
<hansard version="2.2" noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd">
  <session.header>
    <date>2017-06-13</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>3</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
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          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a type="" href="Chamber">Tuesday, 13 June 2017</a>
          </span>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Stephen Parry)</span> took the chair at 12:30, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
        </p>
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          <span class="HPS-Line"> </span>
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    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does any senator wish to have the question put on any of those proposals? There being none, we will proceed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>REGULATIONS AND DETERMINATIONS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>REGULATIONS AND DETERMINATIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Disallowance</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to make a statement to explain why I was not in the chamber for the vote on the motion to disallow the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>At the time when the division on the motion to disallow the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 was called, I was absent from the Senate chamber due to a missed communication between staff regarding where I was required to be and when. Channels of communication have since been amended to better meet the level of service I expect and the level of service the people of Tasmania, who I represent, deserve. I ultimately accept responsibility for the failure to attend the division, and for that I am sorry. Had I been in the chamber, I would have voted in favour of the disallowance motion. I apologise for the inconvenience caused to the Senate.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to have the vote on the motion to disallow the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 taken again.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the—</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just a moment. What may assist the chamber, Senator Di Natale, is that Senator Fifield jumped to his feet at the same time as you did, and I called you first. Senator Fifield may assist the process. I think he needs to seek clarification or make a statement. So, if the Senate is happy, I will call Senator Fifield. There is no objection to that? Then you can come back to your cause if you seek to suspend standing orders. Are you happy with that course of action, Senator Di Natale?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It depends where it goes next.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, I will not allow your right to be impinged, if I can put it that way.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President, I seek leave to speak on the matter that Senator Lambie raised.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. I think all colleagues acknowledge and recognise the precedents and practice in this place that, if a senator has missed a vote through misadventure, they come to the table at the earliest opportunity and give an explanation as to the reason that they were unable to attend the vote, and then the Senate chamber will take that into consideration in determining whether a matter should be recommitted.</para>
<para>There are a few points that I should make for the benefit of colleagues. The first is that that disallowance motion was on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> for 15 days, so that was well known to colleagues. Also, there was a time management motion in place to ensure that that particular motion was dealt with before the Senate rose for the break. I heard and colleagues heard Senator Lambie indicate that there was a miscommunication in the office. I should draw the attention of colleagues to a quote from BuzzFeed the day after the vote, which quoted Senator Lambie as saying that she had abstained from the vote because she still had concerns about the unintended consequences and did not feel like she had enough information.</para>
<para>It is possible that news organisations can, on occasion, perhaps, not give an accurate reflection of what a colleague says. I am not suggesting that that is the case at this time, but if it is the case—that that is not an accurate reflection of the conversation that Senator Lambie had with BuzzFeed—it would be incumbent on Senator Lambie to state to this chamber that that is the case. I would also expect, if that were the case, that Senator Lambie would have contacted the media organisation to ask them to amend what they had, accordingly. None of us were a party to that conversation, so we do not know where the matter lies, in that regard.</para>
<para>The second point I would make, in relation to that particular vote, is that the convention is that a senator come to the chamber at the earliest opportunity to give an account as to why they had a misadventure. The vote in question took place at 4.15 pm. The Senate was sitting that day until 10.45 pm. Taking out the two-hour dinner break the Senate was in session for 4½ hours after that particular vote took place. I am not aware of a situation where a senator has sought to have a vote recommitted, in the case of an alleged misadventure, other than very shortly after the vote took place and certainly no later than the day itself that the vote took place.</para>
<para>I would say to you, Mr President, and to colleagues that if what took place was an abstention, abstentions are not something that can be used as a placeholder until a colleague determines the position that they would like to take and then give effect to it by way of a recommittal. None of us were party to the conversation between the senator and BuzzFeed so we do not know where the situation lies. It is always the disposition of this place to take what colleagues say at face value. I thought it nevertheless important to bring to colleagues the intention of something that was on the public record.</para>
<para>Even if we put that particular matter aside, it is not appropriate for a recommittal to take place other than in a circumstance where a colleague indicates misadventure at the earliest opportunity after the substantive vote has been taken and, at least, on the day itself that the vote occurred. There were 4½ hours of the chamber sitting. I do acknowledge that the 'no divisions after four o'clock' rule was in place; however, that still does not stop a colleague from coming into this place to indicate that they have had an issue and to explain this to the chamber at that time.</para>
<para>My submission to colleagues is that the fact this was not drawn to the intention of the chamber immediately after the vote, and not even on the day itself, in a situation where this was on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> for 15 days and where there was a time-management motion in place means that, on this occasion, the petition of the colleague should not be acceded to.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, just before I call you again, I think it important we deal with the issue of the personal explanation and I am going to invite any other senator—or, indeed, Senator Lambie—if they wish to respond or make any further statement. There being no further response on that matter I call Senator Di Natale.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to have the vote on the motion to disallow the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 taken again.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to contingent notice, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent me moving a motion relating to the consideration of a matter, namely a motion to provide that the question on the motion to disallow the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 be put again immediately.</para></quote>
<para>We have here a disallowance motion that effectively says to people around Australia: if you are suffering from a terminal illness, it is no longer acceptable that you cannot get access to medication that can relieve you of your pain and suffering. We are seeing the chamber express a view that it will no longer stand by and watch the government prevent effective treatment from reaching terminally ill people. We stood here on 11 May, the last sitting day that we had the opportunity to speak to this issue, and I spoke about the patients whose lives would be improved through this disallowance. These are people who are dying. They are people who are suffering. Some of them have intractable nausea. Some of them have pain. Some of them have no appetite. They are people with brain tumours. They are people with cancers. They are people on chemotherapy. They are people who cannot get access to treatment that will relieve them of their pain and suffering. It is shameful that the position of this government is to deny access to treatment to those people who are suffering. Today we are seeing the Greens and, hopefully, the Labor Party and the crossbench coming together and saying: 'We are behind you. We will not make your life harder. We will give you access to treatment that you cannot currently access.'</para>
<para>As I outlined last time when we considered this motion, support for this disallowance motion is effectively support for restoring the existing rights of patients who, by definition, are suffering from life-threatening conditions. We have said on numerous occasions that medicinal cannabis should be treated like other medicines, like other treatments. There are special pathways that give people who are suffering from terminal illnesses access to treatment that may not be available here in Australia. We say that for all other medication. If we are saying that medicinal cannabis is a treatment that can treat symptoms like intractable nausea secondary to chemotherapy, why are we making a special case that says, 'You cannot access this drug through a scheme that allows people to access all other drugs that might not be available here in Australia'?</para>
<para>This disallowance makes two simple changes to the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 to restore—and again I say 'restore'—the rights of terminally ill patients, rights that were stripped away when the government supported this regulation, so that those people can now access medicinal cannabis products through category A of the TGA Special Access Scheme. This Special Access Scheme is designed to provide a pathway for Australian patients to get access to medicines that are not available to people here in Australia. We are saying: if this medicine is available here in Australia, wonderful, but, if you cannot get access to it right now and you are suffering—you have oesophageal cancer or pancreatic cancer or a brain tumour and you are on heavy-duty chemotherapy drugs and you cannot hold your food down and your quality of life is miserable—that we are going to give you an option to source this drug, to make sure that it provides you with relief from your symptoms.</para>
<para>There are two different categories—category A and category B—and they have got different levels of regulation associated with them. The condition of the patient is very strictly defined in the Special Access Scheme. Under category A, this is who gets access: 'persons who are seriously ill with a condition from which death is reasonably likely to occur within a matter of months, or from which premature death is reasonably likely to occur in the absence of early treatment'. That is why this scheme exists. Why would we abolish this scheme just for medicinal cannabis but keep it open for access to other drugs?</para>
<para>Singling out medicinal cannabis is saying to people that we are treating this medication in a different way to the other life-saving medications that are available in the current category A scheme. I say to this chamber: support this treatment and support the patients who are suffering right now.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will not go over at length what I said in my earlier contribution other than to indicate to colleagues that recommittal is not something that is appropriate to use as a device in a circumstance where an outcome in this chamber is not what colleagues moving a motion would have liked. Recommittal, as a mechanism by convention, is one that is sought by a particular colleague where they have had a misadventure that has prevented them getting to the chamber to vote. That is something that is usually indicated to the Senate at the earliest opportunity and certainly at least on the date itself that the substantive vote took place.</para>
<para>As I indicated, there was 4½ hours of time that the Senate was in session after the vote had occurred. The vote that occurred did reflect the will of the chamber and the view of the chamber. If that were not the case then that is a matter that should have been brought to the attention of the Senate on the day on which the substantive vote occurred. That did not happen and for those reasons and for those that I outlined in my contribution by leave when speaking to Senator Lambie's contribution by leave the government will not be supporting this motion.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a few comments as well on this matter, particularly that we will support the suspension of standing orders and support a division on this matter taking place again today. This morning, Senator Lambie explained to the chamber why she was not present when the original motion for disallowance was dealt with on 11 May. Her language to the chamber was that there was a miscommunication with staff that prevented her from being here, that she has addressed that issue in her office and that she also apologises for the inconvenience caused to the Senate. The opposition will take Senator Lambie at her word following her explanation to the chamber and, in accordance with precedent and practice of this place, support this motion being recommitted today.</para>
<para>I note the comments by the government, specifically around the timing. I note that this disallowance was dealt with in the afternoon of the last sitting day and that there was no further opportunity for division that day. I also note and recall previous times where we have supported a recommittal of a vote, most recently with Senators Hanson and Burston over the backpacker tax. I believe an explanation in that case was provided the following sitting day. We supported that despite not having our position reflected once that vote was recommitted. The standing orders certainly allow for this to occur. They are quite clear about the fact that the decisions of the Senate should not be made by misadventure and that a senator who misses a division is expected to make an explanation and an apology to the Senate. That has occurred today, and for those reasons the opposition will be supporting Senator Di Natale's motion to have the motion recommitted today.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will be supporting Senator Di Natale on this issue. I endorse all he said about the suffering patients have gone through who are in need of cannabis oil. I have been to Nimbin several times and I mentioned during the brief debate last time around that you see kids there and you see kids who have hundreds and hundreds of convulsions. This treatment is a magic treatment for them.</para>
<para>You may recall that, back in the last sitting, Senator McGrath tabled a letter to Senator Xenophon at the very last minute, which I did not seen at that time. I have since read that letter. I have had meetings with the health minister, and I sincerely believe that the government had a scare campaign back then to try to conjure up as many crossbench votes as they could get. I was told stories by the government about how, in California, cyanide was causing deaths amongst people taking marijuana. I was told about this dangerous fungus that was being brought into Australia with foreign marijuana. It turned out to be the same fungus you find on rockmelons in the local supermarket.</para>
<para>I think One Nation voted it down because they wanted to protect the local industry. The danger and the problem here is that there is not enough of the local product at this stage. I would vote in support of the Greens on this now, and then, when the local product gets to a quality and a volume that can be sustained without any foreign cannabis oil, I would stand up and vote against the foreigners. But, until then, let's do it now. There are people suffering. I have talked to a man whose wife had her own faeces coming out of her mouth. I have talked to the parents of these kids with convulsions.</para>
<para>When I was doing the <inline font-style="italic">Sunday Night</inline> program, I campaigned hard against this ban on cannabis oil. It is a respectable product. It should be legalised. We should be doing all we can to help these kids and these terminally ill people—people like the man with brain cancer I met in Nimbin who has to get this stuff illegally to keep himself without pain. Another man has just done 10 months in jail in New South Wales because he illegally gave cannabis oil to the sick child of a family friend. So I will be supporting it. I hope the other crossbenchers do so too.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One Nation will be supporting the standing orders and also the disallowance motion put up by Senator Di Natale. There is chronic pain, PTSD, asthma, nausea from chemotherapy, schizophrenia, glaucoma, epilepsy, multiple sclerosis, cancer, metabolic syndrome related disorders, anorexia and so many other ailments. Category A patients—better known as terminally ill patients—have One Nation's support to ensure that, if they are dying, the TGA would not veto their right to quality of life. Through this disallowance motion and under the special access scheme, you would have One Nation's support in accessing medical cannabis oil.</para>
<para>We have a terrific raft of Australian producers coming on board, whom I support wholeheartedly. Take, for example, Medifarm in Queensland. They will be growing and producing medical cannabis oil here in Australia within the next 12 months. In the meantime, I will not stand in the way of dying patients' dignity. I will not stand in the way of patients' right to quality of life. I will not stand in the way of a loving parent who is trying to care for their child. I am tired of governments, both state and federal, turning these good people into criminals for the sake of loving decisions.</para>
<para>One Nation did support the government when the last motion was passed. But we have talked to people throughout Australia, and they have made it apparent to us that they want this. I think I was not informed correctly by the government as to the intentions of their bill. Upon reflection, especially regarding access, it is important that Australians who wish to access medicinal cannabis have every right to do so. When they have other drugs that are readily available yet they cannot access medicinal cannabis, I have a big question mark over why that is. Australians have the right to decide for themselves.</para>
<para>I believe in protecting those people who have been granted licences for the growing, manufacturing and production of medicinal cannabis. I think it is very important to Australia that we have this. But, in the meantime, I think Australians have the right, if they have their prescriptions, to access medicinal cannabis. Doctors should be allowed to prescribe it to them for whatever reason they may need it, and I gave a list of ailments earlier in my speech. One Nation and my colleagues will be supporting the motion put up by Senator Di Natale.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Di Natale to suspend standing orders be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [12:58]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>43</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>27</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>3</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Wong, P</name>
                  <name>Brandis, G</name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This now gives the right for Senator Di Natale to move a motion.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question on the motion to disallow the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 be put again immediately.</para></quote>
<para>In fact, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the question be now put.</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the question be now put.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells being rung—</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Is there consensus that the division bell should no longer be run as the division is not required? There being no objection to that course of action, there should be no division. The question now is that the motion moved by Senator Di Natale—that the vote on the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 be recommitted—be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [13:04]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>40</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>30</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am now going to put the question that the Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016 disallowance motion be put. Before I do, I would ordinarily ring the bells for one minute, but, if any senator requires me to ring the bells for more than one minute, I shall ring them for four minutes. I believe the will of the Senate will be satisfied with one minute.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Fifield interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is the disallowance motion; we are now recommitting.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Fifield</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What was the previous? That was to allow—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That was to allow the disallowance motion to be recommitted. Is everyone clear where we are? We are recommitting the disallowance motion of the last sitting. The question is that the motion moved to disallow the regulations be agreed to. Those of that opinion say aye; those against say no. I think the ayes have it. The ayes have it.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The noes—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Di Natale interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Senator Di Natale?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek clarification on the question again, please.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is the disallowance motion you have had recommitted, Senator Di Natale. So the vote was just recommitted.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I did not hear the outcome.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The outcome was that the ayes had it, and the division has now been called for from the noes. Division required; ring the bells for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the disallowance motion be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate/committee divided. [13:10]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>40</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>30</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>8</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>8</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5821">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>8</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on this important piece of legislation, the Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017. This parliament, every day—as we did today—opens with an acknowledgement to the traditional owners of the land on which we stand. In the halls of Parliament House, we appreciate the stunning Indigenous art from all over the country. We have a former Prime Minister who apologised for the stolen generations in this very building.</para>
<para>In beginning my speech today, I want to take the opportunity, as I have many times before, to acknowledge the traditional owners of the land, the Ngunawal and Ngambri people—to acknowledge their elders past and present and to note that sovereignty over this land was never ceded. Let us think about the last part of that sentence, 'this land was never ceded.' It was not ceded—it was taken.</para>
<para>To try and make some reparations for taking this land, this parliament passed the Native Title Act in 1993, and native title has been an important step along the way towards land rights. For such an important act, one would think that any changes would be considered extremely closely and follow proper process: scrutiny, consultation and engagement. But what we are debating today really seems to just fly in the face of that. In fact, it is basically saying: 'Why bother with all that scrutiny at all?'</para>
<para>Here we are in this parliament about to vote on changes to this important act, despite the fact that there has not been enough consideration of the implications of these amendments and that the consultation with Aboriginal people has been anything but full and thorough.</para>
<para>The Greens opposed this bill in the House of Representatives. This bill was introduced and rushed through the House of Representatives pretty soon after the Federal Court decision because of the threat to the Adani mine if the Indigenous land use agreement which covered that mine were found to be invalid. The timing of this bill is about the Adani mine, not about proper consideration of native title. We know that Indigenous owners have made many representations and have raised concerns about the native title legislation and the decisions made under the Bygrave court decision for some time with the government. We know that, despite that, legislation is being rushed through, with an incredibly short time for our Senate inquiry, which was totally inadequate to hear the concerns and to thoroughly debate and understand what the consequences of this legislation are going to be. We as Greens have had concerns about the time frame from the very beginning, and we attempted to extend the reporting date for the inquiry, but unfortunately this was not supported by the Senate. Consequently, submitters did not have enough time to compile their submissions and the committee was only able to have one hearing for such a substantial change to our native title legislation. This is of huge concern, given the complexity of native title arrangements and the significance of these amendments.</para>
<para>A core concern that we have had with this bill and its process has been the lack of adequate consultation undertaken with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. The Greens accept there is a need to address the issues raised by the McGlade decision, but we cannot support this bill until there has been proper consultation with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, communities and organisations and a really thorough consideration of all the consequences of this proposed legislation. Given that has not occurred, I reiterate: why are we here today? Why are we about to vote on this legislation? It has got nothing to do with native title. We are here today to help the Labor and Liberal mates of the Adani coalmine and their dirty polluting, reef-cooking, climate-destroying coalmine. That is why we are here today. It is to support something that goes completely against the interests of Indigenous peoples across this country, of all the peoples of this country and of all the peoples of the world, given the consequences of this coalmine and the carbon pollution that it will entail if this coal is mined.</para>
<para>Acknowledging the traditional owners in this parliament is hollow when you support changing the Native Title Act to favour your mates in a coalmining company over the rights and interests of traditional owners. It is despicable the way that traditional owners are being used as pawns in this debate and how the members of the Wangan and Jagalingou people who dare to disagree with the ILUA that has been made over their land, the destruction of their land by a massive coalmine, have been vilified. These traditional owners have been speaking out over the last week, and probably the most well-informed person in the country about the legal issues involved in this issue and the interaction with Indigenous rights is Tony McAvoy, who is a senior counsel and the first Indigenous silk in the country. He is a Wangan and Jagalingou traditional owner. He was reported on the weekend strongly rejecting the claim that Marcia Langton had made that Indigenous people had become 'collateral damage' as the so-called 'environment industry' hijacked the Adani issue. Mr McAvoy was reported in the article as saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… to suggest that “the greens are puppet masters pulling the strings and we’re somehow puppets” was wildly off the mark and disrespectful to the many families opposing the mine, including his.</para></quote>
<para>His view and that of the other W&J traditional owners is that there is no need to rush the passage of a law that changes how critical issues around Indigenous property rights are dealt with through future land access deals. The other information that has come out since we were debating this in the chamber last month has been about the sham of a process for the supposed approval that was given for the ILUA for the Adani mine. Spokesperson for the W&J Traditional Owners Council, Murrawah Johnson, giving a keynote address at the National Native Title Conference last week, said:</para>
<para>Adani's approach seems to be 'fake it until you make it,' but the reality is they can't and won't proceed in the face of our resistance.</para>
<para>The W&J traditional owners have said that they will bring evidence to the Federal Court hearing that is to be heard in March next year on the Adani ILUA to demonstrate that Adani did not negotiate and achieve the free, prior and informed consent of the W&J people. Murrawah Johnson says that the meeting, which Adani and its barrackers claim achieved consent with a 294 to one vote, was not a true expression of the W&J traditional owners. Over 220 of the attendees at the Adani meeting were people who have never been involved in the W&J claim or decision making. They identify with other nations and claims or do not identify a particular descent line. Many of the people were bussed in and paid for at Adani's considerable expense. The majority of the claim group, which had rejected an ILUA with Adani three times, refused to participate in this stitch up of a meeting. Many members of the claim group stayed away. At least now, with this Adani mine, they have a Federal Court case to be heard in March next year.</para>
<para>But what of the other ILUAs that stand to be retrospectively agreed to where it is clear that there is considerable controversy over them, like the Cape York agreements that were made despite the fact that all of the native title claimants were deceased? Clearly, after the McGlade decision, there is a need for change. Clearly, there need to be changes made to the situation at the moment as to who needs to be involved in an ILUA. We need to listen to the way forward that Tony McEvoy is proposing. He has identified that the problem with the majority approach being proposed in this bill is that, in many native title claims, the claim groups have needed to ensure that each family group or clan is represented within the applicant or registered claimant to protect the differential interests of that family or clan. This is particularly so where one large family or clan can outnumber the other groups, as is often the case. On the bill, as it is presently drafted, that large family or clan, or a group of families or clans, could win a majority vote at a meeting to approve a mine, for instance, over the land or waters of another clan, or over sites for which another family has special rights and responsibilities. This is not a fair, considered, appropriate or just outcome to achieve. What Tony McEvoy asks for, and what the Greens ask for, is a detailed and nuanced approach to amend the Native Title Act that protects rather than undermines the property rights of the various clans and families that make up each native title claim area. McEvoy notes that it:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… must be done with care as the failure to get it right will permit the property rights and interests of particular families and clans to be extinguished or impaired without their consent.</para></quote>
<para>Tony McEvoy says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I encourage the members of federal parliament to take a deep breath, and come to terms with the fact that the property rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people all over Australia will be affected by the proposed amendment to s 24CD of the Native Title Act. This amendment should not be rushed in order to appease some other agenda.</para></quote>
<para>Surely, that is good advice that we would be wise to take. Clearly, action is required. Clearly, amendments are required. But we owe it to ourselves and the Indigenous landowners and native title claimants across the country to be making these changes properly and taking time.</para>
