In June this year, I moved amendments to the government's Passports Legislation Amendment (Overseas Travel by Child Sex Offenders) Bill 2017 based on very real concerns that by taking passports away from paedophiles they would in turn use the internet to satisfy their sick desires. My amendments related to sections of the Criminal Code concerning Australians who travel overseas in order to engage in sexual activity with children, as well as those who use the internet to procure or groom children for sexual activity. My amendments would have made abundantly clear that a person committing an offence under these sections do so when they are in the presence of a child by a means of communication that allows the person to see or hear the child. In other words, committing the offence virtually should make them no less culpable.</para>
<para>Since I moved these amendments in June, the International Justice Mission has reported that 12 victims of cybersex trafficking in the Philippines, some as young as two years, were rescued by authorities. But these are just the victims that we hear about. Hundreds, possibly thousands, of children remain vulnerable to online predators who seek to commission the sexual abuse and torture of these innocent victims. The government had the opportunity to deal with cybersex trafficking in June, when I moved these amendments. Instead, it allowed valuable time to go by before announcing legislation to deal with cybersex trafficking.</para>
<para>It was revealed in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline> today that the government plans to introduce a broader package of reform which considers all aspects of the child sex offender crime cycle. This is a welcome announcement, but no details of the proposed legislation have been forthcoming, except for what has been reported in the media. The gaps in current the legislation need to be closed to stop these horrific crimes and to ensure that perpetrators are held accountable.</para>
<para>Efforts of law enforcement agencies must also not be hampered by internet service providers being unwilling to cooperate with Australian agencies undertaking investigative work into cybersex trafficking. In June, I also moved amendments to strengthen the Criminal Code by clarifying what information must be provided by ISPs and internet content hosts where the information requested is in the possession or control of the internet service providers. In almost a fifth of cybersex trafficking cases, police are not getting the vital information they need from internet service providers. Police say cooperation from ISPs is not always forthcoming, and it is often difficult to obtain crucial evidence, such as subscriber records, IP addresses and mobile data, to track down these paedophiles. Internet service providers should have greater responsibility to report this abhorrent crime when it occurs on their networks.</para>
<para>The Nick Xenophon Team is deeply concerned about the increase in cybersex trafficking and, in particular, the exploitation of young, vulnerable children. We believe Australia needs to take a strong stance against cybersex trafficking and for it to be a world leader in the prevention and eradication of this crime. However, legislation alone will not be enough to achieve this. That is why we strongly support the committee's recommendations regarding adequate funding for Commonwealth government programs, including the Australian Federal Police staffing and training and the national action plan to combat human trafficking and slavery. We agree that funding needs to be provided to law enforcement agencies to ensure that they are able to effectively combat and investigate human trafficking offences.</para>
<para>The parliament must act immediately on the recommendations made in this report. It is not enough to expose the depravity of human trafficking in Australia. We must do all we can to end it and to support the vulnerable people who are victims of these horrific crimes.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Kakoschke-Moore, would you like to seek leave to continue your remarks later? I think other senators would appreciate it.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kakoschke-Moore</name>
    <name.id>265982</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Privileges Committee</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>49</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Senate Standing Committee of Privileges, I present the committee's 166th report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Possible improper influence of a witness before the Environment and Communications References Committee</inline>.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be adopted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>50</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Government Response to Report</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present four government responses to committee reports as listed at item 16 on today’s <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>. In accordance with the usual practice, I seek leave to incorporate the documents in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The documents read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Inquiry into proposals to lift the professional, ethical and education standards in the financial services industry</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">August 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government Response to the Senate Economics References Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Interim report: Personal choice and community impacts: bicycle helmet laws (term of reference d)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">May 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Introduction</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As part of its inquiry into personal choice and community impacts, the Senate Economics References Committee invited submissions addressing a number of specific terms of reference. The Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development made a submission addressing: "The economic and social impact of legislation, policies or Commonwealth guidelines, with particular reference to: d. bicycle helmet laws, including any impact on the health, enjoyment and finances of cyclists and non-cyclists."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In May 2016 the Committee released an interim report on bicycle helmet laws (term of reference d). This is the Australian Government's response to the interim report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">RESPONSES TO THE RECOMMENDATIONS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4.15 The committee recommends that a consistent and comprehensive national data set be established. The data set should provide nationally consistent information on cycling- related injury trends as well as cycling participation rates. The committee recommends that the Department of Health in cooperation with the Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development and state and territory counterparts develop the national data set for application across all states and territories.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government supports this recommendation in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Although the Government supports the aim of developing more comprehensive data on cycling injury and cycling participation, it is not currently feasible to establish a national data set as described in Recommendation 1. This would require both on-road and off-road injury data, neither of which is currently available as a consistent national collection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Work is underway through the National Road Safety Action Plan 2015-17 to examine and progress options to improve the measurement and reporting of non-fatal and disabling injury road crashes. A project being carried out through Austroads (the peak organisation of Australasian road transport and traffic agencies) entitled "A national approach to measuring non-fatal crash outcomes" is investigating data linkage of police-reported crash data and hospital admissions data at the national level, and is expected to run until late 2017. Further information about possible sources of road crash serious injury data and the development of a national injury monitoring system is available in Information Sheet 76, "Developing national road safety indicators for injury," published by the Bureau of Infrastructure, Transport and Regional Economics (BITRE) in September 2016.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is known that a large proportion of cycling injuries are not reported to police, even when assistance is sought from a local doctor. The NSW government published a report in September 2015 to investigate linking data from police and hospital records of serious injuries called <inline font-style="italic">Serious Injuries in NSW: reporting methodology and results</inline>. This report found that 78% of serious injuries to cyclists on NSW roads who were admitted to hospital were not reported to the police. Un-matched cycling injuries are typically those which do not involve a collision with a vehicle. Given the data limitations, a significant investment would be required to establish and maintain a national data set for cycling-related injury trends to capture both on-road and off-road injuries. State and territory governments currently report cycling injuries which occur on public roads, however each jurisdiction defines injuries differently and this data cannot be aggregated. Efforts to develop a national measure of serious injuries from road crashes, through the Austroads project mentioned above, are currently a high priority for the Australian Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government has recently announced funding for the Australian Trauma Registry, which will in due course provide a source of detailed information about very severely injured cyclists, both from on-road and off-road crashes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4.17 The committee recommends that the Department of Infrastructure and Regional Development in cooperation with the Department of Health conduct a national assessment of mandatory bicycle helmet laws once a national data set of sufficient quality has been established. The impact of the Northern Territory legislation should form an important part of the overall assessment. In addition to safety concerns, this assessment should consider the relationship between bicycle helmets and cycling participation rates, drawing on the experience of bike share schemes and other initiatives directed at improving cycling participation rates.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government does not support this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government recognises that there is strong evidence that bicycle helmets are effective in reducing serious head and neck injuries to cyclists. Recently released research from the University of New South Wales further supports the efficacy of bicycle helmet use to mitigate serious head and neck injury in a crash or fall1. A review of 40 studies found that bicycle helmet use reduces the odds of head injury, serious head injury, facial injury and fatal head injury. This research also confirmed that neck injury was rare and not attributed to wearing a bicycle helmet.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The continued application of mandatory bicycle helmet laws is a matter for the individual state and territory governments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1Olivier, J. & Creighton, P. 2016, <inline font-style="italic">Bicycle injuries and helmet use: a systematic review and meta-</inline><inline font-style="italic">analysis, </inline>International Journal of Epidemiology.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ADDITIONAL RECOMMENDATIONS FROM</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SENATOR DAVID LEYONHJELM – LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Cyclists aged 16 years and over should be exempted from the mandatory helmet road rule when riding in parks, on footpaths and shared/cycle paths and on roads with a speed limit of 50 km/hr or less.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government does not support this recommendation, recognising that there is strong evidence that bicycle helmets are effective in reducing serious head and neck injuries to cyclists. The continued application of mandatory bicycle helmet laws and any exemptions is a matter for the individual state and territory governments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee may be interested to note that the ACT Government's Road Safety Action Plan 2016-2020 includes an action to investigate and assess the risk of allowing cycling without helmets in parks, town centres and other low speed environments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As part of this recommendation (and tied to the collection of a comprehensive data set), this should be accompanied by a 24 month evaluation process that includes baseline measurements and data collection so that a reliable assessment can be made which measures the effect and notes any benefits.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The continued application of mandatory bicycle helmet laws and any exemptions is a matter for the individual state and territory governments, as is the evaluation of any trials undertaken.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At the conclusion of this evaluation, and subject to its findings, I recommend also exempting cyclists under 16 years from an obligation to wear helmets, while making clear to parents that their responsibility to their children should include serious consideration of wearing one.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government does not support this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Senate Economics References Committee inquiry into Scrutiny of Financial Advice report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Scrutiny of Financial Advice Part 1 – Land banking: a ticking time bomb</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senate Economics References Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Scrutiny of Financial Advice Part 1 Report – Land banking: a ticking time bomb</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1 (paragraph 8.56-8.57)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Government, in consultation with the states and territories, should strengthen the regulatory framework of the property investment industry to bring it into line with regulations applicable to the financial investment industry. Specific areas include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   making the regulation of property investment advice a Commonwealth responsibility (recognising that services provided by licensed real estate agents would remain under state and territory regulation);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   inserting a definition of property investment advice into the Corporations Act and the Australian Securities and Investments Commission Act; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   requiring that anyone providing property investment advice should hold an Australian Financial Services Licence (with appropriate exceptions).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In respect of the last recommendation, the committee suggests that the independent industry-established standards setting body for financial advisers could set the educational and training requirements for property investment advisers and the code of ethics to which they would subscribe.</para></quote>
<list>The Government does not support this recommendation.</list>
<list>The Government does not intend to expand the definition of financial products to include real property. The regulation of the real property market is a matter for state and territory governments.</list>
<list>Recently, the Government enacted the Corporations Amendment (Professional Standards of Financial Advisers) Act 2017, to improve the professional, ethical and educational standards of financial advisers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">– The reforms restrict the terms 'financial planner' and 'financial adviser' to persons authorised to provide personal advice on complex financial products under an Australian Financial Services Licence (AFSL). The legislation will prevent property spruikers from holding themselves out to be financial planners or financial advisers.</para></quote>
<list>These reforms supplement action already being taken by both the ACCC and ASIC against property spruikers through their existing consumer protection powers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">– The ACCC can take action under the Competition and Consumer Act 2010 (CCA) against conduct in trade or commerce that is misleading or deceptive, unconscionable, or can be viewed as harassment or coercion.</para></quote>
<list>ASIC has advised the real estate industry that making recommendations that a person use a self-managed super fund (SMSF) to purchase a property requires an AFSL and that penalties apply to persons carrying on a financial services business without an AFSL.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Two (paragraph 8.77)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Having regard to recommendation one, the Committee recommends that Consumer Affairs Australia and New Zealand, in its review of the Australian Consumer Law, give serious consideration to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   the options for reform proposed by the national review project into property spruikers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   whether investment property advice rightly belongs under the same regime as financial products and financial advice and, if not, how consumer safeguards available to investors in financial products can be replicated for investors in property;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   measures needed to prevent property investment spruikers with demonstrably compromised integrity from continuing to operate in the business;</para></quote>
<para>•   introducing a licensing regime for those providing advice on property investment which would include minimum qualifications and a code of conduct to which they would subscribe; and</para>
<para>•   increasing the penalties for misleading and deceptive conduct, including the introduction of civil penalties and criminal sanctions.</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<list>The final report of the Consumer Affairs Australia and New Zealand's Australian Consumer Law (ACL) Review was released in April 2017.</list>
<list>The ACL Review invited stakeholder feedback on whether the law is working effectively and what could be improved, including whether the law has the flexibility to respond to new and emerging issues in the marketplace.</list>
<list>As the Terms of Reference for the ACL Review were broad, consumer affairs officials leading the ACL Review were able to consider a range of existing reviews and reports, including the Scrutiny of Financial Advice Report and the national research project on property spruikers led by Consumer Affairs Victoria.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Three (paragraph 8.63)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that Consumer Affairs Ministers consider the terms of the reference for the review of the Australian Consumer Law with a view to inserting a specific reference to advice on property investment in term of reference no. 1.</para></quote>
<list>The Government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>The final report of the ACL review was released in April 2017. The Terms of Reference were sufficiently broad to allow for an exploration of consumer protection issues related to property investment advice.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Four (paragraph 6.26)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that state and territory governments consider requiring that moneys paid to purchase an option in a land banking scheme be held in trust consistent with the requirements for off-the-plan agreements.</para></quote>
<list>The Government notes this recommendation and notes that it is directed to state and territory governments.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Five (paragraph 8.104)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that ASIC, the ACCC and state and territory regulators have a stronger focus on providing up-to-date and accessible information alerting consumers to risks arising from the activities of spruikers as part of their efforts to improve the financial literacy of Australians and to encourage the early reporting of concerns about property investment seminars and schemes.</para></quote>
<list>The Government notes this recommendation and notes that it is directed to ASIC, ACCC and state and territory regulators, which are independent of Government.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Six (paragraph 8.90)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Australian Government give due consideration to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   the characteristics of investment seminars, wealth education programs and similar product sales environments when consulting with stakeholders and conducting consumer testing to rename general advice;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   whether the general advice warning needs to be strengthened to ensure consumers are aware that general advice is not required to meet the higher regulatory obligations applying to personal advice; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">•   whether the obligations on those providing general advice should be strengthened in regard to misleading information.</para></quote>
<list>The Government supports in principle the matters raised in this recommendation.</list>
<list>In response to Recommendation 40 of the Financial System Inquiry, the Government has agreed to rename 'general advice' to improve consumer understanding, as consumers may consider that the use of the word 'advice' means the information is tailored to their needs.</list>
<list>The Government will give consideration to the matters raised in Recommendation six as part of this work.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Seven (paragraph 5.22)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Victorian Legal Services Commissioner and Legal Services Board (and, where appropriate, other state and territory legal professional bodies) investigate thoroughly the conduct of lawyers involved in providing advice to investors in the land banking schemes considered in this report, as well as those lawyers who provided advice, and controlled trust accounts, for the operators of the schemes.</para></quote>
<list>The Government notes this recommendation and notes that it is directed to the Victorian Legal Services Commissioner and Legal Services Board.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation Eight (paragraph 5.23)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that Consumer Affairs Victoria investigate whether Market First and/or other parties, including lawyers, breached the requirements in the Sale of Land Act 1962 (Vic) in regards to off-the-plan contracts of sale for the Foscari and Veneziane developments</para></quote>
<list>The Government notes this recommendation and notes that it is directed to Consumer Affairs Victoria.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Senate Education, Employment and Workplace Relations References Committee report: The shortage of engineering and related employment skills</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">August 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Response</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Government acknowledges the 2012 report: <inline font-style="italic">The shortage of engineering and related employment skills, </inline>which was relevant at that time, given the rapid growth of infrastructure activity within the resources sector and the consequent demand for engineering based labour into this sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A number of recommendations in the 2012 report are in accordance with current Government policy, including supporting education in science, technology, engineering and mathematics and improving trade commencements and completions and these are referenced in Attachment A. The Government will also continue to seek to support all Australian students to have the opportunity to gain the skills for high-wage, high-productivity jobs of the future as well as continue to link Australia to the best talent from overseas to meet our on-going skill needs. This support includes having higher education and vocational education and training (VET) sectors that deliver quality education and skilling, and improve outcomes for students, employers and the economy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is worth noting that some recommendations in this report have been overtaken by changed conditions across the Australian economy and other developments. For example, a combination of structural adjustment in manufacturing and a transitioning mining sector, from an investment phase to a production phase, has resulted in the softening of labour demand for some engineering professions and trades.1 These changed labour market arrangements confirm that shortages in engineering are cyclical and not chronic.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Background</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 7 November 2011, the Senate referred issues relating to the shortage of engineering and related employment skills for inquiry. The relevant committee was asked to examine the nexus between the demand for infrastructure delivery and the shortage of appropriate engineering and related employment skills in Australia, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<list>the implications of the shortage for infrastructure delivery in terms of economic development, cost, efficiency, safety and disputation;</list>
<list>the impact of the long-term outsourcing of engineering activities by government on skills development and retention in both the private and public sectors;</list>
<list>options to address the skill shortage for engineers and related trades, and the effectiveness and efficiency of relevant policies both past and present;</list>
<list>options for infrastructure delivery using alternative procurement models which aim to foster collaboration and achieve effective community outcomes, including skills development and retention;</list>
<list>effective strategies to develop and retain engineering talent in the private and public sectors through industry training and development, at enterprise, project and whole-of-sector levels;</list>
<list>opportunities to provide incentives to the private sector through the procurement process to undertake skills development;</list>
<list>consequences of skills shortages in the construction sector to the public sector's capacity to effectively procure and manage infrastructure projects; and</list>
<list>the impact of delayed and stalled infrastructure projects on economic development, workplace productivity and employment.</list>
<quote><para class="block">ATTACHMENT A</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Occupational skill shortages information – Engineering Professions Australia 2015-16) and Engineering Trades Australia (December quarter 2015) refer, www.employment.gov.au/occupational-skill-shortages-information</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Government Response to Report</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to return to consideration of the President's report to the Senate on the status of government responses to parliamentary committee reports as at 30 June 2017.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the document.</para></quote>
<para>I think we should all take note of the extensive list of responses that have not been received. I particularly want to draw attention to the committee reports from the Community Affairs References Committee. There is, in fact, a whole page of reports that the government has not responded to. It says 'interim' in the list of responses received. Interim means, 'We're going to get back to you, folks', but they have not responded to the specific recommendations—for example, in<inline font-style="italic"> The effectiveness of special arrangements for the supply of Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) medicines to remote area Aboriginal Health Services</inline>. That report was done in 2011! It's a very, very important issue. There are a number of other reports that have not been responded to: <inline font-style="italic">The factors affecting the supply of health services and medical professionals in rural areas</inline>. This is a very important report. I should note that I chaired all of these inquiries, and I can tell this chamber that the senators put an awful lot of work into these reports. But, more importantly, communities have put an awful lot of work into these inquiries. Individuals, community-based organisations, businesses, professional bodies have put an awful lot of work into these inquiries, and what does the government do? It has not bothered to respond to a large number of them.</para>
<para>One of the reports that I am frequently contacted about is <inline font-style="italic">Prevalence of different types of speech, language and communication disorders and speech pathology services in Australia</inline>. That was an extremely important report that made a large number of recommendations. Community organisations put a great deal of work into that. There are extremely important issues at stake here, but the government has not responded to this report which was tabled on 2 September 2014. Government, where is the response? Why haven't you responded? This is appalling. One report has been responded to—<inline font-style="italic">Adequacy of existing residential care arrangements available for young people with severe physical, mental or intellectual disabilities in Australia</inline>—but why haven't the other reports, which are equally important, not been responded to?</para>
<para>We have not got a response on, for example, <inline font-style="italic">Indefinite detention of people with cognitive and psychiatric impairment in Australia</inline>, which was tabled last year—more than six months ago, so the government's had ample time to look at this. Again, these are extremely important issues.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Out of home care</inline> <inline font-style="italic">,</inline> about children taken into care—the government has not responded to that. Again, it is outrageous that the government has not responded, particularly when you look at the ever-escalating number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children who are going into care. When that inquiry first started, 51 per cent of those in out-of-home care in WA were Aboriginal children. Do you know how many it is now? Fifty-four per cent. It's gone up another three per cent. Aboriginal children only make up around six per cent of the child population in Western Australia. It's gone up in the NT as well. The government has a royal commission going on at the moment in the Northern Territory, around youth detention. Maybe it should be looking at the underlying causes that these children end up in detention. We know that children going into out-of-home care have worse outcomes. There are definitely links to the justice system, yet the government has not responded to that report.</para>
<para>The government should get its act together and respond to these community affairs reports and all the other reports that the committees spend so much time on and that the community commits so much time to, over and over again. I'm not surprised that Speech Pathology Australia is extremely disappointed—I can tell you that—that the government has not responded to that report. Likewise, other organisations are deeply offended that the government has not responded to other reports that they have put so much effort into. Please get your act together and respond to these reports and don't show such disrespect to the committees that do the work and, more importantly, to the Australians who've put so much effort into these inquiries and do it expecting the government to take it on board and to take some action.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Joint Select Committee on Government Procurement</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>59</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the Joint Select Committee on Government Procurement's report <inline font-style="italic">Buying into our future</inline>, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>This committee was established on 1 December 2016 to inquire into the Commonwealth procurement framework, particularly the amended Commonwealth Procurement Rules. At the outset, I wish to give special thanks to Dr Narelle McGlusky and Lynley Ducker from the committee secretariat and all their staff, who did such tremendous work in assisting the joint select committee, and also Senator Kitching, my deputy chair in that committee. Amendments to the Commonwealth Procurement Rules, the CPRs, came into effect on 1 March 2017, as a result of negotiations I entered into with the government, on behalf of the Nick Xenophon Team, to significantly improve those rules.</para>