<para>The Greens are committed to working for sovereignty and a treaty with Indigenous Australians, and we know that we will never be at peace with ourselves as a nation until we have achieved a treaty or treaties that recognise the prior occupation and sovereignty of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. This bill goes against all of that. So let's repeat the real reason why we are here today. The real reason why we are here today is not about good governance. It is not about getting things right. It is not about making sure that we have a fair and just process for native title into the future. We are here today to help the Liberal and Labor mates of Adani and their climate disaster mine, and in doing that we will be trashing the rights of traditional owners whose land was never ceded.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LINES</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017 as well, and I want to start by saying this whole debate has got skewed, if you like. This debate started with the successful appeal of the WA Noongar land claim, and that has become known as the McGlade decision. I want to remind people here today that 'McGlade' is not a tagline, and that is what we hear in this place—McGlade this and McGlade that. McGlade is Mingli McGlade, a Western Australian Noongar woman, a proud woman, a woman who used her legal rights to appeal a decision that she felt was not right.</para>
<para>Quite frankly, I am sick of the side arguments here. Let's get back to what is central here, and that is the Noongar land claim, a $1.3 billion claim covering more than 300,000 hectares of the South West of Western Australia—a significant claim. But four people involved in that claim—one of them being Mingli McGlade and the others being Mervyn Eades, Naomi Smith and Margaret Culbong—legitimately appealed that decision. Yes, the unintended consequence of that was that, according to the Turnbull government, it seemingly disrupted other settled ILUAs. Well, we have not seen the evidence of that, and my understanding is that, for that disruption to occur, there needs to be an application. What I want people to focus on today is to get back to the issue at point, and that is the South West Noongar land claim, a significant claim that, if we get it right, will benefit all people in Western Australia, particularly Noongar people and hopefully including the four people who chose to use their rights under whitefella law to appeal a decision that they were not comfortable with. That is what is at the heart of this issue, and 'McGlade' has just become a tagline. People seem to have forgotten that there is a real person behind that.</para>
<para>The point today here is that we have seen the Turnbull government change this native title amendment bill. The way that they have handled this is their usual rushed way. We have seen four amendments. We have seen an absolute lack of consultation. The government gave such a short period of time to the committee inquiry that we had on this decision that it did not even go to Western Australia, where this decision originated. What an insult to the Noongar people of Western Australia to not be able to have the opportunity to come before the committee and put their legitimate grievances! Whether it was the South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council or the group who appealed the decision, they were not given any opportunity to appear before the Senate inquiry, and the responsibility for that absolutely rests squarely at the feet of the Turnbull government. We had the inquiry go to Queensland, yet it did not bother to come to Western Australia, where the Noongar land claim that we are all here today to try to sort through originated.</para>
<para>I know that Senator Dodson and Senator McCarthy have done a lot of work with Western Australian groups, whether they oppose or support the claim, to try to get a reasonable outcome here. But the Turnbull government was so intent on rushing this through to appease someone other than the Noongar people that it refused to have the Senate committee come here.</para>
<para>In passing this bill today, it does not fix what has happened in Western Australia. That still needs to be sorted out. We would be asking the Turnbull government to resource that so that people can sit down properly and sort through a significant claim. It is the biggest claim in Western Australia. It is worth $1.3 billion. Quite frankly, we need to get it right. The Noongar people need to get it right. Everyone involved in that claim needs to be reasonably satisfied at the end of the day that they have had a fair hearing and that their issues have been put on the table. So the Turnbull government needs to resource that to happen. That is what has to happen next. But they are so intent on dealing with all of the side issues raised by this appeal that they have not focused on that. So I would be urging the government to sit down, put some money on the table and work this through. It is very clear to me that we do want this settlement. The vast bulk of Noongar people in Western Australia want this settlement. But, legitimately, people have objected, and that objection has been held up by the Federal Court. So that is the issue we need to focus on. That is what I want it to be brought back to. That is why I remind this Senate today that Mingli McGlade, Mervyn Eades, Naomi Smith and Margaret Culbong are real people with a legitimate grievance, as is the south-west land council. And that is really the issue that needs to be dealt with here today.</para>
<para>Certainly, native title in this country does need a fresh approach. It is far too complicated; it takes way too long. Quite frankly, the Turnbull government is ill-equipped to undertake to get it right in relation to native title. When we look at Western Australia and history of Western Australia, it is disgraceful—in terms of the way, since white colonisation, Aboriginal people in Western Australia have been treated appallingly. I do not want to see this Noongar land claim go the way of so much of the rest of our history in Western Australia where First Nations people are dealt with last. I want to see them front and centre. I want to see them being given the resources to sort this out for themselves. But I do not think that the Turnbull government is equipped to undertake that and to be respectful.</para>
<para>As I said, the amendments are questionable. Nevertheless, the certainty needs to be there. The haste in which this bill has been brought before the parliament was unnecessary. The unintended consequences of the McGlade decision is what is being dealt with here. But the genuine grievances of the Noongar people of Western Australia remain. They are not recognised by this decision, but they still need to be addressed. I would urge the Turnbull government to put some funds toward making sure that this significant claim for Western Australia can be sorted out in the best interests of everybody.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As many of my colleagues in the Australian Greens have made clear, we have a number of extremely serious concerns relating to this legislation. Again, as many of my colleagues have made clear, we have significant concerns around the haste with which this bill has been introduced into this parliament. It has been rushed through the House of Representatives. It is now being presented in an equally rushed way to the Senate.</para>
<para>Part of our concerns about that indecent haste is the lack of genuine consultation that has been able to be undertaken with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples regarding this bill. It is worth pointing out that normally when there are policy considerations that relate to Australia's first peoples those considerations are done in a calm way and they are done in a very considered way. That is as it should be, because we need to do more of getting out and listening to Australia's first people when we make policy that has the potential to impact on them. But this piece of legislation has been done in indecent haste. That is because the government's motivation for this legislation is not the best interests of Australia's Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. The government's motivation is to look after the Adani company, to try to get up the Adani Carmichael coal mine—the climate-destroying megamine that appears so beloved of the Liberals and, for that matter, so beloved of the Australian Labor Party.</para>
<para>Given the complexity of native title arrangements and the very high level of significance of the amendments contained in this legislation we need more time not less to think about this, more time not less to listen to the views of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians and more time not less to think about the positions that we will take on this legislation. That is not what the government is doing. They are acting in indecent haste. In doing so they are, effectively, admitting this is not about fixing up native title but about trying to stampede, through this place, a piece of legislation that is designed to get up a coal mine proposed by the Adani Group of companies for the Carmichael basin. Let us not make any mistake about the motivations here. The motivations of this government stick out like a sore thumb. They are acting in indecent haste and, in doing so, are trying to bring in amendments that will trample the rights of some Aboriginal people in Australia. Those concerns have been placed on the record and I will go to them later in my speech. They are doing it because they are trying to look after big coal in this country.</para>
<para>Why would major parties in this place try to look after big coal? There are a few reasons they would look after big coal. It is interesting to watch the performance of Senator Canavan who seems to think it his job to shill for big coal, because that is what he has spent most of his time doing in the last couple of months: shilling for big coal, spruiking for big coal, talking down banks, like Westpac, who have said they are not going to fund the Adani coal mine, personally insulting one of the big Australian banks because they happen to take a position that Minister Canavan did not agree. That is all part of shilling for big coal, Canavan style, and we have seen it again and again.</para>
<para>Why would he do that? It is because of $3.7 million donated in the last three years by big polluters—that is, big coal and big gas—to both sides of politics in this place. There is the Liberal Party and the National Party on one side, and the ALP—another Liberal Party, in effect—on the other; those initials stand for, in this context, the other side of parliament. They are both in here, regularly, doing the business at the bidding of our big fossil fuel polluters. They get the donations in, the donations that allow them to get elected into this place. Then they deliver on the policy outcomes, like their decisions on the Adani mine, their decisions on native title and their bipartisan, ongoing support for the $24 billion that was contained in the most recent budget in direct taxpayer subsidies for the fossil fuel sector. Then, when they leave this place, they know there is a good chance they will get offered a job, because there is a revolving door between the floor of the Senate and the corporate boardrooms of the big polluters in this country—and it is a revolving door that needs to be slammed closed. It is why we need cooling-off periods once someone has sat in this place so that they cannot go straight from the floor of the Senate into the corporate boardrooms or into the spin departments of Australia's big corporate polluters. It is why we need more effective control on lobbyists. It is why we need a Commonwealth anticorruption authority—because of those donations and those positions that are taken on the floor of this place, with the revolving door back the other way, and from the floor of the Senate into the big corporates, whether it be the gambling corporates, the banking corporates, the coal corporates or the gas corporates. We have seen it all, time after time. Those donations and that delivery of public policy, with the revolving door from the floor of the Senate back into Australia's big corporations, are corrupting our democracy and they mean that the votes and the positions that we collectively take in this Senate are inappropriately influenced by big corporations.</para>
<para>The Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017 is a case in point. This has nothing to do with fixing up native title and everything to do with getting up a giant, new, mega-polluting coalmine in this country that will contribute massively to the world's emissions profile and, therefore, contribute massively to dangerous climate change, which, as we know, is going to adversely impact on the world's poorest and most vulnerable people to the greatest extent and, as we also know, is over time going to kill the Great Barrier Reef. That is the choice facing us in Australia and decision-makers in Australia today. You can have one or the other of the Adani mine or the Great Barrier Reef, but you cannot them both. That beautiful natural icon, that treasure that people come from around the world to see and experience, is at risk of dying. Parts of it are already dead. Other parts may or may not recover and, if they do, it will only be till the next bleaching event occurs. It is the Adani mine or the Barrier Reef. You cannot have them both. This legislation is about the Adani mine. The Adani mine has bipartisan support from the Labor and Liberal parties and that bipartisan support is going to mean free coal for Adani through the royalty holiday granted by the Queensland Labor government. It is going to mean free water for Adani, again delivered by the Queensland government, and free money for Adani, delivered through Minister Canavan's northern Australia infrastructure fund.</para>
<para>It is an absolute crock. Once again, we are in a situation where we are being asked to come in here and ride roughshod over the wishes of the Wangan and Jagalingou people, who have been very clear that they do not support this legislation or the Adani mine. We are being asked to basically come in here and lay out the red carpet for a company that is in trouble in various places around the world because of its corporate behaviour. We know it is a company that destroys the environment and a company that does not seem to care or understand that coal is in structural decline. We have an Indian government that is transitioning rapidly into renewable energy, an Indian government that understands that, if you want to bring electricity to the countless Indian people who do not currently have access to electricity, the best way to do that is through small-scale, locally distributed, renewable energy projects like solar—and that is what they are doing right now. India is going to phase out the import of coal within three years. It is an announcement that has been made. How on earth the Labor and Liberal parties think that hitching their wagon to this giant, emitting, polluting, corrupting coalmine is good public policy has absolutely got me beat.</para>
<para>We know from the Wangan and Jagalingou people that they do not support this coalmine. I want to place on the record the views expressed only a week or so ago by a senior spokesman for the Wangan and Jagalingou Traditional Owners Council, Mr Adrian Burragubba, who said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Adani can put on whatever song and dance they like but the reality is that we have never consented to Adani's mine being constructed on our land.</para></quote>
<para>It is worth repeating: they have never consented to Adani's mine being constructed on their land. Look at the statements that have been made. They go into detail about the lengths that Adani have gone to to try to make it appear that there are Aboriginal people in that area who support their mine. It absolutely beggars belief.</para>
<para>Once again we are in this situation where we have the bipartisan support of the Liberal and National parties on one side and the Labor Party on the other side for this coalmine that is so divorced from the real world. It is so divorced from the commercial realities of coal. It is so divorced from the wishes of the traditional peoples of that area. It is so divorced from the realities of global warming. You have to ask yourself: how could these people who purport to be intelligent, who purport to think their way through issues, take positions that are so divorced from reality? Follow the money. Follow the millions of dollars in donations that flow from big coal, big gas, big banks, big gaming into this place, into the coffers of the ALP on one hand and of the Liberals and Nationals on the other hand. If you want to understand how policymaking in this place has become so divorced from the real world, follow the money. Follow the money and follow the career trajectories, because it is by following the money and by following the career trajectories that you will understand—and I hope the Australian people can understand—exactly what is going on here. It is not pretty.</para>
<para>Climate change is a threat to everything that we hold dear as a country and as a community. Our national security is threatened by climate change. Our education system will be threatened by climate change. Our health system, our law and order, our wellbeing, our property—they are all going to be threatened by climate change. All of those things that we hear so much about from the Liberal and National parties and the ALP in this place are under threat from climate change. This mine, the Adani mine, should it ever go ahead, will contribute massively to global warming.</para>
<para>I have a warning and a message for people in here who are going to continue to back-in the Adani mine. My warning and my message is this: this mine is not going to be built. What will stop this mine being built is the Australian people, because, when governments and political parties lose touch with reality to such a degree that they are prepared to ignore commercial markets, that they are prepared to ignore global warming, that they are prepared to ignore the views of traditional owners—when we get to that place, people get angry. And we are at this place right now in regard to the Adani mine, and people are getting angry—and understandably so.</para>
<para>Ultimately, it will be people that stop this mine. I have seen it time after time in my home state of Tasmania. When projects have been proposed that make people angry, that make people think that their political representatives are not listening to them, people will take action into their own hands. They will participate in peaceful blockades, peaceful protests and peaceful civil disobedience. I have participated with them in the past in Tasmania, and I will participate with them again should Adani be silly enough to start trying to build the railway or start trying to construct this mega-emitting coalmine. People will flock from around this country to stop this project, because it is a decision point for this country.</para>
<para>It is a decision point that will allow us to make a determination about whether we are going to change the way we are going to do business in this country to reflect the harsh realities that we are facing—most importantly, from climate change—or whether we are going to continue on the business-as-usual path that ultimately will lead us and, tragically, most of the rest of the world into disaster. And it will not just be disaster for people; it will be disaster for things like the Great Barrier Reef, and for a range of other species and ecosystems on this plant. This beautiful, resilient, but in the short-term very fragile, planet ultimately supports all of our lives, all of our hopes, all of our aspirations, our families, our jobs, our health, our education and all of the things that we spend so much time in this place talking about.</para>
<para>So we do have those concerns about this legislation. I make no apology for the majority of my contribution here today focusing on coal and focusing on global warming. While this legislation is masquerading as a piece of legislation designed—as the government would have us believe—to fix up native title, that is not what it is for. The indecent haste with which this government has introduced and is trying to pass this legislation is an effective admission that it is not at all about native title; it is about— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also rise to speak on the Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017. I would like to say today how happy I am to be speaking to an audience of schoolkids who are here in the Senate today seeing the business of big politics. I am just about to get started, kids; I am sure you can stay another couple of minutes. The business of big politics on Capital Hill in Australian Parliament House in Canberra.</para>
<para>It reminds me of one of my favourite quotes, which I am always reminded of in this House in the Senate. This quote goes like this—and you might have to think about it a few times, kids. I am not speaking to the children on this side of the chamber, I am speaking to the audience directly in front of me. Let us think about this quote, and this quote says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The only force more ruthless and cynical than the business of big politics is the politics of big business.</para></quote>
<para>And when the two come together, when the two join forces, they create an unstoppable force. That is what this legislation is here in front of us today. This legislation is the business of big politics helping out big business. That is what this is. Whether it relates to the Adani mine or whether it relates to native title claims in Western Australia, this is big business getting its way again in the people's house. I have absolutely no doubt about that.</para>
<para>This native title legislation is being rushed. It is being rushed and being brought to the Senate to be voted on for one reason only, and that is to satisfy this nexus, this connection, between big business and big politics. It is ruthless and it is cynical. Nothing gets in their way when there are profits to be made by big multinational corporations, and nothing gets in the way of big politics when there are big donations to be made to their coffers which help them get elected and keeps them in power. That is what this is about. That is entirely what this is about. Democracy is the best system we have, kids. It is the best system we have. Have no doubts when you leave here today: it is often hijacked by special interests trying to get their way. And big politics, the Labor Party and the Liberal Party, are only too keen to give them what they want. That is why you need the Greens in the Senate. That is why you need the Greens in the Australian parliament, because we consistently stand up to vested interests in this place. And that is what we are doing today. We will not be supporting this legislation in its current form.</para>
<para>I would like to pay my respects to my colleague Senator Siewert, from Western Australia, who has worked very closely with Australia's first peoples over a long period of time. And I will pay respects to you too, Senator Scullion—I am sure you are on our side of this debate but you are not allowed to say so. Nevertheless, I would like to pay respects to my colleague, who has worked tirelessly with Indigenous Australians since she has been in this place. She sat on the Senate inquiry. She has been involved in the consultations. And if Senator Siewert says this legislation is rushed and it pays no heed to the unintended consequences in an extremely complex and sensitive area of the law in native title claims, then that is certainly good enough for me. I have also read Senator Siewert's dissenting report and the information that has been provided on Adani by my colleague Senator Waters, from Queensland.</para>
<para>There are two issues we need to deal with here with today. I will get to the more substantive issues if I get a chance on the legislation in front of us in a second, but the most important issue is: why is this being rushed? We have a proposal for the biggest coal mine in the world in Queensland and the reason Senator Canavan, the minister for coal, the National Party and his colleagues in the Liberal Party—and also, seemingly, sadly, the Labor Party—want to see this coal mine get up and running is because of the business of big politics.</para>
<para>Guess who they are most afraid of? Guess who they are most afraid of in their marginal electorates, where they stand to lose seats? One Nation! This is a sop to One Nation. This is chest-beating, dog whistle politics, trying to get up a coal mine that cannot stand economically, or financially or environmentally on its own two feet. This is not a project that should proceed on any grounds. This is your future, kids. This is your future at stake. This will be the biggest coal mine in the world; it will have a remarkable and marked effect on global warming. It is your future. It is future generations of Australians that we are representing in here today.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It being 2 pm, the allotted time for debate has expired. You will be in continuation, Senator Whish-Wilson.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>14</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I advise the Senate of changes to ministerial arrangements for this week. Senator Fierravanti-Wells will be absent from question time today due to ministerial travel overseas. In Senator Fierravanti-Wells's absence, I will represent the Minister for International Development and the Pacific.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>14</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Security</title>
          <page.no>14</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Since senators last had the opportunity to ask questions of ministers in question time, there have been further horrific terrorist attacks around the world. These include attacks in Manchester, London, Kabul, Tehran and Minya, and we have lost Australian lives in Melbourne, Baghdad and, of course, most recently in London. I know all of us in this chamber express our deepest sympathies to the families and friends of those lost or harmed in these recent attacks. Can the minister outline how the government is working to assist Australians impacted by these attacks?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much indeed, Senator Wong, for a very timely and important question. Of course, I am sure I speak on behalf of all members of this chamber in expressing our horror and outrage at the terrorist attacks that have occurred since the Senate last met, and, in particular, our grief at the news that Australians have been among the victims both here, in Melbourne last week, and overseas. It is a reminder to us that this is not a problem that exists on the other side of the world; it is not a problem that is not our problem; it is a problem that reaches out, both in a familiar and hospitable city like London and in our own suburban streets, as in Brighton last week, to threaten and take the lives of Australians.</para>
<para>Senator Wong, I want to thank you and the Australian Labor Party for the spirit of cooperation that you have shown over the past several years in supporting the government in passing the eight tranches of legislation with which we have dealt which have been designed to make Australians safe. The point I would make to the Senate is this: in none of those cases have we been reactive. In none of those cases have we been in the position of, after a terrorism attack, saying, 'We have to rewrite our legislation.' We have anticipated the need so as to avoid it and, as a result, we have saved Australian lives through the work of this chamber and the work of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security. We have achieved that together.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong with a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Leader of the Government for those remarks. Could he also go on to advise the Senate as to how the government is working with partners and allies in response specifically to these horrific attacks?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We of course have a very close partnership at every level with like-minded nations and other nations as well to confront and defeat this common enemy. Our most intimate partnership is with the like-minded English-speaking democracies who meet in the Five Eyes community. There has been very close cooperation among Five Eyes countries, in particular, obviously, in relation to the UK event between Australia and Britain at an agency level. I am able to tell you—though I cannot go into the details—that ASIO and the AFP have been directly engaged in assisting MI5 and the UK police in the investigation of the terrorism events that occurred in Manchester and at London Bridge.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Turning now to our region, can the minister outline steps taken by the government to work with the nations of our region to ensure regional stability and regional security?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We have worked very closely with regional neighbours. In December 2015 Australia and Indonesia held the first Australia-Indonesia Ministerial Council on Law and Security in Jakarta, and that regional council has met on three occasions thus far, most recently in Jakarta earlier in the year, and will meet again at a venue to be announced in Australia in the second half of this year.</para>
<para>Our agencies work with Indonesian agencies in a close and collaborative way, but our cooperation does not merely extend to Indonesia. This is a regional problem and we work with regional neighbours. I recently spoke to the visiting Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia on his visit to Australia and discussed the matter with him, as I did with the Singaporean Minister for Home Affairs, who visited Australia recently. I also raised the issue with—<inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>15</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before calling Senator Hume, could I advise honourable senators of the presence in the chamber today of the President of the Legislative Council of New South Wales, the Hon. John Ajaka. On behalf of all senators I wish him warm welcome. He is accompanied by senior officers of the parliament. With the concurrence of honourable senators, I will invite the President to join with me on the floor of the Senate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Ajaka was seated accordingly.</inline></para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>15</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Security</title>
          <page.no>15</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Attorney-General, Senator Brandis, and expands on those questions from Senator Wong. Can the Attorney-General update the Senate on what the government is doing to keep Australians safe?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me expand a little on some of the information I provided to Senator Wong. The government has taken decisive action from the earliest stages of the Syria-Iraq conflict to ensure that our community is protected from terrorism. Even as the Islamic State declared its so-called caliphate in June 2014, the government was already embarking on the most significant program of counterterrorism legislation reform in a generation to address the unprecedented scope of the terrorism threat here at home.</para>
<para>I mentioned to Senator Wong the eight tranches of targeted national security legislation by which we have empowered our law enforcement, security and defence forces to fight terrorism at home and abroad. The government has been advised by our agencies and by the Commissioner of the Australian Federal Police, Commissioner Colvin, that as a result of that legislation his work and the work of other states in dealing with the terrorism problem has been materially assisted. As well, the government has invested an additional $1.5 billion in law enforcement and security agencies to combat terrorism. In this year's budget we are investing an additional $321 million in specialist capabilities for the AFP, the largest single funding boost to the AFP's domestic policing capabilities in over a decade.</para>
<para>The first duty of any government is to keep its citizens safe; the first duty of any parliament is to keep its citizens safe. As I said a moment ago to Senator Wong, I think the collaboration across party lines to debate, to fine tune, to improve and to pass the national security legislation shows this parliament working at its best.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the Attorney-General explain how the coalition government's legislative reforms have been keeping Australians safe?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me give you a very specific example, Senator Hume. Among the many reforms that we passed in 2014, we lowered the threshold for arrest for Commonwealth terrorism offences from reasonable belief to reasonable suspicion. Those new thresholds allowed our law enforcement agencies to act earlier to disrupt imminent terror-attack planning. As we know, there have been 12 thwarted terrorist events in Australia since September 2014, and some of those events were conceived and planned to be mass casualty attacks of the kind we saw recently in Manchester. Because of some of the measures, including the one I have just mentioned, our authorities were able to interdict and stop such terrorist strikes at an earlier time than they would otherwise have been able to.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How is the Attorney-General working with the private sector and international partners to keep Australians safe?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In a fortnight's time, I will represent Australia at the Five Eyes conference in Ottawa. The principal business of that conference will be to discuss further the very high level of collaboration that already exists between those five nations on counterterrorism cooperation. But it is not merely a job for governments alone, because, as we know, terrorist recruitment, proselytisation and propaganda are mediated in social media and on the internet, and therefore the private sector also has a role to play. Particularly, I might say, is that so in an era of what has come to be known as ubiquitous encryption, so that increasingly encrypted telecommunications are the mode of communication of choice for terrorist planning. We need the cooperation of the private sector in order to address that problem. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Last Friday, the Chief Scientist, Dr Alan Finkel, provided his review of the future security of the National Electricity Market to the Council of Australian Governments. The review has been welcomed by industry, unions, environmental groups and the community sector. Will the Turnbull government commit to using the Finkel review to end the policy uncertainty that is delivering higher bills, higher emissions and less secure power and deliver a coherent plan for Australia's energy sector?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am bound to say—through you, Mr President—that is a very welcome sentiment coming from Senator Carr. That is a very welcome sentiment indeed, and I am delighted—slightly surprised but delighted—to have heard it coming from you, Senator Carr.</para>