<para>The aim of the amendments is to make sure that the full benefit of the Commonwealth's $57 billion worth of procurement flows to the Australian economy as much as possible. They will also ensure Australian regulations and standards are upheld. The amendments are designed to deal with the disadvantages faced by Australian suppliers accessing government procurement opportunities to level the playing field to give Australian companies, and Australian jobs, an opportunity to be part of that $57 billion worth of procurement.</para>
<para>The evidence received by the committee showed overall support for the amendments to the CPRS; however, there are concerns over effective implementation. Many of the new clauses were found to be too open to interpretation and to leave too much to the discretion of officials. The committee made suggestions to tighten up the clauses by refining or expanding the terms, and we have a good foundation to do so. The committee heard about several problems with the implementation of previous CPRs. These included a procurement culture that focused on lowest cost rather than value for money, a lack of accountability and transparency and unacceptable risk shifting. There is also a perception that, due to a lack of technical skill and expertise, the government has become an uninformed purchaser. The absence of a requirement to comply with Australian standards is considered another deficiency—something that the amended CPRs have dealt with by insisting on Australian standards.</para>
<para>There are several flow-on risks that may be detrimental to Australia more broadly. These include a loss of a skilled workforce, safety, economic and environmental risks and potential wastage—all matters that the CPR 17s are dealing with. Of real concern to the community is the possibility that the procurement system itself may present barriers for domestic businesses attempting to take advantage of procurement opportunities. The committee considered that comprehensive guidelines are essential to address the current deficiencies and ensure successful implementation of the new clauses. This is about shifting the culture of procurement in this country. New guidelines are required to remove the discretionary nature of decision making and replace it with specific standards that must be met. The guidelines should also mandate the evidence required from tenderers, in particular, an explicit definition is required for economic benefit and a weighting system to properly assess suppliers' claims, similar to the South Australian procurement system. The committee also considers that procurement-connected policies are needed to provide guidance for environmental sustainability and human rights. These guidelines and policies should be supplemented with a Public Service-wide training program, and improved record keeping is essential to address the lack of transparency and accountability in the current system. Contract management is another area that the committee would like to see better utilised to control implementation and maximise procurement and contract outcomes. Good contract management ensures tenderers meet their obligations and responsibilities.</para>
<para>If the amended CPRs are to encourage Australian suppliers, the Australian government must not enter into international trade agreements which diminish the benefits that underpin these amendments. Additionally, procurement officers must be better informed of the exemptions currently available in international agreements to preference domestic businesses. I am particularly concerned, as were members of the committee, about the GPAs —that is, the WTO GPAs—which have the potential to water down the benefit of these stronger procurement rules. The committee was made aware of a range of best-practice models able available for Australia to draw on to improve our procurement system.</para>
<para>At this stage, I refer to a procurement case study in the report into Rossi Boots Pty Ltd, but I want to pause briefly here to inform the chamber that, sadly, the former chairman of Rossi Boots, Dean Rossiter, passed away yesterday. He was an extremely passionate South Australian who came from a proud heritage of bootmakers. He was SA-proud and will be sadly missed, not just by the greater business community but also by his extremely loyal workforce and the many hundreds of thousands of customers of Rossi Boots. With this in mind, I pay tribute to Dean Rossiter. Rossi Boots is a family-owned company, established in South Australia in 1910. It makes 250,000 pairs of boots each year and employs approximately 80 people in its small factory in Adelaide. In 2014, the company missed out on a $15 million contract to supply 100,000 pairs of non-combat boots to the Australian Defence Force. The company was told their tender was compliant, but did not measure up on value for money. Instead the contract went to an Indonesian company. A former defence minister, Senator Johnstone, admitted that the cost differential was only 10 to 15 per cent, compared to boots made here in Australia. The company included information in their tender regarding the broader economic benefits that would have accrued from choosing an Australian supplier. They gave evidence to the committee that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We certainly put forward in the tender the benefits that we believed would be forthcoming both to the economic situation in South Australia and in Australia in general, because we would be buying supplies from other places. We certainly talked about the desire from our own research and development of the Australian troops wanting to wear Australian made product.</para></quote>
<para>The company also identified the anomalies that are not always taken into consideration when an Australian bid is assessed against an overseas bid. For example, government-imposed costs such as the superannuation guarantee levy, payroll tax, annual leave loading or long service leave, penalty rates and workers compensation all have to be factored into any tender bid for an Australian business—as it should be and as it must be—but they are not necessarily part of the cost for an international tenderer, and higher standards of safety are, in many cases, included when we're dealing with Australian made goods. Again, they gave evidence:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The point is that these are rarely seen when we start to look at the pricing overseas. They make up about a 25 per cent additional cost on top of whatever your manufacturing costs are.</para></quote>
<para>Rossi Boots emphasised they were not implying that these costs should be removed. In fact, they are proud of the fact that they pay above-award wages to many of their employees. They have very low turnover of their staff. They are an excellent employer. On the contrary, they acknowledged that this was not taken into account. These absolutely appropriate high Australian standards are not taken into account when we're dealing with companies overseas.</para>
<para>We saw this contract go offshore. The money was effectively exported. Rossi Boots had expected to increase its workforce by 15 to 20 people, some 20 per cent. They would've purchased a lot of raw material from local manufacturers, so there would've been a spillover effect, and they probably would've invested in some new advanced computerised stitching. None of that occurred, because the defence department chased price, not value. We have seen our Army ration pack contracts go offshore. We have seen largely wasted discussion on shipbuilding, in terms of our supply ships, being conducted offshore. This has to stop, and the amended CPRs in this report are the key to that.</para>
<para>The committee believes that a three-pronged approach is necessary to address the implementation issues identified in this report and ensure the new rules are applied consistently, transparently and to maximum effect. We would like to see the publication of comprehensive implementation guidelines coupled with Public Service wide training to support officials to apply the rules effectively, the introduction of procurement-connected policies to safeguard the Australian government's role as a model procurer and the formation of an independent industry participation advocate modelled on the South Australian system to facilitate consideration of Australian benefit. Accordingly, the committee has made 16 recommendations to that effect.</para>
<para>The report had cross-party support and negotiated the amended CPRs in good faith in 2017. It provides a foundation that Senator Kim Carr, a former industry minister, acknowledged were a quantum leap of improvement in terms of what we've had in previous CPRs. But, of course, I always want to do better. I want to and intend to work with the government and all my colleagues in the opposition and on the crossbench to see that the CPRs are implemented and executed in full. I look forward to a positive government response to the report and its recommendations. I note the final recommendation of the committee to conduct a further review on the implementation and execution of the rules in 18 months time.</para>
<para>This is an important report. This is something that will make a big difference to Australian industry. At a time when we are losing manufacturing in our auto sector, this will build up our manufacturing sector. This is about good Australian jobs being able to be supported by having a level and fair playing field when it comes to procurement in this country. That is why this is so important. These rules are not perfect, but they are a significant improvement on what we've had previously, and this inquiry has been a very positive process to ensure that we are vigilant in terms of these rules, that we improve them and that we ensure that Australian government money—taxpayers' money—is, wherever possible, at every opportunity, used to promote Australian jobs and Australian industry so the manufacturing sector in this country, which is so absolutely important, can be revived. I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the tabling of the Joint Select Committee on Government Procurement report, <inline font-style="italic">Buying into our future</inline>. I would like to take this opportunity to thank my colleague, the Senator for South Australia, Nick Xenophon, who served as chair of the committee and who I, as Deputy Chair, found very easy to work with, as well as the other members of the committee, those who gave evidence and those who made submissions. I'd particularly like to thank the committee secretariat, who are the vital backbone of every committee, so thank you Ms Ducker, Dr McClusky, Ms Leahy, Ms Lim and Ms Rowland.</para>
<para>The Australian government has a significant role to play as an investor and employer in Australian jobs and the Australian economy, which is why it's so important that all of our departments and agencies get procurement right. This review came about as the result of amendments to the Commonwealth Procurement Rules which were introduced in December last year and came into effect in March 2017. The committee was formed, and we've now handed down 16 recommendations, which are contained in the report. We received 53 submissions and held three public hearings across Melbourne and Canberra. Although it may sound rather dry, government procurement holds so much exciting potential for Australian industry. It can be a model procurer for other levels of government and, indeed, can have processes relevant for anyone procuring supplies and services.</para>
<para>To put some context around it, in 2015-16 Commonwealth agencies and departments reported entering into 70,338 contracts with a value of $56.9 billion. This direct expenditure is in addition to the funding provided by the Australian government to state and territory governments who procure goods and services on its behalf, predominantly in the form of infrastructure spending. Our biggest ticket items are vehicles—commercial, private and military; healthcare services; management; business and administrative services; building construction and maintenance services; and engineering, research and technology based services.</para>
<para>If I could refer to an inquiry currently being undertaken by another Senate committee, the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee, which is currently looking at the impact of Defence training activities and facilities on rural and regional communities, I would like to use this as an example of why the exemptions to the Commonwealth Procurement Rules contained in 'Appendix A: Exemptions from Division 2' allow flexibility and can enable the Commonwealth to be a more effective procurer. The example I'd like to use is the Department of Defence, who take their procurement policies and outcomes very seriously. As an example, Defence was awarded recently for being the No. 1 procurer supporting Aboriginal and Indigenous procurement in the Commonwealth. They use exemption 17, which is 'the procurement of goods and services from an SME with at least 50 per cent Indigenous ownership'. The Department of Defence have used this, particularly in northern Australia, to ensure that they are responsive to the communities that are there, particularly—obviously—the Indigenous communities. The reward for that has been better relationships in the North of Australia. The CPRs therefore have the flexibility contained in the exemptions, but the committee did have regard to whether they were the most appropriate and whether those exemptions were sufficiently broad.</para>
<para>Going back to whether the Commonwealth is an effective procurer, every time the Commonwealth spends taxpayer dollars, it provides a chance for a company to provide its services. These companies then employ people to carry out their work. In doing so, government procurement directly contributes to the health of the Australian economy. Government procurement, if done ethically, effectively and strategically, has the potential not only to create jobs and contribute to the economy but also to boost the skills of the Australian workforce, foster innovation and even create new industries. I will come back to that.</para>
<para>The Australian Labor tradition is of fiscal responsibility. Australians deserve to be sure and certain that the Commonwealth is spending Australians' money wisely and well. Additionally, government procurement has the potential to create what the CFMEU and the Textile, Clothing and Footwear Union of Australia have termed a 'multiplier effect', where government investment increases economic activity in downstream industries and communities and stimulates private investment in Australian industries.</para>
<para>Given the magnitude of Commonwealth spending on government procurement and the significance of this investment to the health of our economy, it was concerning to hear of some of the loopholes and inconsistencies which did exist and may well still exist under the new CPRs. The amendments to the CPRs were generally well received by those we heard from over the course of the review; however, there were significant concerns raised over the capacity for those amendments to be implemented effectively. Did clauses lack clarity? Did they leave too much up to the discretion of officials? Was there a culture of procurement focusing on lowest cost rather than genuine value for money? Was there a lack of accountability and transparency?</para>
<para>There was also a discussion regarding former procurement plans that some submitters believed had operated well. The ICT sustainability plan was mentioned by a number of submitters. As an example of that, Australian paper, for example, a business in the Latrobe Valley, invested in a $90 million de-inking and recycling plant. This is now the largest private employer in the Latrobe Valley, an area of Victoria which needs more investment whether that be private or public. It is also the largest exporter from the Port of Melbourne. It is Victoria's largest value-added processor of local wood. It generates $900 million of Australia's GDP. It supports 5,786 direct and flow-on jobs. It supports $494 million in household income. It generates $452 million in annual revenue to government, which equates to $1.88 for every ream of office paper manufactured. The Maryville operation supports 7.9 per cent of the Latrobe Valley's household income and 6.8 per cent of Latrobe's gross regional product. As you can see, good can come from government plans.</para>
<para>The committee's 16 recommendations make up a three-pronged approach which aims to address the implementation issues identified and ensure a consistent, transparent and effective application of the new rules. This involved the publication of comprehensive implementation guidelines which would explicitly address hither-to ambiguity terminology, such as the practical definition of economic benefit and the threshold for a business to be considered Australian.</para>
<para>As Senator Xenophon has already highlighted, we heard from South Australian footwear manufacturer Rossi Boots. He lost a Defence Materiel Organisation tender to a company which was based in Western Australia but manufactured their products in Indonesia. The South Australian Industry Advocate, which the committee looked at as a best practice model, reported that they considered where the majority of the workforce was based in assessing procurement, with 65 per cent of South Australian procurement going to companies with a predominantly South Australian workforce.</para>
<para>In addition to the publication of explicit implementation guidelines, we recommended that public service wide training be developed and undertaken to support and empower officials to interpret the rules as intended. The second prong, if you will, was the introduction of procurement related policies in order to safeguard the position of the Australian government as a model procurer, a role which has been overshadowed by doubt and the perceptions of the government as a procurer lacking skills and expertise. Again, we looked at another state-based best practice model in Victoria, where the Andrew's Labor government Project 10,000 policy has a major project skills guarantee where projects over a relatively low limit require at least 10 per cent of jobs on it to be set aside for engineering cadets, graduates or apprentices. As such a major investor in the Australian economy, the government has a responsibility to create policies which support and strengthen the procurement framework. The third and final element of the committee's recommendations involves a formation of an independent industry participation advocate modelled on the South Australian system, which would facilitate consideration and evaluation of the Australian economic benefit.</para>
<para>To summarise, the amended CPRs do provide a good working point for the structure and form of future government procurement in Australia. However, it was the opinion of the committee that more can be done in the implementation to safeguard standards of safety, human rights and ethics, sustainability and the environment, consistency and transparency, and a more effective evaluation of economic benefit. I recommend the report to the Senate and look forward to hearing the results of the inquiry, if established. I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>63</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>63</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a document relating to the report of the Environment and Communications Legislation Committee on its inquiry into the provisions of the Carbon Credits (Carbon Farming Initiative) Amendment Bill 2017.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>63</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Support for Commonwealth Entities) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5758">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Amendment (Support for Commonwealth Entities) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>63</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>63</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table a revised explanatory memorandum relating to the bill. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">I am delighted to introduce this bill, which includes two important amendments to the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation Act 1991.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The first amendment in this bill will ensure that Commonwealth entities and companies can benefit from the Export Finance and Insurance Corporation's, or Efic's, financing expertise.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Following Efic's provision of services to the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility, we know there is latent demand within the Commonwealth Public Service to leverage Efic's specialist expertise around financing. However, in its current form, the act does not allow Efic to share its expertise within the Australian government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment unlocks the potential for Efic to provide assistance to Commonwealth entities and companies in the operation and administration of financing programs, when required. Access to Efic's expertise will be on a fee-for-service basis and will be subject to ministerial approval to ensure there are checks and balances. The fee will be compulsory, but must not be such as to amount to taxation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The second amendment to the Efic Act will enable Efic to better support small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs). SMEs are the engine room of the Australian economy. The majority of Australian exporters are SMEs. Despite this, SMEs traditionally find it more difficult to secure export finance, especially when their target market is an emerging or frontier one.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is where Efic plays a valuable role. Efic helps Australian SMEs bridge the finance gap when their bank is unable to assist – enabling them to tap into new overseas markets for their products and services and grow their exports. This is great news: more exports means more economic growth, more job opportunities and a better standard of living for all Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill further strengthens Efic's focus on supporting Australian SMEs that cannot obtain private sector finance to expand their reach overseas. This focus is paying dividends. During the course of the last financial year, Efic provided 130 SME exporters with over $150 million in funding. However, Efic could do more to help Australian SMEs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill responds to the new ways in which our SMEs are growing Australian exports and expanding their reach overseas. The amendment keeps references in the Efic Act to support for manufacturing and expands the definition of an "eligible export transaction" by adding references to support for tourism operators, online businesses, exporters of intellectual property and other related rights, and businesses engaged in overseas direct investment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The changes give these businesses the ability to benefit from an Efic loan. Previously, Efic could only provide a guarantee for a loan from another bank for these types of exporters of Australian goods and services. This change will save these businesses time and money by allowing them to borrow directly from Efic.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For example, consider the case of a small charter business running whale-watching tours out of Brisbane or the Gold Coast. The business wanted to increase its capacity to meet the needs of the growing number of international visitors. With its bank unable to help, they approached Efic. However, Efic could not assist under the existing legislation. The changes in this bill will enable Efic to loan to tourism operators like this one, which provide services directly to retail customers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendment does not change Efic's purpose of operating only in the market gap where banks are unable to help, and any support must still be attached to exports. For SME exporters, this proposed amendment is estimated to save up to $12,000 per application by providing Efic the ability to provide a direct loan rather than just a guarantee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The changes also introduce a legislative stipulation to ensure there are more Australian jobs where Efic supports Australian businesses to expand overseas. I note that it is already Efic policy that applicants for its overseas direct investment financing product must not use it to fund the outsourcing of jobs. The changes will require businesses to certify in writing their reasonable belief that Efic's support for overseas direct investment will result in a net increase in the number of people employed in Australia by their business or an affiliate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In summary, the changes contained in this bill will benefit a wider range of Australian SMEs, often family-owned, as they seek to export, innovate online, sell intellectual property, expand their reach overseas and grow jobs at home. This bill will ensure Efic remains agile to respond to their financing needs. It will also enable Commonwealth entities and companies to leverage Efic's financing expertise when required. These reforms will make it easier for Efic to support our exporters in their contribution to the growth of Australian jobs and the promotion of trade, tourism and investment.</para></quote>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco Duty Harmonisation) Bill 2017, Customs Tariff Amendment (Tobacco Duty Harmonisation) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5893">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco Duty Harmonisation) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r5892">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Customs Tariff Amendment (Tobacco Duty Harmonisation) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">CUSTOMS TARIFF AMENDMENT (TOBACCO DUTY HARMONISATION) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill will increase the excise equivalent customs duty imposed on roll your own tobacco to align it with the rate applied to cigarettes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Consistent with the cognate Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco Duty Harmonisation) Bill 2017, the rate adjustment will correct a disparity in the tax treatment of cigarettes and roll your own tobacco.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To correct the disparity, this bill will adjust the per kilogram tobacco duty rate to reflect the new assumption that the average cigarette contains 0.7 grams of tobacco and not 0.8 grams of tobacco as applies under the current rate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This adjustment, to be made over four years, will make sure the Government taxes tobacco more equally, regardless of its form.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">EXCISE TARIFF AMENDMENT (TOBACCO DUTY HARMONISATION) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will increase the excise imposed on roll your own tobacco to align it with the excise rate applied to cigarettes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will phase in the rate adjustment over four years to match the timing of existing excise increases. The first adjustment to the roll your own tobacco excise rate will occur on 1 September 2017.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The rate adjustment will correct a disparity in the treatment of cigarettes and roll your own tobacco. This disparity exists because there are two excise rates that apply to tobacco, a stick rate which is applied to manufactured cigarettes with 0.8 grams or less of tobacco per cigarette and a per kilogram rate which is applied to all other tobacco products, including roll your own tobacco and most cigars.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The stick rate simplifies the taxation of cigarettes and reduces compliance costs. Consequently, cigarettes have excise imposed at the same rate regardless of their tobacco content, as though they contain 0.8 grams in tobacco.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, the average cigarette contains less than 0.8 grams of tobacco, which means the Government imposes excise on the average cigarette at a higher rate than roll your own tobacco.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To correct this disparity, this Bill will adjust the per kilogram tobacco excise rate to reflect the new assumption that the average cigarette contains 0.7 grams of tobacco.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This adjustment, to be made over four years, will make sure the Government taxes tobacco more equally, regardless of its form.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A cognate Bill, the Customs Tariff Amendment (Tobacco Duty Harmonisation) Bill 2017, will increase the excise equivalent customs duty on roll your own tobacco.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5866">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from the House of Representatives</title>