<para>The government wants to thank Dr Alan Finkel for his very fine work in seeking to come to terms with what the Prime Minister has described as a wicked problem. What we have to do is address what some people have taken to calling the trilemma of affordable energy prices and electricity prices, reliability of supply and meeting Australia's international obligations, particularly the very ambitious international obligation we assumed at the Paris climate change conference—one of the highest, most ambitious per capita emissions reduction targets in the world, which would see Australia's emissions fall by 26 to 28 per cent off 2005 levels by 2030. But, as well as that, we need to ensure that we do not have a repeat of the fiasco that we saw last year, for example, in South Australia, where poorly considered policy and overreliance on one element of supply—that is, the renewable sector—without sufficient backup or redundancy in the system allowed that state to go into blackout.</para>
<para>So what we are going to do is going to study Dr Finkel's report very carefully. I can tell you, Mr President, that we, this morning in our government party room, had a very impressive presentation from the minister for energy, Mr Frydenberg, in relation to the Finkel report and the options and policy choices that he has presented. The government will be making decisions. It will be making those decisions in the near future, and we look to the Labor Party's support when we do. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Speaking of wicked problems, within hours of the review's release, Senator Abetz had accused the Chief Scientist of using 'creative assumptions'. Does the government have confidence in its Chief Scientist and, if so, has the Prime Minister advised Senator Abetz?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, the government has great confidence in Dr Finkel. We admire his work. As I said in response to your primary question, we thank him for his work.</para>
<para>I am aware that there are colleagues in my party room, including my friend Senator Eric Abetz, who have a different view. I am aware of that. I always find it strange and very difficult to understand why it is that you people in the Labor Party feel so threatened by that—that the expression of different points of view in a party room is a bad thing. We in the Liberal Party and the National Party welcome the contributions of all points of view. We welcome the contributions of those who take an iconoclastic point of view as well as of those who take a mainstream point of view. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yesterday, former Prime Minister Abbott labelled the review 'a magic pudding'. Is this the government's position?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, I do not know why you waste the Senate's breath asking questions you already know the answer to. Of course it is not the government's position. The government's position is as articulated by the Prime Minister, Mr Turnbull, and by the cabinet and the ministry.</para>
<para>But, nevertheless, there are different views in our party room. We are not embarrassed about that. We do not run away from that. We do not seek to hide it; we welcome it. We welcome the fact that in the Liberal Party and the National Party we have a culture that is hospitable to the expression of a variety of views on important public issues. Apparently, unlike the party that you represent, Senator Carr, we think that from the variety of different voices engaged in a discussion we are more likely to arrive at the best outcome. So we welcome all voices in this debate, but in particular we welcome the work of Dr Alan Finkel.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>17</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Leader of the Government in the Senate, Senator Brandis. I refer to recent reports that on the day that Australia signed off on the China free trade agreement, Mr Huang Xiangmo paid $100,000 into trade minister Andrew Robb's personal campaign fund, the Bayside Forum. Was this conflict of interest raised to cabinet before or after the cabinet's deliberations over the China free trade agreement? And if not, does this not just reinforce the case for a national anticorruption watchdog?</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Penny, he doesn't need any coaching from you! Sorry, that was off the record!</para>
<para>Senator Di Natale, you should know better than to ask me about cabinet deliberations. The deliberations of cabinet are never an appropriate subject of a question because they may not be the subject of an answer. You know that, Senator Di Natale.</para>
<para>I am aware of these reports. I am not aware of whether they are accurate reports or not. I am merely aware of the allegation. But I can tell you, Senator Di Natale, knowing Mr Robb as I do and having worked with him as a colleague and known him as a friend for many years, I regard Mr Andrew Robb as a person of the very greatest integrity who has now left politics and who is pursuing a career in the private sector, as he is perfectly entitled to do. I dare say that if Mr Robb had not given the prime years of his career to public service in the parliament he would be a very wealthy man, but he is not because he gave a period of public service for over a decade.</para>
<para>Now, in relation to the broader question of foreign political donations the government's position is very clear. Following the report of the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters into the topic, the Prime Minister announced that the government would move to ban foreign political donations. That is a matter that Senator Ryan, the Special Minister of State, and I have under review at the very moment. We mean to do that. As well, the Prime Minister has commissioned me more broadly to look at the law concerning foreign interference, to see where that can be reformed to protect Australian interests. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Landbridge Group, who are significant donors to the Liberal Party and the Bayside Forum, are now paying Mr Robb a salary of $880,000 that commenced before he had even left the parliament. What actions did Minister Robb undertake to facilitate the Foreign Investment Review Board approval that allowed control over the Port of Darwin to the Landbridge Group?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let me correct a fact that you assert wrongly, Senator Di Natale. Mr Robb left parliament on 9 May, 2016. As a retiring member of parliament, he ceased to be a member of parliament the day the writs were issued for the 2016 election. So let there be no confusion, deliberate or accidental, about the time at which Mr Robb ceased to be a member of parliament.</para>
<para>The Foreign Investment Review Board makes decisions independently. Its minister is the Treasurer, not the ministers for trade and development. Although I have no personal knowledge, I would be quite certain, Senator Di Natale, that, because of the way in which these decisions are made, Mr Robb would have had no involvement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Has the Attorney-General directed his own party to stop taking money from Mr Huang Xiangmo and Mr Chau Chak Wing? If not, without a national anticorruption watchdog, how on earth can the public trust that the government's decision-making over the China free trade agreement and the FIRB approval of the lease of the Port of Darwin was made in the public interest and not corrupted by political donations?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, I do not raise money for the Liberal Party. However, as a member of the Liberal Party's federal executive, I do accept some obligation in relation to oversight. I can assure you, Senator Di Natale, that all of the Liberal Party's obligations—and I am sure the same applies for our coalition partner, the National Party—under the Commonwealth Electoral Act in relation to accountability and disclosure are acquitted and fulfilled entirely.</para>
<para>That having been said—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Di Natale?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My question was about whether instructions were made to stop taking money from Mr Huang Xiangmo and Mr Chau Chak Wing.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Di Natale. I will remind the Attorney-General of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, because that would not be my role in any event. But what is my role, as the Attorney-General, is to prosecute the policies of the government. Those policies include bringing forward legislation, subject to any constitutional restrictions, to ban foreign political donations. We will be doing that and we expect your support.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Schools</title>
          <page.no>18</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham. Can the minister inform the Senate of how the Turnbull government's new school funding reforms will benefit Australian school students, including those students in my home state of Tasmania?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Duniam for his question and for his hard work and advocacy in favour of fair, consistent, needs-based funding for schools right around Australia. Senator Duniam is right that many schools—virtually all Australian schools—will stand to benefit from the Turnbull government's application of fair and consistent needs based funding.</para>
<para>Our investment of some $18.6 billion of additional resourcing will help the schools that need it most to obtain the resources that they need most. Just over the next few years that will see Tasmanian schools stand to benefit, with an additional injection of $56.7 million of support. Once again, they are the schools that need it most. It is providing total funding for those Tasmanian schools of some $1.8 billion of resourcing just over the next few years—an increase of 13.3 per cent for those schools.</para>
<para>Because it a model that genuinely reflects need and targets funding to where it is most needed, Tasmania will receive particular benefit. It will receive the second-highest per student support of any jurisdiction in Australia. When you bring that down to the individual school level, Edith Creek Primary School, for example, will see growth in terms of its per student support from the federal government to the tune of around $2,000 per student. That is, of course, a tangible benefit in a very small school. Edith Creek Primary School is a school of just 41 students. They will see an increase of around $446,000 in funding support into that school and total support of around $2.33 million under the Turnbull government support. It is schools like this one—small schools, high-need schools in states like Tasmania—that are getting the resources and support that they need and deserve.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister for the answer. Can he inform the Senate of support for the new school funding reforms?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I certainly can and I am very pleased to say that support for the Turnbull government's reforms continues to grow. From the very first day upon which the Prime Minister and I announced the reforms—supported and endorsed by David Gonski himself—we have seen growing support, right through to today, when another member of the Gonski panel, Dr Ken Boston, has voiced his public support for the reforms. Dr Boston was very clear when he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There are no grounds for opposition to the schools funding bill in principle, and every reason to work collaboratively towards its successful implementation and further refinement in the years ahead.</para></quote>
<para>Dr Boston went on and said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">For the first time, the available funding would be distributed on a sector-blind needs-based principle, using a common assessment tool for individual schools nationally.</para></quote>
<para>This is a strong endorsement from the people who wrote the Gonski report for the Turnbull government's implementation of the Gonski report, and it is a tragedy that those opposite are not heeding it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Duniam, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is the part I have been looking forward to: can the minister inform the Senate of alternative proposals to school funding being put forward?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Sadly, the only alternative appears to be those opposite, who want to engage in a spend-a-thon. Void of any policy or principle, their policy, as Senator Cormann rightly points out—not that it is funded, because they spend money time and time again that the nation does not have—is a spend-a-thon void of any principle that aligns with the Gonski report, void of any practical policy and void of any idea as to how they will do it, aside from maintaining 27 different funding deals and special arrangements around the country. They, of course, are failing to commit to the actual vision that David Gonski had and Ken Boston had. It has not just been endorsed by them; it has been endorsed by organisations like the Australian Council of State School Organisations, by the Primary Principals Association, by the Grattan Institute and by a long list of people, who have said that the Labor Party should get on board with the type of reform that they commissioned in a report but never had the guts to implement themselves.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>19</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Matthew Warren, the CEO of the Australian Energy Council, the peak body of the electricity sector, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Right now, we couldn't do it worse if we tried. We're making everything worse. We're making prices higher, reliability more unreliable, and we're not delivering the emissions we're required to deliver.</para></quote>
<para>Is Mr Warren correct?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am not familiar with Mr Warren; I note what he says. But I think that anybody who follows Australian politics, particularly in the last few months, would be aware that we have had much public discussion about the need to put an end to what some people have described as the 'climate wars'—because over the last decade or more, most of which, I might say, was during the period of the Rudd and Gillard governments and during a period much of which Senator Wong was the minister for the environment and climate change, we have had a policy deadlock in this country. And we have seen the consequences of that policy deadlock play out on the floor of this very chamber. Senator O'Neill, what the Australian people want and what the Turnbull government is committed to doing is to put the climate wars behind us, to try and come up with a series of proposals which will be acceptable to this parliament and which will meet the three objectives of electricity affordability, reliability of supply and maintaining our international obligations. So, Senator O'Neill, I would not be going into the history of last decade, if I were you, for most of which, of course, your side of politics was in government.</para>
<para>Rather, Mr Turnbull, who has a deep understanding and great intellectual interest in this area, has now taken the leadership to put this period of policy failure behind us. That is why we commissioned the Finkel review, that is why we are considering the Finkel review and that is why shortly the government will be bringing forward proposals informed by the Finkel review.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Neill, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister confirm that under this government wholesale electricity prices have doubled?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No, I cannot confirm that, Senator. I will tell you what I can confirm, Senator—if you look in the charts of the Finkel report you will see it laid out before your very eyes—which is that in the period of the Labor government the cost of electricity to Australian consumers doubled. The cost of electricity to Australian consumers doubled.</para>
<para>I can also tell you, Senator, that since the election of the coalition government in 2013 the price of electricity to Australian consumers has stabilised. The period of rapid growth charted by Dr Finkel's report, and there for all to see, shows that under the period of Labor government the price of electricity to Australian consumers doubled. We put a stop to that, just as we want to put a stop to this area of policy paralysis. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator O'Neill, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You've never paid an electricity bill!</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Exactly! Given that it is the government's inability to deliver consistent energy policy that is to blame for the current energy crisis, will the government work with Labor to implement a genuine clean energy target?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can tell you, Senator O'Neill, what we will not be doing, and that is embracing your idea of an EIS, because that will continue to put upward pressure on prices. We will be back to the same price escalation we saw during the period of the Labor government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pause the clock. A point of order, Senator O'Neill?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Neill</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, on relevance. I asked a very, very simple question: will the government work with Labor to implement a genuine clean energy target? Not another scheme, but a clean energy target.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator O'Neill. I understand the point of your point of order, but the Attorney-General did say that he could say what he would not be doing, and he indicated that he would not be working with Labor in that sense. I technically believe that the Attorney-General has been answering the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. As you know, Senator O'Neill, Dr Finkel has recommended a clean energy target. Dr Finkel's report is being considered by the government through our normal party room and cabinet processes at the moment.</para>
<para>I can tell you what we will not be doing: we will not be working with you to introduce a scheme favoured by the Labor Party but rejected by this government for an EIS, because we know that that would put further upward pressure on electricity prices. We will not be doing that, but we will invite you, Senator O'Neill, and those who sit with you, when the government's response to the Finkel report is published and announced, to work with the government to put this period of policy confusion—much of it your creation—behind us. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australia-United States Relationship</title>
          <page.no>20</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Defence, Senator Payne. Can the minister update the Senate on the continuing strength of Australia's relationship with the United States in respect of defence?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>May I thank Senator Fawcett for his question and also take this opportunity to very briefly acknowledge the deep and longstanding interest of our colleague Senator Back, who has today announced his retirement from this place, in matters of defence. Your contribution, Senator Back, will be surely sorely missed.</para>
<para>Thank you, Senator Fawcett. I can indicate that during the recent AUSMIN talks in Sydney last week we of course affirmed that our alliance with the United States is at the core of our defence and security arrangements. We in Australia are of course responsible for our own security and our own prosperity; there is no higher task for government. But we are stronger when we work with our partners and our allies to address these challenges. The strength of our alliance with the United States is based on shared values, including our strong commitment to the security, stability and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific region. Indeed, as the Prime Minister said in his statement on national security today, our regional strategic environment is more uncertain than it has been in 75 years.</para>
<para>These commitments and shared values were underscored during the AUSMIN meeting, which was held, as I said, in Sydney last week—the first under the new US administration. It is our premier forum for discussing bilateral foreign affairs, defence and strategic issues. Our recent meeting was very timely, given the dynamic strategic environment in which we find ourselves in this region and more broadly. The meeting with foreign minister, Julie Bishop, US Secretary of Defense, Jim Mattis, and US Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, again underscored the strength and breadth of our unique relationship as we committed to further developing our interoperability, continuing our close collaboration across a range of key foreign affairs and defence issues.</para>
<para>The Secretary for Defense and I also focused on addressing the rising threat of violent extremism in our region. It is an issue I have raised repeatedly at each counter-Daesh coalition ministers meeting, chaired by the US Secretary of Defense, since I was appointed in this role. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Fawcett, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister update the Senate on how Australia's Defence forces and those of the United States are working together to ensure regional security and stability?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Indeed, we are focused on measures to address violent extremist organisations in this region, as I adverted to in my previous answer. We are also working through the alliance more broadly to make a significant contribution to regional security. During the consultations the secretary and I affirmed our joint commitment to fully implement the Force Posture Initiatives in northern Australia. It is a very valuable opportunity to not only improve the capability of our own forces, but also to improve our ability to respond to regional crises and to deepen our Defence engagement with regional militaries. In fact, during the current marine rotation we will conduct approximately 10 major exercises, and, in that context, engage a range of our regional neighbours including China, Indonesia, Japan and New Zealand. In 2017 we have also seen the commencement of the Enhanced Air Cooperation initiative, which will further increase our air interoperability with the United States. Out of this and our other activities, we will continue to work together with our partners and allies across the Indo-Pacific to ensure stability and prosperity of our region. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Fawcett, final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FAWCETT</name>
    <name.id>DYU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister could you expand on any further activities to increase the interoperability between Australia's forces and those of the United States?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As very close allies we already have, between our armed forces, a high level of interoperability that allows us to work seamlessly together as we are doing, for example, in the Middle East. At last week's AUSMIN meeting the secretary and I committed to further strengthening that interoperability, and, importantly, to continuing our close cooperation on capability development and defence technology. Over the coming years Australia will continue to invest alongside the United States in platforms and equipment, which will provide us with unparalleled interoperability in the years ahead. For example, through our Naval Shipbuilding Plan and the Future Submarine program we will ensure our future maritime forces can work together seamlessly.</para>
<para>Later this month we will commence the landmark Australia-US Exercise Talisman Saber in Central Queensland: over 30,000 troops, 35 ships, and 150 aircraft all working together to increase that operability and that ability to seamlessly integrate as required. The exercise platform is a very effective way of doing that. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Child Sexual Abuse</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Has the government put on the agenda for the next COAG meeting my demand, backed by hundreds of thousands of Australian parents, for a national public register of convicted sex offenders to be known as Daniel's Law after Daniel Morcombe, whose parents, Bruce and Denise, are here today. If not, why not?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch, before I address your question directly, I want to acknowledge and pay respect to the deep commitment that you have had in relation to this issue, first as a broadcaster and now as a parliamentarian. We are all assisted in our considerations of this issue by your presence among us as a passionate advocate.</para>
<para>Senator Hinch, you asked me about COAG. You would be aware that the government has established a national working group on child sex offenders, which comprises senior justice officials and police from each Australian jurisdiction and New Zealand. That was established through the COAG process. It is examining the efficacy of schemes involving limited public disclosure of sex offenders' details and other proposals to enhance existing measures to protect children.</para>
<para>Senator Hinch, it is a sad fact to have to report that at any one time in Australia there are up to 20,000 registered sex offenders. About 2,500 new offenders are convicted and added to the state and territory registers each year, while slightly less than that complete their reporting obligations each year. The government is progressing a package of reforms to enhance the existing arrangements to protect the community from the risks posed by child sex offenders. One of them, and it is another initiative for which you can claim some of the credit, Senator, is the decision the government has made in relation to the cancellation of passports. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My supplementary question is to ask the government leader in this chamber, Senator Brandis: why do we have pointless supplementary questions, especially laboriously worded dorothy dixers, and will you support a Senate reform committee proposal to abolish them as in the other place?</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Hinch, the purpose of supplementary questions is to actually support and inquire further in relation to the primary question and the answer given by the minister. I would have to rule that question completely out of order. Do you wish to rephrase that supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, to prove my earlier point, I waive the next supplementary question.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Hinch.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>22</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Can the minister confirm that in the March quarter GDP grew by only 0.3 per cent, with annual growth falling to well below trend at 1.7 per cent?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, what I can confirm is that last week Australia broke the world record for economic performance: 26 years of continuous economic growth without a recession. And since we began the day in the spirit of some bipartisanship, I think it is fair to say that the honours are shared between your side of politics and mine, although at the moment, us having, as it were, gone through the ribbon on the watch of a coalition government, I guess we get to receive the garland.</para>
<para>But, nevertheless, Senator Farrell, what has achieved Australia's world-beating performance, the most successful economy in modern times, is that at critical times neither side of politics has shirked from the reform task. If we are going to continue for a 27th and a 28th year, and years beyond that, of economic growth, we must never shirk from the reform task, and that lies in the hands, more than any other group of people in this country, of those who sit in this Senate. One of the next stages of reform is the government's enterprise tax plan, Senator Farrell. By reducing the tax of small business and then medium business and ultimately businesses of all sizes—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pause the clock. Point of order, Senator Farrell.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Farrell</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I asked a very simple question, and I will repeat it: can the minister confirm that in the March quarter GDP grew by only 0.3 per cent with the annual growth falling to well below trend at 1.7 per cent—yes or no?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Farrell. That is exactly the question you asked. Despite the fact the Attorney-General was very glowing with his remarks towards your side, he has not answered the question. I remind him of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The statistics are the statistics, Senator. The statistics that you quote I think are right, and what they show, Senator Farrell, is that the Australian economy continues to grow. The pace varies from time to time, because these are fluctuating indicators—of course there are—but the big story is that the Australian economy has grown for more than a quarter of a century, and the point I make to you, Senator Farrell, is that that is due to reform and governments with the spine to take up the reform task from one generation to the next. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, a supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister confirm that the year-on-year GDP growth rate of 1.7 per cent takes GDP growth to the lowest level since the global financial crisis?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do not have that figure in front of me, so I am not able to confirm that. But I will take you at your word, Senator Farrell. You look like an honest man to me.</para>
<para>Government senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my right!</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am sure, unlike some of your colleagues, you would not misquote the evidence. Nevertheless, the point I make to you—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Farrell?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Farrell</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Attorney-General cannot compliment me like that!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It has been said against me, on occasions, that I am a terrible judge of character! Senator Farrell, if those are these statistics, so be it. But the reality is that the Australian economy has grown for more than a quarter of a century because governments have not shirked the reform task. Some of them have, but most of them have not. This government does not shirk the reform task. That is why, if we are to going to continue to grow and if we are to improve the annualised figures, then what we need is to continue the reforms, in particular, as embodied in the enterprise tax plan, which will free up— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Farrell, a final supplementary question?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In March, the Attorney told the Senate:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If you want to get a picture of the state of the Australian economy, look at the major indicators. Look at the economic growth.</para></quote>
<para>Given that the major indicator of economic growth is at its lowest level since the GFC, isn't it clear that the Australian economy is continuing to suffer under a Turnbull government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think it is a trite thing to say. I am sure I did say it, but if you want to get a sense of the health of the economy, you look at the economic indicators. I think we would all agree on that. So let me acquaint you with an economic indicator, Senator Farrell: in the past 12 months, on this government's watch, more than 195,000 new jobs have been created. In the last year of the Labor government, between September 2012 and September 2013, only 81,800 new jobs were created. This government has been responsible for more than twice the rate—2½ times the rate—of job growth in the last year than the last year in which you had the stewardship of the economy. Nevertheless, let me come back to the main point that I make to you: we need to continue the reform. We need the enterprise tax plan. We need the industrial reforms that have been championed by my friend Senator Cash. We need to continue that reform so we do not fall into the doldrums. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regional Australia</title>