            <page.no>65</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Comcare and Seacare Legislation Amendment (Pension Age and Catastrophic Injury) Bill 2017, Copyright Amendment (Disability Access and Other Measures) Bill 2017, Criminal Code Amendment (Protecting Minors Online) Bill 2017, Enhancing Online Safety for Children Amendment Bill 2017, International Monetary Agreements Amendment Bill 2017, Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017, Social Services Legislation Amendment (Seasonal Worker Incentives for Jobseekers) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (2017 Measures No. 2) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Accelerated Depreciation For Small Business Entities) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Foreign Resident Capital Gains Withholding Payments) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Medicare Levy and Medicare Levy Surcharge) Bill 2017, Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017, Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2017-2018, Appropriation Bill (No. 2) 2017-2018, Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 1) 2017-2018, Major Bank Levy Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Major Bank Levy) Bill 2017, National Vocational Education and Training Regulator Amendment (Annual Registration Charge) Bill 2017, National Vocational Education and Training Regulator (Charges) Amendment (Annual Registration Charge) Bill 2017, Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas Management Legislation Amendment Bill 2017, Superannuation Amendment (PSSAP Membership) Bill 2016, Foreign Acquisitions and Takeovers Fees Imposition Amendment (Fee Streamlining and Other Measures) Bill 2017, Health Insurance Amendment (National Rural Health Commissioner) Bill 2017, Medicare Guarantee Bill 2017, Medicare Guarantee (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2017, Passports Legislation Amendment (Overseas Travel by Child Sex Offenders) Bill 2017, Social Services Legislation Amendment (Queensland Commission Income Management Regime) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (2017 Measures No. 3) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (GST Integrity) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (GST Low Value Goods) Bill 2017, Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5862">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Comcare and Seacare Legislation Amendment (Pension Age and Catastrophic Injury) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5832">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Copyright Amendment (Disability Access and Other Measures) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5857">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Criminal Code Amendment (Protecting Minors Online) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5794">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Enhancing Online Safety for Children Amendment Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5877">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">International Monetary Agreements Amendment Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5821">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5837">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Seasonal Worker Incentives for Jobseekers) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5876">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (2017 Measures No. 2) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5889">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Accelerated Depreciation For Small Business Entities) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5891">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Foreign Resident Capital Gains Withholding Payments) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5888">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Medicare Levy and Medicare Levy Surcharge) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5875">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5863">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 1) 2017-2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5864">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation Bill (No. 2) 2017-2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5865">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Parliamentary Departments) Bill (No. 1) 2017-2018</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5896">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Major Bank Levy Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5897">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Major Bank Levy) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5855">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Vocational Education and Training Regulator Amendment (Annual Registration Charge) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5856">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Vocational Education and Training Regulator (Charges) Amendment (Annual Registration Charge) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5849">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Ozone Protection and Synthetic Greenhouse Gas Management Legislation Amendment Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5782">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Superannuation Amendment (PSSAP Membership) Bill 2016</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5895">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Foreign Acquisitions and Takeovers Fees Imposition Amendment (Fee Streamlining and Other Measures) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5796">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Health Insurance Amendment (National Rural Health Commissioner) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5900">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Medicare Guarantee Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5901">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Medicare Guarantee (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5909">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Passports Legislation Amendment (Overseas Travel by Child Sex Offenders) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5874">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Queensland Commission Income Management Regime) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5910">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (2017 Measures No. 3) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5890">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (GST Integrity) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5819">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (GST Low Value Goods) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r5866">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Assent</title>
            <page.no>66</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>66</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Report</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Pursuant to order and at the request of the chairs of the respective committees, I present reports on legislation as listed at item 20 on today's Order of Business, together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard </inline>record of proceedings and documents presented to the committees.</para>
<para>Ordered that the reports be printed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>67</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" background="" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5835">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>67</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In rising to speak to the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017, I want to place on record Labor's complete intolerance for corruption. While the bill is based on the recommendations made by Commissioner Heydon in the final report of the royal commission into trade unions, there has been no movement from the government to introduce these changes for more than 12 months. Unfortunately, the process in drafting this bill has been manifestly inadequate, which has led to significant issues in the drafting of offences and definitions in the bill. I'd like to reflect on those in my remarks today.</para>
<para>The Department of Education and Training confirmed that there was no stakeholder consultation during the drafting of this bill. That is a very problematic thing when you are looking at trying to create operational law. I simply cannot see how a lack of consultation with stakeholders can make for effective law. So we on this side of the chamber will be moving amendments to the legislation based on consultation with stakeholders and a number of recommendations from them. I would like to call on all my colleagues in this place to listen to the voices of those stakeholders—professionals from across the community, including from businesses, unions and the legal profession—and fix the very real issues that are in this bill. I implore you to pass Labor's amendments.</para>
<para>The changes before us in this bill are in theory very important, but they won't work unless they are done properly. The kinds of offences that are in this bill should not be drafted because of ideology or a misguided anti-union sentiment. They must be drafted in a way that ensures consistency and fairness and does not bring risk to those people who are clearly doing the right thing. Employee and employer groups alike have raised concerns about this bill. The drafting of the offences in the bill could have significant unintended consequences for both unions and employers. Changes are necessary to make sure that the bill is fair, and so Labor is proposing some amendments. We believe that our amendments will improve the bill but they will not change its intent. So I encourage all of my colleagues in this place to support these amendments and to address the flaws in this bill and address some of the overreach in the drafting of the offences that could cause significant and unintentional harm to the good operation of unions and the businesses with which they work.</para>
<para>The bill establishes penalties of up to 10 years in prison and 5,000 penalty units for what is called 'corrupting benefits' offences. Stakeholders, including people from business, unions, academia and the legal profession, including the ACTU and the Law Council of Australia, have raised significant concerns with the drafting of these offences. Stakeholders are concerned that the bill makes it an offence, for example, for activities which are not corrupt or corrupting and are standard activities in the conduct of good business. These include things like unions requesting and receiving payment from employers for wages or entitlements that were owed to ex-employees; unions negotiating the settlement of disputes with employers before court proceedings are commenced; and standard hospitality during negotiations—for example, an employer might make a conference room available, with morning tea, for a negotiation, or a union might need to travel to a remote location by company aircraft.</para>
<para>There is very real concern that this bill includes such activities and many more and will place the ordinary day-to-day work of unions, employers and employer groups at significant risk, when there is no corrupt behaviour or malpractice taking place. While this may not be the intention of the bill, the poor drafting that's displayed here means that many stakeholders have expressed that this is, indeed, a very real risk and one which should be rectified prior to the passing of this bill. Labor's amendments mean that these perfectly proper activities are within the statutory exemptions.</para>
<para>The drafting of this bill is also a departure from the usual approach to criminal offences of a similar nature—that is, it does not require the defendant to act dishonestly. In similar crimes of this kind of seriousness, the Commonwealth Criminal Code contains two analogous offences of bribery of Commonwealth officers, where the fault element is dishonesty. This should be included in the bill. There's no reason that the test for corrupt behaviour of officials of registered organisations and employers should be any different to those of Commonwealth officers.</para>
<para>Rather than the test being that someone must act dishonestly, what we have before us is a bill that requires the corrupting benefit to be sought or provided with the intention of influencing an official or employee of a registered organisation to carry out their duties or obligations 'improperly'. Yet, this term is not even defined in the bill. That is of extraordinary concern in regard to the good function of the legislation before us. It creates far too much ambiguity for what are quite heavy penalties, and it may even widen the scope of the offence beyond what is intended by even those in the government. These are, indeed, strict liability offences. There is no fault element, no requirements for the receiver to intend it to have purposes that are dishonest, corrupt or improper. This is completely out of scope for what this legislation should be putting forward. And that is why Labor will be moving amendments to address these significant issues.</para>
<para>The amendments will require that the actions of the defendant are, indeed, dishonest, and bring it in line with the standards under our Criminal Code. This makes complete sense given the purpose of these offences is to prevent corrupt or illegitimate payments. We should not be inadvertently criminalising conduct that, indeed, is not corrupt. Labor is also moving an amendment to provide that the advantage of any kind not legitimately due, intended to be obtained by the provision or request of a corrupting benefit, must be related to the affairs of the registered organisation. However, what we have got in the bill in its current form is quite problematic because there's no requirement that the advantage not legitimately due as quoted from the bill, intended to be obtained by the provision or request of a corrupting benefit, is connected to the affairs of the registered organisation. This is problematic. As a result, this would create a very wide field of potential operation for the new offence, one which travels beyond the circumstances that should be addressed by these provisions. This is a key provision that should be included and that was, indeed, included by Commissioner Heydon in his model legislation.</para>
<para>Another issue that Labor seeks to address in our amendments is the differing tests for the person making the bribe and the person taking it. In its current form, the bill sets out the test of intention for offering a bribe at intention of influencing, while the intention for receiving the bribe is intention to tend to influence. Again, this differs from the Criminal Code in which offences of giving a bribe to a Commonwealth officer and a Commonwealth officer receiving a bribe set the intention at influence with a maximum of 10 years in prison. So while we have a Criminal Code that sets a lower test—that is, tend to influence—the penalty is lower, and that is five years. So there is no justification for setting intention at 'tend to influence' for the offence of receiving a corrupting benefit while also imposing a maximum penalty of 10 years. Labor's amendment will address this by making the intentions the same.</para>
<para>Another issue I want to address briefly before I finish my remarks relates to the definition of 'related party'. The current drafting requires unions to disclose any potential benefits from an enterprise agreement which may flow to a related party. This term is currently defined in a way that is unreasonable. Our amendments, which will come before the chamber, will instead define 'related party' in a way that is more direct and specific—that is, as the branch or branches of the organisation, officers of that branch, an entity controlled by the organisation, a spouse of a person mentioned in paragraph (b) or a member of the national committee of management, or divisional committee of management, of which an officer of the branch is also a member.</para>
<para>All of our amendments that will come before the chamber seek to ensure that the intention of this bill remains while also making sure that the legislation is fair and does not adversely impact on the usual and standard operations of unions and employers. It makes sense to me that this legislation should be in line with our Criminal Code and that we should seek to genuinely punish dishonesty and corruption in all areas, ranging from government officials to private enterprise. I hope that that makes sense to my colleagues in this place and that Labor's amendments to this bill are supported.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to move the second reading amendment that Senator Rhiannon was going to move. She mentioned it in her speech, but then, due to question time, did not actually move it. I move the second reading amendment standing in Senator Rhiannon's name:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Leave out all words after "that", insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"the bill be withdrawn and redrafted to provide for the establishment of a national Independent Commission Against Corruption."</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's hard to follow that outstanding contribution, but I'll do my very best. I rise tonight with some concerns about this bill, the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017, which I've spoken with the minister about, and I have made some suggested amendments which, contrary to other assertions in this place, the minister has said she will look towards accepting and resolving. I say 'contrary to other assertions' because, somehow, there is a mythology about how those on that side of the chamber are supportive of a clean and transparent union movement and those on this side of the chamber are somehow opposed to the union movement—and it's not quite as binary as that at all.</para>
<para>I and Australian Conservatives support the right of the people to work together cooperatively and to form gilds and trade unions to represent their interests. I, personally, don't believe that the union movement's interests or the workers' interests and the business owners' interests should be diametrically opposed—in fact, quite the opposite. My experience has been that good employers, particularly in small businesses, go out of their way to look after workers. They go out of their way to look after those who they feel a responsibility towards, both a financial one and a personal one. They accommodate requests and demands that are outside the scope of any formal agreement because it is a cooperative venture. By that I mean, without employers, you don't have employees and, quite frankly, without employees, you don't have a union movement—a union movement which has become somewhat engorged and somewhat recalcitrant in some aspects and has become, indeed, a law unto itself. That concerns me, and it should concern a lot of people. That's why, in principle, I support this bill. I will be supporting this bill notwithstanding the fact that it does need some amending, and I'm confident that will take place in the committee stage, before we get to the third reading.</para>
<para>But I do note that, earlier, Senator Doug Cameron, who is one of the hardliners in the space, said, 'There will be no negotiation. The minister refused to discuss and negotiate.' That's not my experience. I just want to put that on the record. The minister has been very cooperative and very helpful. She hasn't got everything that she wanted from me as a result. Nonetheless, I found that to be a very positive effect.</para>
<para>The Dyson Heydon royal commission on trade unions had this headline finding:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is clear that in many parts of the world constituted by Australian trade union officials, there is room for louts, thugs, bullies, thieves, perjurers, those who threaten violence, errant fiduciaries and organisers of boycotts …</para></quote>
<para>I don't know too many people who think that's a respectable finding from a royal commission or think that's an appropriate contribution from sections of the trade union movement to Australian business. It is little wonder that our competitiveness is struggling and that we have difficulties with smaller businesses who are competing with larger businesses who, it turns out, in many instances, are in bed, figuratively, with the union movement.</para>
<para>I welcome the decision by the coalition to attempt to legislate their election commitment. It's worth noting that it took several times to legislate their previous commitments on the royal commission. It takes persistence, it takes courage, it takes resilience in the face of an ongoing diatribe in some respects and public abuse. It took the calling of a double dissolution election to prompt it—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Farrell</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That was a great idea.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Not that it was really that good of an idea, as Senator Farrell suggests. Although, it did allow Senator Farrell to return to the bosom of the Labor Party where he was previously knifed and treated so poorly on account of his gender—because he was a man. He was knifed because he was a man. I don't support that. I know Labor may support that. Nonetheless, if you would like to continue to interject, Senator Farrell, I would be delighted to engage further.</para>
<para>Nonetheless, they called a double dissolution election. I have to say, it is a welcome thing that, after so much discussion about marriage inequality, we're actually returning to what I think is, really, truly important business for the businesses and employees of Australia. We're talking today about corrupting benefits. Corrupting benefits is something that I don't think anyone can truly argue for. We need to be arguing against the benefits of corruption, whether it be in the union movement, in the business movement, in politics or anywhere else in life. The government—full credit to them—has got on with the job. It is trying to deliver a result for the people of Australia in the face of what is a rather intransigent Senate at times.</para>
<para>This bill, though, comes in a landscape where we are, essentially, not having a free market. I'm a supporter of free markets. I'm a supporter of competition. I'm a supporter of level playing fields. But this bill is being delivered where there is not a level playing field. We do not have a free market. We have sweetheart deals between big business and the union movement. I could, in some ways, maybe say I could justify sweetheart deals in favour of small business, because they are the ones that have everything on the line. But, no, rather than support small businesses—the engine and the backbone of the economy—the union movement has chosen, instead, to get into bed with big business to trade off employees' conditions and rates of pay for a benefit for themselves. It is an indictment on sections of the union movement. I am pleased it has been brought to light through both the Dyson Heydon royal commission but also through the detective work of this government and those in the media.</para>
<para>The sweetheart deals are disadvantaging small business. You don't have to look very far from the existing labour movement to identify some of the key players. Mr Shorten, the leader of the Labor Party and the alternative Prime Minister in this country, was head of the AWU, and he negotiated the Cleanevent deal. This was a deal where the AWU automatically received every new staff member of Cleanevent as a member of the union unless they opted out. It was a manifest benefit to union numbers which increased their weight and influence within the Labor movement itself, and it swelled their coffers. That money, of course, came at the expense of employees. Cleanevent paid the AWU Victoria branch $25,000 a year in return for maintaining a Work Choices era agreement. They did not pay penalty rates. That, in itself, saved Cleanevent an estimated $2 million by underpayments to workers. Let's get that right. Cleanevent saved $2 million by underpaying workers through a cosy sweetheart deal with the union movement that delivered members to the union and $25,000 a year in cash. That is an indictment upon Mr Shorten. But somehow he likes to think that he is a representative of the workers. It just goes to show you cannot trust what they say but you can rely on what they do, and Mr Shorten's history speaks for itself.</para>
<para>I also note that there have been other cosy deals done in the union movement, and the SDA, my sometime allies in some matters of critical importance to the country, have nonetheless let me down on this occasion. In some respects, I have a great deal of respect for them because of the views that they've generally upheld within the Labor movement, but they did a cosy deal with Coles and Woolworths. It has been suggested that the AWU, Mr Shorten's union, assisted in the negotiation or brokering of the deal and that it was about getting the SDA members to strengthen their voice in the Labor movement itself. It turned out that the deal was done between Coles and Woolworths, but then, on reflection, the Fair Work Commission threw out the deal and ordered Coles to pay $100 million in underpaid wages. The cost to workers of the sweetheart deal negotiated by the AWU between Coles and Woolies and the SDA was $100 million in underpaid wages. I don't think that's alright. Why is it that big business, through its influence or ability to fill the coffers and swell the ranks of the union movement, can somehow pay less than the award rate and compete unfairly against struggling small business owners?</para>
<para>There are also question marks over the deals in place with McDonald's and KFC, where unions have signed off on workers getting less than the Fair Work Commission's levels. Under those circumstances, it's little wonder there is this proliferation of institutionalised fast-food joints, like McDonald's and KFC, at the expense of small family-run businesses—the local chicken shop; dare I say, the local fish and chip shop that one of my former colleagues used to run. The small business that somehow struggles to survive has to pay $3 an hour more in comparative pricing in competition or they will get savaged by the very same union movement that has sold out the workers in big business. That doesn't pass the commonsense test, and it's why this legislation is absolutely important.</para>
<para>We could also ask ourselves: why is it that a company like Target, for example, pays all its staff superannuation into the relevant union's REST industry super fund? These are not benevolent institutions. These funds now go on to fuel media outlets, they provide jobs to union bosses to supplement their incomes, and they are political players in this space. That may be okay, but let's not pretend that it should just be accepted as the norm. Let transparency shine upon it and ask ourselves: why is Target doing this? What is the cosy deal that's attached to it?</para>
<para>There are all sorts of hints and allegations of corruption that have taken place in years past. You have to look no further than what dogged former Prime Minister Julia Gillard in the sense that she assisted in setting up the AWU reform association at the request of Mr Blewitt and Mr Wilson which co-opted funds for Thiess, the construction company, under the guise of training that never took place. That money was used to buy a house, it was used to pay solicitor's fees for Ms Gillard at Slater & Gordon and it was allegedly used for renovations. In the end, it was a dodgy deal. I don't know if anyone has been charged with that, but it was a dodgy deal and I think it is directly relevant to these sorts of things. If unions can think it is okay to coerce or trade away benefits or entitlements in the name of interest for the union and companies think it is okay and that is the cost of doing business, we need to fix it—not to diminish the union movement and not to diminish workers, but to strengthen business in this country, to strengthen the confidence in the system that there is a level playing field. That is the challenge, and this bill goes some way towards that.</para>
<para>But it is no surprise that many unions are complaining about this bill and they are talking up civil disobedience. In short, like any organisations that have had it too easy for too long, they get a bit lazy about representing their workers' interests, about recruiting new members and about justifying the positions that they have had. They want sweetheart deals to continue because it is easy for them, and it gets excused and covered up by successive administrations. Even though I am not part of this administration any more, I am proud of the fact that the minister and the government have pursued this doggedly because it is the right thing to do—and I will come back to that.</para>
<para>I'm not here to beat up on the union movement. They have their place. They have played an important role and guilds and associations and freedom of that is part of this country. But we have to make sure that it's not going to be the dominant part of the future of this country. We want to empower small business to grow into big business. We want to empower people to be able to get in and compete and be innovative and provide good returns whether they are going to generate one job or a thousand jobs or who knows how many millions of jobs in the decades to come. But you can't do that when you have to deal with potentially corrupting benefits or corrupt bodies. Not all unions are like that but clearly some are—and I think we have to fix it.</para>
<para>I will finish by saying that Minister Cash, on 20 March in the <inline font-style="italic">AFR</inline>, said that legitimate payments would include those for genuine services provided by a union or genuine payment of membership fees. Genuine services by a union movement can be for anything. It can be for a legal representative for employees. It can be for help with their industrial relations. It can be help with any manner of things. We're not trying to stop a union from helping people. We are trying to stop dodgy unions from trading away workers' rights in order to help themselves. Minister Cash also said:</para>
<para>If payment is made into a safety training fund—</para>
<para>a bit like the AWU reform association that Ms Gillard set up all those years ago—</para>
<para>you would need to show that you actually have a program of, basically, safety training—</para>
<para>Who would have thought?</para>
<para>you would need to show that that has been undertaken, but you would also need to show that it has been charged out at market rate.</para>
<para>Not engorged rates—not three times the going rate—but at market rate. In short, if a company is paying a union, it has to be to the benefit of the employees and the company, not just for the benefit of the union or to get the company some sweetheart deal.</para>
<para>Australian Conservatives support this bill. We support a level playing field. We support transparency and our institutions, like unions, functioning within the rule of law and everyone in business getting a fair go.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia has enormous potential. Listening to Australians right across the country—from Cape York through to Melbourne through to Perth, South Australia, parts of New South Wales and the regions of Queensland—this is abundantly clear. The secret of our success, until recent times, has been, No. 1, our great people—competent, caring and highly creative, reflecting the human spirit. We also had cheap energy until recent times, and we used to have stable government. These are the hallmarks of human progress. We had a level playing field, a fair go, entrepreneurialism, innovation and wages growth that spurred the economy, based on productivity increases.</para>
<para>I am fiercely pro-human, and I am fiercely pro-Australian. My allegiance is only to Australia, and, in listening to people around our country, we can see serious blights that are undermining our future. People are now under increased control from remote bureaucrats, remote not in terms of geography but in terms of their connection with the rest of Australia and their high salaries. Energy prices are skyrocketing. On taxation, why would we tax payroll? We know that when we tax something we decrease its use, so why tax payroll? We don't want to decrease payroll; we want to increase employment.</para>
<para>We are threatened by corrupt union bosses. Notice I said 'union bosses' and not 'unions'. Union bosses have stopped protecting workers and have started to fleece members instead. We are under threat from big companies that are working in a cabal with union bosses, destroying wages and taking away things like weekend penalty rates in secret, cosy deals that have caused union bosses to abandon hundreds of thousands of people, costing them hundreds of millions of dollars in lost wages. They were taken away by people who were in the union movement and who are now in this parliament, in the Labor Party. The engine of employment and innovation is being destroyed by some union bosses.</para>
<para>The Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017 has been designed to protect workers from the corruption that is associated with big businesses paying off union bosses to avoid union action or activity. In essence, it aims to stop that cosy relationship where big business buys a union official and undermines rates, including penalty rates.</para>
<para>This bill does three things. Firstly, it outlaws payments to corrupt an official. Secondly, it outlaws all payments from employers to a union, except for a few that Senator Bernardi has discussed. Thirdly, it forces disclosure of financial benefits in enterprise agreement bargaining. These flowed from the Dyson Heydon royal commission, and surely no-one was asleep while that was underway. This bill exists to curtail corrupt activity uncovered in that trade union royal commission. It bans bribes, notably paid to union officials by companies, employers, to influence the outcome of bargaining agreements. Giving, receiving or soliciting such a payment would be punishable by up to 10 years imprisonment or a $1 million fine or both. That is reasonable, because union bosses and some large multinational companies, and Australian companies, have cost honest workers hundreds of millions of dollars in lost wages. This bill also requires disclosure, on the part of negotiating officials, of any personal interests that may be affected by the outcome of an agreement.</para>
<para>Let's pause and go back to the purposes of unions. When they were formed, there were five main purposes: to protect wages; to protect health and safety; to protect working conditions; to ensure security of employment; and to ensure a healthy, long retirement. They were noble organisations, the early unions, and they fought hard for workers' rights over centuries. But now look: what they fought for is now enshrined in legislation. So what is a union to do? Either they can improve the services they offer and earn the right to members' dues, or they can do what some of the larger unions have done and play mischief or be a vehicle for union bosses' power or personal finances and political alliances.</para>