          <page.no>23</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Regional Development. I ask the minister if she could update us on the coalition government's plans to invest in the future of regional Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I acknowledge the senator's tireless work for, and commitment to, regional communities. I am absolutely delighted to advise the senator that on 17 May, I released Regions 2030: Unlocking Opportunity, which sets out this coalition government's agenda for regional Australia towards 2030. The plan is recognition that our regions are absolutely critical to our nation's future and outlines the government's strong commitment to ensuring regional Australia is as strong, sustainable and prosperous as possible. The plan builds on the establishment of the Regional Australia Ministerial Taskforce, chaired by the Prime Minister, which is aimed at making regional Australia an even better place to work, live and invest.</para>
<para>As part of Regions 2030, we are focusing on five key areas across government. They are jobs and economic development, infrastructure, health, education and communications.</para>
<para>Since coming to government, the coalition has been making record investments in our regions across all of these areas, whether it is in major infrastructure such as the Bruce Highway, building new dams or rolling out the NBN, or whether it is investing in local community infrastructure—such as a new kitchen for the Junction Clubhouse in Cairns, which I had the privilege of opening last Friday. We are delivering the infrastructure and services that will make regional Australia an even better place to live.</para>
<para>This is a government that has many of us sitting on this side of the chamber living in regional Australia. We understand regional Australia. We are also committed to protecting its future. Regions 2030 is our vision to see regions in Australia get the investment that they need and deserve so that we can ensure the future prosperity of the nation, which we know is built on the back of regional Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Macdonald, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister for that very encouraging answer and for the update. I might say, coming from the north and coming on the back of the private investment in Adani that was announced during the week, it is all very good news. Can I ask the minister: what further measures is the coalition government delivering to ensure that rural, regional and remote Australia and the communities in those places can continue to grow and prosper?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I can advise the chamber that we have indeed already started delivering a range of measures in the five focus areas that we have prioritised. We are delivering lower taxes through the enterprise tax plan, which will benefit the 542,000 small businesses that call regional Australia home. As part of this year's budget, we are also investing $9 million so that rural and remote Australians can for the first time access psychology services covered by Medicare through teleconferencing and Skype. I acknowledge Senator Smith for the work he has been doing in this area. This year's budget also delivers $15 million for up to eight regional study hubs across regional Australia to support rural, regional and remote university students complete their studies. And, very significantly, we are investing $8.4 billion to build the inland rail. It took the coalition to deliver it, and deliver it we will.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Macdonald, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Again, I thank the minister for that very encouraging report. Regional Australia is so important. I wonder if the minister can alert us to any alternative approaches to regional Australia that she might be aware of?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am indeed aware of many alternative approaches to regional development as well as the many, many failed approaches that we have seen in the past from the Labor government. Senators opposite involved in the Labor Party played a big role in delivering terrible policy outcomes. The biggest failure, of course, was the carbon tax, that hit regional Australia harder than anywhere else, pushing up power prices.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What about the live cattle job?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What about the live export cattle ban, which saw our northern beef industry brought to its knees by the Labor Party in government? It was absolute callousness and a disregard for those people in the north and indeed right across country as a result of that stupid and failed decision by the Labor Party. Finally—and I know I have often mentioned it before, Mr President, but I will keep mentioning it—the hundreds of millions of dollars wasted by the former water minister, the now Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, buying water that did not ever exist—for a water policy!</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>24</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. I refer to the latest data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics which shows that annual wage growth stands at just 1.9 per cent. Can the minister confirm that wages growth remains at the lowest levels since the Australian Bureau of Statistics first started publishing the data in 1997?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, of course, I cannot confirm that, because I do not have the historical figures in front of me. However, Senator Cameron, what I can tell you is: it is for the very reason that we want Australians to have stronger wages, higher wages and better conditions that we have brought forward one of the most important signature reforms of the Turnbull government, and that is our enterprise tax plan. What that plan does by lowering the tax burden progressively on small businesses and then medium-sized businesses and then, ultimately, all businesses is to put more money at their disposal so that they can employ more people and they can pay better wages to the people they do employ. That is the point. I know socialists like you, Senator Cameron, will never understand this, but the key to prosperity, the key to higher wages, the key to more jobs is prosperous businesses. If the government can take less of a company's income for the revenue and leave that money in the company so that it can employ more people or pay higher wages to the people who it already employs then that is the way to spread the wealth. That is why we have put the enterprise tax plan at the centre of our economic reform policy. That is how you will get higher wages and that is how you will get more jobs.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister confirm that, with headline inflation growing at 2.1 per cent over the year to March, the Turnbull government is now presiding over declining real wages and increasing inequality?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As a matter of fact, Senator Cameron, that is not the trend. Over the past three years wages growth has been higher than CPI, indicating that there has been a growth in wages in both real and nominal terms, and that has been one of the key drivers in the improvements of living standards. Wages in the March quarter of 2017 are up 7.9 per cent since the September quarter of 2013. Over that period there has been an increase in the CPI of 6.3 per cent. Over the past three years wages have risen at an average annual rate of 2.1 per cent, whereas the CPI has risen at an average annual rate of 1.6 per cent.</para>
<para>Senator, there is no point in getting your colleague Senator Farrell to base a question that he asked me a few moments ago— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Turnbull government's May budget assumes that wages growth will double from its current record low to 3.75 per cent. How does the government expect to achieve these results when the centrepiece of its wages policy is to support a pay cut for up to 700,000 workers who rely on Sunday penalty rates?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, if I may finish the point I was making at the end of my answer to your primary question, there is no point in getting your colleague Senator Farrell to ask me a question based on trends and then, in response to your question, refuse to accept that the trend is the appropriate measure rather than picking out one quarter which is contradictory to the trend. Senator, the fact is that over the last three years wages have outpaced inflation. That is a reality.</para>
<para>Senator Cameron, let me come to the assertion you make, which is false, that the government has argued against penalty rates for Sunday workers. That is simply not the case. What we do is we respect the independence of the Fair Work Commission, the independent umpire—created by your government to be the independent umpire—and so should you. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Businesses</title>
          <page.no>25</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Indigenous Affairs, Senator Scullion. Could the minister please update the Senate on the government's approach to supporting Indigenous businesses and how the measures announced in the last budget support the growth of this sector?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the senator for the question. When I became minister I was less than satisfied with how government policies and programs aligned with ensuring that we were supporting Indigenous business. In 2012-13 we actually purchased $6.2 million worth of goods and services from Indigenous businesses out of a $39 billion economy—hardly something you would beat your chest about—which equated to 0.02 per cent of contracts. Given that Indigenous Australians are three per cent of the population, clearly Indigenous businesses had been locked out of government contracts for some time, so we wanted to turn this around.</para>
<para>There is nothing new with how you do things in business. We would like to say we have a businesslike approach. We just simply tied the KPIs that we wanted to the KPIs of our CEOs, so the secretaries of every department had a KPI, a target. Whilst I think they would acknowledge that it was not too popular an approach at the time, they see that it has worked enormously well. As a bit of encouragement we indicated that we would publicly publish the outcomes of those KPIs on my website.</para>
<para>The results have been remarkable. Since we introduced this policy, 708 Indigenous businesses have won over $407 million worth of government contracts in the first 18 months, an extraordinary jump from just over $6 million. Each and every one of these contracts had to show value for money. To build on that success, we are leveraging the Commonwealth investment in significant infrastructure—$700 million investment in north Australia's roads. I would like to acknowledge Senator Canavan's leadership in this initiative. Townsville City Deals are at 6.6 per cent because that is the exact Indigenous population of Townsville— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Reynolds on a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister also advise the Senate how these Indigenous business policies are changing not only cultural and private enterprise but also state and federal government departments?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Commonwealth leadership in supporting Indigenous businesses has created a real shift in the Indigenous business landscape. It can be called nothing else but the soft bigotry, the passive racism of low expectations that had to be overcome. Many had a perception that Indigenous businesses simply could not deliver.</para>
<para>One of the most outstanding successes of this procurement policy is that we have been able to demonstrate that Indigenous businesses are fantastic business partners. They provide fantastic competitive goods and services on time and on budget. States and territories have recognised this and, for the first time, are now introducing by agreement their own Indigenous procurement policies through COAG. The City of Sydney has led the pack with local government, and I congratulate them. I recently met with the City of Brisbane and they are keen to make Indigenous procurement part of their business. I was pleased at the Supply Nation-Connect 2017 conference that the Business Council of Australia— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Reynolds on a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister advise why it is important that government supports these Indigenous businesses and the growth of this sector, and how it will contribute to the national economy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If I could just finish my answer to the previous question, the BCA have also decided to introduce their own targets. Through the budget, we have been focused on fairness and opportunity. Though it is fair to support three per cent of the population winning three per cent of government contracts, we provided opportunity by not giving Indigenous businesses a handout; we are simply giving them a chance to win business so they can demonstrate value for money. But it is more than that.</para>
<para>Supporting Indigenous businesses also makes great economic sense. Deloitte Access Economics found that if we close the gap in economic Indigenous participation, our economy would be $24 billion better off by 2031—that is, $24 billion from increased tax receipts and decreased welfare payments. Backing Indigenous business also helps get more Indigenous jobseekers off welfare and into work. This has been a remarkable change around. IPP contracts have an average Indigenous workforce of 51 per cent.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>26</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Major Bank Levy Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Major Bank Levy) Bill 2017, Social Services Legislation Amendment (Queensland Commission Income Management Regime) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>26</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5896">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Major Bank Levy Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5897">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Major Bank Levy) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r5874">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Queensland Commission Income Management Regime) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Committee</title>
            <page.no>26</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>By leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the provisions of the Major Bank Levy Bill 2017 and the Treasury Laws Amendment (Major Bank Levy) Bill 2017, be referred to the Economics Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 19 June 2017; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the provisions of the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Queensland Commission Income Management Regime) Bill 2017 be referred to the Community Affairs Legislation Committee for inquiry and report by 20 June 2017.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the reporting date of part (b) of the motion moved by Senator Brandis be changed to 9 August 2017.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We have not seen it.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Has the motion been circulated.?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I understood it had been. I suspect they did not expect it to come up quite so early. I have certainly ticked off on it to be circulated. This bill is the provisions of the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Queensland Commission Income Management Regime) Bill 2017. We do agree that it should be referred, but 20 June means in a week's time, and that is too short a time frame to carry out an inquiry into quite a substantial piece of legislation and a substantial program. I seek to amend the date it is due to report from 20 June 2017 to 9 August—in other words, we get the July break to have a look at this legislation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you for that explanation. The question is that the amendment as moved by Senator Siewert be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion as moved by Senator Brandis be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>27</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>27</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">To take note of the answers provided by Senator Brandis to questions asked by myself and Senator O'Neill.</para></quote>
<para>In question time today Senator Brandis expressed some surprise that I would ask a question along the lines of:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Will the Turnbull government commit to using the Finkel review to end the policy uncertainty that is delivering higher bills, higher emissions and less secure power and deliver a coherent plan for Australia's energy sector?</para></quote>
<para>I am surprised that he would express some surprise, because there could be at this time probably no more significant crisis in the Australian political system than the crisis in the Australian energy system, which highlights one of the great failures of our political system itself: the inability of our parliament to reach agreement around a policy framework has fundamentally undermined our capacity to generate the investment needed to renew our energy system. On top of that, we are seeing the gas providers adding further to the enormous strain that is being placed upon our enterprises, particularly in manufacturing, and, of course, households across this country.</para>
<para>Mr Matthew Warren, the CEO of the Australian Energy Council, says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Right now, we couldn't do it worse if we tried. We're making everything worse. We're making prices higher, reliability more unreliable, and we're not delivering the emissions we're required to deliver.</para></quote>
<para>We have a circumstance here where the Chief Scientist has brought down a review in response to the Prime Minister's somewhat hysterical outburst against the South Australian government. For context: on 6 February this year, Treasury officials were telling the estimates committee that no work had been undertaken by Treasury into the domestic energy system, yet the Prime Minister was prepared to launch this quite extraordinary assault upon the Labor governments in South Australia and Victoria about the question of renewable energy. We saw, of course, circumstances where extraordinary weather events had caused widespread disruptions to the reliability of the system.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister sought to take short-term political advantage where he had undertaken no serious policy work, which of course reflects the approach that this government has taken for quite some time. It is a Prime Minister that had, of course, lost the leadership of his own party on this issue and said he would never actually lead a party which would not have a serious approach to climate change. Of course, now the circumstance is he is a captive of the hard right of his own party, a captive of the most vicious opponents of dealing with modernity. The great knuckle-draggers of the Liberal Party now dominate that party. We have a Prime Minister that stands for nothing and is not prepared to actually defend what he has historically defended. Now he has the view, of course, that he needs to get himself out of a political problem. Of course, the Chief Scientist has provided him with a way forward, and his proposition in regard to the reliability, security and governance arrangements do provide us with an opportunity to break the impasse on electricity prices and energy prices in this country.</para>
<para>It is important for us not to lose this opportunity. While it may well be that there are better approaches available, this is the approach that is on the table at the moment. That is why the Labor Party and the leader of the Labor Party, Bill Shorten, have made it very clear that we are open to discussions about the capacity for this country to move forward on the issue of a clean energy target. We are open to the proposition that a properly worked out arrangement can be made across this parliament to introduce, by legislation, a new clean energy target. This would ensure that we are able to secure the future of our heavy manufacturing in terms of our capacity for steel and for aluminium, and to ensure that we have the capacity for baseload power so that plastics, chemicals, cement and other industries will not be forced out of this country because of the policy failure of our political system.</para>
<para>The government also has a responsibility in meeting our international obligations, so we want to know what the precise details of the Chief Scientist's initiatives are. We are prepared to discuss those details to ensure we meet our energy needs, the security of our energy needs— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this very important debate on a vital issue for Australia's future. The problem the Finkel report is trying to solve is a problem of regulatory uncertainty. Dr Finkel has been very polite when discussing the concept of regulatory uncertainty, as have many of my colleagues in government when discussing this report in the media—particularly the minister, Josh Frydenberg.</para>
<para>I want to be a little bit more direct: the only regulatory uncertainty that exists in this market is the risk of a future Labor government. That is the risk that is weighing over the energy market. There is no-one contemplating an investment in the energy market today who is worried that, in the absence of some kind of incentive, there is no way for them to recoup their investment in the energy sector. Of course there is—they can charge a market price and get a market return for their investment. What they are worried about is that a Labor government will be elected in the future and they will smash them with a tax, and that will totally undermine any calculations they make today about investment in the energy market.</para>
<para>That is why, in the last 10 years, we have not seen any coal-fired power stations built—not even a modern, high-efficiency, low-emissions coal-fired power station. That is why, in the last seven years, we have seen no gas-fired power stations built. And that is why, in the last five years, 10 coal-fired power stations in the National Electricity Market have closed. They have closed because they all know that there is a very great risk that, at some point in the next 40 to 50 years—the kind of horizon that is necessary in the energy market to make an investment—that there will be a Labor government, and that that Labor government will bring in a tax. Whether that tax is in the form of an ETS as Labor once proposed, or a carbon tax as it proposed at a different time, or an emissions intensity scheme as it now proposes, a tax will be brought in and that will totally ruin energy market investment and totally ruin any return on that investment. That is why investors have been sitting on their hands; that is why investors have been sitting out of the market; that is why the only thing that has been built in the energy market in recent years has been in the renewable energy space. And as well and as good as that is, it has failed to provide the reliable baseload power that we need, as South Australia has most powerfully demonstrated in recent years.</para>
<para>We need regulatory certainty, and the only way we are going to get it is not just if the Labor Party willingly embrace the Finkel report, as they seem to be tentatively doing; not just if they ultimately back the government's response to the Finkel report—which I hope they do, but I will not hold my breath; but if they also promise, and promise convincingly, that they will never reverse from that position. That is, if they are elected to government, they will not turn around and go back to the tax approach that we know they have favoured in this space for such a long time. If investors are worried that Labor may change its spots when in government—perhaps even under the influence of the Greens, as we saw very memorably during the period of minority government in the 2010 parliament, that it will again go back to this tax approach to climate change—then, ultimately, it will ruin the investment certainty that is needed over a 40- to 50-year investment horizon.</para>
<para>My view is that the Finkel report is a very welcome contribution to this debate that has the potential to help to resolve this uncertainty. I put great hope and great faith in it. The settings that we choose as policy makers, though, to put into the system that Finkel has proposed to us are just as important as the system itself. The exact level of the emissions intensity benchmark, for example, is a very important policy decision that this government will soon have to make and that we hope in time the opposition will support. If that level is set too low and it excludes too many potential technologies, then we will ensure that we will continue to have the price rises that we have seen in recent years and that will continue to hurt household and family budgets and will continue to put pressure on our businesses.</para>
<para>Reliable cheap energy used to be, and from many years was, a source of competitive advantage for Australia as a country. It is becoming less and less the case because of the failure to provide certainty for investors in this market. I hope that the Finkel review and the government's response to it will help resolve those issues. I hope that it will provide the certainty that is needed and I hope that the Labor Party will sensibly walk away from their approach of whacking a big tax—whether it is an EIS, an ETS or a carbon tax—on the energy sector. I hope that in doing so investors have confidence that for their 40-to-50-year investment horizon they can get a reasonable return on their investment. If we do not do this, then we will all be paying the consequences. The Australian people be paying the consequences in the form of higher prices; we are all politically will be paying the consequences, as they damn us for failing to act in this area.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOORE</name>
    <name.id>00AOQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am sharing some of that hope that I am feeling coming across from the other side. One of the things that occurred when Dr Finkel was asked by COAG—by the governments of all states and territories and the federal government—to go away and look at the incredibly important issues of energy security, energy efficiency and energy pricing into the future, there was hope at that time. Even though there was lots of concern and worry late last year, we used the Chief Scientist. That is a valuable way of using a resource—the actual Chief Scientist was asked to do an independent review of exactly what was going to be a process for the future so that we could work together. That seemed to be extraordinarily optimistic and a very positive frame on which to work into the future.</para>
<para>Since October last year there have been a number of interim reports which people have taken notice of. And only last week the final report came down. One of the really hopeful things about that report is that there has been a wide reaction from across the community—not single groups, but across business, unions, ACOSS, parliamentarians. They have been saying, 'Let's us read this report thoroughly'—and it is not a short report—'Let's read the report and consider the work that has been done.' Dr Finkel and his team undertook a large amount of research and conducted a number of community consultations and specialist visits. And the evidence they gathered looks at the projections into the future. By and large, it has been a very hopeful and optimistic response, except from key members of the government—the very government which was part of the request for Dr Finkel to go out and do this review. I hope they have read it, but the indications from people speaking so quickly to raise their concerns mean that they have had a very quick look at the report or have had people researching it for them. My personal favourite was the <inline font-style="italic">Magic Pudding </inline>comment; I am very fond of that book and I was pleased by the reference.</para>
<para>I have not read the whole report but I have read most of it. Any document that starts by saying it is going to have a pillar-based approach gives me concerns—I am over pillars, Madam Deputy President. Every report we get seems to have a pillar approach to a process. Nonetheless, I have looked at where it is going and it is throwing up considerations for everybody—not just for parliaments. The issues are the very issues that are concerning members of the community. I doubt whether everybody out in my electorate who is concerned about electricity prices and ongoing job opportunities or their futures and their wages will sit down and read the whole Finkel report. I do hope that they will be given the opportunity now through interactions with parliament at the community level to really see how this could operate and what governments are going to do to ensure that there is an optimistic future. Realistically, in this place for the last 10 years there has not been that. There has been conflict at every level on these issues. Amidst that, I think there has been a loss of trust and a loss of optimism from the community.</para>
<para>The Finkel report has now been received. I think the least we can do is as a parliament look at this in a considered way and give some hope back to the community that no matter where we sit in this place we are prepared to give a full consideration of what the Finkel review has put forward. Obviously, there are core things where there are differences. In fact, we have heard them focused on in some of the contributions so far. But what I have heard from Mr Shorten and Mr Butler, who actually lead this debate for us in this process, is that they are committed to giving this real consideration. They have expressed some concerns about things that they might have thought could have been done differently, but they have committed to stay within the process. If we can achieve that and if we can have that same commitment from around the parliament, that could indeed build on the hope we have heard from previous senators, build on a positive outlook and give some confidence to the community who are worried about their future, worried about their security and certainly worried about energy prices. Give them some true hope and some true consideration that their parliament is taking action and is prepared not to rush into a response but to sit down together to respond to the needs they have identified. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the opportunity to make a contribution to the motion to take note of answers on the specific issue of Dr Finkel's report to government. I also share and feel the hope that Senator Moore referred to, as well as Senator Paterson and others who have and will contribute to this debate. It is an opportunity for us to deal with an issue that has been hanging around for some time and has been a difficult one for both sides of politics to deal with.</para>
<para>The Attorney, in his answers today to questions from the opposition, talked about the complex nature of this issue and the trilemma—a term I had not heard before listening to the media coverage and answers today—in relation to this issue: the three issues of affordability, reliability and meeting our international obligations. I think they are important things to take account of. That being the case, I am acknowledging that this is a complex issue. Senator Moore, in her contribution, acknowledged that there are many different views right across the spectrum on this issue even on her own side of politics. She pointed out that there were some elements within her party that found it difficult to accept or were not quite comfortable with some of the issues raised and proposals put forward in the Finkel report.</para>
<para>That is why I am curious as to why the questions today were highlighting this unease with the fact that there are members of the party room I am a part of that have not just not asked questions; they want to know that certain things will be dealt with and that certain issues will be dealt with in a certain way. The party room I am a part of is a group of adults. We all have our own views, we all have our own experiences and we all come to this debate with different priorities. As Senator Brandis mentioned in his answers, we can have that debate—our party room debate—in a mature and sensible way. We are not a homogenous blob of mindless individuals who just all think the same way. I think it gives us strength to canvass all of the different views and all of the different concerns that are brought forward in relation to this specific issue and how best government can deal with it.</para>
<para>I honestly believe that is what we should be focusing on; rather than the questions being asked, looking at the answers and how we can work together to resolve them. That is, I understood, the call that is being put out there by the opposition leader and certainly something that has been welcomed by government. I did indeed read the letter of 7 June from the opposition leader, Bill Shorten, to the Prime Minister, which talks about the decade of toxic politics surrounding energy and climate policy and says that Australians are looking to both major parties to cooperate on a way forward.</para>
<para>I would have thought, on the back of that, that the internal workings of either party and the concerns that will be fleshed out in the debate in each of the party rooms are not relevant to the end agreement. Every party has to go through its processes. Everyone has to reach an agreement, and then we can do what has been called on by the opposition leader and welcomed by the government and find a way forward.</para>
<para>Again, that is why I was so surprised at the tone of the questions today. The focus was all about, 'Oh, a certain senator may have said something, or a member of the other place said something else.' Well, that is great. That is excellent, but if we are really going to look at a solution then let's be mature about it and accept that people do have different points of view.</para>
<para>But on that: I think that the most telling part for me was that as I was sitting in the airport lounge yesterday I saw a Facebook post from my Tasmanian colleague Senator Helen Polley. It belled the cat on the priorities of the opposition in coming up here this week. Everyone talks about trying to reach an agreement and trying to ensure that the best is done for the Australian people, but Senator Polley said in her Facebook post over the weekend:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Canberra here I come for another exciting week in the Senate. I love the front row for Libs infighting. I hope everyone's week will be as exciting as mine.</para></quote>
<para>I thought that if Senator Polley were genuinely interested in good outcomes for the people of Tasmania then her tweet would be: 'Canberra, here I come. I look forward to working with all senators on an outcome that might actually resolve this issue.'</para>
<para>Instead, she tells us exactly what she is thinking and, I expect, what the Labor caucus was thinking too: 'Let's see if we can play politics here. Drive a wedge; try to highlight the instability,' that they think exists. That is what it is about for them, not about solutions and outcomes. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think it is always illuminating when you have people like Senator Duniam happy to spend so long talking about the broad church within the Liberal-National party to justify their actions. I think that just gives us an illustration of how toxic this debate is within the LNP. I know they have to rush off soon to go to another party room meeting to try to resolve this issue.</para>
<para>When I saw the release of the Finkel report on Friday it gave me the opportunity to think about the last 10 years and the direction of climate policy and energy policy in this country over that time. I had the opportunity to reflect on the 2007 federal election year. During that time I was working in the office of the then Leader of the Opposition, Kevin Rudd. The interesting thing from that time, going back to that 2007 year, is how both parties took to that election a form of emissions trading scheme. I know that Senator Brandis was not that influential during the Howard prime ministership, but it is a fact that both the government and the opposition took an emissions trading scheme to that election campaign.</para>
<para>Sure, the Labor Party's scheme was more ambitious than the one of those opposite; but both did take a bipartisan scheme, in a sense. If you think about where we are now, where we are still arguing over reaching some sort of level of compromise on energy policy and the debilitating impact that has had on jobs, on prices, or communities and on investment—there are a whole range of things—it really is important that we do try to reach compromise with the government.</para>
<para>I also reflect on 2007, that I was with Kevin Rudd when he made that announcement. My recollection of it is that he actually made that announcement at the Townsville State High School, which, to the best of my knowledge, is about two kilometres from where the Adani headquarters will be in Townsville. But that is an issue that I will tackle on another day.</para>
<para>When we look at the politics of this, there is no doubt that what we have seen is the debilitating impact this has on those opposite. Senator Brandis did his best, as he always does, to paper over those cracks. But we know that they have had the discussion this morning and that they are going to have another discussion about this soon in their party room as they try to find common ground within their show about reaching compromise with regard to tackling these issues that we have seen having such a big impact here in Australia.</para>
<para>You know it is bad when you look at the commentary, for instance, from the CEO of the Australian Energy Council. This was used in question time today:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Right now, we couldn't do it worse if we tried. We're making everything worse. We're making prices higher, reliability more unreliable, and we're not delivering the emissions we're required to deliver.</para></quote>
<para>This is the result of what we have seen from the actions of this government. The best example of the wrecking that they have done in regard to providing certainty to those who want to invest—and Senator Paterson talked about this—is when you look at the investment in renewable energies that we have seen under this government. That has completely crashed as a result of their policies and their going to war with renewable energy in this country. It has been absolutely disgraceful. We have also seen this dominating as a hot topic within the coalition, and we know that leads to leadership uncertainty. That is what is playing out in this debate, and unfortunately the people of Australia have been the losers in this regard.</para>
<para>Labor is committed to finding a solution to the energy crisis that has engulfed this country. As the Leader of the Opposition has pointed out, we are keen to work with the coalition where possible to find common ground. What we have seen is that, as a result of the investment strike in new generation, particularly in renewable energy, caused by policy from those opposite, wholesale power prices have doubled under the Turnbull government. This government has actually achieved rare outcomes: power prices are up, pollution is up and jobs are down. The closure of Hazelwood power station and the impact that that is going to have on that community are absolutely devastating. If I had one significant criticism of the Finkel report, it would be that it was not strong enough in recommending a just transition for those workers. That is something that I will have more to say about at the appropriate time. Clearly, Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull needs to stare down Tony Abbott and the climate change deniers and back a plan for more renewables in this country.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Attorney-General (Senator Brandis) to a question without notice relating to the revelations outlined in recent <inline font-style="italic">Four</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Corners</inline> and Fairfax investigations that sparked the government into action on donations reform.</para></quote>
<para>It is absolutely critical that we Greens shine a spotlight on what is going on here. Labor and Liberal members of this parliament are implicated through their links to high-profile Chinese businessmen connected to the communist regime in China.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator McGrath interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know this is a very touchy subject for members of the government. When you consider that the billionaire Chinese property developers Huang Xiangmo and Chau Chak Wing and their associates have made almost $6.7 million in political donations to the government and the opposition, it is no wonder that they are so touchy about it. We have revelations that assistance was afforded to Mr Huang in seeking his citizenship in a way that it would not have been for many other citizens.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Did Sam help you write this speech?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take Senator Macdonald's interjection. I know it is a source of great shame to Senator Macdonald that he has to justify these millions of dollars in donations that are being made to his party. In fact, Mr Huang reportedly threatened to withdraw a donation of $400,000 to the Labor Party because then Defence spokesman Stephen Conroy continued to criticise China's militarisation of the South China Sea. And, of course, we had the infamous comments from Senator Dastyari relating to the South China Sea dispute, which, indeed, to me, seemed to repudiate the policy of the Labor Party.</para>
<para>The former Liberal trade minister Andrew Robb is receiving $880,000 per annum, a contract that began the day before the 2016 election. He was still then serving as the member for Goldstein. We had the part-time consulting fee offered by another Chinese government-linked billionaire, Ye Cheng, who purchased the 99-year lease of the Port of Darwin, and the alarming $100,000 contribution from Mr Huang to Mr Robb's Bayside Forum—that is, his campaign donations vehicle—on the day of the signing of the China free trade agreement in 2014. Utterly remarkable! If you ever wanted a strong endorsement of the Greens proposal for a national anticorruption watchdog, this is it. But, of course, it not just a national anticorruption watchdog that is necessary; we need comprehensive, sweeping donations reform. If it is not enough to hear from ASIO, who have taken the unprecedented step in warning parliamentarians that taking foreign donations could compromise Australian interests, then when will we act?</para>
<para>Of course, as I said, it is not just about foreign donations. The interference of influence from large corporations over domestic politics is undeniable and it is about time that we changed it. What we have is a challenge to the very integrity of our democracy. We have a situation where the rich and powerful are buying influence with both of our major parties—and, whether it be real or perceived, it is no wonder that the Australian community is saying, 'Enough is enough'—and couple that with the revolving door that exists between this chamber and big business. We have had senators in this place who could not wait to get out of the joint so that they could start spruiking for the gambling industry. We have had members of the government who could not wait to leave parliament and start spruiking for big, foreign multinationals. We have a situation where there is a revolving door now between the Liberal-National Party and the oil, coal and gas industries.</para>
<para>We need legislation that will put an end to it, and that is what the Greens have got. We have legislation before the parliament that would prevent the perverse influence of big property developers, mining companies and the alcohol, tobacco and gambling industries on our political system. We have reports from the Australia Institute that claim the mining industry has funnelled millions of dollars into the Liberal and Labor parties and have shown a direct link between these donations and approvals for new mining projects. In fact, an anticorruption watchdog has shed light on some of those within the state parliament.</para>
<para>It is about time that we had sweeping reform. We need a national anticorruption watchdog, we need to put an end to big-money politics through corporate donations and we need to end the revolving door. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Under standing order 191, I wish to explain a speech or an interjection that Senator Di Natale took up. He has obviously either deliberately misquoted me or misunderstood my interjection. My interjection was not about defending payments by Chinese to the Liberal Party. I do not know that they have ever happened. My interjection was asking Senator Di Natale if he got permission from Senator Dastyari to say what he said and if Senator Dastyari actually helped him write his speech. That was my interjection, so he misunderstood what I said.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PETITIONS</title>
        <page.no>32</page.no>
        <type>PETITIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bass Highway</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>32</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I give notice that, on the next day of sitting, I shall move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) congratulates the federal Minister for Resources and Northern Australia and the Queensland state Premier for their leadership in bringing the Adani Carmichael coalmine in Queensland's Galilee Basin another step closer to being a reality;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) recognises that the much-needed boost to employment in North Queensland generally and in the resources sector specifically that the Adani Carmichael coalmine will deliver;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) welcomes the positioning of Adani's regional headquarters in Townsville; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) notes that the road, rail and port infrastructure upgrades directly resulting from Adani's investment in the Galilee Basin will provide benefits to businesses and communities across Northern Australia.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KAKOSCHKE-MOORE</name>
    <name.id>265982</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw general business notice of motion No. 330 standing in my name for today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>35</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the order of the Senate of 9 May 2017 relating to Senator Georgiou's first speech be amended as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Omit ''Wednesday, 14 June 2017'', substitute ''Wednesday, 16 August 2017''.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following general business orders of the day be considered on Thursday, 15 June 2017 under consideration of private senators' bills:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No. 45 Banking and Financial Services Commission of Inquiry Bill 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environment and Infrastructure Legislation Amendment (Stop Adani) Bill 2017 (subject to introduction).</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Fierravanti-Wells for today on account of ministerial business.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to the following senators: Senator McAllister for today for personal reasons; Senator Bilyk from 13 to 22 June for personal reasons; and Senator Wong for 14 to 15 June for parliamentary reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Reporting Date</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does any senator wish to have the question put on those extensions? There being none, we will now proceed to the discovery of formal business.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>36</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>36</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Bernardi, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matters be referred to the Environment and Communications References Committee for inquiry and report by 14 September 2017:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the participation of Australians in online poker;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the nature and extent of any personal or social harms and benefits arising from participating in online poker; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) whether the current regulatory approach, in particular, the recently amended Interactive Gambling Act 2001, is a reasonable and proportionate response to those harms and benefits.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The opposition will not be supporting this motion today. Whilst we recognise the senator's intent, we are unable to support the points raised in this motion. We recognise that well-regulated gambling has a place in Australian society and that the growth of illegal online gambling is of great concern. While the majority of people who bet gamble in a responsible manner, Labor knows that gambling in our community can, in some cases, have devastating social, financial and emotional consequences. We know that problem gambling can cause significant harm. That is why we support a well-regulated gambling industry that is underpinned by appropriate harm-minimisation measures.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that that motion be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:48]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>46</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>22</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw general business notice of motion No. 306 standing in the name of Senator McAllister.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>38</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>38</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend business of the Senate notice of motion No. 5, standing in my name and the names of Senator Griff and Senator Kakoschke-Moore for today proposing a reference to the Community Affairs References Committee, by omitting '7 December 2017' and substituting '18 February 2018' and also by substituting paragraph (d) of the motion with the words: 'the adequacy of medication handling practices and drug administration methods specific to aged care delivered at Oakden'.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, in response to the neglect and abuse in aged care exposed by the Makk and McLeay Aged Mental Health Care Service at Oakden in South Australia, which has led to its closure, the following matters be referred to the Community Affairs References Committee for inquiry and report by 18 February 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the effectiveness of the Aged Care Quality Assessment and accreditation framework for protecting residents from abuse and poor practices, and ensuring proper clinical and medical care standards are maintained and practised;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the adequacy and effectiveness of complaints handling processes at a state and federal level, including consumer awareness and appropriate use of the available complaints mechanisms;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) concerns regarding standards of care reported to aged care providers and government agencies by staff and contract workers, medical officers, volunteers, family members and other healthcare or aged care providers receiving transferred patients, and the adequacy of responses and feedback arrangements;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the adequacy of medication handling practices and drug administration methods specific to aged care delivered at Oakden;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the adequacy of injury prevention, monitoring and reporting mechanisms and the need for mandatory reporting and data collection for serious injury and mortality incidents;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the division of responsibility and accountability between residents (and their families), agency and permanent staff, aged care providers, and the state and the federal governments for reporting on and acting on adverse incidents; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) any related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>38</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend business of the Senate notice of motion No. 6.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee for inquiry and report by 14 February 2018:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's trade and investment relationships with the countries of Africa, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) existing trade and investment relationships;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) emerging and possible future trends;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) barriers and impediments to trade and investment;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) opportunities to expand trade and investment;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the role of government in identifying opportunities and assisting Australian companies to access existing and new markets;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the role of Australian based companies in sustainable development outcomes, and lessons that can be applied to other developing nations;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the role of Australian based companies in promoting the achievement of Sustainable Development Goals; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) any related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>39</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cooper, Professor David Albert, AO</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Wong, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) congratulates Professor David Cooper on being awarded the James Cook Medal in recognition of his outstanding contribution to both science and human welfare;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) notes that the James Cook Medal is awarded periodically by the Royal Society of New South Wales for outstanding contributions to science and human welfare in and for the southern hemisphere;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) acknowledges the significant contribution Professor Cooper has made over many years in the research and treatment of HIV and AIDS, including in the areas of antiretroviral therapy, HIV pathogenesis and complications of HIV treatment;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) notes the important role that Professor Cooper continues to play in the fight against HIV and AIDS in the developing world, in particular, his work in co-founding HIV-NAT, a clinical research and trials collaboration based at the Thai Red Cross AIDS Research Centre in Bangkok; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) notes that Professor Cooper joins other respected recipients of the James Cook Medal, including Sir Frank M Burnet, Sir Ian Clunies Ross, Sir Marcus Oliphant, Sir Gustav Nossal and Professor Brien Holden.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Kirby, Hon. Michael, AC, CMG</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Wong, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) congratulates the Honourable Michael Kirby, AC, CMG on receiving the high honour of being awarded the Order of the Rising Sun, Gold and Silver Star, by the Emperor of Japan in recognition of his contribution to promoting international understanding of the situation of human rights in North Korea, including the issue of the abduction of Japanese nationals;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) notes the outstanding contribution Mr Kirby has made in promoting the significance of human rights worldwide through his work, including but not limited to his appointments as Special Representative of the Secretary‑General for human rights in Cambodia and a member of the High Commissioner for Human Rights' Judicial Reference Group; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) notes the exceptional effort Mr Kirby has made to address the HIV and AIDS epidemic globally, through his service on international bodies, including the World Health Organisation's Global Commission on AIDS, UNAIDS Reference Group on HIV and Human Rights, and UNDP Global Commission of HIV and the Law.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>39</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Infrastructure Legislation Amendment (Stop Adani) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>39</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <a type="Bill" href="s1067">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Environment and Infrastructure Legislation Amendment (Stop Adani) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>39</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A bill for an Act to amend the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999, and for other purposes—Environment and Infrastructure Legislation Amendment (Stop Adani) Bill 2017.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>39</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to table an explanatory memorandum related to the bill and to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The Environment and Infrastructure Legislation Amendment (Stop Adani) Bill 2017 (the bill) will make sure that the Australian Government cannot hand out $1 billion to Adani for their coal railway via the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility (NAIF) by creating a broad "suitable person" test under the <inline font-style="italic">Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility Act 2016 </inline>(the Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This test would examine investigations and findings against members of the Adani corporate group for fraud, money laundering, tax minimisation and corruption. This test would involve mandatory consultation with the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) and the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission (ACIC).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill would also strengthen our national environment laws (the <inline font-style="italic">Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 </inline>or EPBC Act) to make sure environmental history must be considered when approvals are given.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, it would trigger an automatic review of Adani's existing approvals focusing on the group's environmental history, including approvals for the Carmichael mine, coal railway and the Abbot Point coal port in light of the damning evidence that has emerged since those approvals were first given in 2014 and 2015.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill is the next step in the movement to stop Adani.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is a dodgy company, pushing an environmentally and economically destructive project.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Adani mine is the best, and most appalling example of the way big parties are working for big business, not for ordinary people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australians know our political system is broken and our economic system is rigged against everyday people. The same system that lets greedy bankers rip off everyday people with the full protection of politicians, is the one that lets Adani take unlimited groundwater from Queensland where nearly 90 per cent of the State is in drought.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The same system that lets property developers steamroll over local residents with insider deals is the one that looks set to hand over $1 billion in public money to a multinational mining company.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That system lets political donations buy influence and outcomes, and locks out the community.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Adani, the banks, insurance companies and the big end of town have made the donations and have got the well-paid lobbyists and the well-connected former politicians. All we've got is people power. Despite that, when ordinary people stand up, we can win!</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Wangan and Jagalingou traditional owners have been standing strong against this dangerous mine. They've told Adani time and again—no means no.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Despite that opposition, and the groundswell of support across Australia for the Stop Adani movement, the Liberals and Labor refuse to stop this mine.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is set to take money away from battling families and give a $1 billion handout to a tax dodging, environmentally ruinous, mining company under the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Queensland Labor has the power to block the handover of public funds but won't do it. Instead they encourage Adani to export its environmental vandalism here, granting it special legal status and dodgy deals like a 60-year unlimited groundwater licence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Queensland Labor can block the $1 billion loan to Adani under federal law, but they're refusing to honour their word at the last election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Leader of the Opposition, Mr Bill Shorten, could stop this dangerous mine tomorrow—all he needs to do is announce his Government would review their environmental approvals on the basis of the avalanche of evidence of environmental destruction, corruption investigations, money laundering allegations, fraud investigations, the coal ship sinking and the worker exploitation that's happened in India.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coal kills people, destroys livelihoods and drives global warming that is killing the Great Barrier Reef, and if this mine goes ahead, 2.3 billion tonnes of coal will be dug up and burned.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the first time in its ancient history, the Great Barrier Reef has suffered two successive years of mass coral bleaching, and the scientists attribute that to climate change. This World Heritage icon and underwater paradise teems with biodiversity and attracts tourists which support over 60,000 jobs—all are put at risk by the emissions from the coal from this mine.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Overseas, Adani is under investigation for money laundering, fraud and corruption, including allegedly bribing public officials.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If the Adani mine goes ahead, it's been reported that $3 billion will be funnelled directly to the Adani family via a company based in the tax haven of the Cayman Islands.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Adani have ignored environmental laws causing irreversible damage. Their shocking environmental track record has recently been summarised in <inline font-style="italic">The Mani Brief </inline>released recently by Environmental Justice Australia and Earthjustice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the NAIF Act, there currently is nothing to stop a company with such an awful track record from being given public money. There is no suitable person test at all. Our bill would fix that.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our bill would also fix the disgraceful situation where the Environment Minister can simply chose to ignore the shocking overseas track record of a company, just because breaches occurred overseas.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Right now, some of the most shocking revelations about Adani's track record cannot be considered under Australian law, because the incidents concerned occurred under the watch of another member of the Adani corporate group. As it stands, the EPBC Act only contemplates the environmental history of a parent or subsidiary company. Our bill would fix that by expanding the test to include any associated entity as defined in the <inline font-style="italic">Corporations Act 2001.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull and Leader of the Opposition Mr Bill Shorten have a choice: support our bill, or back the mining billionaires.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If they don't back this bill, it's proof they work for their political donor mates not ordinary Australians.</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATERS</name>