<para>The CFMEU is tied up. It is taking its coalminers' dues and funding people like GetUp! and the Greens to destroy coalminers' jobs. That is what is happening; in cahoots with people like George Soros, the international financier. Who, pray tell, was on the foundation GetUp! board of directors? It was none other than the current Leader of the Opposition, Mr Bill Shorten. Sadly among unions, the union membership is plummeting outside the public service, because people can sense that not only are they not getting value for their money but better alternatives are springing up in the form of modern unions. Even Martin Ferguson can now see the need for an IR reform push. According to the <inline font-style="italic">Financial Review </inline>today, former ACTU boss Martin Ferguson has called on the Turnbull government to enact a new round of workplace relations reform, backing a resource industry push for new employee rights to opt out of collective agreements and move to individual agreements, restrictions on legal strikes and a higher bar to prove unlawful employer actions—Mr Martin Ferguson, a former leader of the union movement.</para>
<para>Labor and the Greens are locked in a race for cash, corrupting cash, often procured corruptly. Coalminers are paying dues to kill their jobs. This, sadly, is the reality of Australia today. Let me give you some examples, Deputy President. Toll Group paid $100,000 to the Transport Education Audit Compliance Health Organisation, TEACHO, an entity controlled by the TWU to secure approval of an enterprise agreement being negotiated by the TWU, and agreed to two additional payments of $25,000 if the TWU used its rights of entry to report to Toll on the practice of its competitors, and if the TWU got Toll's competitors to contribute, the same amount to TEACHO.</para>
<para>Saipem paid $1 million at the request of the Maritime Union of Australia at the same time it was negotiating the use of foreign-crewed tug boats on the Blacktip gas field project in Darwin. The payment was paid to the MUA's relevant entity, Maritime Employees Training Ltd—sounds nice, doesn't it. SapuraKencana paid more $350,000, a third of a million dollars, at the request of the MUA at the same time it was planning to use foreign-crewed tugs. Dredging International paid almost $1 million, at the request of the MUA, apparently as part of a deal to finalise an enterprise agreement.</para>
<para>Van Ord paid over $1 million at the request of the MUA to avoid industrial disruption. Thiess paid $100,000 to the Building Trades Group Drug and Alcohol Program., an entity controlled by the CFMEU, while it was constructing the Epping to Chatswood rail link in Sydney—apparently to secure industrial peace. The payment was falsely invoiced as being for drug and alcohol safety training, but was siphoned into the CFMEU's general account. Underworld figure George Alex made regular cash payments of $2,500 to an official of the CFMEU NSW to ensure favourable treatment of Mr Alex's companies, even though they were repeatedly phoenixed, leaving workers without jobs and with unpaid wages and entitlements.</para>
<para>Senior Mirvac executives provided around $150,000 worth of free building goods and work on then CFMEU Queensland president Dave Hanna's house in Cornubia, Queensland, in order to secure industrial peace and otherwise favourable treatment by the CFMEU. Mirvac disguised the work by inflating invoices by subcontractors on their existing Orion shopping centre project. A system of NSW construction companies owned by Jianqiu Zhang paid the CFMEU NSW more than $118,000 to avoid entering into an enterprise agreement with the union. The payments were disguised as donations for various charitable causes, including safety industry dinners, picnic day sponsorship, mates in construction and a Friends of Sinn Fein speaking tour. A number of Canberra construction companies paid a CFMEU ACT organiser $210,000 to win construction work in Canberra. The CFMEU did not report these allegations to any authority when they came to light and paid the organiser a generous redundancy payment when he quietly resigned from the union.</para>
<para>There are many, many ways this is going on. Thiess Contractors paid the AWU—which is connected to Mr Shorten—apparently in return for good relations with the union. The payments were invoiced by the AWU as payments to a special education trust. But it was never paid into a trust and was instead paid directly into the AWU's general account and used for general union costs.</para>
<para>Potters Industries made regular payments to the AWU Victoria—there's the AWU again—apparently in return for good relations with the union. The payments were invoiced by the AWU as payments for paid education leave. Can you believe that? But the payments were made directly into the AWU's general account and used for general union costs—money making and a laundering machine.</para>
<para>Huntsman chemicals paid tens of thousands to AWU Victoria—there it is again, AWU—as part of an agreement to have the company pay for the AWU to employ a former union shop steward for work he never did, apparently in return for good relations with the union. The Greens and the ALP would support this to continue.</para>
<para>Thiess John Holland paid AWU—there it is again—Victoria $300,000 plus GST to ensure minimal industrial disruption while they built the east link freeway extension in Melbourne's eastern suburbs. The AWU issued false invoices to disguise the payments as training, back strain research, AWU magazine advertisements, forum tickets and conference sponsorships. But none of these benefits were actually provided. The payments were never disclosed to AWU members or employees—they were hiding it from their own members.</para>
<para>ACI Operations paid AWU—there it is again—Victoria around $500,000 to secure industrial peace while they laid off workers at their Spotswood glass manufacturing factory. The AWU invoiced the payments as paid education leave, but the payments were predominantly used to offset a loan to renovate the union's Victorian office and for other general costs.</para>
<para>Cleanevent, as others have known, paid AWU—there it is again—Victoria $75,000 to maintain an enterprise agreement that paid cleaning workers well below award rates and stripped them of penalty rates, overtime and shift loadings. How is that, hey? The payments were detailed in a secret letter between the AWU and Cleanevent and never disclosed to the cleaning workers, who were amongst the lowest paid in Australia. Level 1 casuals working at events were entitled to 176 per cent more per hour under the award than under the agreement sealed by these payments.</para>
<para>Unibuilt paid Mr Bill Shorten $32,000 to fund his 2007 election campaign manager while the company was negotiating an enterprise agreement for the AWU, for which Mr Shorten was then national secretary. In return Unibuilt received favourable treatment from the AWU and were able to promote themselves to potential customers as friendly with the union.</para>
<para>Chiquita Mushrooms paid AWU Victoria $24,000 to avoid industrial unrest while it was transitioning its mushroom picking workforce to labour hire. The AWU falsely invoiced the payments as paid education leave and never disclosed the payments to Chiquita employees.</para>
<para>Winslow Constructors paid AWU Victoria around $200,000 and provided the union with lists of employee names that were used to secretly sign up employees to the union. In return, the AWU provided Winslow with advance notice of terms of a competitor's enterprise agreement, giving them a competitive advantage. AWU hid the payments behind false invoices for OH&S training, workplace inspections and similar.</para>
<para>On and on and on it goes. But actually it started way back. In 1982, the then royal commission found a building company secretly provided materials and free labour worth over $150,000 to the secretary of the Builders Labourers Federation and other BLF officials, which was used to construct various beach houses. These payments were apparently made to secure industrial peace—isn't that blackmail?—and good relations with the unions. And there are many, many others.</para>
<para>What we have seen is the fact that the union bosses and some of their large unions are an unaccountable, untaxed, regulated monopoly that prevents other unions entering the market. They seek control for union bosses who manipulate people and provide power over the governments that created the very regulations that protect the union bosses. It gave them power and control over their own members, to the detriment of their own members.</para>
<para>I am going to foreshadow two amendments, because some union bosses are clever and will find ways to circumvent the law so they can continue to shaft workers. Subsequently, I foreshadow two slight tweakings of the bill via amendments that will capture this sneaky behaviour. The amendments I propose seek to close a loophole where a union may charge executives of a business, for example, unreasonably large union membership fees in lieu of no longer being able to obtain cash through other nefarious means as prevented by this bill and, secondly, to ensure benefit funds that are established for union members—perhaps, for example, widows—go directly to those the money was proposed for, not siphoned off somewhere else. We all know that some union bosses are so audacious in their attempts to steal money, they establish fake funds for victims and never give the victims one cent from that fund. My second amendment, seeks to target that specific behaviour and ensure that these funds are only exempted if they directly benefit those the money was intended for.</para>
<para>One Nation supporters have a moral compass and a very strong work ethic. One Nation supporters and the people we appeal to, and speak for, have a strong work ethic and a moral compass. They have a need to get back to identifying with the real Australia and real Australians—a need to appeal to and restore Australian values, which include fairness and being forthright and open. I have been forthright because this bill appeals to both aspects—the moral compass and the strong work ethic.</para>
<para>A workplace free of arbitrary control from union bosses and accomplices at the senior levels of companies doing deals with union bosses will be more productive. That will lead to better wages, better security and always to a safer workplace. We need to restore the secrets of our country's past success—a creative and competent workforce that is unleashed and a caring workforce that is unleashed. We need to get back to cheap energy prices, to restoring property rights; we need to get back to fair taxation and to minimised central government control. While we are going down that path to bring back this country, we must remove the controls that are arbitrary, unelected and we need to restore the secrets that made our country a success. We need to unleash Australians. As a servant to the people of Queensland and Australia, I recommend this bill for support, and we will be moving amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to sum up debate in relation to the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017. I thank all honourable senators for their contribution to this debate and, in particular, I want to acknowledge the important contributions of those who are supporting the government's legislation. The bill will help to restore integrity to Australian workplaces. It is a bill that is pro-worker and anti-corruption. It will end the secrecy, as outlined so eloquently by Senator Roberts, that has marked dealings between employers and unions for decades. It will ensure that corrupt payments between a business, employee, union or union official are banned with significant criminal penalties for anyone who flouts the law. Penalties will apply equally to employers and unions who are both implicated by a secret payment.</para>
<para>The Heydon royal commission uncovered dozens and dozens of payments, secretly changing hands between employers and unions, which were collectively worth millions and millions of dollars. One of the worst offenders, as revealed by the royal commission, was, unfortunately, the Australian Workers' Union in Victoria, the union of Bill Shorten, the current Leader of the Opposition. The royal commission revealed hundreds of thousands of dollars of payments flowing from companies to the union, including payments received from Thiess, John Holland, ACI Operations, Winslow Constructors, Chiquita Mushrooms, Huntsman Chemical, the Australian Jockeys' Association and the Australian Netballer Players' Association. Perhaps the most disgusting example of them all—and the one which, unfortunately, Mr Shorten has again and again failed to apologise for—is, of course, the payments made by Cleanevent to the AWU. In return, in many cases, companies had the assurance that the AWU would not—I repeat, would not—agitate for better conditions or better pay for workers, the very workers they were supposed to represent. And, in fact, we have just heard an example on the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard </inline>record where the workers, when paid under the award, received 176 per cent more than was negotiated by the employer and the union under the relevant enterprise bargaining agreement.</para>
<para>Commissioner Heydon also observed that these practices were not new but have been carried on for at least the past 30 years. He also found that what he uncovered is just the small tip of an enormous iceberg. The royal commission found that not even existing laws on bribery, extortion, blackmail and secret commissions are enough to outlaw these arrangements. Those laws are not easily applied to payments involving unions and their officials and, even in the cases where they can be applied, have failed to deter the regular practice of such payments being made. Commissioner Heydon recommended that new provisions be introduced into the Fair Work Act to criminalise such payments. That is exactly what this bill does. The bill brings an end to the secretive, corrupting practice that has marked dealings between employers and unions for decades. The bill will rightly ensure that the true beneficiaries of workplace deals are the workers.</para>
<para>I would like to thank the Senate Education and Employment Legislation Committee for their inquiry into this bill and all of those individuals and organisations who contributed by preparing written submissions and giving evidence at the public hearings. In particular, I would like to thank the crossbench for negotiating so constructively with the government. We will be adopting a number of their amendments.</para>
<para>I will just address some matters raised in the debate. There has been some discussion about whether this bill will apply equally to employers and unions. I can assure all senators that the bill has been carefully drafted to capture both sides of a corrupting benefits transaction. As the final report of the royal commission stated, corrupt receipt implies corrupt payment. An employer who offers or provides a secret financial benefit to a union is as heavily implicated as a union that solicits or accepts such a payment. The penalties for both parties are the same, and both parties can be held equally liable for the one transaction. Similarly, each of an employer, union and any employer association will have to disclose to employees most financial benefits they stand to gain under an enterprise agreement before employees vote on the agreement. By banning corrupting and illegitimate payments and requiring disclosure of benefits arising from enterprise agreements, workers will be protected from secret deals that conflict with their interests.</para>
<para>They will also be told what deals have been negotiated into enterprise agreements they are asked to support. For example, in the case of the Cleanevent deal, done by the AWU in Victoria, the royal commission found that, in exchange for payments of $25,000 per year, the Victorian branch of the AWU, in substance, agreed not to seek better terms and conditions for three years for those of its members employed by Cleanevent. For workers employed by Cleanevent, the outcome was appalling. All involved benefitted from the deal, except the people the union was supposed to be representing. That is not why unions exist.</para>
<para>Our bill will help to ensure that workers receive the benefit of honest employers and honest union officials who represent their interests. This bill is anti-corruption and pro-worker. It is about ensuring that the members of the unions are put first by both their union and the employer the union is dealing with. All parties in this place who believe in fairness, honesty and transparency in workplaces should support this vital reform to outlaw corrupting benefits. If you believe in stopping corruption and if you believe that employers and the unions they are negotiating with must put workers first, then this bill must be supported.</para>
<para>In the time I have left I now want to turn to some of the comments that have been made during the debate. In particular, I turn to the opening statement made by Senator Cameron in his second reading speech. He stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor has unsuccessfully attempted to negotiate amendments with the minister. The minister's intransigence and refusal to take heed of the concerns of the Labor Party, the union movement, employers, the Law Council and academics reinforces the view that this government and its minister are driven by ideology as distinct from fair and effective legislation.</para></quote>
<para>Madam Deputy President, in this place there is a rule that you cannot call someone a liar, so I will not do that. What I will say, though, is this: the statement put on the record by Senator Cameron is false, as I have personally raised with him. Both my office and the office of the shadow minister, Mr O'Connor, have negotiated in good faith for over two months now. I won't table the various emails and the various documents that have been exchanged between the offices. But I will say that I have also raised my concern directly with Mr O'Connor's office, and they were kind enough to indicate that they were unaware of the statement that Senator Cameron was going to make. I take in good faith what the office of the shadow minister, former minister O'Connor, has said to me.</para>
<para>I will also say this: a number of amendments have been put forward by the Australian Labor Party. For the benefit of all senators, these amendments were negotiated, within reason, in good faith between my office and shadow minister O'Connor's office. For the benefit of Senator Cameron, I can advise the Senate that the government will be supporting approximately 90 per cent of the amendments that have been put forward. Again, those amendments were negotiated in good faith between my office and the shadow minister's office. We have also negotiated in good faith with a number of the crossbenchers, and I look forward to supporting One Nation's amendments and Senator Leyonhjelm's amendments. In fact, I would urge Senator Cameron, when we go into committee, to move his amendments straight up—given that we will be supporting the majority of them—and then we can debate those amendments that we cannot support and I will explain the reasons.</para>
<para>In relation to the second reading amendment moved by Senator Siewert on behalf of Senator Rhiannon, the government does not support the second reading amendment. The bill targets a specific issue through appropriate and targeted provisions in the same way that specific provisions apply to prevent corruption in the particular context of extortion, blackmail, bribery and corrupt commissions. The bill implements the recommendations of the Royal Commission into Trade Union Governance and Corruption and targets a specific problem that the commission identified as being widespread amongst employers and registered organisations. With those comments, I commend the bill to the Senate.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that the amendment moved by Senator Siewert in the name of Senator Rhiannon on sheet 8181 be agreed to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the bill be now read a second time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:45]<br />(The Deputy President—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>7</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>44</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [18:52]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>32</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D (teller)</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>28</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.<br /></p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>76</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to respond briefly to some of that faux anger and Logie-winning performance from Minister Cash in her second reading summing up. The reality is that, if this bill had been properly drafted in the first place, you may not have needed to accept 90 per cent of the amendments that the opposition are putting forward. If you'd have actually dealt with the key issues that the opposition were raising with you during those negotiations, you would have accepted some of the key changes that have been put forward by he Australian Industry Group, the Law Council of Australia and the ACTU and dealt with some of the concerns that were raised by the Joint Committee on Human Rights and the Senate standing committee. This is a real problem in the context of having clarity in this bill. The clarity is not there. If you had drafted it properly in the first place, maybe we'd have had some clarity, as the Law Council, the Scrutiny of Bills Committee and the Joint Committee on Human Rights sought.</para>
<para>As I indicated during my second reading contribution, we indicated that we were keen to work through some of the issues in the bill and that we were not happy and certainly not supportive of the bill as it stood. There are a number of amendments that we have before the chamber now. I would seek some advice from the Clerk. I know that all the amendments on sheet 8143 have been circulated, but I would certainly like to break it up into more manageable bites so that we can understand exactly what the government is prepared to accept and will not accept. We would like to move amendments (2), (3), (4), (5), (7), (9), (11), (12) and (13) together.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Is leave granted?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would seek clarification as to what they are.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>They go to making dishonesty the fault element for the offences of giving and receiving a corrupting benefit. Minister, I should have indicated what they were.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cash</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's okay.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Senator Cameron, for the point of clarity, would you state them again?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>These amendments make dishonesty the fault element for the offences of giving and receiving a corrupting benefit. They are amendments (2), (3), (4), (5), (7), (9), (11), (12) and (13), and I will be seeking leave to move them together.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move amendments (2), (3), (4), (5), (7), (9), (11), (12) and (13) on sheet 8143 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 3, page 3 (line 21), omit "to act improperly".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 3, page 4 (after line 23), at the end of Division 1, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">536CA Dishonesty</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) For the purposes of this Part, <inline font-style="italic">dishonest</inline> means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) dishonest according to the standards of ordinary people; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) known by the defendant to be dishonest according to the standards of ordinary people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) In a prosecution for an offence against this Part, the determination of dishonesty is a matter for the trier of fact.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 3, page 4 (line 29), after "defendant", insert "dishonestly".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 3, page 5 (lines 9 to 13), omit subparagraphs 536D(1) (b) (i) and (ii), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) in the performance of his or her duties or functions as such an officer or employee; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in the exercise of his or her powers or performance of his or her functions under this Act or the Registered Organisations Act; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 3, page 5 (line 25), after "defendant", insert "dishonestly".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 1, item 3, page 6 (lines 1 to 5), omit subparagraphs 536D(2) (b) (i) and (ii), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) in the performance of his or her duties or functions as such an officer or employee; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in the exercise of his or her powers or performance of his or her functions under this Act or the Registered Organisations Act; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 1, item 3, page 6 (line 26), omit the heading to subsection 536D(4), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Giving an advantage which would not be legitimately due</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Schedule 1, item 3, page 6 (lines 28 to 30), omit "whether a performance or exercise of duties, functions or powers would be improper, or whether an advantage would not be legitimately due,", substitute "whether an advantage would not be legitimately due".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Schedule 1, item 3, page 6 (line 31), omit the heading to subsection 536D(5).</para></quote>
<para>The amendments that we would also want to move together are to provide that the advantage of any kind, not legitimately due, intended to be obtained by the provision or request of a corrupting benefit, must be related to the affairs of the registered organisation. They are amendments (1), (6), and (10) on sheet 8143.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Senator Cameron, could we suggest that we deal with the first ones relating to dishonesty that you just moved, and then we deal with these subsequent ones?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I just wanted to outline, broadly, where we're going so you know where we're going, and maybe some of the minister's advisers can then look at these other issues. I'll come back to them, as I've outlined. The other issue that we would want to deal separately with is item 8, and the effect of that amendment is to make the test the same for the person making the bribe and the person taking it—that is an intention to influence. Then (14) and (15) together—these amendments have the effect of changing the proposed offences of making and receiving cash, and in-kind payments from a strict-liability offence to one where the defendant has to act dishonestly.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: For clarity, we've broken them into four tranches.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON (</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>) ( ): Yes, and (16) as well.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: So (14), (15) and (16)?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No, (16) is separate, sorry. That amendment changes the definition of 'related party' in relation to the new requirements to make disclosures during negotiations of enterprise agreements. So those are the points within those amendments that act together. We would certainly want to deal with them in those terms.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Is leave granted?</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, to assist the chamber, will you now deal with the first bloc of amendments that you have put forward?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: Just so we are clear, we are dealing with (2), (3), (4), (5), (7), (9), (11), (12) and (13) on sheet 8143?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Could you please repeat that?</para>
<para>The CHAIR: We are on Sheet 8143 and we are dealing with (2), (3), (4), (5), (7), (9), (11), (12) and (13). Senator Cameron?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I said, the effects of these amendments—and that's (2), (3), (4), (5), (7), (9), (11), (12) and (13)—are to make dishonesty the fault element for the offences of giving and receiving a corrupting benefit. The bill contains two new corrupting-benefit criminal offences with maximum penalties of 10 years and/or 5,000 penalty units. The criticism of the way these offences have been drafted come from stakeholders in business, the Ai Group, the ACTU representing workers, academics, legal experts and the Law Council of Australia. There is no requirement in relation to either of these new offences that the defendant act dishonestly, which creates a situation of strict liability where an alleged offender's state of mind or intention will be irrelevant to the determination of guilt. This is a departure from the usual approach to criminal offences of this seriousness. For example, the Commonwealth Criminal Code contains two analogous offences of bribery of Commonwealth officers where the fault element is dishonesty, and the Criminal Code defines 'dishonesty' as 'dishonest according to the standards of ordinary people and known by the defendant to be dishonest according to the standards of ordinary people'. So instead of being based on these existing Criminal Code offences, the new offences in the bill require the corrupting benefit to be sought or provided with the intention of influencing an official or an employee of a registered organisation to carry out their duties or obligations improperly.</para>
<para>There is no definition of improperly in the bill. The absence of a definition of 'improperly' has the potential to give rise to considerable ambiguity and to widen the scope of the offence beyond what is intended.</para>
<para>The Law Council has identified the lack of any definition of the term 'improperly' and 'not legitimately due' in the bill as causing significant uncertainty and potential overreach. Labor's amendments address the concerns raised by stakeholders by requiring the actions of the defendant to be dishonest. The definition of dishonesty is imported from the Criminal Code, so the test for corrupt behaviour for officials of registered organisations and employers is the same as that which currently exists for Commonwealth officers. I ask the minister if she is prepared to accept these amendments, as moved together, that deal with the issue of making dishonesty the fault element.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to the amendments that you have moved, the government is prepared to agree to those amendments. We have reviewed the Senate committee report and we have obviously discussed this. The amendment is to define 'dishonestly'. The term 'dishonestly' is used, I am instructed, in the comparable Criminal Code offences of bribing a Commonwealth public official.</para>
<para>In relation to the word 'improperly', it was recommended by Heydon as part of the recommendations. I disagree that there is not clarity surrounding the use of the term 'improperly'. There is actually a common-law definition of improperly, which the courts will utilise to obviously determine whether or not something was improperly done. However, for the purposes of clarification, and certainly, as I said, to work in good faith, we are prepared to accept the amendments and utilise the term 'dishonestly'.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to indicate that the Greens will also support these amendments. But, first off, we need to give some context as to where the debate is at. When the minister finished up in her second reading speech, she made a great flurry with accusations about false statements. Minister, your comments that your bill is anticorruption and pro-worker is false. It's more than false, it's a bit of a joke. I think it would have stand-up comedians really enjoying themselves dining out on that line that it's pro-worker. It's not pro-worker coming from this government when you see how the bill has been designed. It's drafted so broadly, it will make it very difficult for people to conduct what are currently seen as lawful activities. The Law Council nailed that as a very major problem.</para>
<para>It's not pro-worker and, at times, it's not actually pro-business, because it could well just make things so complex that it could be barely workable. Then when you talk about it being anticorruption—and this also goes to how Labor have just voted. You need to deal with corruption across the whole society. That's what we should be doing now, rather than just targeting a section of the workforce, a section of the business community and industry. It shows that there are other agendas going on here. Everybody just had the opportunity to get behind a national anticorruption commission. What did we see? We saw Liberals, Nationals and Labor voting together to vote against it, once again. It is really extraordinary. It's not anticorruption. It's not pro-worker. It's actually another con job. It could actually be quite destructive in terms of how relationships in the workplace play out.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have to rise to respond to a couple of the points that Senator Rhiannon raised. Senator Rhiannon and the Greens did not raise the issue of a broader anticorruption bill with the ALP at any time during the lead-up to this debate.</para>
<para>I know a little bit about anticorruption issues. I appeared before ICAC as a witness. I've been to the Supreme Court as a witness for the prosecution against former Labor Party ministers in NSW. So I am personally supportive of a broader anticorruption bill coming at some time to this place after proper discussions and consideration between the parties.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Rhiannon interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can intervene all you like, Senator Rhiannon. You have not raised this issue with us. We are—and I certainly am—supportive of a broader anticorruption situation in this place, but it is not appropriate to raise that now as an issue that we should be making a decision on right now. We are not going to do that. We think, and you've agreed, that we need to make these amendments to make this bill better. They are based on the consideration of the scrutiny committees of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. We think that is very important.</para>
<para>The issue of the Heydon royal commission has raised its head. As I said, from my point of view this was nothing more than a political royal commission. There's no doubt about that. The commissioner was biased. The commissioner showed no elements of being impartial within that royal commission. The treatment that some witnesses received compared with others was an absolute disgrace. It's pretty typical of this mob across here that they do, as soon as they come into power, run royal commissions against their political opponents. That's their modus operandi. There is also no doubt that ideology from the government benches was driving that royal commission. There is absolutely no doubt about that whatsoever. Heydon was biased. It was politically influenced by the government. It is just unacceptable that this type of approach is taken by the coalition. Every time they get into government they want to run royal commissions against their political opponents. But that's a matter of history. That's a matter of fact.</para>
<para>We have here a badly drafted bill which breaches a number of conventions that have been supported over a long period of time by the scrutiny committees of this parliament. I'm glad to see that the minister has conceded the commonsense position that various parts of the bill were not appropriately drafted and that the amendments will make it a better bill, even though we have to wait and see what the final outcome is. This should be about dishonesty. It should be about giving and receiving corrupting benefits. It shouldn't be about a wider ideological attack on the trade union movement.</para>
<para>One of the issues that has not been discussed this evening in the committee is the fact that the bill does not deal with corruption from company to company. There has to be union involvement before a company can get engaged in this. We are of the view that if there are to be wider discussions and debates about corruption then they should be done in an appropriate manner with proper consultation with the opposition. We will sit and listen to the issues. We will make our decision about where we go with it. But this bill is still deficient in the context that company-to-company corruption is not covered.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, for the context, Senator Cameron, I'm certainly not doubting—I have heard you say a number of times—your own personal commitment to a broad-based anticorruption commission. But, again, you are giving cover to your party—saying how there was no notice about our second reading amendment for a national ICAC. There was heaps of notice. Firstly, you know that we've been talking about this for a long time. In the case of this specific legislation, my colleague Adam Bandt in the House of Representatives moved this same amendment. That was back in May. You have had all that time where we could have been working together. We've been saying it time and time again. I know that me colleagues, particularly Senator Richard Di Natale, has repeated it time and time again that we are ready to work with you on a national ICAC. So squibbing it is just not a good enough excuse. That is actually what has happened here.</para>
<para>So, yes, I believe your sincerity. But Labor have to actually step up and get on with the job. At the moment, you are in an extraordinary situation working with the Liberals and the Nationals on something that is targeting the union movement. It's a con job from them.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to support something that Senator Cameron said in his dissertation a few minutes ago about Senator Rhiannon. I am just confused—and I thought that I was a member of a national integrity commission Senate inquiry which has been conducting public hearings all over the country—as we all come to the conclusion whether we would need and what form we would need a national ICAC. I personally support it. I think that's what we are meant to be doing at the moment. So I just want to support Senator Cameron's earlier comments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that items 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12 and 13 on sheet 8143 be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>80</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee</title>
          <page.no>80</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The President has received letters requesting changes in the membership of committees. I draw the Senate's attention to there being two nominations for the one position on the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee and on the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee. In accordance with standing orders, ballots will need to be held to determine which one of the two senators who have nominated is to be appointed to each committee. I understand that it is the wish of the Senate that the ballots be held on Wednesday 9 August, 2017, immediately prior to government business being called on.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics References Committee</title>
          <page.no>80</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Senator Rice replace Senator Xenophon on the Economics References Committee for the committee’s inquiry into the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility, and Senator Xenophon be appointed as a participating member.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>80</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Institute of Tropical Health and Medicine</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I recently received from Professor Louis Schofield, Director of the Australian Institute of Tropical Health and Medicine, the 2016 annual report of that organisation. Based in the tropics of northern Australia, AITHM was founded in 2013-14 with the aspiration to become a leading institute with a focus on transnational tropical health and medicine research, preserving Australia's health security and enhancing health outcomes for people living in the tropics at home and abroad. The aspiration of the institute was to lead tropical health and medicine, both at home and away, and this has become a tangible reality in the past couple of years.</para>
<para>I'm very proud of the fact that it was coalition governments who funded this particular institute. I well remember, in the couple of weeks before the 2010 election, being given approval from campaign headquarters to commit $40 million to this institute. It became a commitment of the coalition for the 2010 election, which, unfortunately, the coalition didn't win. But it was again a commitment of the coalition prior to the 2013 federal election, which, as history shows, the coalition did win handsomely. In the meantime, the then Queensland government, Campbell Newman's Liberal National Party government, had committed an equal sum of money, some $40 million, to the institute, as had been requested by the proponents. But I well remember sitting with Professor Ian Wronski from James Cook University a couple of weeks before the 2010 election writing the policy that would eventually lead to the establishment of this wonderful institution for not only tropical Australia but the tropical world.</para>
<para>I'm quoting here from their annual report: 'One of the highlights of the 2016 year was the opening of the new Townsville PC2 and PC3 facility in October by Senator the Hon. Ian Macdonald'—that's me—'and the Queensland Premier, Ms Palaszczuk.' The report says they were 'also delighted to host Senator the Hon. Simon Birmingham and the Hon. Warren Entsch MP in Cairns later to mark formally the commencement of construction of AITHM's Cairns research facility that will bolster Australia's research training abilities in virology, mosquito vectors, disease and transmission control, as well as the development of new treatments and vaccines for tropical disease. Key to building capacity and health security for our northern borders, AITHM commenced construction of a research and training facility on Thursday Island, a critical piece of infrastructure for northern Australia.'</para>
<para>The highly qualified research leaders at the institute made significant progress in research to protect health security and improve health outcomes both at home and away. A highlight of the year was, as I mentioned, the opening of those facilities in Townsville and Cairns. As the director said in a letter, this capacity broadens the scope of AITHM to undertake additional health and medical research to further the vital work currently underway. This institute, based an James Cook University, is a wonderful institute. It is a wonderful addition to measures relating to prevention of and dealing with health issues in the tropics, both in Australia and in our near neighbours in the tropical zone. Congratulations to all involved in the institute—the staff, the management and the directors. You do a wonderful job. My very best regards.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Asylum Seekers</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LINES</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yesterday, we heard of the death of an asylum seeker on Manus Island. Hamed Shamshiripour was a 31-year-old Iranian man. He was the fifth person to die under the Australian government's supervision on Manus. It is still unclear to us how he died, but we know that, generally, conditions under which he and other refugees on Manus and, indeed, Nauru, are held are dangerous, and we often hear reports of attacks. This morning on the news, there was yet another report of an attack.</para>
<para>In this context—and indeed this week when we have, once again, tried to resolve the issue of same-sex marriage in this country—in July, I met with three members of the Art of Humanity group. They are a network of artists based in Perth and they advocate for the safe passage of people who have sought safety in Australia. The group brought to me their concerns about the persecution faced particularly by gender and sexually diverse refugees and asylum seekers on Manus Island and Nauru. Under the Criminal Code in PNG, same-sex activity is punishable by up to 14 years imprisonment. Human Rights Watch has reported that sexually diverse asylum seekers on Manus Island have reported being shunned, sexually abused and assaulted while on the island.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> has previously published writings from multiples of gay men on Manus Island, with one man sharing:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have to hide my sexuality because in this country, like Iran, there are a lot of people—fanatics—whom if they find out anyone is gay they would harass them and maybe even try to kill them.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I have to hide my personality once again. I have to live as someone else.</para></quote>
<para>On Nauru, there have been reports of at least one Iranian couple who were physically assaulted inside detention and in the community. The couple, often referred to as Nima and Ashkan, have stated that the Australian government instructed them to hide their sexuality in order to ensure their own safety on Nauru.</para>
<para>The UN High Commissioner for Refugees has said that 'sexual orientation is a fundamental part of human dignity'. I think all of us in this place would accept that definition and that fundamental right as well. They have outlined human rights violations that lead many gender and sexually diverse people to flee their homes. Some of these violations, documented by international human rights organisations, include criminal penalties for consensual sex between persons of the same sex, including the death penalty, in countries like Iran, Pakistan and parts of Syria; hate crimes targeting members of the LGBTIQ community in countries such as Sri Lanka and Bangladesh; restrictions on freedom of expression and association; and gender and sexual diversity, considered a crime against religion, immoral, deviant, anti-revolutionary and/or mental illness.</para>
<para>The Australian Human Rights Commission has also highlighted significant shortcomings in Australia's refugee status determination processes, particularly for sexually and gender diverse people. In its 2015 report, the commission highlighted a lack of resources, inconsistent decision-making and inappropriate methods to assess credibility. This includes failing to account for cultural differences, invasive questioning and the use of poor quality-of-country information.</para>
<para>We ask the minister what will happen to people of diverse sexual backgrounds once Manus, in particular, closes on 31 October. We are very concerned about worsening conditions in the centre and the growing concern for the safety of the men inside. This is not how we would treat LGBTIQ people in Australia, and it should not be how we allow people to be treated when they are under our care on foreign soil. We sincerely ask that the government take account immediately of the particular needs of this group of people, to ensure that no further harm comes to them and to look at where they are placed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Homelessness</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KAKOSCHKE-MOORE</name>
    <name.id>265982</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is a new face of homelessness that I want to talk about tonight as Australia marks Homelessness Week. That face belongs to our mothers, daughters, sisters and aunties, to the six out of every 10 clients of homelessness services who are, in fact, women. According to data from the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, females aged between 18 to 24 years continue to have the highest rate of service use at 244 women per 100,000—compared to 129 per 10,000 females in the Australian population receiving specialist homelessness services last financial year.</para>
<para>Imagine being 65 years or older and being homeless. That's the reality for 19 out of every 10,000 women who should instead be comfortable in their own home as they hit retirement age—not sleeping rough or in their car or in emergency accommodation each night. I could quote the statistics from every age bracket and continue to shock. The reality is shocking. It was important for me to see the faces and understand the stories behind what led to the situation for so many women.</para>
<para>In my home state of South Australia, we have a wonderful organisation called Catherine House which provides a range of services for women experiencing homelessness. Their programs and services are recovery oriented and include emergency accommodation, transitional housing, psychosocial support and supported accommodation for clients with mental health concerns. Key drivers of homelessness are well known and include domestic violence, poverty, poor relationships, drug and alcohol use, and mental health issues. As Mission Australia says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Sometimes it affects people who have been managing well in life, but are thrown off course by a stressful episode like a relationship break-up, job loss or death or a loved one. This can set off a chain of events that leads to a person being without a place to live.</para></quote>
<para>These experiences were certainly true of the women I met at Catherine House—women like Bianca. She came to Australia a couple of years ago because she thought she had found the love of her life. Her new husband promised to keep her safe and promised to protect her. Instead, he subjected her to abuse and neglect. Alone and in a foreign country, Bianca didn't know where to turn. She had no friends or family. She had no money. One day she collapsed at a train station. The mental and physical effects of what she had endured proved too much for her to bear alone. But thanks to the kindness of strangers, Bianca was put in touch with Catherine House, where she began to rebuild her life with the help of pro bono legal assistance and vocational education provided through this wonderful organisation.</para>
<para>Lisa was at the lowest point of her life when she walked through the door to Catherine House. She had enjoyed a successful career before a workplace injury ruled out any chances of her continuing on in her chosen field. When the WorkCover payments stopped, Lisa was forced to draw down on her savings. The money quickly ran out and she was put in the heart-wrenching position of having to sell her home. With nowhere to live, Lisa took house sitting jobs where she could. But when those jobs were not available, she slept in her car. Now that Lisa has found Catherine House, she is receiving support so that she can live independently once again.</para>
<para>Catherine House also saved Mary, a victim of domestic violence who only escaped from her abusive husband after she leapt from his moving vehicle and hid in a shop while he raged outside. For the first time in her adult life, Mary has a safe place to sleep each night. She is receiving counselling and support so she can piece her life back together. Sadly, stories like Bianca's, Lisa's and Mary's are not rare. In some respects, they're not even unusual. But, in every respect, they are heart breaking, and serve as a stark reminder that homelessness is a frightening prospect for thousands of women across Australia every single day.</para>
<para>The theme of this year's homelessness week is 'Action and Innovation'. It aims to highlight the many effective approaches specialist homelessness services have implemented to prevent and respond to homelessness. That's why I'm acknowledging the work of organisations like Catherine House, which is ensuring the stories of the women who walk through their doors do not end in sadness, loneliness or helplessness. These women are now empowered to write their own stories—stories based on support, hope and opportunity. It is the faces that belong to these stories that I ask you to remember this week.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Medicinal Marijuana</title>
          <page.no>83</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This past July I had the pleasure of visiting a property run by Tasmanian Alkaloids, one of Tasmania's world-leading poppy industry's principal companies. I was taking the valuable opportunity to see for myself how the medicinal cannabis industry could be another example of Tasmania forging a path for the rest of Australia to follow—in this case, plant-based therapeutic products.</para>
<para>But for the Turnbull government's chaos, Tasmania could be leading the way on medicinal cannabis. Medicinal cannabis is not a new or controversial alternative treatment. It was legal in Australia until the 1950s, and there are now successful treatment schemes in operation right across the world.</para>
<para>I've been advocating for medicinal cannabis to be made available in Tasmania since I participated in the 2015 Senate inquiry, but progress has been painfully and needlessly slow. In February 2016, legislation was passed in this Senate that allowed the legal cultivation, production and manufacturing of medicinal cannabis products in Australia. During debate, many in this chamber spoke about their experiences meeting families who were risking arrest to alleviate their loved one's suffering. They are the human faces of devastating diseases and, for a variety of reasons, have found conventional medicines have not worked.</para>
<para>I have congratulated Tasmanian Alkaloids and also Tasmanian Botanics for having the foresight to seek medicinal cannabis licences. During my visit, representatives from Tasmanian Alkaloids informed me that licences for medicinal cannabis cultivation and production, cannabis research licences and manufacturing licences are all granted separately. Tasmanian Alkaloids has been granted its cultivation and production licence, as well as its cannabis research licence, but the company is still progressing its application process to obtain a manufacturing licence. I am certainly looking forward to when that licence is granted, because it completes the suite of licences that the company must apply for. This final licence will enable the company to manufacture medicinal cannabis for the Australian markets.</para>
<para>I urge the government to recognise the importance of getting this industry established, because delays to granting licences will become an obstacle to making the most of the opportunities that are ahead of us. Tasmania is ideally positioned to become a manufacturing base for both domestic and international markets. The Australian domestic market has been estimated to be worth $100 million a year, which could bring sustainable economic benefits to my home state of Tasmania. I really believe that Tasmania can become a global leader in the cultivation and manufacture of medicinal cannabis, just as we have become with the world's legal opium crops. Tasmania's poppy industry currently supplies around half of the global stocks of poppy straw, an industry worth over $100 million. Closed-loop production is key to this success. The opportunity to grow, manufacture, and distribute directly from one location alleviates legitimate security concerns. This model can only be successful if licences are granted in a timely fashion. But, since the passing of this federal legislation, it has taken almost a year and a half to grant any licences to Tasmanian companies, and that simply isn't good enough.</para>
<para>The time it has taken for these licences to be granted is, I believe, another disappointing example of the Turnbull government's characteristic chaos and indifference. We need the Commonwealth and the states and territories working together, because all of them have a role to play in ensuring each aspect of the manufacture, use and possession of medicinal cannabis is legal. So I'm calling on the Turnbull government to take its foot off the brake and enable the Tasmanian medicinal cannabis industry to take advantage of this exciting opportunity for the benefit of both patients and the economy of our home state.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Homelessness</title>
          <page.no>84</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight in this adjournment debate I also rise to speak about an issue of great importance, and that is homelessness in our nation, noting that this week is Homelessness Week. Across Australia, more than 105,000 people are homeless each and every night of the week. We have many Australians who sleep on the streets, but many also sleep in friends' houses, in caravans or in cars. It is difficult, dangerous, degrading and tiring, making holding down employment, supporting your wellbeing and supporting your health almost impossible.</para>
<para>The theme of this year's Homelessness Week is action and innovation, and it provides an opportunity to highlight the effective approaches that have been implemented by specialist homelessness services in responding to homelessness in our nation. I want to begin by acknowledging the work of the organisations across Australia who work every day to provide these vital services to some of our most vulnerable Australians. I might add that it was a privilege for me to work for the peak body for social housing in Western Australia, Shelter WA, after I left this place back in 2014. It gave me a real passion for these issues.</para>
<para>We know that the causes of homelessness can be complex and the solutions are multifaceted. In 2015-16, specialist homelessness services provided assistance to nearly 300,000 clients. Fifty-nine per cent, or close to 166,000, were women. Family and domestic violence is the leading cause of homelessness, with more than 100,000 people experiencing domestic violence seeking assistance from homelessness services.</para>
<para>What is also concerning is the increasing number of homeless people aged over 55, who represent one of the fastest-growing populations seeking assistance from homelessness services. Alarmingly, nearly half of all homeless people are young people, and 17 per cent of people who are homeless are aged under 12—they are just children. Over 43,000 young people aged 15 to 24 present to specialist homelessness services for help. Many of these young people are leaving out-of-home care and are facing really challenging transitions without family support.</para>
<para>With housing affordability also becoming more of an issue for young people across Australia, rental prices increasing in our cities, high unemployment, a high cost of living and slow wages growth, homelessness will continue to impact on too many Australians. It is why we must work to address all of the structural, social and economic factors that we know lead to homelessness and disadvantage.</para>
<para>We must do more to support women leaving domestic violence situations. I am pleased to know that a future Shorten Labor government would provide $88 million over two years for a new safe housing fund, to increase transitional housing options for women and children escaping family and domestic violence, young people exiting out-of-home care and older women on low incomes who are at risk. But we must do more to make housing more affordable. Since the government came to office, capital city house prices have soared by over 30 per cent, with increases of nearly 50 per cent in Sydney and 30 per cent in Melbourne. Home ownership is at a 60-year low, and we know that home ownership rates for first home owners have collapsed and many people will not have paid off their mortgage by the time they reach retirement.</para>
<para>Rental stress is also on the rise, so any affordable housing package that does not involve reforms to negative gearing and capital gains tax in this country is a complete sham. I am pleased that Labor is committed to tackling negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions and is facilitating a COAG process to do this. These are real changes that will make an enormous difference to our housing and homelessness crisis in Australia. We must do more to fix inequality in our nation, and housing is a key. Labor is prepared to put forward bold reforms that will truly make a difference in not only fixing inequality and disadvantage in our nation but fixing the housing issues, which are key.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cyclone Debbie</title>
          <page.no>84</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Four months ago Queensland was devastated by Tropical Cyclone Debbie. I'm sure we all recall the headlines and saw the television footage of entire towns that had been flooded, homes made unlivable and businesses forced to shut their doors. It wasn't long ago, but it looks like this current government has a very short memory when it comes to the Cyclone Debbie recovery effort.</para>
<para>Recently, I made my third trip to cyclone-impacted communities. Previously, I visited with the federal Labor leader, Bill Shorten, in the immediate aftermath of the cyclone. Not long after that, I visited with the shadow Treasurer, Chris Bowen, where we visited Proserpine and Bowen and got to see firsthand the recovery efforts. More recently, I went and visited with the shadow minister for regional development, Stephen Jones, and again we visited Proserpine and Airlie Beach and got to see firsthand the recovery efforts. I want to put on record again my admiration for the work that the SES, the police, the Army, local volunteers and, indeed, volunteers from all over the country put into that recovery effort.</para>
<para>Whilst a lot of the urgent recovery work has been completed, a visit to the recovery centre in Proserpine gives you a full understanding of the long-term impacts, particularly those psychological impacts, that will be felt in that community for a long time. We also see the economic consequences that have been laid bare as a result of the cyclone, where some businesses have not opened and others are struggling to get back on their feet. But we in Queensland and particularly the Queensland state government have not forgotten. They put forward the application for the category D funding on behalf of local councils to the Turnbull government on 11 May. That's why this decision that we've seen from the federal government around the Natural Disaster Relief and Recovery Arrangements is so disappointing. Whilst the Queensland government committed $110 million in funding for projects aimed at building disaster resilience and rebuilding vital infrastructure that had been damaged by the cyclone, it wasn't until 14 July that the Turnbull government finally announced their meagre commitment. That contribution was a mere $29 million of the requested $110 million to match the state contribution. There are people in need of aid—the category D funds that were so important to this community and the local councils—and the Turnbull government instead chose to play petty politics.</para>
<para>As I mentioned, I was up in Whitsunday two weeks ago, and the resilience of the local community is truly inspiring. During the trip with shadow minister Jones, we spoke with local tourism reps at Airlie Beach about how they are working to get the local economy back working again. We saw Shute Harbour, which is one of the contested items that the federal government is refusing to fund, and the damage that has been caused to that by Cyclone Debbie and the importance of it as a gateway to the Whitsunday and the islands. We caught up with Tracey from Everything Office & More, which I first visited when I was in town with federal leader Bill Shorten. It's great to see her shop back up and running and in a much better state than when I last saw it, when you almost needed gumboots when you visited in April. We also visited Bowen fruit growers again, to see how their recovery is going and the impact that that is having on the markets down south.</para>
<para>We also caught up with the Mackay and Whitsunday mayors. The message from the mayors of Mackay and Whitsunday was consistent: they want to see this federal government stump up and make sure it is funding its fair share of the recovery efforts. If the Prime Minister and Minister Keenan wanted to do more than a quick helicopter ride into those communities, they would understand the importance of this funding to those rebuilding efforts and the confidence that it would give those communities to know that the federal government hasn't deserted them. But it's not too late. It is important that the federal government has another look at its funding commitment to ensure that these communities can rebuild.</para>