    <name.id>192970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Nigeria</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Moore, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the return of 82 young women held captive for three years by Islamist militants in Nigeria, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) that in April 2014, as part of a world-wide campaign calling for the release of the group of 270 schoolgirls captured from their high school, women from across the Australian Parliament, gathered in the forecourt to show their support for the 'Bring Them Home' project;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges the work of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Swiss and Nigerian governments to negotiate appropriate settlement to ensure the safety and the return of these young women;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) supports continuing efforts to complete the return of the many young women still believed held by Boko Haram; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) condemns the actions of the militants in the region.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee Report: Government Response, Order for the Production of Documents</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 331 standing in my name for today in the terms circulated in the chamber relating to an order for the production of documents.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the unanimous findings of the Environment and Communications References Committee report, <inline font-style="italic">Game on: more than playing around – The future of Australia</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">s video game development industry</inline>, received on 29 April 2016, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the absence of any government response to the findings of this inquiry; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) orders that there be laid on the table by the Minister for Communications, by no later than 3.00 pm on 14 May 2017, a copy of the government response to this report.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The committee report made eight recommendations that impact a number of portfolios and, as such, requires careful consideration and development of a whole-of-government response.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion, as amended, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>International Development Assistance</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) the Government's deeply disappointing decision to once again cut funding to aid in the 2017-18 Federal Budget by $300.3 million across the forward estimates,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) Australia's Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) is currently at a record low as a proportion of Gross National Income (GNI), and will now plunge even further to 0.2 per cent of GNI by 2020, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) this decision comes as there are 60 million displaced people in the world, famines in parts of Africa and the Middle East, and increasing threats to prosperity as a result of climate change, amongst other global concerns; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to reverse these cuts, and as soon as possible identify a year by which Australia's ODA will reach the target of 0.7 per cent of GNI, as is our commitment to the United Nations, and as other comparable nations such as the United Kingdom have already achieved.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia will provide $3.912 billion in overseas development assistance in 2017-18, an increase of $84 million. This makes Australia approximately the 13th largest donor in the OECD. Overseas development assistance will increase to $4.1 billion in 2018-19 and will be maintained at that level until 2020-21, at which time it will increase again. Overseas development assistance is not being reduced. Australia is responding strongly to humanitarian needs by providing funding of $399.7 million in 2017-18, an increase of $60 million. The government will not commit to a prescriptive, time-bound aid target as a percentage of gross national income until the domestic economy is back on a sustainable footing.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp> (Australian Capital Territory—Manager of Opposition Business in the Senate) (15:59):</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move an amendment to the motion.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Omit paragraph (b) and substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to reverse these cuts, and as soon as possible make a commitment to a gross national income (GNI) growth target for Australia's official development assistance (ODA).</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 326 standing in my name and the name of Senator Rhiannon.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON-YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) recognises the infrastructure projects, including inland rail construction, that the Federal Government committed to delivering in the 2017-18 Federal Budget;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges that the steel producing communities of Whyalla in regional South Australia and the Illawarra in New South Wales are struggling with high unemployment and low job security; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) calls on the Turnbull Government to guarantee that they will support Australian jobs by committing to a local procurement policy, mandating the use of Australian steel in infrastructure projects committed to in the 2017-18 Federal Budget.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition government is determined to ensure the best value for money for Australian taxpayers in all infrastructure projects. The government's Australian Industry Participation Plan encourages full, fair and reasonable opportunities for Australian industry to compete for work in major public and private projects in Australia. For example, the Australian Rail Track Corporation currently has a long-term supply agreement with Arrium Steel for rail tracks sourced from the Whyalla Steelworks in South Australia. Under the new Commonwealth procurement rules, government construction procurements above $7.5 million need to consider the economic benefit of the procurement to the Australian economy, which will provide greater opportunity for Australian industry involvement in infrastructure projects while remaining consistent with our international trade agreements.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I do not wish to delay this anymore, but I want to confirm that the motion, as amended, would have a new subsection (c): 'calls on the Turnbull Government to guarantee that they will support Australian jobs by committing to a local procurement policy, including the new Commonwealth procurement rules that will maximise the use of Australian steel in infrastructure projects committed to in the 2017 federal budget'.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hanson-Young, could you clarify that for us? Does the amendment consist of subsection (c)?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, it does.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Does that satisfy your question, Senator Gallagher?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that the motion, as amended, be agreed to?</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>43</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that 8.30 am today four proposals were received in accordance with standing order 75. The question of which proposal would be submitted to the Senate was determined by lot. As a result, I inform the Senate that the following letter has been received from Senator Hanson:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The need to introduce a debt ceiling on how much the Australian government could borrow.</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times for each of the speakers in today's debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall ask that the clerks set the clock accordingly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What is on the mind of Australian people around the country is: how much more debt can we afford to carry? And the answer is: no more. We are in debt to the tune of $563 billion. It was just a few weeks ago that the Treasurer, Scott Morrison, said that we are going to raise it to $600 billion. The debt ceiling was taken out. We did have a debt ceiling but that was changed around 2009. The Labor Party had a debt ceiling, but Tony Abbott's government and also the Greens removed the debt ceiling that we had in Australia. I do not believe that it can go on the way that it is going. Scott Morrison has said in the past that we do not have a revenue problem, we have a spending problem. But, well and truly, I say that we have both. We do have a revenue problem and we do have a spending problem.</para>
<para>If we have a look at the debt, we can see that it is accumulating at a rate of about $14 billion a year. That is how much we are going further into debt and, at this rate, we will never be able to pay it back. The government is increasing the debt. At budget time they tell us that we will be back in surplus in a matter of years, but that is not the case. We need to rein in our spending, and I can give a few examples of where we could do this. Firstly, we could look at the remuneration packages paid to a lot of our organisations—as I raised in the chamber, the CEO of Australia Post was on $5.6 million a year—$5.6 million a year he has paid himself—and the head of NBN is actually on $3.6 million a year. Looking at chancellors of universities, we can see that the top one is on just over a million dollars a year and that the top 21 are probably bringing in $700,000-plus a year.</para>
<para>Then you can look to some of the other positions in Australia Post, where you have people who are on $1½ million a year, and then at the board of directors, who are on another $1.2 million a year. And the CEO of the ABC is on approximately $900,000-plus a year. This is completely out of the realm of what the average Australian finds acceptable. We are now getting a divide in Australia where we have ordinary Australians who are trying to work extremely hard for the average wage. And though some may say it is around about $45,000 or $50,000 a year, many are only receiving their $35,000 and are having to live on that. When you hear of these people and these wages that I have been talking about, such as the $5.6 million for the CEO, people are furious about it, and I do not blame them.</para>
<para>When I raised in the parliament about what the CEO of Australia Post was getting paid, the Liberal Party, the government, said: 'Look, we will fix that. We will change what he can be paid.' And they put out a remuneration package here that he should actually come under, which has the classification of band E. It is quite interesting: if you go through bands A, B, C and D you will see they start from a certain amount and they have a total amount that they can be paid. But that is not the case under band E, which says, 'from either $380,230 or from $469,340', but it does not say to what amount. The government has actually given carte blanche to the board of Australia Post to stipulate what they want to pay the next CEO of Australia Post.</para>
<para>Australians are not going to put up with this anymore. We cannot continue to have the divide in this country, which is becoming the rich and the poor. The remuneration packages we are paying these people in Australia is far superior to what people in the same positions in other countries around the world are paid. This has to change.</para>
<para>Another thing about our debt and where we can rein it back in is that we had assets. We had Telstra which, in 1996, made a profit about $2.2 billion—but no, the government wanted to sell Telstra, and now it is making a profit of about $6½ billion a year. Then you have the Commonwealth Bank, which was also sold off and is now looking at making nearly $10 billion profit a year. We are seeing too many of our assets being sold in this country, and Australians are fed up with it. Their assets belong to them. It is not up to governments to decide when they wish to sell off an asset to gain just a couple of billion dollars that they continually waste, and then we do not have the revenue coming in from those assets.</para>
<para>A case in point that I am going to talk about is the Adani mine. The government is looking at lending the Adani mine $1 billion to build this railway line. I am all for the coalmining; I have no problems with it; we need it for the jobs—it will create around 1463 permanent jobs, but building the railway line will create more jobs in the interim. If we build the railway line—the mine is supposed to be productive for 60 years—Adani will have to cart its coal and the average cost of carting that coal will be $10 a tonne. At the height of production, they are looking at 60 million tonnes which equates to $600 million a year—revenue we will have from that railway line. It is not only Adani but other coalmines in the area, and that would amount to another $60 million a year. If the government owned the railway line, it could pull in at least $1 billion a year. Why are we going to allow a foreign company to own the railway line and to pull in the profits from that? Unless we start looking at turning that around and getting people in this parliament with business acumen who know what they are doing to stop selling Australian people out, we are not going to have the money to run this country—our hospitals, schools or to pay those people who need the pension, including the sick and the aged. We will not be able to look after future generations and we will be leaving a hell of a debt for them. That is exactly what we are doing.</para>
<para>The welfare system needs to be reined in. I am suggesting an Australian identity card so that anyone who is on taxpayer-funded services must apply for the card, present their 100 points of proof of who they are—we have too many aliases, too many rorters, too many people ripping off the system. If you have a card, then when you go to the doctor you swipe your card. It must have your picture and your palm print because that cannot be duplicated. We have overseas visitors coming to this country who get a Medicare card and go to the doctor. They get scripts and some are ending up in the hospitals that we are paying for. There are numerous people who are collecting welfare payments and there are people rorting the educational system. If we want to be fair dinkum at reining this in, this is the only way we can go about it. We need to address concerns about it.</para>
<para>Another thing on the minds of the Australian people is our gas fields. On the North West Shelf, we have multinationals taking our gas, selling it to Japan. They are getting it 65 per cent cheaper than what Australians are paying for it. The deals done in this country disgust me. We have no equity in our gas fields. We get royalties out of it, but we do not know exactly how much gas they are taking. It is a sham that has been going on. It disgusts me to think that they will bring out gas from America and release it in Australia more cheaply than we can provide it to our own people. Australians are at a point where they cannot keep being taxed further and further. The government must rein the debt in. I say that we need to stop allowing the government to increase the debt ceiling whenever it suits them. It has to be changed; we have to control this government and future governments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to begin by congratulating Senator Hanson and her One Nation colleagues for bringing to the Senate's attention a very important issue. Of course, when we talk about debt ceilings and their suitability or otherwise, what we are really talking about is whether or not the excessive levels of government expenditure can continue to be supported by the Australian taxpayer into the future. I, like other coalition colleagues and I am sure colleagues from the One Nation Party, absolutely agree that this level of expenditure—not of our money but of taxpayers' money—can simply not be sustained into the future. If we agree on that, the conversation necessarily becomes one about the sorts of constraints that we can put on government to ensure that government expenditure over time is reduced, that the burden is removed from Australian taxpayers and their families, and the economy is allowed to flourish as a result of that.</para>
<para>I am big enough to be able to say that I was disappointed when the coalition government decided to remove the debt ceiling. I am certainly one of those people in the camp who believes that debt ceilings are necessary and important institutional mechanisms that help constrain the size of government and, in the process, take the pressure off Australian taxpayers and their families. Unfortunately, we do not live in an ideal world, nor do we live in a policy vacuum. The government at the time was forced to confront some very serious issues around government expenditure that had been left to it—no surprises—by the Labor opposition. That is not an excuse, because I would hope that one day we would absolutely get to the place where we can again restore debt ceilings because I think they are important institutional mechanisms to give people a degree of confidence to make sure that public monies are being spent as wisely as possible.</para>
<para>On top of that, of course, I am one of those Liberals that believes we should be reducing the size of government. There is much that government is doing in this country that is detrimental to the prosperity and livelihoods of ordinary Australians. Australians are very able to get off their backsides to build businesses and to raise their families; they do not need government and the size of government constantly in their way and constantly in their lives. So I am aspirational that we will be able to get back to that particular point in time.</para>
<para>If I could diverge for just one moment, I would like to see us restore the integrity of our constitutional document and to restore the integrity of section 51 either by taking away from the federal government certain activities it currently does or by actively saying to state governments, 'This is your responsibility.' In the federation reform white paper that had been advanced by the former coalition Prime Minister, Mr Abbott, there was a key word in that document that I am sure senators who think like we do were drawn to. That word was 'subsidiarity', meaning that decisions should be made as close as possible to the people they affect and the funding decisions that are attached to those should be sourced closely to the people that actually benefit from those decisions. I came to this place five years ago, strongly committed to the original compact our forefathers designed—what great brilliance they were able to demonstrate in the late 1890s! I come to this place saying that the people of Western Australia, the people of South Australia and the people of Queensland can be trusted to make decisions for themselves that are in their own best interests. The Commonwealth can focus on those traditional areas of responsibility. But I digress.</para>
<para>I would like to just put in context the dilemma the coalition government finds itself in and the constructive work it is doing to deliver a better budget outcome not just for the government but for every Australian. Then, if my time allows, I want to briefly reflect on the critical issue of wages growth—more particularly, the lack of wages growth in our country and the real dilemma that presents for ordinary families.</para>
<para>In May of this year, following the federal budget, the Treasurer, Scott Morrison, was able to detail for the Australian community exactly the size of the challenge the government still faces, even though it was elected in 2013, to return the government's finances and indeed the finances of the Australian population to a much better and reliable format. In his contribution he talked particularly about the importance of Australia living within its means. The Treasurer said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Since 2008, when the Rudd Government put Australia back into deficit, more than 75 per cent of our gross debt, or around $370 billion, has been raised to pay for everyday expenditure in welfare, health and education.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">From 2018-19, ten years after Labor put us on that track, we are getting off it and will no longer be putting every day expenses on the credit card. That is what living within your means is all about.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under Labor they accumulated deficits of just under $240 billion in six years or 16.9 per cent of GDP. Under the Coalition, over six years from our first budget in 2014-15, our deficits are $70 billion or around 30 per cent less.</para></quote>
<para>What that means is, we are working towards a better budget outcome—not yet achieved, but making progress. The Treasurer went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The other key difference is Labor inherited the Liberal gift of a structural surplus and we inherited the Labor curse of baked in spending and a structural deficit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Net debt is projected to peak in 2018-19 at $375 billion or 19.8 per cent of GDP, before declining to 8.5 per cent of GDP over the medium term. The increase in gross debt reflects the Government's borrowing to support infrastructure and defence capability and borrowing over the medium term to avoid drawing down on the Future Fund to pay for unfunded superannuation liabilities—</para></quote>
<para>Of course we know—</para>
<quote><para class="block">that will save a century of taxpayers from having to meet these costs.</para></quote>
<para>The Treasurer went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Under the Coalition we have cut the growth in our Gross Debt by two thirds—from over 34 per cent under Labor to less than ten percent in this budget.</para></quote>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to participate in this matter of public importance. This particular issue is one that does greatly interest me: this issue not only of debt but also the question of economic management.</para>
<para>There is no doubt in my mind that the Turnbull government, and Liberal governments for that matter, are the most prolific spenders of any government in history. You do not have to take my word for that. I encourage our colleagues in One Nation to take note of this. I have raised this previously: profligate spending is something which an IMF working group looked at in 2013. The IMF working group looked at a range of industrial economies—55 economies in all—and they looked across those major industrial economies to find which were the periods of government which had the most wasteful government spending. I suppose it is to the chagrin of the coalition that, in fact, the IMF working group found that it was in two periods of the Howard government that profligate or wasteful spending occurred. This is an uncomfortable fact for the senators on the other side of the chamber, but this is a finding of a respected working group of the IMF.</para>
<para>The first period was 2003, at the height of the mining boom. Senators opposite always talk about the level of debt at the time that Labor took office, but it also needs to be said that in the time of the Howard government, particularly in the early part of this century, the mining boom was leading to rivers of gold flowing into government coffers. There was not a great deal of expert management required to deliver surpluses in those periods of time. The coalition government at that time found ways to conduct wasteful spending. As I said, 2003 was the first of the two periods of wasteful spending. Then the 2005 to 2007 period was also identified as a period of wasteful spending, at the end of the Howard government.</para>
<para>This government has gone backwards in its attempts to manage the budget, with debt accumulating at a 35 per cent faster pace than when Labor were in power. Even more importantly, the Turnbull government is failing in job creation and lowering the unemployment rate, which remains high. Figures released last week revealed that there are only seven days to go until the Turnbull government crashes through half a trillion dollars in gross debt for the first time in Australia's history. The Australian Office of Financial Management's figures show that gross debt has hit $499.2 billion, and two expected debt issuances this week, worth a combined $950 million, will see it eclipse the $500 billion on Friday.</para>
<para>Mr Turnbull, Mr Morrison and Senator Cormann like to blame everybody else but themselves for this mess, but this milestone exposes the depths of their failure. Their $65 billion tax cut for the top end of town is just one example of why the Prime Minister and his colleagues are part of the problem, not part of the solution, when it comes to skyrocketing debt. The Treasurer was forced to raise the nation's debt cap from $500 billion to an unprecedented $600 billion last month, a threshold that will not even cover the $606 billion in gross debt expected by the end of the forward estimates or the $725 billion projected by 2027-28, and with no peak in sight. The Turnbull government's budget also projects net debt to hit record levels over the next three years and the deficit to be 10 times bigger in the coming year than was predicted in Mr Hockey's first budget in 2014.</para>
<para>Higher interest payments on record debt is the price Australians are paying for four years of Liberal division, dysfunction, chaos and incompetence. But, as we know, or as the Treasurer likes to tell everyone: 'There is good debt and there is bad debt.' Fake spending on infrastructure is 'good'; fully funding our schools is 'bad'. At least, that is how the members of this incompetent government view spending. The fact is that, for all their bravado, this budget and this exuberant amount of debt does not produce a dollar of new investment for public transport until well after the next federal election.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister's admission came today after the Queensland government was forced to go it alone in funding the Cross River Rail project in Brisbane in its 2017 budget, because the Prime Minister—to his eternal shame, in my view—has refused to support the project. Mr Turnbull likes taking selfies on trains, trams and buses, but he refuses to invest in trains, trams or buses, despite repeated warnings that traffic congestion is acting as a handbrake on the nation's economic development. Cross River Rail is urgently needed to provide a second rail crossing of the Brisbane River in the city's CBD, because the existing Merivale Bridge is reaching full capacity. Continued delay in commencing the project will inhibit economic growth in Brisbane and right across South-East Queensland.</para>
<para>In last month's budget, Mr Turnbull created a $10 billion National Rail Fund, which he says could be used to invest in Cross River Rail, as well as other public transport projects, like the Melbourne Metro and the AdeLINK light rail project. In question time today, I understand that Labor's Anthony Albanese asked:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Is the Prime Minister aware that under the so-called National Rail Program not a single dollar is available in this entire term of parliament? There is nothing this year, nothing next year and nothing the year after that. Isn't the National Rail Program in fact the new NAIF—the 'No Actual Infrastructure Fund'?</para></quote>
<para>That was the question, and I tend to agree. Cross River Rail was approved by Infrastructure Australia in 2012 and was ready to commence in 2013, under a deal between the former Labor government and the former coalition Queensland government. But it was cancelled by the incoming federal coalition government, which has subsequently not provided a single dollar of new investment in public transport.</para>
<para>Without significant investment in infrastructure, this chaotic government is leading us down to the point of no return. We need a government that is willing to take the risks and invest in the public good, not a government that tries to cut corners. Just look at the state of the NBN. This is a self-proclaimed 'Innovation Prime Minister', and Mr Abbott refers to him as 'the man who invented the internet'. But listen to this: Mr Turnbull has now purchased 15,051 kilometres of copper for his NBN rollout to date. That is 15 million metres of copper, enough to wrap around Australia. This copper splurge represents a growth rate of 736 per cent from Mr Turnbull's 1,800 kilometre tally in October 2015. You cannot make this stuff up. This feat was finally revealed by NBN Co in response to a question from Senator Urquhart that was already 18 days overdue. Mr Turnbull's use of taxpayer funds on last century's copper is yet another indictment of his failed, second-rate NBN. Mr Turnbull's ongoing broadband stuff-ups, with his second-rate copper NBN, rates a mention in the budget papers, including confirmation of his backflip on limiting public funding of the NBN to $29.5 billion. The budget papers also confirm funding for sites identified in the 2016 election campaign for the Mobile Black Spot Program. The government bungled the first funding round and was comprehensively criticised by the audit office. It found that one in four new towers failed to provide any new or extended coverage.</para>
<para>With the handing down of the 2017-18 budget, this government has once again failed to provide a coherent vision for the future of Australia and has done nothing to address growing debt. This is putting our AAA credit rating at risk and damaging the future prosperity of all Australians. When I think about the achievements of the Turnbull government, it is pretty dim. So I just want you to listen to my final summary at the end of this MPI: Under the Turnbull government we have: the slowest GDP growth since that GFC, record government debt, company profits surging, real wages falling, homeownership at 60-year lows and inequality at a 75-year high. If you think the Liberals are better economic managers, you really need to think again.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia is internationally recognised as having some of the lowest debt-to-GDP levels in the world. It is also internationally recognised that we have the highest household debt levels in the world. If you want to talk about a debt that is a problem in this country, let's talk about household debt. It came up repeatedly during estimates. That is the issue we should be focusing on here.</para>
<para>Senator Hanson comes in here—I note she did not stay for the rest of the debate to listen to the other speakers, where she might have learnt something. I wanted to point this out very clearly. When she talks about a debt ceiling, what she is saying is that debt is bad. That is code for, 'austerity measures are good'. That is code for, 'more zombie cuts to government spending'. That is code for, 'attacking the vulnerable in Australia'. We have been through this in the last four years with the Liberal-National government—cutting the most vulnerable in this country.</para>
<para>I supported, and the Greens supported, the government lifting the debt ceiling because we supported a more mature conversation in Australia around the use of debt. I am very pleased that in the recent budget the government has adopted the Greens approach of splitting up the accounts into debt for capital, which is often referred to as 'good debt'; and debt for a current expenditure, which unfortunately is referred to as 'bad debt'. Both those debts can be seen as investment. They are investment in our people, in our social safety net, in our health care and in infrastructure projects that actually raise productivity and return long-term benefits to the Australian community, workforces, businesses and citizens. Debt itself is not bad. Whether you see the level of debt as being too high depends on debt serviceability, the ability to service the debt.</para>
<para>I have no doubt that One Nation has come in here today to raise this issue because they want to set limits on investments we can make in our people. When they say they want a debt ceiling, what they really want is a compassion ceiling in Australia. They want to cap the amount of good that this parliament can do to help Australians. I philosophically disagree with Senator Smith. I believe that government should play a strong role in our life—yes, it is a healthy thing—I agree. I agree the government should play a strong role in our lives. It should be setting up an infrastructure bank in this country and co-investing with the private sector and directly investing in long-term infrastructure projects. I chaired a select committee that showed we had nearly a trillion dollars in underinvestment in this country. That is how you produce sustainable jobs and sustainable growth.</para>
<para>The Greens believe we should be putting long-term debt funding—off-balance-sheet capital funding—into Renew Australia—$70 billion to transition out of coal fired power into clean energy. We want to see money go into a federal housing trust to build housing for low-income Australians. My colleague Senator Rhiannon has done a lot of work on that. We can have debt in this country at manageable levels. We are nowhere near the debt troubles that we see internationally. If you focus on debt, it is actually not the debt that the credit rating agencies were worried about; it was economic growth and growth forecasts. So let's get that straight.</para>
<para>What we have a problem with in this country is household debt. Extremely high, dangerous levels of debt leverage financial system risk, not to mention that debt, like a black hole, sucks up capital out of the economy. That is productive capital that could be going into investment. This is what people who understand economics and finance are talking about in this country, not what One Nation is in here talking about—some arbitrary debt ceiling—because somehow they think they are going to get a cut-through headline. Debt to One Nation, debt to the Liberal Party means austerity. It means cuts to expenditure; it means attacking the vulnerable. I had hoped that this parliament had moved beyond this, with some of the measures we saw in the recent budget, to at least have a sensible discussion on debt. We do not need any more trickle-down economics nor the idea that somehow we should be promoting austerity agendas or leaving it all to big business.</para>
<para>Government should play an active role in our life. That means government should spend money carefully. It should make sure that it is targeted in the right areas and that it is an investment in our people, in our health care, in our education, in our infrastructure—the kinds of things that Australians expect us to perform as parliamentarians. There should be no more of this rubbish about debt ceilings.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in response to this matter of public importance submitted this morning by a parliamentary colleague from Queensland, Senator Hanson. Senator Hanson has asked the Senate to consider the need for the Commonwealth to introduce a debt ceiling on how much the Australian government can borrow. The Turnbull government, as indeed have been all coalition governments, is deeply committed to budget repair. But an arbitrary and blunt legislative instrument to try and cap debt is not the answer. A debt ceiling, though noble in its intentions, is a poor policy mechanism to attempt to curb government expenditure which fails to acknowledge the nuance required of fiscal management on a national scale.</para>
<para>This government will bring the budget back to surplus. Last month, the Treasurer delivered a budget in the other place centred on the notions of fairness, security and opportunity. In this budget, the Treasurer demonstrated how Australia's net debt will peak in 2018-19. This is a government that can deliver budget repair. There is no need for a debt ceiling.</para>
<para>The economic rationale behind a debt ceiling is meagre, to say the least. In the first instance, a defined debt ceiling does not respond to changes in the general price level due to inflation. A debt ceiling is blunt. A debt ceiling is static. Additionally, the use of a debt ceiling is largely prevalent in jurisdictions where executive functions are distinct from the legislature and where legislative bodies that seek to curb reckless expenditure do so to try curb that expenditure by the executive. This simply is not relevant to the Australian system. There can only be one possible economic rationale for the introduction of a debt ceiling in Australia—that is, somehow that a debt ceiling instils an economic discipline into policy makers. While this might be a noble goal, there are better ways to go about it.</para>