<para>But we've also seen some doublespeak by the member for Dawson as well. He said a lot on this matter, but it is clear that he is not being heard in Canberra. He said only recently that he was gutted to see that the quantum of funding that was delivered to the electorate was not substantial enough. I remind the member for Dawson that he is a government MP and that it is his government that is dudding his own electorate and hampering the rebuild efforts in the impacted communities.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lester , Mr Kunmanara, OAM, Yunupingu, Dr G</title>
          <page.no>85</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak tonight about the passing of two beautiful-hearted Australians. The passing of Mr Lester and Dr G Yunupingu has left deep hurt in Indigenous communities and indeed across Australia.</para>
<para>Today, the family of Mr Lester laid him to rest at a state funeral in South Australia, where some of our colleagues were able to attend. Mr Lester dedicated his life to Aboriginal affairs and the betterment of our people. He stood up for the rights of Aboriginal people in the face of tremendous adversity. He spent the best part of his life fighting for justice and recognition of the many Aboriginal people who, like him, were adversely affected by the nuclear testing at Emu Field. He was also a land rights activist. He worked tirelessly on the handback of Anangu Pitjantjatjara lands to the traditional owners in 1985. He also played a central role in the return of Uluru to Anangu traditional owners. The handback of Uluru and Kata Tjuta to traditional owners followed a long battle by Anangu and marked a symbolic pinnacle of the land rights struggle. Minutes after being handed the deeds, Anangu owners leased the land back to the Commonwealth for 99 years. The national park enclosing Uluru would be jointly run by them and the federal parks service, with millennia-old land management skills informing modern scientific practices. As the grandson of Mr Lester said, marking the 30th anniversary of the handback in 2015, 'People thought, "My grandson will have a job and a house and a car. There will be food in the fridge and green lawn to water. Even the dogs will be healthy.'" While Ayers Rock Resort, as the Indigenous Land Corporation owned tourism resort is known, employs many Indigenous workers, the dream of a job is still remote for many Anangu. The resort employs very few locals and the failures of the CDP program at Mutitjulu are evident. One of Mr Lester's dreams was to have traditional ownership of Uluru provide a secure future for Anangu, a share in the wealth generated by one of the country's most iconic places. It's a dream we still have to make a reality and one we should be working to achieve in memory of Mr Lester's legacy.</para>
<para>We also lost another Indigenous leader over the winter break, Dr G Yunupingu. This weekend just passed was the Garma Festival. Many people will be familiar with the festival. It is a sharing of Yolgnu culture, a festival of ideas, and has been the starting point of many friendships. The festival this year was tinged with incredible sadness, as the family of the late Dr G Yunupingu commemorated his life. From the remote community of Galiwinku on Elcho Island, he fought a long and hard battle with illness, an illness took him from this life way too early. He died at the age of 46 while he was in Darwin undergoing dialysis treatment.</para>
<para>He was an internationally renowned artist who didn't particularly like the lime light. He was an extraordinary musician, a self-taught guitarist with an unforgettable voice. Through his music, he generously shared his language and culture with people across the world. After starting his career with the band Yothu Yindi, he embarked on an overwhelmingly successful solo career, selling more than half a million copies of his albums across the world, and he made a deep and strong binding friendship with Skinnyfish's Mark Grose and Michael Hohnen. His generosity did not stop there. Dr G Yunupingu also established his self-titled foundation, which aimed to create greater opportunities for Indigenous young people who live in remote areas. He wanted young people to realise their full potential and contribute to culturally vibrant and sustainable communities.</para>
<para>The death of Dr G Yunupingu is a sad reminder of the cavernous health gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. Despite both of these two great men being blind, they both had great vision, with such incredible passion. Their vision was for a better Australia, where Indigenous and non-Indigenous people can share our culture and our history, while working towards a more reconciled future. These two men will be deeply missed by so many people. I pay my respects to their families, who are mourning tonight, in the heart of Australia and on Yolgnu country. Bauji bara, Mr Lester. Bauji bara, Dr G Yunupingu. Juju.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Employment</title>
          <page.no>86</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have obviously just returned from the winter recess, and I know that many senators took the opportunity to visit their duty electorates over that period of time. I certainly spent quite a lot of time over the winter recess in Central Queensland, an area I have come to know well and love very much for the opportunities and the character of the people who live there. Unfortunately, there is one downside of living in Central Queensland at the moment, and it faces many Central Queenslanders. I have spoken about it here before, and it is what can only be described as the epidemic of casualisation and contract work that we are seeing right across Central Queensland. It's most visible in the mining industry, but it is actually affecting more and more workplaces, industries, workers and communities, no matter where they live or what kind of industries they work in—and, unfortunately, we're not seeing very much action from the Turnbull government to address this epidemic.</para>
<para>From the stories I was hearing while spending time in Central Queensland, whether it be Rockhampton or mining towns in the Bowen Basin, casualisation has got so bad that you have people employed as casuals or contractors or in labour hire arrangements—any form of insecure, short-term work—working in those roles for so long that they qualify for long service leave under legislation in the coal industry, but they can't even get a day's paid sick leave or annual leave. We were hearing stories about people who've worked as casuals or contractors or in labour hire arrangements for up to 15 years. Everyone accepts that labour hire has a role in the economy, particularly to support employers who are looking for a short-term influx of workers to deal with some sort of a peak in their work, but that is being abused by more and more employers across Central Queensland who are keeping people on these short-term arrangements for very long periods of time and denying them the benefits that come with permanent employment.</para>
<para>We also heard stories of people who, because they don't qualify for sick leave—being employed as a casual or through labour hire—are turning up to work sick as they can't afford to take a day off, and that leads to them infecting the rest of the workforce. We were also hearing stories about big mining companies laying off large numbers of people, retrenching people—which is what should be done when companies don't have the work to provide to people—but, the very same day, advertising for people to come in via labour hire arrangements on much worse terms and conditions and without the security of long-term employment that the people that they're retrenching used to have. It is unacceptable for companies to be doing this to their workforce and it's unacceptable for companies to be doing this to the communities in Central Queensland, but, unfortunately, there is nothing being done to stop it.</para>
<para>Some of the more high-profile examples where this is occurring include the actions of Aurizon, a large rail freight company headquartered in Queensland. They should be a Queensland success story, but they're doing the wrong thing by their workforce. Not only are they closing the Rockhampton Railway Workshops—a historic site in Rockhampton that has provided hundreds of jobs to the Rockhampton community for decades—and making the entire workforce redundant but they have also joined the list of companies who are now out there looking for people to employ on short-term contracts and through labour hire. Again, it's not as if the company do not have work to provide to people and it's not as if they don't need people to work for them; they're getting rid of permanent workers and bringing people in on short-term, casual arrangements. I've now met twice with the CEO of Aurizon to protest about the decisions of the company, and I've encouraged him to revisit those decisions. I've written to him about that again this week, and I'm hopeful that, with continued pressure from politicians, the media and the community, Aurizon will reverse their decisions.</para>
<para>But it's not just them; we're seeing it from big mining companies like Glencore, who currently are involved in a bitter dispute with their workforce in the mining town of Tieri. The workers there are not looking for a pay rise. They've agreed that they won't take a pay rise. It's about basic conditions around the right to be represented in the workplace when you're being terminated and when there's some kind of dispute going on. We're seeing it over and over again in Middlemount, Moranbah and Glendon. All the mining communities in the Bowen Basin are suffering from this epidemic of casualisation.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, the LNP, which represents all of these seats at the federal level, is doing nothing. We're seeing nothing from Michelle Landry, nothing from George Christensen and nothing from Ken O'Dowd, and Matthew Canavan, the outgoing minister for resources, was proud to say he's representing the mining sector. They've got to stand up for the workforce.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Wangaratta Turf Club</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It gives me great pleasure as a National Party senator to rise and talk about exactly what our government is delivering for regional communities, including those in the state of Queensland. But tonight I want to mention a significant event that took place at the Wangaratta Turf Club last week, an event that was significant for regional racing and the racing industry right across Australia—but more about that shortly.</para>
<para>As anyone who follows the sport of kings knows, the thoroughbred racing industry generates nearly $2.1 billion in value to my state's economy. It sustains employment of more 19½ thousand full-time equivalent jobs and provides $1.1 billion a year in household income. Australia-wide, including the many fine regional tracks, there are an estimated 184,000 starters in races every year. There are 371 Australian racing clubs, and more than 4.5 million people attend the races each year. Racing contributes more than $5 billion in value-added dollars, and provides 49,000 full-time jobs, raising $610 million in taxes for state governments and $560 million in federal taxes. On the world racing stage, Australia is ranked second to the United States, ahead of Japan, Great Britain and France. We are also in second spot to the US for the number of foals born, ahead of any country that takes this sport seriously.</para>
<para>In Victoria, racing has a deep connection with our regional communities. Financially, racing clubs assist hundreds of community organisations and charities, and let's not forget the volunteers. Like any great sporting club, race clubs throughout regional Victoria allow for over 2,000 people volunteering their time and services to racing, just to see racing flourish in our regional communities. Racing also provides education and training facilities, which brings me back to the Wangaratta event last week. The event was an announcement that I was delighted to make, an announcement that has been a long time coming, having first been briefed on the project by the Wangaratta Turf Club in 2012. It is a great shot in the arm for regional racing and the Wangaratta Turf Club. The announcement was a $2.4 million grant through the coalition's Building Better Regions Fund.</para>
<para>At this point, I want to acknowledge the tremendous work of a range of volunteers for the Wangaratta Turf Club, particularly the CEO, Paul Hoysted, who assisted to bring this project to fruition. The club is developing a $6.2 million stage 2 development upgrade, which will have significant benefits for regional growth for the equine industry—a boost that will bring local jobs and training to reduce skill shortages in racing by ensuring we have a 20-bed accommodation facility right there in Wangaratta, new stables, and the development of a multipurpose grandstand function and equine learning centre.</para>
<para>There is currently a critical skill shortage in the racing industry. I applaud the Wangaratta Turf Club for putting a pilot program together as part of an education scheme to train more industry staff, including track riders and stablehands, an Australian first for the club. I understand the club is also investigating education for international students in the near future. If you are listening from the Hong Kong Jockey Club, have I got a deal for you. Right in the heart of regional Victoria, we have the beautiful town of Wangaratta, where you can have a world-class equine education and participate in many events right around the region.</para>
<para>Because of the new work, it is expected that 13,000 more people will attend the racecourse. You just know the flow-on benefits to tourism, the overnight stays in our hotels and the retail opportunities that that will bring to a community like Wangaratta. An estimated $6.2 million will be spent on construction, the majority in the local economy. This is a fantastic aspect of the Building Better Regions Fund—local contractors will be employing local tradies, training up local apprentices and giving them the type of opportunity for construction work in the local and regional communities that will build and develop their skills. That money will come straight back to our community, rather than, as often we see, what happens with some of the larger projects being delivered to contractors outside the region and the money ending up somewhere else.</para>
<para>As a government, we are backing our regional communities' entrepreneurial spirit and their economic growth and development through the Building Better Regions Fund. I am very excited about the Wangaratta Turf Club project. I am looking forward to attending many race carnivals there and, indeed, larger community events through the development of the grandstand and the opportunities. I know that this community and this turf club back themselves and know that they have got a great product there not just to sell locally so we can all go to the country races but also to get many of the domestic tourists from Sydney and Melbourne to take that drive out, and taste some of that beautiful prosecco along the King Valley, only about 20 minutes outside of Wangaratta, and come to town for a day at the races, stay the night, do some shopping or visit some friends the next day, and then head home. So, congratulations, Wangaratta Turf Club. I invite you all there, and I am looking forward to the upcoming racing season.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>88</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to speak on the Turnbull government's complete lack of regard for the ageing and the aged care portfolio. Earlier this year, on 2017 February, we welcomed changes to the way aged care home care packages are delivered. These changes are a direct result of Labor's 2012 Living Longer Living Better reforms, and allow older Australians to choose and change their home care provider. Thanks to the hard work of the Labor government when Mark Butler was the minister, for the first time ever older Australians are the ones who drive their care, which is a fantastic initiative.</para>
<para>Labor did the heavy lifting and all the Turnbull government had to do was oversee the implementation. But this out-of-touch Liberal government has dropped the ball every which way you look at this issue. They have failed to be able to deliver on the reforms that they, in opposition, worked with and the sector worked with. Unfortunately, the concerns that are in the community now reflect the very poor implementation of the home care changes made under this government.</para>
<para>When I say 'poor implementation', I'm referring to all of the people who have been kept in the dark for nearly six months about when they might get their home care package or where they are on the national queue. My office, and many of my colleagues' offices, are receiving calls every week from people who are distressed and frustrated because they are unable to find out where they are on the national queue, or when they might receive their home care package. During budget estimates in May, the department's officials said that details about the wait times for the national queue for home care packages would be released at the end of July. 'At the end of June we will have the data that we will release at the end of July.' That was a direct quote from Fiona Buffinton from the Department of Health on 30 May this year.</para>
<para>Well, that deadline, like so many others, has been and gone. We're in the second week of August now, and we have heard nothing from the Turnbull government about when this information will be made available. What are these poor people who are being left in limbo supposed to do? This whole winter break they have been waiting to see the details about waiting times and the national queue, because department officials said they'd have the information by the end of July. But we have seen nothing. The only mention of the wait times since Senate estimates was hidden in fine print of a public discussion paper released on 13 July, where the government changed their tune and said, 'The department expects to publish wait times in the second half of 2017.' They changed their tune because they know they have dropped the ball and need some breathing space.</para>
<para>What I and the rest of Australia want to know is what the second half of 2017 really means. The Liberals have been giving the sector and vulnerable older Australians the run-around since the changes to the home care packages began on 27 February this year. Those opposite have had an absolutely shameful record when it comes to ageing and aged care. This is just not good enough. While the government sits on its hands and twiddles its thumbs there are real people in the community being admitted to hospital and permanent residential care and, in more harrowing cases, passing away while they wait to hear about the status of their home care packages.</para>
<para>I'd like to share some of the stories we are hearing to show everyone just how dire this situation has become under the watch of this mediocre government. Mrs B is 89 and was assessed at the end of 2016 for a Level 4 package. Her daughter has been trying to find out when her frail mother will be able to get a package. She calls the infamous My Aged Care hotline each week, searching for answers, and has become very distressed after constantly being told, 'No, we can't tell you anything about when these packages will be available,' and, 'No, there is no-one else you can talk to about this.' This has gone on for far too long. There are plenty of other examples like this. People are being told sometimes more than three different versions of what may or may not be happening, and each time they call My Aged Care to try and find answers the result is always the same. There's another case of Mr W. He is an in-patient in a hospital and is unable to be discharged without having home care services in place. Mr W has very high care needs and has no family that live locally to support him. There is a chance that he will be placed into permanent residential care because he cannot access a home care package.</para>
<para>We mustn't forget all the calls we're getting from sons and daughters and other relatives who have had to quit their jobs to become full-time carers because their parents cannot access their home care packages. Then there are the countless cases of people like Mrs T, who has been approved for a level 4 home care package, who are only able to access a level 1 or 2 package. These people have been queued for more than 432 days with no idea where they are in the queue or when they will finally have access to the higher level of care they need and deserve. Their health is deteriorating while they wait for adequate care, which is not only dangerous for the client and carers, but also extremely stressful for their families whose lives are being put on hold while they wait for a package that may never come. We need action now. What we don't need is the government's attention only when ageing or an aged-care issue reaches the media. Now is the time that we need to take the action. It's simply not acceptable to say nothing at all. We need transparency and we need it now. Older Australians and their families deserve better, Mr Turnbull. They helped make our nation what it is today, and they deserve to know that the care and support they need in their old age will be there.</para>
<para>The Liberal government, as we have witnessed in media reports and around this place, are dysfunctional, and, quite frankly, they are out of touch. They're putting at risk is the health and welfare of older Australians. The contrast between Labor and the Liberals when it comes to ageing and aged care could not be any starker. Labor did the heavy lifting when in government. They led the debate. They led the development of the policy. They worked with the opposition at the time and, importantly, with the sector, to bring about the reforms of Living Longer Living Better. When the Abbott government was elected, they put no priority on ageing. Mr Turnbull then took over from Mr Abbott, and, once again, we saw no action. They were re-elected last year, and we have seen nothing that has led me—or, more importantly, the Australian community—to believe or have faith that this government understand the issues that older Australians are facing on a daily basis.</para>
<para>Just last week our leader, Bill Shorten, was on national television talking about the treatment of older Australians. He said, 'We need to do a lot better', and, 'it shouldn't necessarily have to wait until the next election' to make things better. Mr Shorten said on national television that he was willing to sit down with Mr Turnbull and work through the matters—something Labor has always said to those opposite. In stark contrast, I don't think I've ever heard the Prime Minister mentioning ageing, aged care or dementia. In 2015, he forgot to appoint a minister for ageing and aged care to his cabinet, and then, earlier this year, he relegated the responsibilities to the outer ministry. This is how much the Turnbull Liberal government value older people and their care. Really, it's quite shameful. I think, if I was a member of that government, I would be very embarrassed. They told us that they would have information on the waiting lists and the national queue for home care packages in June and that they would release this information by the end of July. I am calling on the government, and particularly those in the government who have an interest in the ageing area—and I know there are some—to call on the minister, and the Prime Minister, to give a higher priority to ageing issues in this country and to release this information so that Australians can get the care that they rightly deserve.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>89</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In Australia we have an ageing population. We are constantly being reminded of this. This brings with it challenges that need good policy responses. Unfortunately, one of the things that may happen is exploitation of older Australians and their finances. This is unacceptable and must be addressed.</para>
<para>One of the issues that is coming up is accommodation. This too brings with it the potential for exploitation. A number of us would have seen the joint investigation by <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> and Fairfax Media which documented some very serious issues that are affecting older Australians and have further potential to do that. The <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> show aired on the ABC on 26 June. The investigation brought to light claims of excessive fees, complex contracts and misleading advertising. These issues will not be limited to the operator investigated, nor to retirement villages. I have heard of similar problems in other types of retirement housing.</para>
<para>Within Australia nearly 200,000 residents are currently living in 2,300 retirement facilities across the country. An ageing population and a housing affordability crisis make it imperative that we have good regulation and processes. In our opinion, reform in this area is needed. I have recently sent letters to each of the state premiers and territory chief ministers, as well as to Minister McCormack, requesting that retirement housing reform be placed on the agenda for the upcoming meeting of the Legislative and Governance Forum on Consumer Affairs, which is to be held on 31 August.</para>
<para>I support the proposed reforms put forward by the Consumer Action Law Centre for consideration at the next meeting of that forum. The Consumer Action Law Centre are calling for: improved dispute resolution, with the introduction of an ombudsman-like scheme, with independent and binding resolutions; the simplification of contracts, in order to make them more accessible to older Australians; the regulation of unreasonable fees, particularly exit fees; and the introduction of training and accreditation standards. This issue must be addressed in each state and territory throughout Australia, to ensure that older Australians are not targeted by unscrupulous retirement housing operators who are looking at an easy source of additional revenue. I'm also encouraging the federal government to take the lead on driving such reforms to protect older Australians from future exploitation.</para>
<para>Similar claims to those outlined in the joint investigation undertaken by <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> and Fairfax Media were in fact scrutinised in 2007 in a report by the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs entitled <inline font-style="italic">Older people and the law</inline>. The Labor government's response to the report accepted or partially accepted recommendations 45, 46 and 47. These recommendations refer to the examination of the nature of retirement village contracts; examination of exit and other fees associated with such contracts, including whether they should be abolished; and the examination of the New Zealand model of a statutory supervisor, to assess its suitability for Australia. There does not appear to have been any progress to date on these issues. I have looked and can't find any. I note, however, that the ACCC has stated that it will investigate some of the more serious matters raised in relation to the particular provider who was the subject of the joint investigation undertaken by <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> and Fairfax Media. The issues raised in the report violate the rights of older Australians to be able to live dignified and quality lives.</para>
<para>It is our responsibility to ensure that the necessary and appropriate protections are in place to safeguard against such cases as those raised in the report. The Australian Greens want to continue to agitate for stronger protections in this area. I am also concerned about reports that retirement villages are moving into aged-care service provision and that cases are reported in the media where people are being moved to new contracts without proper consultation and without their understanding. I am deeply concerned that some providers may see the dollars rather than the human beings.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens have a vision for older Australians to participate fully in their communities, while having peace of mind that the services and supports available to them will provide the quality of care and support they need at every stage of their lives. This should extend to alternative housing options being offered to our older Australians. Given many older Australians are experiencing more unstable housing and financial stress and some are living in houses that are inappropriate for their needs, we have to ensure that any alternative options are suitable and safe. As people choose to stay in their homes longer, there needs to be more affordable, appropriate and flexible housing options available for older Australians. We must continue to scrutinise such options and ensure that they truly meet the needs of older Australians.</para>
<para>Many older Australians face additional challenges, such as discrimination in the workplace and poverty. Older people are also more likely to experience long-term unemployment and greater difficulty in returning to work. We fundamentally believe that everyone is entitled to a decent quality of life, but it's especially important that all older people have a decent income, including an adequate aged pension, and are able to live with dignity. I am sick of hearing about the suggested negative implications of an ageing population for our budget and our workforce with the common thread that older people are a burden on the health, aged-care and taxation systems. This, of course, is not the reality, and one way the government could show this would be by taking a lead on reforms relating to retirement housing and making sure that laws are genuinely up to the challenges being faced by older Australians. The government must have the political will to address the reforms that are needed. These reforms have not happened in the past, even though some issues to do with retirement villages have previously been identified, and yet we still see people being exploited. This issue needs to be addressed.</para>
<para>The Australian Greens will continue to fight for the rights of older Australians to live with dignity, to have appropriate housing, to have access to decent incomes, to receive quality of care, and to make sure that we have a framework of positive ageing, rather than the dialogue that is constantly run about the burden of ageing Australians. We need to get away from that language and ensure that we take a positive approach to ageing so that people, as they age, can be confident that they can live dignified lives in the accommodation they choose, where they are not exploited and they have access to the quality care that they choose, not forced on them. We will continue to pursue this matter, particularly in relation to those retirement village reforms. This time the government needs to commit to taking action to ensure that these reforms are met. It also needs to work with the states and territories to ensure that they are making the reforms necessary so that people aren't being exploited. We cannot see any more documentaries of people being exploited or reports which portray them as cash cows rather than older Australians, who should have the respect from the whole of our community.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Refugees</title>
          <page.no>91</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If I had a media adviser, which I don't, and if I slavishly followed every bit of emailed political advice, which I don't, I guess there'd be some issues I wouldn't want to touch with a 40-foot barge pole, as my dad used to say. Some politicians would put same-sex marriage into that category, and now we have the $122 million postal plebiscite, the most expensive non-binding public opinion poll in Australian history—maybe in world history. There is another issue, though, that I guessed might cause angst in some circles in Australia, especially among people who don't believe in Australia giving foreign aid to anybody, anywhere, anytime. I guessed there would be some pushback; I just didn't think the jolt would come so quickly.</para>
<para>On the weekend, I put a couple of photos up on our Justice Party Facebook page. One showed a cute little girl in a Save the Children safe house in Lebanon. Also in the photo were a smiling Hinch and a young volunteer teacher in a headscarf. The other photo showed a young Syrian mother, with a baby boy in her arms, at a desolate, dust-ridden refugee camp near the Syrian border. There's that dirty word for some people: refugee. 'Not our problem; we've taken enough' et cetera et cetera. The post had only been up a few minutes before somebody posted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That photo is a sure way of loosing supporters.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No judgement</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Just a observation..</para></quote>
<para>My reply was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Sadly, you are probably right.</para></quote>
<para>It is a reflection on 'charity begins at home', which it does and it should, but surely charity shouldn't end at home?</para>
<para>So, to find out how some of our charity funds—your taxpayer funds—are spent abroad, I joined a parliamentary group with Save the Children and went to Jordan and Lebanon during the parliamentary recess. It was partly funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Under armed guard and with suspiciously heavy, plated doors, we got within five kilometres of the Lebanon-Syria border. The area we were in is on the Australian government's official no-go list for tourists, but STC were keen to show us where Australian foreign aid for refugees is going in the Middle East, not only through Save the Children but also through other NGOs, like CARE, Plan, Caritas, Oxfam, the World Food Programme and, importantly, UNHCR.</para>
<para>We visited them all in a whirlwind week and saw the wonderful work that they are all doing, especially with vulnerable kids. Just to show you some of the complexities of Lebanese politics, on the outskirts of that border town, Hezbollah had just forced the surrender of militants formerly aligned with al-Qaeda. The Lebanese army had sat behind a line they'd drawn at a nearby disputed ancient road, while Hezbollah ran their own race, so to speak, even though Hezbollah is a supposedly banned foreign military force, which is proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the United States and by Australia. But there they were, successfully fighting a war on Lebanese soil.</para>
<para>To make it even more bewildering for foreigners, while we were in Beirut we learned of a recent and Machiavellian political coup. Hezbollah has now been brought into the strange coalition that makes up the formula that will supposedly lead to well-overdue elections over there. To further confuse you, after the al-Qaeda surrender Hezbollah allowed the militants safe passage to Syria in exchange for the return of some captured Lebanese soldiers. And we were told the Lebanese army was preparing its own assault on a few hundred Daesh militants holding border enclaves next to nearby towns. That thrust could, I suppose, finally rid Lebanon of IS-associated militant groups and perhaps enhance border security for the first time in yonks. Anyway, check Al Jazeera for the latest.</para>
<para>I detailed some of these experiences in my Senate Diary on Crikey. One lasting impression was a visit to a 'non-city' just outside of Amman in Jordan—a non-city of 80,000 Syrian refugees. Eighty thousand! We also visited an illegal settlement of 700 refugees north of Beirut, one of the 2,500 such camps in that beleaguered country. We were confronted by two countries with staggering humanitarian and economic problems that are trying to solve the chronic situations in different ways and neither really succeeding. Frankly, I doubt there is an answer, especially not in the foreseeable future.</para>
<para>We were confronted by two countries with staggering humanitarian problems, as I said. In Jordan, they have two massive refugee cities. They have 80,000 Syrian refugees in the well-planned and well-run camp we visited at Zaatari. It now covers 8.5 square kilometres and is divided into 12 distinct blocks. Another more primitive one has 55,000 refugees. In block 1, Jordan welcomed 2,000 refugees in 2012. Five years later, there are 80,000 residents. The border is now closed.</para>
<para>The authorities keep telling Jordanians it's not permanent. They even forbid the pouring of concrete in the camp. Families live in what they optimistically call 'caravans', but which are really dongas, shipping containers or primitive building site huts. The Jordanian government tells its resentful people it's all temporary. But there are power lines there, and the water pipes I saw being installed looked pretty permanent to me—and 'Hinch's hunch' is that this city, now one of Jordan's biggest, will still be here in 25 bleak years.</para>
<para>In Lebanon, they're still trying to learn from their previous 'Palestine problem', after they welcomed 400,000 Palestinians into the country years and years ago. They are all still there in one region. The government decided there would be no such camps for the Syrian refugees who fled across a porous border after the war started in 2011. These new refugees would be urbanised. The problem is there are now between one million and 1½ million Syrian refugees in Lebanon, and they make up 35 per cent of the population. Just think about that. Imagine if Australia suddenly had an influx of seven million refugees. That's the people-flood equivalent that Lebanon is trying to deal with. The unofficial camp I visited had 700 residents, most them young kids, and, as I said, there are 2,500 camps like that across the country. The authorities keep dismantling them and moving the refugees because local municipalities cannot cope. So the nomads then move on to a less inviting municipality and try to start again.</para>
<para>While we were in Lebanon, a fleet of trucks was driving around from municipality to municipality, trying to unload tonnes of solid waste. Imagine the sewage problems. I suspect that most of it goes into the supposedly pristine Mediterranean.</para>
<para>In both countries, there is this tangible resentment of the aid to refugees—resentment from poor Lebanese and Jordanians. In the hours of briefings we had from various NGO officials, they stressed how the new programs for refugees included the disadvantaged in host countries. Among the images I won't easily forget, one was in Beirut—two refugee families, one of 10 and one of six, living in two rooms without electricity and being charged US$500 a month for the privilege. They get some money for food and medicine. Adults and kids go out and work, usually illegally, for a small amount of money. The other was in Amman. A mother tells me how her five-year-old boy was killed by Assad's chemical warfare on his own people. She said, 'We didn't know what it was. The doctors didn't know what it was. It was like a spider web.'</para>
<para>In one town, I spent time with a bunch of refugees kids aged between nine and 16 in a Save the Children safe house. One case will haunt us, that of a nine-year-old, her innocent eyes emphasised by traditional Arabic kohl. She worked—illegally—sweeping up and cleaning at a hairdressing salon. Some kids as young as five worked. I thought, 'In her case, if the current practices prevail, she'll be married to an adult male within five years.' The refugee crisis has seen the percentage of child brides rocket in Jordan and Lebanon. Desperate families are sacrificing one daughter for the dowry, and it's also one less mouth for them to feed. In the crowded makeshift towns where there is no privacy, fathers are forcing their teenage daughters into arranged marriages to deter sexual harassment and supposedly save both her honour and the family's honour.</para>
<para>One final point is that I suspect a lot of people think all refugees are poor people. They end up that way, some from paying people smugglers. But we forget that these people were not always refugees. For example, the Syrians told me they had fled Raqqa and Mosul, and many had left middle-class homes with a car, a TV, air-conditioning, food, clothing, jobs and schooling. Now they have nothing. One man told me he'd been the local almond merchant. He'd had an orchard. He had some standing in his community. Now he has nothing: no possessions, no job, no stature and, increasingly, no self-esteem. And growing up behind him is a family who may get little or no education. So, if they are ever resettled, they are probably doomed to menial jobs and poverty, possibly for the rest of their lives. But, then, they're just refugees; it's not our problem, is it?</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Nuclear Weapons, Ludlam, Mr Scott</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On this day, 72 years ago, the Japanese city of Hiroshima still burned. Just days before, it had been laid waste by the first atomic bomb dropped on a population. Many of its citizens were incinerated or were dying excruciating deaths from burns and radiation poisoning. If they were lucky enough to survive the immediate aftermath of the bombing, they faced a lifetime of watching those around them suffer cancer and chronic disease, fearing that they themselves would fall victim, years or decades later, to the bomb that razed 70 per cent of their city. Seventy-two years ago tomorrow, the US dropped a second, larger plutonium bomb on Nagasaki. Ground temperatures reached 4,000 degrees Celsius, and radioactive rain poured down. By the end of 1945, more than 200,000 people had been killed by those two bombs. The horror and human suffering unleashed prompted nations to agree that nuclear weapons were 'contrary to the rules of international law and to the laws of humanity'. In the decades since the United Nations General Assembly made that declaration—its very first—nations have regularly gathered, in Geneva and Vienna and New York, to condemn the scourge of nuclear weapons and to repeatedly vow, 'Never again.'</para>
<para>In the gridlocked Conference on Disarmament, and in the regular review conferences of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, we have heard over and over again that of course we can abolish nuclear weapons, if we just take a moderate step-by-step approach. All the while, a handful of states have been amassing huge stockpiles of nuclear weapons, many deployed on a hair trigger. And countries like Australia underpin this dangerous reality, basing their military policy on the destructive doctrine of extended nuclear deterrence. What a perfect example of cognitive dissonance: the mental twists that the Australian government performs when it piously deplores the threat of nuclear weapons on the one hand and defends their strategic importance on the other.</para>
<para>And now, finally, the sensible majority has called time. In July, the United Nations voted overwhelmingly to adopt a treaty banning the use and threat of use of nuclear weapons. The final vote, of 122 nations to one, with one abstention, leaves absolutely no doubt as to the scale of the global movement for abolition. One hundred and twenty-two countries have stood up to the nuclear weapons states and to their proxies. The election of Donald Trump has blown away any illusions that existing nuclear weapons are in safe hands. And, of course, North Korea's provocations are evidence enough that there are no safe hands for the tools of massive nuclear violence. Now is the time for de-escalation, and this treaty provides a pathway.</para>
<para>And yet where was Australia? Australia was absent. Not only did we not show up but we actively undermined the negotiations—small hands pulling our strings as Julie Bishop decried the whole process. So blatant was our duplicity that we earned the moniker of 'weasel'. Well, Prime Minister Turnbull, former Prime Minister Abbott and Minister Bishop, you did not succeed in derailing the process. So now it's time to change course. Sign the treaty. Ratify it. Make sure Australia has a seat at the table on behalf of your constituents, the overwhelming majority of whom want a world free of nuclear weapons. Take up our seat at the table, for the sake of Australia's global standing. Don't make nuclear disarmament yet another appalling example of Australia's crawling retreat from international leadership, as we've seen on climate change, on refugees, on foreign aid and on so many critical issues. Take the lead from the Australians who care so much about this issue that they're willing to stand beside a road on a freezing Canberra morning so that members of this parliament will know that the world banned the bomb during the winter break and that this government must sign up. Indeed, why not take a leaf out of the book of our former colleague Scott Ludlam. Scott travelled to New York at his own expense to join global civil society organisations like the Red Cross and the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, groups who played such a powerful role in achieving this treaty.</para>
<para>Indeed, in the moments I have left, I want to pay tribute to Scott, who poured so much of himself into the campaigns against nuclear weapons, nuclear power and uranium mining. Unlike our former colleague Larissa Waters, who I hope will be with us soon, Scott has indicated he is unlikely to return to the parliament in the near future. So I think it's appropriate that I reflect on his parliamentary career. He won't have the opportunity to do that for himself and, indeed, I suspect, even if he had the opportunity, he wouldn't do it. So I have the great honour of saying a few words about Scott Ludlam.</para>
<para>Scott cut his teeth at the Jabiluka uranium blockade, and when he entered this Parliament he continued the work of Senator Jo Vallentine, a leading voice for so many in the disarmament and peace movements. For years Scott stood with Aboriginal people at Muckaty station in the Northern Territory, who successfully fought off a plan to dump nuclear waste on their sacred land. And throughout his entire time in Parliament he worked to help campaigners achieve the very treaty that I am celebrating here today with so many people across the community.</para>
<para>Of course Scott's work spanned much more than nuclear and uranium issues. He brought a really inspiring vision for what a truly sustainable city should look like, and he fought passionately with his community against destructive projects like the Perth Freight Link, which would have destroyed Perth's Beeliar wetlands. It was such a pleasure to go with him, after the state election in Western Australia, and to plant a tree in those wetlands as a symbol of how we can overturn such a destructive project.</para>
<para>Scott provided a rare voice for those demanding more support for invisible illnesses like chronic fatigue syndrome. He brought unmatched literacy in the modern digital world to this parliament while remaining a fierce advocate for age-old media institutions like community and public broadcasters. His loss will be felt very deeply—somebody who knew the digital world inside out and could speak about it with an authority so sadly lacking in this parliament.</para>
<para>Over and above Scott's work on specific issues, I was humbled by the outpouring of support he received upon announcing his departure. The overwhelming message was that he represented people across the political spectrum. Even those who didn't vote for Scott said they were sad to see him go. In a time of hyper-partisanship and cynicism about politics and politicians, that is a remarkable feat, and something we should all try to emulate.</para>
<para>He was a man of incredible integrity, a man of honour, somebody who was both gentle and firm and whose intellect was unsurpassed. We will dearly miss Scott's voice in our party room, but more importantly, I think he will be missed in this parliament—his considered speeches, his probing questions in Senate estimates, his cheeky sense of humour and the way he represented his WA constituents. Most of all, we will miss his vision for what this country could be, if only we had the leadership to lift us there. Scott, we're going to miss you, buddy. We know you'll continue to do your work in a different way. We know you'll be successful. All the best, Scott. You're a wonderful human being.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Immigration Detention</title>
          <page.no>94</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The crisis in Australia's offshore detention system, our prisons on Manus Island and Nauru, is escalating rapidly. The human rights abuses that Australia, our country, has perpetrated on so many hundreds of people are becoming more egregious by the hour and by the day. Hope, that most precious of feelings, has been dashed from the hearts of so many hundreds of the people that Australia has detained on Manus Island and Nauru over the years. It was dashed again when a transcript of the phone call between Prime Minister Turnbull and Donald Trump—the man who, by the way, conspired with Russia to hack the US election and steal the US presidency—was released. I could not believe it when I read that transcript—our Prime Minister describing Australia's detainees on Manus Island and Nauru as 'economic refugees'. Mr Turnbull, there's no such thing as an economic refugee. You are making stuff up.</para>
<para>But that was by no means the end of the astonishing confessions made by Prime Minister Turnbull in that phone call. We learnt that the US deal obliged the US to take not a single refugee from Manus Island and Nauru. We know that because, when Donald Trump asked Prime Minister Turnbull what about if he didn't take anyone, Mr Turnbull replied, 'That's exactly the point I am trying to make.' Then Donald Trump, described Malcolm Turnbull, as worse than he, Donald Trump, is. You know you are in trouble when probably the world's most renowned racist describes you as worse than he is. Then we had to read of Donald Trump's joy at learning about Australia's immigration framework and suggesting that they should borrow some of it for the US. You know you have an inhumane immigration framework when Donald Trump thinks he should borrow some of it.</para>
<para>When hope is lost you haven't got much left, and that is the situation that many, many hundreds of people find themselves in on Manus Island and Nauru as we sit here tonight. But their words can say it much better than I can. So I am going to read from a letter dated 24 July this year, only a couple of weeks ago, from the men on Manus Island. This was signed by many hundreds of them. I will quote from the letter:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is no safety and security for us in the town as we have experienced time and time again. We have been beaten up, robbed, humiliated and insulted by locals almost every single day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are not going to fight and we are not going to cause any unrest. We are powerless and weak.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our souls are destroyed under your cruel regime of years of torture and trauma by your offshore detention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">You have the army, the police and all of the necessary manpower and equipment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Bring them here and we will line up so you can shoot us to end our misery if you want to force us out.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian citizens and the world are very well aware of this and they know that PNG will not drink a sip of water without Australia's permission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">You are funding this cruel inhumane system and your money is giving the orders here.</para></quote>
<para>That is a letter signed by many hundreds of Australia's detainees on Manus Island.</para>
<para>Australia's actions on Manus Island in cutting off water, cutting off electricity from compounds inside the Lombrum detention centre and progressively demolishing compounds once they have coerced refugees out of them by denying them their basic and fundamental human rights, are creating a human crisis on Manus Island and it's playing out right now as we sit here in this place this evening. There is no safe place for the men on Manus Island other than evacuating them immediately to safety in Australia.</para>
<para>But it's not just Manus Island; it is also Nauru. Here is a letter signed by numerous detainees on Nauru. I will read an excerpt from the letter:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Some of us have children, brothers, sisters, husbands, wives and family in Australia. Our families are heartbroken and devastated from the separation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We stopped protesting in November 2016, when the Prime Minister promised to free us and allow us to go to USA. We felt the life come back into our blood with just a tiny bit of hope and thought of freedom. We are still not free nine months later! We are more tormented than ever because we were tantalised with a glimpse, and then slowly let down, yet again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We have been imprisoned for four years on Nauru. We are punished for our patience and good will ...</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are good people. We just want freedom in a country where we belong ... We are human, we want to be responsible for our own lives.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We cannot take this anymore, the lies and false promises are killing us and destroying our minds and souls.</para></quote>
<para>I met many of the men on Manus Island when I travelled there recently and I'm here to tell you that they are human beings, just like us. They want to work and make a contribution to society, just like we do. They dream of safety and security for themselves and for their families, just like we do. They want to be free, just like we do. They want to enjoy their liberty, just like we do. They want to make choices about their lives, just like we do.</para>
<para>We in this place are the people who have the capacity to help them achieve those dreams, goals and aspirations that they have for their lives. It just needs a majority of people in this place and in the House of Representatives and we can free them. We can evacuate them to safety. We can bring them here where we can look after them, where they can contribute to our society, where they can work, where they can volunteer, and where they can raise their children, love their wives, love their husbands and reunite with their grandparents in some cases. All it takes is a majority of votes in the two houses of the Commonwealth parliament. That's all it would take. I urge people to look into their hearts, look deeply into their consciences and revisit this issue because we have an unfolding humanitarian crisis on our hands. More people—and I use the word 'more' advisedly in this context—are going to die, suffer and lead horrendously compromised and harmed lives if we don't act in this place to save them.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to raise a number of issues that were brought to my attention over the winter break. You might be interested to know that, despite the media's close attention to issues such as marriage equality and politicians' citizenship status, these are not the things that keep Tasmanians up at night. Tasmanians are weathering a tough winter and many are doing it without heating. The cost of electricity has compromised the quality of life of many of my constituents. For my colleagues who have yet to experience a Tasmanian winter, it is just as cold as a Canberra winter. The price of electricity is through the roof and it's not only Tasmanian residents who are affected. It's also put the handbrake on Tasmania's economy. The cost of electricity is enough to cause small and medium businesses to go under and deter new investment. Tasmania's Premier has the power to change this. If it's within his power to give electricity deals to industry players, it's within his power to give relief to the many disadvantaged Tasmanians. I'm not sitting on my hands waiting around for Premier Hodgman to fix the problem. When Prime Minister Turnbull announced in March a feasibility study into the expansion of the pumped hydroelectric storage in the Snowy Hydro, known as Snowy 2.0, I knew it was my chance to improve electricity costs for Tasmanians. I call it Tassie Hydro 2.0. My vision for Tasmania is that it will play a vital part in ensuring energy security for Australia and be an economic advantage. Tasmania is almost 100 per cent renewable and hydro provides a base-load power. There is absolutely no excuse for Tasmanian power prices to be as high as they are, yet, year on year, power prices just keep climbing in Tasmania.</para>
<para>After the Snowy 2.0 announcement, I promptly wrote to the Prime Minister requesting that a similar feasibility study be conducted in Tasmania. Prime Minister Turnbull heard my call and, now, through the Australian Renewable Energy Agency, ARENA, the government is supporting a few feasibility studies into the best ways hydro can expand. Firstly, the government will look at the feasibility of improving existing assets, which will focus on whether it is worth redeveloping hydrogeneration facilities nearing the end of their life, such as Gordon and Tarraleah.</para>
<para>Secondly, pumped hydro-energy storage will be considered, which will look at using existing assets to support pumped hydro, end or new pumped opportunities, independent of existing assets. Thirdly, the opportunity for Tasmania to provide storage for the national energy market will be considered. This feasibility study will look into Tasmania's capacity to provide battery or storage capacity in the future, which will build the case for a second Basslink Interconnector. If the feasibility study stacks up, which I believe it will, then it is under these conditions that I will support a second Basslink Interconnector and greater investment in renewable energy in Tasmania. A second Basslink cable represents Tasmania's capacity to capitalise on its assets and the things it does well—clean, green, reliable energy.</para>
<para>The government has also assured me that it is investing in a number of other projects beyond Hydro Tasmania that can only improve energy security and decrease costs for customers. These projects include, firstly, developing an online wave energy atlas to make it easier to assess the feasibility of wave power. Secondly, it will develop consumer energy systems to provide cost-effective grid support, which will allow consumers with battery systems to support the electricity network and reduce the need for diesel-generated power in times of crisis—similar to what we saw in Tasmania last year, when a series of unfortunate events coincided, the main one being the Hodgman government's mismanagement of hydrowater reserves. Thirdly, it will develop renewable projects on King Island and Flinders Island, such as solar, PV, wind, biodiesel, combined with storage to reduce the need for diesel-generated electricity.</para>
<para>Tassie Hydro 2.0 has the potential to expand Tasmania's renewable energy capacity without increasing the cost to Tasmanian residents and businesses. I would like to take this time to thank the Prime Minister for listening to my representations and seeing what I see, that Tasmania is an important piece of the energy security puzzle.</para>
<para>My resolve to see a healthy welfare card rolled out has been strengthened after a recent visit to another trial site—Kununurra, Western Australia—during the winter break. I met with many groups and many people on the ground. I heard about the services that were made available during the trial and I saw for myself the problems that the card was designed to address. I witnessed the affect of drugs and alcohol abuse on these communities, with the lack of jobs and the lack of opportunity creating a sense of helplessness that is causing kids as young as eight to attempt suicide.</para>
<para>I have seen firsthand the positive difference the healthy welfare card has made. If coupled with more services, resources and jobs, the healthy welfare card could be exactly what Australia needs to break the intergenerational welfare dependency cycle—something that is unprecedented. When the Liberal government chose to run with the healthy welfare card, I was impressed. I was impressed that it put policy above politics. But as the government's popularity dropped in the polls, I could see its resolve waver. A government that is a slave to the poll is a government that lacks leadership to make real, effective change.</para>
<para>Many community leaders have asked for the healthy welfare card to be implemented. Those who were against a healthy welfare card are people who do not understand the impact intergenerational welfare dependency has had and the sense of hopelessness that goes along with it. Australia is on borrowed time in this area. Today, the ABC shared the story of Lockhart River Aboriginal Shire Council Mayor Wayne Butcher, who is pleading for the healthy welfare card to be implemented in his community in Queensland. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The worst thing is the children are suffering. … You start to see children wandering the streets because the carers have different priorities. … We've got to remember that money is not for the parents or carers—that money belongs to the children and it needs to be spent on health and education.</para></quote>
<para>Councillor Butcher's story is a familiar one, and it impacts Australians across the board, no matter what colour skin they have. I want to be clear: intergenerational welfare dependency and addiction are problems that are not isolated to Indigenous communities. The healthy welfare card must be used to break the cycle across the board. At the very least, for a starter, the healthy welfare card should be rolled out to young people under 18 on youth allowance. Not all families can teach kids how to budget, but a healthy welfare card would give these kids a head start on learning financial literacy. When you make it harder for kids to engage in underage drug and alcohol abuse, you make it easier for those people as adults to get an education, a job and a future, and you hit at the heart of organised crime—two for the price of one.</para>
<para>I would like to take this moment to outline my backing for a second prison in Tasmania to be established in the north of the state. The state Labor Party intends to pursue a second prison if elected in the upcoming election, and I urge my Tasmanian federal colleagues to throw their support behind their proposal. In Tasmania we have one prison, Risdon. Risdon prison is on the outskirts of Hobart in south Tasmania and is under immense pressure. Prisoners are packed in like sardines, and it is difficult for family and friends from the north of the state to easily visit. A second prison at the other end of the state would ease the pressure on Risdon, its residents and its staff. I also believe that prisoners who are surrounded by the strong support network of their family have a better chance of rehabilitating and a lower chance of reoffending.</para>
<para>From an economic perspective, a second prison in Tasmania would create more jobs in northern Tasmania, where the unemployment rate, as of June this year, was close to seven per cent, compared to the national average of 5.6 per cent. And don't get me started on the underemployment rate!</para>
<para>Since the Tasmanian Liberal government has been in power, it has undermined the interests of Tasmanians time and time again. The Tasmanian government was presented by SubPartners with an opportunity to invest in the state's economy and build the foundations for new industry in the form of a submarine fibre cable connected to the mainland. I have been told that connecting to this cable would allow existing businesses to expand and to attract large-scale data investment into Tasmania. Former CEO of TasICT Dean Winter said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Tasmania's clean energy, skilled workforce, cool climate and low security risks are already attractive attributes …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But our downfall has always been the cost of data transfer on and off island and inadequate redundancy.</para></quote>
<para>This was a $20 million down payment on the state's cybersecurity, critical infrastructure, attractiveness to investors and future economic development—a small price to pay for Tasmanian industry to participate in the 21st century. Today, ICT minister for Tasmania Michael Ferguson told the media that the cable negotiation with SubPartners had broken down, but I suspect, and probably know, there is a lot more to the story. Even if SubPartners presented a different deal from the original, as Minister Ferguson stated in the <inline font-style="italic">Mercury</inline> today, why didn't the government jump at the original deal instead of waiting three years? I can only assume that the Tasmanian Liberal government had no intention of allowing this idea to be a success—that the state government wanted the negotiations to fail, doing everything possible to damage the process, including not permitting negotiation until the deadline was almost past and making impossible counter-offers. This is a government that cares more about a surplus than growing its state's economy. And when I sent urgent correspondence to the Prime Minister urging him to intervene to ensure that Tasmania could participate more readily in global markets, I received no response. This is just another example of the Liberal Party's contempt for Tasmania and its residents.</para>