<para>We cannot allow this country to follow the path of the United States, the United States Congress in particular, which has been forced to pass successive increases to its own debt ceiling in order to enable the federal government to continue functioning. Even the staunchest of anti-debt congressmen and senators in the states have not been willing to truly allow the government to shut down over its debt ceiling. Allowing Australia to get in this position is simply irresponsible. Quite simply, though budget repair and return to surplus are vital important economic issues and are core commitments of this Turnbull government, the wheels of government have to be kept turning. Federal employees must be paid, Commonwealth services must be funded, and Australian citizens must be able to have faith in the continuity of the Commonwealth government.</para>
<para>Since 2008, when Kevin Rudd's Labor government put Australia back into deficit, more than 75 per cent of our gross debt, around $370 billion, has been raised to pay for everyday expenditure in welfare, in health and in education. Obviously this is simply unsustainable. In 2018-19, we will return to surplus and we will be no longer be putting these everyday expenses on the Commonwealth credit card. This is what living within your means—not austerity; living within your means—is all about.</para>
<para>The Rudd-Gillard-Rudd Labor governments accumulated deficits of just under $240 billion in just six years of government. This equates to 16.9 per cent of GDP. Under the coalition, over six years from our first budget in 2014-15, the coalition's deficit is approximately 30 per cent less than those opposite. Never forget that Labor inherited the Liberal gift of a structural surplus of over $19 billion, whereas the coalition inherited the Labor curse of baked-in spending and a structural deficit.</para>
<para>Net debt is projected to peak in 2018-19 at $375 billion, or 19.8 per cent of GDP, before declining to 8.5 per cent of GDP over the medium term. The immediate increase in gross debt reflects the government's borrowing to support our productive capacity through investment in vital infrastructure and Defence capability and borrowing over the medium term to avoid drawing down on the Future Fund to pay for unfunded superannuation liabilities. These measures will save a century of taxpayers from having to meet these costs.</para>
<para>Under the coalition we have stemmed the growth in our gross debt by two-thirds, from over 34 per cent under Labor to less than 10 per cent in this budget. In this budget real growth in spending is at 1.9 per cent over the forward estimates, which is significantly lower than the profligate 3.7 per cent we inherited from Labor, and average real growth in spending under the Turnbull coalition government is lower than the average of each of the previous five governments, extending back over almost 50 years.</para>
<para>When we were elected payments as a share of the economy were rising to 26.7 per cent, having already reached 25.1 per cent, but they will fall to 25 per cent over the forward estimates. The Turnbull coalition is delivering budget repair.</para>
<para>My point in demonstrating these vast economic achievements it to show unequivocally that this is a government delivering on its promise of budget repair and that the legislative debt ceiling is simply not necessary. I applaud Senator Hanson for bringing this matter to the Senate's attention. It is vitally important to have the discussion, to have the debate as part of our civic discourse. That said, we must not be tempted to introduce a blunt instrument such as a debt ceiling. To do so would be akin to responding to a nuanced and complex problem which requires the delicate touch of a metaphorical scalpel with an unwieldy sledgehammer. I sincerely thank Senator Hanson for her introduction of this MPI but implore the Senate to ultimately reject the notion that this nation needs a debt ceiling.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak about the need to introduce a debt ceiling on how much the Australian government can borrow. Before I do that I want to hark back to those distant days of good financial management by a federal government. Let's look at where the debt ceiling came from. It came about under the Rudd Labor government. Who abolished it? Smoking Joe Hockey, former Treasurer of Australia, abolished it in a 2013 deal done with the Greens political party. A little history: in 2013 a Labor government set a ceiling on the amount that the Australian government could borrow, and that ceiling was $75 billion. In November 2013, then Treasurer Hockey requested parliament's approval for an increase in the debt limit to $500 billion, saying that the limit would be exhausted by mid-December 2013, a month later. With the support of the Australian Greens, the Abbot government repealed the debt ceiling over the opposition of the Australian Labor Party.</para>
<para>Let's fast forward from those halcyon days of a Labor government making good and responsible economic choices for Australia. Let's move forward to May of this year, to budget night. What do we find? We find the member for Cook in the other place describing his budget as 'making the right choices for Australians who are working hard to secure better days ahead'. Better days ahead? How is that possible with the dysfunction of this current government?</para>
<para>Let's take a closer look at that dysfunction. After all, it is not only Senator Paterson, my fellow senator, who is from Victoria, sometimes referred to as the Massachusetts of the south and also known for the many sound economic managers it has produced at both state and federal levels of government. I refer, of course, to former Premier Brumby, also a state Treasurer of great renown, and my former boss, former Treasurer John Lenders, a very safe pair of hands of the Victorian economy. But I digress. Let us go back to Senator Paterson, who in his maiden speech in March last year called for parliament to reimpose a debt ceiling. With gross debt exceeding $400 billion, the government should have to seek permission from the parliament to increase it, Senator Paterson said. And now where are we? The debt ceiling increased last month to $600 billion. The debt figure hit $490 billion on 5 May, according to the Australian Office of Financial Management, so in the nick of time, a few days later, the debt ceiling was raised—but wait; there is more. In the budget papers, gross debt is predicted to blow out until it hits $725 billion in 2027-28. That is a 48 per cent increase in debt.</para>
<para>But the dysfunction does not even stop there. The Minister for Finance did not even want to admit the figure when interviewed the night after the budget. He was asked six times on Andrew Bolt's program what the gross debt numbers are and, like Peter, who denied Jesus thrice, the finance minister doubled down on that and, while given six opportunities to answer the question, finally left his interviewer saying, 'I won't push it.' Of course, the gap between the Treasurer and the Minister for Finance in their enthusiasm for increasing debt has been put to me by a member of the coalition—politely, I have to say—as being 'significant'. But let's go to the transcript.</para>
<quote><para class="block">Andrew Bolt: Why is peak gross debt a secret? Why can't you tell us how much the debt will go to? I mean, this is very important. You were the guy that was very strong on debt and deficit, I would like to know what the figure is.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Cormann: What I am telling you is that the debt number that actually matters is Government net debt and it will peak at $375 billion in 2018-19. It will peak at 29.8 per cent as a share of GDP.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Andrew Bolt: I got that. I am just asking that the debt ceiling is $600 billion, when will you go above that? You are the ones that talked about the debt ceiling yesterday. I want to know is it going to be broken?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senator Cormann: Actually I have not talked about the debt ceiling. The Treasurer has made a decision to ensure that the operations of Government can continue in an orderly fashion and he has made an administrative decision which is on the public record …</para></quote>
<para>Of course, the finance minister would be nervous. Look what happened in his home state of Western Australia. His Liberal Party state branch drove the economy of that great and proud state of Western Australia off a cliff. The result? In their state election earlier this year, the Liberal government were soundly routed and rightly removed from office.</para>
<para>Let's go back to where we started. Let's go back to the Treasurer. Where is Sco-Mo, perhaps more properly and formally referred to as—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! You should refer to the members of the other place by their appropriate titles, Senator Kitching.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KITCHING</name>
    <name.id>247512</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr Acting Deputy President. The Australian Treasurer has been notably absent. His on-point and pithy communication skills are very hard to find post-budget. So after question time I did a little research for his last comments. His last media release on the Treasury website was on 7 June. His last speech was on 1 June. The last transcript was for 7 June. He is MIA. I will leave the Senate with a quote. As one of his colleagues said to me recently: 'Sco-Mo is psychologically in Tahiti.'</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>'Grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can and the wisdom to know the difference.' The Australian government cannot change global warming. We emit two per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions. Policy in China, the US, Russia, India, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Iran, South Africa, South Korea, Japan and Brazil is not driven by what we do here. We should have the courage to abandon our job-destroying, poverty-inducing Paris commitment, and we should have the serenity to only actively seek to reduce emissions when they do.</para>
<para>What the Australian government can do, can change, is the debt that it leaves to the next generation. For the sake of our children and our children's children, we should muster the courage to arrest the growing debt and then start repaying it by delivering budget surpluses. What got us into this mess is short-term spending on handouts to people who do not need it and excess public-sector wages. We have been borrowing to spend rather than to invest. We have been doing it for a decade and it is set to continue. We need the wisdom to reject the madness of rebadging the Renewable Energy Target as a clean energy target while pretending that it is not a carbon tax. We need the wisdom to restrict government spending to the needy and to cut Public Service wages so that we deliver budget surpluses, pay back debt and leave our children with a better standard of living than we have enjoyed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the motion put by Senator Hanson in relation to a debt ceiling. I suppose it will not be lost on you, as it is probably not lost on anybody else here, that it is absolutely important that we live within our means. I was listening to the contribution that Senator Whish-Wilson gave to this place in relation to this matter. I was quite astounded to hear him say that he thought that more debt was a good thing. As you would be aware from your own family businesses, Mr Acting Deputy President Bernardi, you do not actually live beyond your means. You only borrow money so that you can invest in the prosperity of another day, and you do not actually borrow against your children. I think it is absolutely important that we accept the fact that we have an extraordinarily responsible government in power at the moment. This government has made it very, very clear that debt and deficit recovery is one of the most important things we will ever do. For us to be standing here listening to comments like those we heard from Senator Whish-Wilson in relation to the fact that he thought it was a good thing for us to increase debt, and, in doing so, to increase the debt for our children—I know for one thing that I have been brought up with parents who believed very, very essentially that it was always nice to pass something on to your children. I can assure you that I have absolutely no intention whatsoever of passing on to my children a debt. I think any responsible government would think the same thing.</para>
<para>When it comes to the debt ceiling, it was interesting to hear those opposite crowing that they were the ones who brought in the debt ceiling and we were the ones that took the debt ceiling off. We also need to accept the fact that there are different reasons, Mr Acting Deputy President—I think it is the first time I have seen you in the chair since I have been speaking, so—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a good look.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>it is a very fine day for me and I am sure it is a very fine day for you too. But we have different types of debt. You can borrow money to invest in the future and you can borrow money particularly, as we would, for a business, a house or an investment. In doing so, you are actually borrowing money in the hope that you may realise more money at some time in the future. I think that is pretty much how all investment and business develops everywhere in the world. It is something that has been happening for a million years and will probably happen for a million more. But there is also debt where you actually have to borrow money just to pay the interest on what you have already earned—you have to borrow money to pay for your recurrent expenditure. It is a little bit like borrowing money to pay off your credit card. It is not a very smart thing to do. It is certainly not something that is sustainable in the longer term, as many people have found out to their detriment. First of all, I think it is a little disingenuous for the Labor Party to come in here and start talking about the fact that they were the ones who introduced a debt ceiling and that we were the ones who took it off, but I think we certainly need to understand the difference between different types of debt. For that reason I commend this government for their responsible fiscal management.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Financial stewardship is one of the most important tasks with which governments and parliamentarians are entrusted. We all individually have a solemn responsibility which requires a determination of purpose and a strength of character. Too often governments and parliamentarians, aided and abetted by elements in the media, think that public office is simply about tickling people's ears, getting their votes and spending their money. This is a contemptible, shallow and dishonest approach and it is why, some time ago, I called for the reintroduction of the debt ceiling. Let us be clear: Labor had a debt ceiling that they knew could not be kept. They had a trajectory which they knew would break through that ceiling and, try as we might to restrain expenditure within this place, the Labor Party, led by Mr Shorten, deliberately voted against $5 billion worth of their own savings that they took to the election—savings which they promised the Australian people they would make. We put forward the Labor savings and Labor, the Greens and others then rejected those savings.</para>
<para>Government does not have any money of its own—it either borrows it or takes it out of the pockets of our fellow Australians. Our expenditures here are very, very serious, and we need to consider them in that light. The simple fact is that no country has ever borrowed or taxed its way into wealth. We have to be responsible with our expenditure, and it is absolutely reprehensible when this generation of leadership in Australia seeks to maintain its standard of living at the expense of the next generation, which will have to repay that debt with interest. That is why some of us are, quite rightly, exercised about the size of the ever-growing debt burden, and I congratulate the government for reining it in. But even more needs to be done, and I call on all senators to join in that task to ensure that we have genuine intergenerational financial responsibility.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am surprised that Pauline Hanson's One Nation would propose that the Senate speaks on the need to introduce a debt ceiling, because we already have a debt ceiling via a self-imposed credit limit that serves as a ceiling on how much Australia can borrow. One Nation members might think it best to have two ceilings, but they would be the only ones who do. Australia is facing real issues, and this debt ceiling does nothing to address them.</para>
<para>Even on the issue it attempts to solve—government spending—it does absolutely nothing. A debt ceiling does not commit the government—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Abetz interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Williams interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Bushby interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Smith interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am sorry, Senator Lambie. Senators, I can hear your conversation perfectly, and I think you should tell them to their face what you just said. I would like to hear Senator Lambie. Senator Lambie, you have the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Even on the issue it attempts to solve—government spending—it does nothing. A debt ceiling does not commit the government to a dollar in savings. It does not change how much the country is borrowing or what we are spending it on. It is a feel-good act of symbolism, and a redundant one at that. I have spoken about it for a minute, and I can assure you that it does not even deserve that.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Nothing demonstrates how out of touch and dislocated from the Australian people this parliament is more than the debate we have had today—such as from Senator Lambie there, who clearly does not even understand what a debt ceiling is. A debt ceiling, Senator Lambie, used to have to come to this parliament to be voted on to extend it. Right now, the Treasurer can just wave his magic wand and say, 'We're going to increase it whenever we like'. It is not a ceiling at all; it is an arbitrary figure.</para>
<para>To have the argument on this side of the chamber that Joe Hockey, the then Treasurer, removed the debt ceiling so that he would not have to justify the expenditure that he was incurring—to have them justify this—is extraordinary. Let me remind those on this side of the chamber that they joined up with the Greens, who are now openly advocating that we should be spending far beyond our means far into the future and that we should run up debts, moral obligations, for our younger people to pay for successive generations. It is extraordinary that the spendthrift group on the other side are the voice of fiscal sanity at this point in time, with Senator Kitching and others—I will damn her with faint praise—saying a debt ceiling is actually quite important. That is amazing. They voted against lifting the debt ceiling. A debt ceiling is simply a mechanism to ensure the primacy of parliament in this place. It means that those treasurers who simply mislead us, as they all have—every single one since 2007—that a mythical surplus is just around the corner, will be held to account and will have to eat humble pie by coming in here and begging for more money. They will have to justify every lousy, wasteful expenditure program. I support a debt ceiling because it is about accountability. It is about making sure that governments cannot simply promise the pie-in-the-sky surpluses, which we have heard today and which will never exist in the next decade.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Bernardi. If there are no further speakers, we will now go to consideration of documents.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Additional Information</title>
            <page.no>52</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf the Chair of the Environment and Communications Legislation Committee, Senator Reynolds, I present additional information received by the committee on its inquiry into the Australian Broadcasting Corporation Amendment (Rural and Regional Advocacy) Bill 2015.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Public Works Committee</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>52</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works, I present two reports, as listed at item 14 of todays <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>: <inline font-style="italic">Report 4/2017: referrals made December 2016 and February 2017</inline>; and <inline font-style="italic">Report 5/2017: referrals </inline><inline font-style="italic">made </inline><inline font-style="italic">December 2016, February and March 2017</inline>.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>52</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, I present the <inline font-style="italic">Annual report of committee activities 2015–2016</inline>, and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I am pleased to present the committee's annual report for 2015-16. The committee's activities in this period built upon the significant work undertaken during the preceding year. The national focus on counterterrorism measures continued throughout 2015-16, with further legislative reform leading to significant activity by the committee. The committee maintained its bipartisan approach to reviewing proposed changes to Australia's national security legislation and, in 2015-16, concluded inquiries into the Australian Citizenship Amendment (Allegiance to Australia) Bill 2015 and the Counter-Terrorism Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 1) 2015. Across these two inquiries, the committee made 41 recommendations that sought to strengthen the provisions of each bill and ensure that they included appropriate safeguards and oversight mechanisms. I note that the government accepted all of the committee's recommendations.</para>
<para>The committee also continued to fulfil its key statutory oversight responsibilities. The Intelligence Services Act requires the committee to review the administration and expenditure of the six Australian intelligence agencies on an annual basis. The committee completed its review for 2013-14, concluding that agencies were overseeing their administration and expenditure appropriately. As it had in previous years, the committee looked closely at the impact of the efficiency dividend and other savings measures on agencies and sought assurances that each agency continued to have the necessary resources to address Australia's national security priorities.</para>
<para>The committee noted that increases to the ongoing funding of intelligence agencies, and the Office of National Assessments's exemption from the efficiency dividend, helped to allay the committee's concerns that agencies were at the point of being unable to find further efficiencies without affecting ongoing capability or operations.</para>
<para>The committee had continued to monitor these issues in its subsequent reviews, which it will report upon in its next annual report.</para>
<para>Also during this period, the committee conducted its second review of the Australian Federal Police's performance of its functions under part 5.3 of the Criminal Code, which contains the Commonwealth terrorism offences, control order regime and preventative detention order regime.</para>
<para>In addition, the committee reviewed and supported the relisting of five terrorist organisations.</para>
<para>One of the outcomes of the changed security environment has been expansion of the functions, oversight and scrutiny responsibilities of the committee.</para>
<para>Following the considerable expansion of the committee's functions that occurred in 2014-15, the committee obtained additional responsibilities following passage of the Australian Citizenship Amendment (Allegiance to Australia) Bill. This included the requirement that the committee review the operation, effectiveness and implications of certain parts of the Australian Citizenship Act 2007 by 1 December 2019 and an ongoing power to review any declaration of a 'terrorist organisation' under the act.</para>
<para>The committee accepts that recent operational experience has shown the need for measures to enhance the ability of security and law enforcement agencies to respond to threats and to protect the Australian community. Balanced with this is the ongoing need to ensure that individual privacy and other fundamental freedoms and rights are protected for Australians.</para>
<para>The functions performed by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security are an important accountability mechanism, providing scrutiny and oversight of the intelligence agencies and national security powers.</para>
<para>I commend the report to the Senate.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Law Enforcement Committee</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>53</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement, I present two reports of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement; one on the examination of the annual report of the Australian Crime Commission 2014-15, and the other on the examination of the annual report of the Australian Federal Police 2014-15.</para>
<para>Ordered that the reports be printed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the reports.</para></quote>
<para>To start with, I would like to regard the Australian Crime Commission's report. This report covers the merger of the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission and CrimTrac to form the Australian Crime Commission, or ACC, as it is now known. Over this period of this report the Australian Crime Commission has been able to take significant action on the fight against crime in Australia, including the seizure of $1.96 billion in estimated street value of illicit drugs and $175 million worth of precursor chemicals. I think that is very relevant to the committee's work it has been doing over that time and continuing to now. There is an inquiry into crystal methamphetamine and the role of law enforcement.</para>
<para>In relation to the AFP's annual report, this report obviously covers the period of 2014-15, which was, I have to say, immediately after the significant budget cuts to the AFP by the Abbott Liberal government. An amount of $138 million over four years was cut from that 2014 budget. Of course, that cut resulted in the withdrawal of the AFP from the Hobart Airport towards the end of 2014, in October 2014. Now, Hobart is the only capital city in Australia without any AFP presence at its airport. There have been a number of calls to return the AFP presence to Hobart by a number of federal members from all sides of parliament, in fact, as well as by the Police Association of Tasmania and Tasmania's Police Commissioner. There still has been no action and, indeed, it seems to have fallen on deaf ears.</para>
<para>This lack of a permanent presence at Hobart Airport puts undue extra strain on Tasmania Police, who now have to police the airport in addition to their normal duties. We know from reports that crystal methamphetamine, which the law enforcement committee has been investigating, has been smuggled through Hobart airport into Tasmania, because occasional random drug testing at the airport has repeatedly caught people—but it is random. Just a month ago, police reportedly stopped a passenger travelling from New South Wales with an estimated $500,000 worth of crystal methamphetamine, but we do not know how many other smugglers are getting through the airport undetected on those occasions when Tasmania Police are not in attendance. Tasmania has very high visitor numbers, which is a fantastic thing for our state—I think one million people come through the Hobart airport each year—but we must not risk security by continuing the situation of a lack of AFP presence. While this report does not go into the current budget, in which the government tried to address its previous cuts to the AFP, it certainly does not address the fact that there is still no AFP presence at our airport.</para>
<para>The committee examined a number of other issues contained in the AFP's 2014-15 annual report. The committee notes in our report our own inability to examine counterterrorism activities due to these aspects being covered by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security. The committee is concerned that having two different committees oversee different aspects of the AFP's work may lead to unintended gaps in parliamentary oversight, and the committee recommends that the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement re-establishes oversight of all aspects of the AFP's work. That would be the best way to proceed and for the committee to perform its functions, its due diligence, in providing that oversight function to the AFP. How can we perform our role as effectively as possible if there is a certain section of the AFP for which we have no oversight because it has been sent off to another committee? We are talking about monitoring, reviewing and reporting the performance of the AFP and its functions under part 5.3 of the Criminal Code. I think it is important to address the re-establishment of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Law Enforcement's oversight.</para>
<para>Finally, I want to highlight the importance of increasing the budget for the AFP. The 2014 budget was a train wreck, particularly for the AFP, and this had a detrimental effect that is continuing years later. One of the very important aspects in the way it has carried over is having no AFP presence at the Hobart airport. I urge the government to address this immediately. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>54</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the report of the Environment and Communications References Committee entitled <inline font-style="italic">Commercial use of Tasmanian bumblebees</inline>, together with the Hansard record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I will not speak for too long because I am sure that Senator Urquhart would also like to speak to this report. I am very pleased to comment on this report today. I inherited the chair of the Environment and Communications Reference Committee only recently, but Senator Urquhart has also been involved with this inquiry. A little bit of background: this inquiry has spanned two parliaments—the 44th and 45th parliaments. It did lapse with the double dissolution, but we rejigged it so that we could take evidence in this new parliament. We have the report here today. Also the amendment to the EPBC act that the committee was looking at has previously been bought to the parliament and the Senate. It was during the 44th Parliament when the government introduced the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Amendment (Bilateral Agreement Implementation) Bill 2014. It included a part 3 to the live import list, which was the key proposed amendment. That that would have created an exemption to the offence provision so as to allow companies or individuals to possess live specimens that are part of an existing feral population in a state or territory listed under the new part 3. Specimens would be listed for specific states and could be listed with or without conditions for use.</para>
<para>The populations that we are talking about here are bumblebees. They might seem like a strange thing to be talking about in the Senate. But, in my home state of Tasmania, this is a very important issue. We rely on bees—honey bees and, in some cases, native bees to pollinate plants and crops. It is absolutely critical to an agricultural-based state, like mine of Tasmania, that we have effective pollination services available to farmers and agricultural producers. We have to make sure, of course, that we have a healthy ecosystem and healthy environment so that bees can thrive. What we have discovered for the invasive species of the bumblebee—sadly, we have another awful invasive species in Tasmania called the European wasp that does an incredible amount of damage to our environment and our crops; but that is a debate for another time—is that bumblebees have been noted to be good pollinators. The genetic diversity in Tasmania is very poor. It is believed that the population, which has a firm foothold now right across the state, came from only two queens.</para>
<para>The Tasmanian government in recent times, together with industry, has proposed a plan to test how good bumblebees really are as pollinators by having a closed greenhouse trial. It would probably be on tomatoes because we know that they are used internationally on tomato crops. Then we can actually look and see how good they are as pollinators and whether they can actually provide a broader service across the state. One of the reasons for this is not only to increase productivity and, I am guessing, to provide some competition for the honey bee providers but also that honey bees are, as we know, under significant pressure. If we get varroa mite in this country, it could potentially be devastating and catastrophic to our honey bee population.</para>