<para>The state Liberal government will go to the next election crowing that it returned the budget to surplus. Wow! Whoopy-do! At what cost? I can tell you now: the surplus came at the cost of the Tasmanian economy, the Tasmanian public health system and the Tasmanian people. I wonder if Tasmanians feel they have got any benefit from the Liberal government whatsoever. I am still hearing horror stories—and I imagine they will continue—from constituents about their encounters with Tasmania's emergency departments. Patients are still waiting too long to see specialists. The state Liberal government can do all the political spin it likes, but it has not delivered a better public health system. In fact, it's made it worse.</para>
<para>The Liberal government certainly hasn't gone out of its way to begin developing new industries such as data investment, which this cable would have done. There is very little evidence the Liberal government has created meaningful employment; the only growing trend is toward casual jobs. Progress is a matter not of if but of when. The cable will only be a matter of time. The Hodgman government let the window of opportunity pass and guaranteed that in the future it will cost the state a lot more.</para>
<para>Tasmania is at a crossroads. The Bass Strait was always intended to be part of the national highway. In 1996, then Prime Minister John Howard made this promise and implemented it: driving down the cost of crossing the Bass Strait. Business in Tasmania boomed, but since then the commitment to equalise the cost of crossing the Bass Strait has been deteriorated by successive governments, to the point where the cost of travelling across the Bass Strait by ship is prohibitive and business is strangled by freight costs. Even the Tasmanian Freight Equalisation Scheme doesn't support travel groups or north-bound transport. The sad truth of it is that the extra $200 million I got for the Freight Equalisation Scheme hasn't been touched, so there is scope now, and there is no excuse not to include north-bound and passenger travel. We need a Bass Strait solution and we need the tourists. We need a solution that will encourage greater investment in Tasmania and create greater jobs, and a solution that will support Tasmania's manufacturing industry and create new apprenticeship positions.</para>
<para>We are at the point where the state government needs to start thinking and saving for alternative solutions to the <inline font-style="italic">Spirit of Tasmania</inline> for its passenger and freight services across the Bass Strait. The industry is calling for new routes, including the often overlooked King Island. The federal opposition agreed a catamaran could be part of the Bass Strait solution when Bill Shorten supported my call for a feasibility study just over two years ago. The government supported a catamaran as a viable Bass Strait solution when Prime Minister Turnbull finally agreed to back a feasibility study and a business case in June this year. A commitment in writing earlier this year stated, 'Following a detailed request from the parties behind the proposal, the government would be in a position to commit to a business case.' If a feasibility study into utilising catamarans across the Bass Strait has industry support, federal government support and federal opposition support, what are the state Liberal government and Premier Hodgman doing? If countries all over the world are interested in and using Tasmanian catamarans, why doesn't the state government have the same enthusiasm for Tasmanian product and the jobs that are bound to follow?</para>
<para>I reckon the only group of Australians less trusted than bankers are politicians, but the effect of that gradual erosion of trust is serious. It has a serious effect on the ability of people in this house to make a difference. That's the reason I and others in this chamber have called for a federal ICAC since day one. I'm sorry to say it, but the reason why these political parties take money from foreign donors is the same reason why they can't be trusted to put an ICAC in place. They can't be trusted to do what's needed, because they're more interested in doing what's best for their bank balance than what's best for the country. When it blows up in their faces, they suddenly support reform.</para>
<para>In the meantime, every controversy garners more public support for a federal corruption watchdog. When it's a Labor politician caught up in a scandal, people don't just think, 'Better vote for the Liberals instead.' They don't hear about a Liberal caught up in a scandal and think, 'Labor's got my vote.' When it comes to even a whiff of political corruption, neither of the major parties passes the pub test. In the eyes of the public, the parties are guilty of looking after numero uno first and foremost. The average Aussie battler—pensioners, students and the unemployed—doesn't even get a look in. For too long, the major parties have been locked in a comfortable conspiracy of silence. They haven't wanted to touch the system of handling foreign donations, because they have profited from it themselves. It's a stunning example of the political elite deciding to put their political interests ahead of the national interest.</para>
<para>If political donations are not enough of a reason to establish a federal ICAC, former Liberal minister Bruce Billson's case might persuade you. The ABC reported just tonight that Bruce Billson was collecting a salary from a lobby group, the Franchise Council of Australia, while still a member of parliament. No wonder the public has lost trust in the political class.</para>
<para>The world faces big challenges right now. We need to be guided by principle now more than ever, and we need to be seen to be doing so. But instead we see politicians on both sides locked in a dirty deal where they profit from the same corrupt system, so long as nobody rocks the boat. What happened to being better? When did this job become about being less worse than the other team? A federal ICAC would not solve all the problems or reassure all the public's fears about the influence of foreign donors on the political class, but if it helps to restore confidence in the ability of politics to be a force for good in people's lives then it is worth doing, 100 per cent. That can only happen if it is given the teeth to do its job.</para>
<para>People all around the world are sick to death of politics and politicians. When it comes to politics, business as usual is on the nose. It is not hard to sniff out why: because the taxpayer is being played for a mug. Politics has to get its act together. How do we do that? It's simple: we introduce a federal ICAC—one that is funded adequately and appropriately, and with the powers needed to hold politicians to account once and for all. It is time to make examples. This is the only proposal that is constitutional, reasonable and effective. It would demonstrate to the public a new commitment to integrity and independence—and, by God, we need it! That is what is needed, and that is what the public deserve.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>98</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McALLISTER</name>
    <name.id>121628</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In July I visited Jordan with the Australian Aid and Parliament Project MP learning tour. I am grateful to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and Save The Children for making this trip possible. What I saw confirms the importance and the urgency of boosting Australian aid programs, and I want to talk about that tonight.</para>
<para>The civil war in Syria has created a human tragedy with enormous impact on children. In 2015, the world reeled at the image of the drowned Syrian toddler, Alan Kurdi, washed up on a Turkish beach. In 2016, we were shocked and saddened by the ash-and-blood-covered five-year-old, Omran Daqneesh, sitting in mute trauma in the back of an ambulance after an Aleppo air strike. I feel very grateful that in 2017 my memory of a Syrian child will be one of hope: a 14-year-old girl called Marwa, who is a refugee in Jordan.</para>
<para>All these children deserve more from us. We have the ability to help and we know that aid makes a huge difference to their lives and to their futures. Everything I saw, both inside and outside refugee camps, indicates the positive results of humanitarian projects. It makes me proud that Labor is committed to increasing Australia's international aid.</para>
<para>We visited the Zaatari camp in Jordan. It currently holds 80,000 refugees, and 44,000 of those refugees are children. It is in the desert. The residents are housed in a mix of tents, corrugated iron structures and housing made from shipping containers. It is in a grid system of dirt roads. In the desert the temperature reaches 40 degrees routinely, although I can tell you that it feels a lot hotter. Above these improvised homes, large plastic water tanks and powerlines bring essential services to support the 80,000 people who are living there. It is a place where you see the enormous scale of the Syrian tragedy. Many of the little children who live here were born here. They have known no other home. The number of children born in Zaatari is now 7,000. It is a powerful statistic which shows how long this crisis has gone on.</para>
<para>This camp is now five years old. I met a group of little boys in the camp—little boys actually about the same age as my eldest child. Instead of being in school, these children worked to help to support their families. They worked as labourers, they delivered groceries. But in the afternoon, the boys attend a literacy and numeracy program that is run by UNICEF and Save The Children, and it is designed for children who need to work. I asked them how many of them expected to return to school, and just one put up his hand. The others all explained to me that it is difficult; it is difficult because work makes it hard to get to school.</para>
<para>In this context, it's important that the program run by UNICEF does not just teach them literacy and numeracy, but educates them on their basic human rights and teaches them skills that might allow them to move away from dangerous work, such as labouring or working with agricultural equipment, towards safer forms of work. So the children are learning how to fix mobile phones; they're learning how to work in hairdressers or barber shops and to find other safer forms of employment.</para>
<para>There is a real threat that the severe interruption to education experienced by these very young children will leave a whole generation in permanent poverty. These boys, and children like them, are often referred to as 'the lost generation', but the education programs we saw delivered by amazing professionals, amazing volunteers, seek to ensure that these children are not excluded from economic opportunity. They really do seek to ensure they can build a future.</para>
<para>Last week UNICEF provided an update on the Syrian crisis and its enormous impact on Syria's children. Of the five million Syrian refugees, almost half are children. Six million children remain inside Syria with its ongoing civil war. There are three million Syrian refugees in Turkey, and almost half of those refugees are children. That is almost 1.5 million children. There are 660,000 Syrian refugees in Jordan; half of them are children. There are 100,000 children under five years of age. There are 209,000 Syrian refugees in Egypt, and most of them are children—over 170,000 of them—and 3,000 of those children are unaccompanied. These millions of displaced children create a huge demand for resources and funding for child protection, health and hygiene and, of course, for education.</para>
<para>In the midst of these overwhelming statistics, I had the pleasure of meeting a young girl called Marwar, who lives in Jordan's capital, Amman. Like many children, Marwar needs to work to help her family. Her father was badly injured in the Syrian civil war. She cleans and makes drinks for customers in a beauty salon. For two years, because of her family's circumstances, while she was very young, she had to stop going to school. With financial support from Care International—support from international aid—she has been able to return to education. She is now in year 8 and she is like most of the other year 8 kids we might meet in our electorates. She tells us she's happy to be back at school. She thinks she might like to be a lawyer or an engineer when she grows up. She is a beautiful, strong young woman—the kind of young woman that would make any parent proud. With the assistance that she's receiving from the program she's enrolled in, the hope is she will reach her educational and personal potential.</para>
<para>The number of displaced adults and children around the world is at record levels. The UNHCR reports 65.6 million people around the world have been forced from home. The figure has almost doubled in 20 years. Of these displaced people, nearly 22.5 million are refugees, and more than half are children. Often the countries that are absorbing hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions, of people fleeing conflict have received few extra resources and they have a limited capacity to support them. In Jordan, we only saw a small part of the impact of this, of the largest displacement of people since the Second World War. We saw that these adults and these children had experienced great trauma, great loss and hardship, and they require substantial assistance. We saw aid projects that are effective and are making a difference; we saw that international involvement is helping host nations to adopt better laws, such as Jordan's vote last week to finally abolish a law that absolves rapists who marry their victims.</para>
<para>In this context, the cuts to Australia's aid budget are unconscionable. We need to shoulder our share of the responsibility to help. Aid matters. But this government has cut the aid budget to the Middle East and Africa by 83 per cent since taking office. This is not a position that Labor supports. We went to the last election with a commitment to reversing the government's $224 million cut to the aid budget and to providing an additional $40 million each year. We also committed to an additional $450 million over three years to support humanitarian projects through the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. In this time of crisis, with more people than ever displaced from their homes, Labor proposes to almost double Australia's annual humanitarian intake.</para>
<para>The impact on countries near war zones and humanitarian crises, such as Jordan and Turkey, is acute. They are straining to care for millions of extra people. We need to increase our efforts to assist them to meet this challenge. I feel very grateful that my memory of a Syrian child in 2017 will be Marwar. Her story of escape can give us hope as we admire her determination to go to school in the face of overwhelming loss, trauma and uncertainty. Our job is to help Marwar and the millions of others like her.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>99</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I recently returned from a self-funded fact finding trip to Palestine. As well as visiting Australian aid projects in the West Bank, I met with organisations and Palestinians living inside the 1948 borders of Israel. This was a very informative visit. I do thank Union Aid Abroad and EuroPal for their assistance.</para>
<para>This was not my first trip to Palestine and Israel. In 2013, I visited and met with Palestinians enduring the hardship of decades-long military occupation. The separation wall was already starting to snake its way through the West Bank, dividing communities from their lands and from each other, grabbing even more land for the illegal settlements and for Israel. In 2013, I recognised and admired the resilience of a people who had long been denied justice and who continued to struggle for their rights. What I sensed this time was a growing sense of hopelessness with the peace process, with the rule of international law and with, sadly, the Palestinian leadership. The Palestinians have been left to try and find their own way.</para>
<para>The plight of Palestinian prisoners in the West Bank is something I began to follow closely during the mass hunger strike that took place in April this year. Thousands of Palestinian political prisoners are incarcerated, interrogated and tortured by Israel. Tragically, the Palestine Authority, the PA, also incarcerates, interrogates and tortures political prisoners and shares the obtained intelligence with Israel. The violation of prisoner rights by Israel is endemic; only one of which is the Israeli practice of administrative detention.</para>
<para>Administrative detention is a procedure that allows the Israeli military to imprison individuals indefinitely without charge and without legal recourse. The army can apply for a sentence of six months without having to apply evidence, and that six-month sentence can be renewed and renewed and renewed. There have been cases of prisoners being held for up to eight years under this practice. In July 2017, there were over 6,000 Palestinian political prisoners and, shamefully, 320 were children. Four hundred political prisoners were detained under administrative detention orders. Ten of the prisoners were members of the Palestinian Legislative Council.</para>
<para>I was scheduled to meet Khalida Jarrar, one of the directors of the prisoner rights group Addameer and a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council. A vocal critic of the PA, Khalida was arrested during a pre-dawn raid on her home a week before I arrived. I have since heard that she was sentenced to six months administrative detention due to her membership of a political organisation—a political organisation that Israel has deemed illegal. Almost all political organisations, however, are considered illegal by Israel.</para>
<para>In 2004, the International Court of Justice ruled that the wall being constructed by the Israeli state in the West Bank was illegal. The ruling determined that the wall was unjustified on security grounds and constituted a violation of human rights. No stranger to violating international law, Israel has continued building the wall and annexing even more land for the illegal settlements that continue to spread. While I was there looking at the wall, I also found Banksy's Walled Off Hotel. I recommend that people who go to Palestine visit this area, because, very quickly they will get a sense of the crimes that are being committed in this area and will be extensively informed.</para>
<para>Al-Walaja village, originally part of the Jerusalem district, was seized by Israel in 1949. The village was seized by Israelis in 1960, and the Palestinians re-established their homes on their agricultural lands. In 1948, the village was around 1,800 hectares. It has subsequently shrunk to 450 hectares. Nearly half of that will be cut off from the villagers by the separation wall—and I have to say: the word 'wall' doesn't do justice to how offensive it is and the damage and crimes it commits by the way it separates villagers and robs people of their land. The wall runs close to the houses in al-Walaja and, once complete, will completely encircle the village. Over 2,000 villagers will be cut off from their farmlands and from access to Jerusalem.</para>
<para>I visited the home of Omar Hajajleh. He is a local at the al-Walaja village. Sitting in his village overlooking the valley, the sounds of the large machinery pounding the cement panels into place for the wall could not be ignored. Omar's home is the only house in the al-Walaja village that will remain on the side that Israel has claimed. His papers date back to the Ottoman Empire and his home was built before 1967, which usually affords some form of protection, even under Israeli law. But not here. After refusing multiple offers from Israeli authorities to sell his home—which is quite understandable—Omar and his family were subject to repeated intimidation by the Israeli authorities and army in an attempt to get him to move.</para>
<para>Omar's children were hit by Israeli police, and his eight-year-old son suffered a wound when he was hit by the butt of an Israeli soldier's gun. He required 13 stitches. The boy's mother suffered a miscarriage after she was beaten by an Israeli soldier. This is from what some describe as the world's 'most moral army'. For Omar the intimidation did not end with those attacks on his family. Explosives were intentionally detonated close to his house, damaging the foundations. One morning Omar woke to find his home flooded with water from an Israeli-built pipe, which caused even more damage. This was the description Omar gave to me and other colleagues who visited his home. Israel refused to allow the family to repair the house that was near collapse. But the Israeli authorities were not successful.</para>
<para>But despite all the hardship you see and, at times, the hopelessness you feel, when you tour this area, there are times when you are inspired. The story of Omar, Omar's family and how he has stood up to the Israeli authorities and kept his house—his most beautiful garden with the goats underneath was just delightful—is a story that shows how the world is standing up to the crimes being committed against Palestinians and to stop Palestinian self-determination. French supporters came and lived in Omar's house while the necessary repairs were being carried out. That was a wonderful act of solidarity that has given Omar and his family a new lease of life. The Israeli authorities, however, continue to go to extraordinary lengths to get Omar out of his house. They've put all this pressure on him to relinquish his home, but they have not succeeded.</para>
<para>However, the outcome is still not good for Omar's family. Yes, he's got his home, and it has been rebuilt in a very safe way, but a separation wall will be built to encircle Omar's house. This means Omar and his family will be cut off from their village. Supporters and villagers have agitated that they be given access to the village. What that has resulted in is a tunnel. Believe it or not—it is an extraordinary story—the Israeli authorities have built a tunnel so that Omar can get access to the village. But once the wall is complete, the tunnel will be blocked off with a gate. Yes, Omar will be given a key, but he cannot have any visitors, apart from his sister. Nobody can stay at his home. He has to use that tunnel to gain access to his own village—a ridiculous situation. So the outcome still is isolation. Any capacity for a normal life, as normal as one may have under a brutal military occupation, will be lost. Omar told me that an occupier cannot understand the meaning of 'homeland', that a coloniser cannot understand how deep his relationship is with the land and that it cannot be understood through money. He described this to me has we were standing on his verandah, looking over a huge expanse of land and a valley, where he pointed out where the olive groves and orchards of his family and his village used to be, which have now been taken by the Israeli authorities.</para>
<para>I also visited a Palestinian Bedouin village in the Negev valley, under imminent threat of demolition. This was a terrible experience. Despite being citizens of the Israeli state, these Bedouins are afforded little in the way of citizenry rights. According to Israeli law, 50 families can establish a town. This works in favour of illegal settlers establishing new settlements in the West Bank. The 1,500-strong village I visited is not recognised. That's the official language, 'Not recognised'. This means they are not connected to any water or power grids and are under constant threat of demolition. I saw for myself the demolished houses. It is shameful to demolish anybody's home, we know that. But under these circumstances, when people already have so little—what a crime! The Bedouins have been in the region since before the Ottoman occupation, yet the Israeli practice of ethnically cleansing the land continues. At the Bedouin village I visited, protests had been ongoing for months. Sadly, I saw so many of these demolished houses. The Bedouins I spoke to told me the Israeli authorities are trying to force them to change their lifestyle and traditions, to have all the Bedouin communities live in one village. Where that village would finally be located, the Israeli authorities have never disclosed.</para>
<para>The signs of an impending settlement being built were all there where you were standing in this Bedouin village. Land in the village had been cleared and flattened, the roads leading to the village are being resurfaced. That may not sound unusual when I speak about it here, but sealed roads and Palestinian villages do not go together. It is an unusual sight, as roads going to any Palestinian villages inside the 1948 borders of Israel are rarely surfaced. When you visit Palestinian villages, the thing you would remember is how dusty they are because of the unsealed roads. We also saw pipes leading to the village, which we suspected were water pipes about to be connected. The village has been there for over 60 years, without services being provided. Now that they're being forced to move on, it is hardly likely that the infrastructure is being put in for the Palestinians, the Bedouins. One of the Bedouin representatives I spoke to viewed this infrastructure as more proof of Israel's intention to take their land and demolish more homes.</para>
<para>I met with Subhi Shaban, who lives in Dahmash, a small village 15 kilometres out of Tel Aviv, not far away from the centre of that city. Despite being Israeli citizens and paying taxes, the residents of Dahmash receive no services from the Israeli government. An organisation actually built a playground there in 2006 for the children, who have no green space, but, not long after, the playground was demolished by Israeli authorities. Subhi Shaban is from Beisan, a village that was forcibly depopulated and occupied by Jewish militia, weeks before the declaration of the state of Israel in 1948. In the 1950s, the Israeli authorities granted the land of Dahmash to the Palestinians. By now, they were actually Israeli citizens. This land was given to them as a means of compensation for the lands they had been forced off and were not allowed to reclaim. However, the Israeli government now claims that, as the land of Dahmash is zoned agricultural land, the villagers cannot construct their homes there. The authorities are demolishing homes one by one.</para>
<para>What a saga! You lose your village. You move on. You're given land. You become an Israeli citizen. But then your homes are demolished. I saw the homes demolished. I saw the worry. That day, this wonderful elderly man's daughter was getting married. He'd given some time to talk to us in the morning. He started to cry when he was so worried about the future for his children. Israel carries out house demolitions on a regular basis. Over 20,000 Palestinians are currently subject to house demolition orders. Subhi and his family live and run a business from their home in Dahmash. A 20-year court battle has now reached the High Court. The case has been postponed, but for Subhi and his family the looming threat of losing their homes and livelihood is very real.</para>
<para>It was shocking to see the remnants of homes already demolished in the village. Two years ago, Israeli police arrived in the village at 3.00 am. That's so often the time Israeli military and police raid homes and villages. They sealed off the homes of the other residents, forbidding them to leave. Within two hours bulldozers had torn through five homes. Eighty members of one family were left homeless in a few hours. This is how Israel carries out home demolitions. This has been happening to thousands of Palestinians who are citizens of Israel, and this is still happening.</para>
<para>In 2013 I was able to visit Gaza, already six years into a gripping siege. This year I put forward requests to the foreign minister's office to assist me to enter Gaza to visit Australian-funded aid projects. I was ultimately given a blanket no, which was disappointing. I was, however, able to meet with organisations that run projects inside Gaza. The reports I received were devastating. Gaza, rightly referred to as the world's largest open-air prison, is the most extreme example in our time of collective punishment. Two million Palestinians, the overwhelming majority of whom are refugees from the 1948 occupation of Palestine, have been subject to large-scale military assaults from Israel that have killed thousands and permanently injured thousands more. The assaults in 2009, 2012 and 2014 destroyed over 220,000 homes, and many Palestinians in Gaza remain homeless to this day.</para>
<para>In March 2017 the UN warned that 97 per cent of Gaza's water was unfit for domestic use. Fifty per cent of children are now exposed to parasites in the water. The high salt content of the water significantly increases the risk of kidney disease and associated cancer, and there are so many children who have kidney stones. The trauma of living under this 10-year siege is very real. The mental and physical health of the entire population of Gaza is impacted by the Israeli blockade. In June 2017, at the request of the Palestinian Authority, Israel began to cut Gaza's power supply. The disruption to power has been an ongoing problem for the besieged strip for the past 20 years, but this current escalation is deadly—and I use that word most emphatically. Israel now supplies only three hours of electricity to Gaza each day, and sometimes it is even less than that. That is three hours or less of electricity for two million people.</para>
<para>Speaking to the ABC in June this year, Robert Piper, the UN's top humanitarian official for Gaza, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A further increase in the length of blackouts is likely to lead to a total collapse of basic services, including critical functions in the health, water and sanitation sectors …</para></quote>
<para>Piper continued, saying that more and more untreated sewerage is entering the sea because there isn't enough energy to treat it properly. This was in June. Nearly two months on, I understand the situation is deteriorating further. Two million Palestinians are being held hostage in this dirty form of warfare. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, an occupying power must respect the fundamental human rights of a territory's inhabitants and ensure sufficient hygiene and public health standards, as well as the provision of food and medical care, to the population under occupation. According to the United Nations, regardless of the 2005 so-called withdrawal and the Egyptian-controlled Rafah border, Gaza is considered occupied by Israel. It does not matter that Israel does not have soldiers based inside the strip; Israel retains effective control, and under international law is therefore responsible for the population inside Gaza. And look at how they're living. Consider how little we hear about it. These crimes are extreme.</para>
<para>There was so much more that I saw and learnt of the violations carried out by the state of Israel in the days I spent in the region: the crippling of the Palestinian economy, the withholding of bodies from families as a form of collective punishment, the destruction and desecration of sites holy to the Palestinians, the imprisonment of children as young as eight, stories of protesters being shot and killed with live bullets, and charging Palestinians in the West Bank three times more for water than the illegal Israeli settlers.</para>
<para>The violation of international laws and human rights abuses carried out by Israel are not new and they are not unknown. We cannot say that we do not see. The Australian government continues to be on the wrong side of history in the failure to recognise and address this ongoing catastrophe. It's getting worse with every year, and we do have a clear responsibility to speak up.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 21:41</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>102</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>114</page.no>
        <type>AUDITOR-GENERAL'S REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>114</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Government Response to Report</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>