<para>The committee heard a lot of evidence. We did go down to Tassie. We heard from a number of stakeholders down there. I would say that there are opportunities in this, which we have firmly outlined in the report, and there are risks to this, as well. The committee has considered those and has very cautiously made three recommendations that, I think, are very sensible. They are fairly close to what the government brought in in the 44th Parliament. We believe—and, I suppose, the committee is made up of a number of Tasmanian senators—this, potentially, could be a positive for Tasmania if the environmental risks can be managed. I would say to anyone who is interested in the report, please read the detail. We want to see the EPBC amendment come back to parliament. We can send it off to the legislation committee when that happens. We can look and see if there have been any updates to the science and if there are any more concerns that we need to incorporate. Then, hopefully, we can actually get a very selective, limited trial in Tasmania on the use of bumblebees for pollination.</para>
<para>I recommend the report to the Senate. I am sure that Senator Urquhart has more to say.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak, also, on the Environment and Communications References Committee inquiry and report into the risks and opportunities associated with the use of Tasmanian bumblebee population for commercial pollination purposes. In particular, the inquiry sought to examine the economic benefits of using bumblebees for commercial pollination in Tasmania. Also, it sought to look at any environmental and biosecurity risk, and any legislative barriers—at least to trialling such an approach. Last year, I moved, as Senator Whish-Wilson has indicated, a reference to establish the inquiry. I thank the Senate for agreeing to re-adopt the reference at the commencement of this new parliament. I would like to also acknowledge those who made submissions to the inquiry, those who gave evidence at the hearings and the secretariat staff for their assistance throughout the hearings and in putting together this report.</para>
<para>The bumblebee is not native to Australia, as Senator Whish-Wilson indicated, and is only present in Tasmania and on neighbouring islands. The first bumblebee queen likely arrived from New Zealand and bumblebees were first sighted in Hobart around 1992. By 1993, it was accepted that bumblebees had become established in Tasmania. Over the next 14 years, bumblebees have spread across the state into all major vegetation habitats including urban and agricultural areas from sea level to altitudes of over one kilometre above sea level. There was no evidence to the inquiry that over the ensuing 25 years, bumblebees have damaged the Tasmanian environment.</para>
<para>Bumblebees are excellent pollinators, using a rapid vibrating motion to pollinate a flower in a single visit. They are also large enough in size and fast enough workers, visiting more flowers and carrying heavier loads than honey bees. As a result, there is potential to increase yield and fruit quality for our horticultural industry across a wide range of plants. At present, much of the horticultural industry uses wand pollination to mimic the bumblebee's buzz technique.</para>
<para>The commercial use of bumblebees presents an opportunity for decreased costs as well as increased yields in comparison to honey bees and wand pollination.</para>
<para>I must note that a number of submitters contributed evidence that the commercial use of bumblebees for pollination could present a risk to the Tasmanian environment and a biosecurity risk to mainland Australia. But possession of bumblebees is currently prohibited as the animal is not listed on the live import list established under the EPBC Act. The way that EPBC Act is written, it is even illegal to possess the established feral population in Tasmania. As the initial bees were not legally imported, they and their descendants cannot be possessed lawfully. In the last parliament, the coalition government, as Senator Whish-Wilson indicated, proposed amendments to the EPBC Act that could allow the possession of the existing Tasmanian bumblebee population within Tasmania. These amendments lapsed with the early election. The amendments would establish a new part 3 to the live import list to create an exception to the offence provisions so as to allow companies or individuals to possess live specimens that are part of an existing feral population in a state or territory. Specimens would be listed for specific states and could be listed with or without conditions for use. For a specimen to be added to part 3, it must be established through an environmental impact assessment that possession would not likely damage the environment. Amendments would be made by the minister and would be a disallowable instrument.</para>
<para>Finally, states and territories would then have the choice to opt in to the exemption with the offence to still apply in states that do not opt in. It is encouraging in this place when we can come together as the Senate environment committee actually did to find common ground across the parties and present recommendations that balance environmental concerns with the industrial opportunities.</para>
<para>The committee made three recommendations, and there was support from the Labor, the Liberal-Nationals and the Greens in those three recommendations. The committee recommended that the Commonwealth introduce the specific amendments to that EPBC Act that I have referred to regarding the live import list. It also recommended an initial sunset clause is included in the proposed amendments. The sunset clause would include a review mechanism after two years of operation to examine the worth of the new process and any unintended consequences. If any adverse environmental impacts are identified in the review, the parliament should amend the EPBC act to remove or remedy the new part 3.</para>
<para>Finally, there were a number of submissions that argued that there was insufficient evidence around the effectiveness of native bees for commercial pollination. As a result, the committee's third recommendation is that the Commonwealth government work with state governments to fund further research into the use of native bees as pollinators. I commend the report to the Senate and encourage the government to respond to this inquiry in a timely fashion.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to take note of the fifth report of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works and to make abundantly clear on the record that Labor dissented—a very unusual dissent—the Immigration and Border Protection fit-out—some $250-odd million worth of fitting out of four buildings, reducing their footprint from 12 down to four. It is a very, very unusual event that the Public Works Committee actually has a vote and divides on a proposal. The deputy chair, Mr Zappia, made some cogent remarks in the tabling of the report in the House of Representatives to the extent that the committee on the Labor side was not convinced about the merits of the argument put by Border Protection. They were not convinced about the reasons for moving. They were not convinced about the costs per square metre of the fit-outs. Also, they were not convinced by the justification which attempted to extrapolate net present value out some 30 years. The proposal from Border Protection was that in 30 years time will save in excess of $200 million. In this chamber, we do not have the luxury of knowing what is going to happen in 30 years time. I suggest that Border Protection, even with the assistance of the finance minister's department, would be unlikely to be correct in extrapolating a view over 30 years time.</para>
<para>What is precisely quantifiable is the mathematics of that work, but the assertions they make are unlikely to be gained in factual outcomes. We do not know what size the department will be in 30 years time. We do not know what its direction will be. We do not know the impact of technology on that department. We do not know the impact on any number of areas. But there is a mathematical assertion that on net present value there will be some savings in 30 years time—that is seven years after the end of the lease. At the end of the lease period of 23 years, they have extrapolated out for another seven years to justify their decision, which is to spend about $1.7 billion leasing premises and fitting them out with landlord incentives.</para>
<para>Labor Party had a couple of concerns. One is that it appeared to be excessive in terms of cost per square metreage. They did not achieve the parameters of $1,200 and $1,800 per square metre in any of the ventures that they are proposing. The cost was excessive. The second point is that it was financed by leasing incentives. The simple equation there is, if you are getting an incentive, you really do need to examine whether that has been recovered in higher lease prices. A simple analogy is: a building that was vacant for eight years is now going to be leased out for the next 15-plus years at the five-star rating value. The government is going to pay the top leasing payments for all of the time that it is leased out, despite the fact that it was built and not occupied for eight years. There is no discount in the lease incentives. The discount is advanced as a proportion of the fit-out cost, which ends up with the landlord. If you fit-out a building and you move out of it, you cannot take the fit-out with you: it ends up as value to the landlord. We had some serious concerns. I just wanted to make sure that we had on the public record the Public Works Committee divided and had a vote. The government members had the majority and put the expenditure motion through the parliament against the Labor Party members of the committee.</para>
<para>I just want to say this before I pass to Senator Ludlam: the last time we had a division of this type was in respect to a fit-out of some premises in Doha. Our diplomatic footprint is to be expanded. We are going to go into Doha and spend seven million bucks fitting out a floor of a five-star building at precisely the same time as all of the other countries in the region take their diplomatic posts out of Qatar. As Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and a number of other countries around there declare Doha a hotbed of terrorism, we are going in there to spend seven million bucks fitting out the expansion of our diplomatic footprint—quite ironic. Sometimes the Public Works Committee's deliberations are quite prescient. I will just say this: what Border Protection are doing is not value for money and it is not demonstrably in the public interest. It may well be an empire-building objective of the minister and Secretary Pezzullo, but it is certainly not in the public interest. They did not demonstrate value for money and, most importantly, they did not demonstrate to the committee the abundance of clarity or disclosure which we need to make proper informed decisions. Suffice it to say that Labor dissented, and I do not want to be as correct on this dissent as we probably are on the Doha dissent.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted. Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>57</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Government Response to Report</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present three government responses to committee reports as listed at item 14 on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>, as well as the government's response to the report on the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee on the planned acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. In accordance with the usual practice, I seek leave to incorporate the documents in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The documents read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Australian government response to the Senate Economics References Committee Report: Insolvency in the Australian Construction Industry</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">May 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Economics References Committee</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insolvency in the Construction Industry</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government r esponse</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1 •   The committee recommends that ASIC conduct a review of administrators' and liquidators' reporting requirements and the range and extent of information it requires to be reported and, where necessary, make changes that will ensure the regulator is able to fully inform itself, the parliament and the public with complete, relevant and up-to-date data on insolvencies.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>Since 2010-2011 the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) has improved its publication of insolvency statistics through its annual overview of corporate insolvencies, which is based on statutory reports lodged by external administrators for each financial year.</list>
<list>ASIC has been actively pursuing improvements to the public reporting of insolvency statistics, including through:</list>
<quote><para class="block">– the amendment of Form EX01 in December 2014, through which external administrators report to ASIC on potential insolvent trading; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– the promotion of the electronic lodgement of relevant information through providing functionality for external administrators to lodge receipts and payments information in 'structured data'.</para></quote>
<list>The government's Insolvency Law Reform Act 2016 received Royal Assent on 26 February 2016. The act requires liquidators to lodge annual administration returns for each administration. ASIC will consult further with industry participants on what information will be required to be provided as part of the annual administration return. The electronic lodgement of these returns as 'structured data' will facilitate the improved public reporting of insolvency statistics.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2 •   The committee recommends that the government provide an additional budget appropriation to ASIC in the 2016–17 budget and over the forward estimates, if required, which is sufficient to ensure that ASIC has the capacity to conduct analysis and provide a wide range of relevant, up-to-date insolvency data.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>The government will consider whether additional funding for ASIC is necessary following the bedding down of the insolvency law reforms.</list>
<list>In the 2016-17 budget, the government allocated additional funding of $121.3 million over four years to ASIC to combat misconduct in Australia's financial services industry and bolster consumer confidence in the sector. The funding for ASIC includes $61.1 million to enhance ASIC's data analytics and surveillance capabilities as well as modernise ASIC's data management systems.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3 •   The committee recommends that ASIC require all external administrators' reports to be lodged electronically in the schedule B format.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>ASIC encourages external administrators to lodge forms electronically through the Registered Liquidators portal, available on the ASIC website. Continued improvements to the ease of electronic lodgement have seen a substantial increase in the number of electronic lodgements to 99.8 per cent of all reports in 2014–15. This can be compared with 36.8 per cent of all lodgements in 2002–03 being electronic.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4 •   The committee recommends that ASIC make better use of external administrators' reports and other intelligence in order to improve the standard of publicly available information, provide early warning to industry participants about repeat and concerning insolvent practices and lead to a more effective market.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>ASIC has advised that it continuously reviews the information it receives and actively seeks opportunities to enhance the availability of information to the public.</list>
<list>However, ASIC further advises that referral reports contain confidential information used to determine matters in which further investigations should occur. Any public disclosure prior to investigation by ASIC on the merits of the allegations could lead to inequitable consequences for the entity and/or prejudice an ongoing investigation.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5 •   The committee recommends that the ATO and ASIC increase their formal cooperation with superannuation funds to coordinate measures around early detection of non-payment of superannuation guarantee.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian Tax Office (ATO) and ASIC will continue to work closely with superannuation funds to improve identification of non-payment of superannuation guarantee.</list>
<list>The Superannuation Guarantee Cross Agency Working Group, chaired by the ATO and also comprising Treasury, the Department of Employment, the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority (APRA) and ASIC, has recently provided a report to government outlining options to improve compliance with superannuation guarantee.</list>
<list>An outcome of that report is that the ATO, ASIC APRA and the Fair Work Ombudsman (FWO) will meet on a regular basis to exchange information:</list>
<quote><para class="block">– about the operation and viability of participants in the superannuation guarantee system;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– relevant to identifying and addressing superannuation guarantee non‑compliance; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– to better target activities by government agencies to address superannuation guarantee non‑compliance by employers.</para></quote>
<list>The ATO continues to work with the superannuation industry on an ongoing basis.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6 •   The committee recommends that privacy provisions which may inhibit information flows between the ATO and APRA regulated superannuation funds be reviewed and that the ATO seek advice from the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner as to the extent to which protection of public revenue exemptions in the Australian Privacy Principles might facilitate improved information sharing.</para></quote>
<list>The ATO continues to work with the superannuation industry on an ongoing basis.</list>
<list>The ATO receives information on possible superannuation guarantee non‑compliance from superannuation funds.</list>
<list>The government's SuperStream and Single Touch Payroll initiatives will improve information flows in relation to superannuation.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 7 •   The committee recommends that the ATO continue to actively monitor the tax liabilities of businesses in the construction industry in order to ensure that debts owed to the Commonwealth are paid.</para></quote>
<list>The ATO will continue to actively monitor the obligations of businesses in the construction industry.</list>
<list>The ATO has a number of strategies in place for the construction industry and is working on bringing together a holistic view and approach to ensuring better engagement and correct registration, lodgement, reporting and payment of tax and superannuation obligations by industry participants.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 8 •   The committee recommends that if necessary, the government make an additional budget appropriation to the ATO in the 2016–2017 budget for the purpose of enabling the ATO to recover the outstanding tax liabilities of construction industry businesses.</para></quote>
<list>Any amendment to the allocation of funding to the ATO would be considered in the context of the government's ordinary budget processes.</list>
<list>There are already several recent initiatives aimed to prevent tax liabilities or improve the collection of outstanding tax liabilities, including</list>
<quote><para class="block">– Data and analytics (MYEFO 2015-16): this enables the ATO to use data more effectively, including data they receive as part of the reportable taxable payments measure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">: The government will provide $61.9 million over four years (including capital of $12.2 million) to the ATO to upgrade its data analytics capability.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">: This measure will enable the ATO to improve taxpayer compliance and reduce compliance burdens by pre‑populating additional information in their returns.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">: Improved data analysis capability will help the ATO in better detecting and deterring non‑compliance. Compliance activities enabled by improved analytics are estimated to raise additional revenue of $222 million over the forward estimates period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 9 •   The committee recommends that construction industry participants, particularly those representing the interests of subcontractors, develop partnerships with mental health support organisations to provide ready access to support, counselling and treatment for people in the industry who may suffer from the adverse mental health effects of the financial distress caused by contractual disputes and insolvency in the construction industry.</para></quote>
<list>The government encourages all private industries, including those related to building and construction, to develop partnerships with mental health support organisations to provide ready access to support, counselling and treatment for individuals within that industry.</list>
<list>Individuals that are experiencing distress or have been diagnosed with a mental illness are able to access a range of Australian government funded mental health and suicide services and supports. Information regarding these services and supports is available on the mindhealthconnect website www.mindhealthconnect.org.auor through accessing the Department of Health's website (www.health.gov.au).</list>
<list>The Australian government also provides funding for the following support services, which are targeted at mental health and suicide prevention in the building and construction industries:</list>
<quote><para class="block">– The MATES in Construction (MIC) programme targets the male dominated building and construction industries using a community development model to create self-sustaining suicide prevention structures on site, and to de-stigmatise mental health and wellbeing issues, while encouraging workers in the industry to seek help for a range of issues. The MIC model focuses on making better and more useful connections between workers in the industry and external professionals; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– The OzHelp Foundation seeks to build the capacity of workers in the building, construction and mining industries to recognise warning signs of mental health issues and suicide, and to facilitate access to support services and improve referral pathways for mental health and suicide prevention services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 10 •   The committee recommends that the government fund an independent analysis of the effects of the high rate of insolvency and related issues on productivity and innovation in the construction industry.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>The government recognises the importance of funding research and innovation as a driver to increase productivity and to achieve long term economic growth for the Australian community.</list>
<list>The government has, through an Australian Research Council Discovery Grant, funded research by the University of Melbourne's Centre for Corporate Law & Securities Regulation into fraudulent phoenix activity. The centre has now issued three reports: <inline font-style="italic">Defining and Profiling Phoenix Activity (2014)</inline>; <inline font-style="italic">Quantifying Phoenix Activity: Incidence, Cost, Enforcement (2015)</inline>; and <inline font-style="italic">Phoenix Activity: Recommendations on Detection, Disruption and Enforcement (2017)</inline>.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 11 •   The committee recommends that ASIC, in consultation with ARITA, work out a method whereby external administrators can indicate clearly in their statutory reports whether they suspect phoenix activity has occurred. For example, to serve as a red flag to ASIC, include a box in the reporting form that external administrators would tick if they suspected phoenix activity.</para></quote>
<list>ASIC has recently implemented changes to Form EX01 to improve ASIC's ability to identify those liquidator reports of misconduct that allege insolvent trading, and which may warrant further action. These changes seek information on the key indicators of phoenixing and were made in consultation with the Australian Restructuring Insolvency and Turnaround Association (ARITA).</list>
<list>Where insolvent trading is alleged, external administrators are now asked to select one or more prescribed responses about:</list>
<quote><para class="block">– the period over which the company traded while insolvent;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– the extent of alleged insolvent trading;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– the grounds upon which they believe the director suspected that the company was insolvent at the time debts were incurred; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– the evidence available to support the allegation of insolvent trading.</para></quote>
<list>ASIC also commenced a review of the Report as to Affairs (RATA), Form 507, in the second half of 2013. ASIC worked with stakeholders, including ARITA, in regard to changes to the RATA, such as the recording of information about phoenix activity.</list>
<list>Phoenix Taskforce members are examining options for law reforms to deter, detect and deal with illegal phoenix activities.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 12 The committee recommends that consideration be given to amending confidentiality requirements in statutory frameworks of agencies participating in the Phoenix Taskforce to permit dissemination of relevant information to the ATO.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>The prescription of the Phoenix Taskforce under the Taxation Administration Act 1953 allows the ATO to share information about phoenix activity with other taskforce agencies. There are also mechanisms in place that allow some (but not all) of the members of the taskforce to reciprocate information sharing with the ATO. In addition, action is being taken by the ATO through the Inter-Agency Phoenix Taskforce forum, to identify the remaining statutory impediments to other agencies sharing information with the ATO.</list>
<list>The government has amended the Australian Securities and Investments Commission Act 2001 to streamline ASIC sharing of information with the ATO. The Treasury Laws Amendment Bill (No. 1) 2017, which contains the amendment, received Royal Assent on 4 April 2017.</list>
<list>Work is also being undertaken to promote data sharing across the wider public service. In late 2015, the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet (PM&C) completed an in-house study into Commonwealth public sector data, the Public Sector Data Management Report (the Report). The Department of Finance, the then Department of Communications, the Australian Bureau of Statistics and the ATO contributed to the Report, the findings of which have now been published</list>
<list>(https://www.dpmc.gov.au/sites/default/files/publications/public_sector_data_mgt_project.pdf). Consultation on the report, including proposed amendments to legislative regimes to enable greater data sharing between agencies, is continuing.</list>
<list>A number of initiatives have been undertaken since the release of the Report to promote data sharing within the Australian Public Service. Firstly, on 7 December 2015, the Prime Minister released the Australian Government Public Data Policy Statement (Policy Statement) as part of the National Science and Innovation Agenda. The policy statement commits Australian government entities to specific actions designed to optimise the use and reuse of public data, including the secure sharing of data between Australian government entities, to improve efficiency and inform policy development and decision-making. The policy statement is available on the PM&C website (www.dpmc.gov.au/pmc/publication/australian-government-public-data-policy-statement).</list>
<list>Second, the Secretaries Data Group has endorsed the 'Guidance on Data Sharing for Australian Government Entities', which encourages sharing data by default between Australian government entities. Further, it seeks to streamline data sharing processes to enable greater efficiencies and improve decision making for policy and implementation processes. The guidance is available on the PM&C website at www.dpmc.gov.au/public-data/public-data-policy.</list>
<list>In addition, on 21 March 2016, the Productivity Commission (the Commission) announced that it will undertake an inquiry into data availability and use (Inquiry). As part of its inquiry, the Commission is examining the benefits and costs of various options for increasing availability of public sector data to other public sector agencies (including between the different levels of government), the private sector, the research sector, academics and the community. The Inquiry will also suggest ways to improve data linking and availability, where there are clear benefits in doing so. A draft report was released on 3 November 2016. Further information about the Inquiry and its terms of reference is available on the Commission website (www.pc.gov.au/inquiries/current/data-access/terms-of-reference).</list>
<list>Further, PM&C is working with the state and territory governments to assess and scope data sharing and/or integration projects between the Commonwealth and state and territory governments. Such cross-jurisdictional projects have the potential to provide governments with a holistic understanding of important policy issues for Australia, such as those in the education, health and welfare sectors.</list>
<list>Any suitable reforms identified as part of the wide-ranging consultation that is being undertaken by PM&C and the Commission will be progressed by government.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 13 •   The committee recommends that more resources, including specific purpose budget appropriations be directed to whole–of–government strategies aimed at preventing, detecting and prosecuting instances of illegal phoenix activity.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation and agrees that a whole-of-government approach to phoenixing is required.</list>
<list>In May 2015, the government committed $127.6 million over four years to fund a new Serious Financial Crime Taskforce (SFCT), comprised of agencies including ASIC, the ATO, the Australian Federal Police and the Attorney-General's Department. The SFCT will seek to disrupt and deter serious financial crime. Key operational priorities for the SFCT over the initial two year period will include investigations into serious international tax evasion and criminality in relation to trusts and phoenix activity.</list>
<list>The prescription of the Phoenix Taskforce under the Taxation Administration Act 1953 allows the ATO to share information with member agencies. Phoenix Taskforce members meet on a regular basis as the Intra-Agency Phoenix Taskforce Forum and are increasingly sharing information, using sophisticated data matching tools and employing coordinated strategies to combat illegal phoenix activities.</list>
<list>Phoenix Taskforce members are examining options for law reforms to deter, detect and deal with illegal phoenix activity. Recommendation 14•   The committee recommends that regulators increase engagement efforts with industry participants aimed at increasing and enhancing information flows.</list>
<list>ASIC and the ATO regularly engage with participants in the building and construction industry.</list>
<list>An example of this engagement is an annual roundtable meeting, co-chaired by the ATO and the Fair Work Ombudsman, with the ten largest principal building contractors in Australia. ASIC and the ATO have also held meetings with the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union and industry associations such as the Master Builders Association, Housing Industry Association and Subcontractors Alliance.</list>
<list>In the 2013-2014 financial year, ASIC commenced a new initiative to increase director awareness of the risk of insolvency in the construction sector, including the risk of illegal phoenix activity. As a result of that program, which continues, over 300 directors with a history of involvement with failed companies have been informed of the risks of insolvency and illegal phoenix activity and the tools and resources available to mitigate those risks.</list>
<list>The ATO also has working engagements with several large construction contractors to discuss strategies to deter phoenix activity from occurring on major public infrastructure projects.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 15 •   The committee recommends that licensing regulators should undertake random financial health spot–checks throughout the life of a licence-holder's licence. Where a business fails to meet the standards required, it should be required to show cause as to why its licence should not be conditioned, downgraded, suspended or cancelled, depending on the extent to which the business has not met required standards.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes that this recommendation is a matter for state and territory governments.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 16 •   The committee reiterates Recommendation 17 of the Economics References Committee’s June 2014 report of its inquiry into the performance of ASIC in these terms: 'The committee recommends that ASIC, in collaboration with the Australian Restructuring Insolvency and Turnaround Association and accounting bodies, develop a self-rating system, or similar mechanism, for statutory reports lodged by insolvency practitioners and auditors under the Corporations Act to assist ASIC identify reports that require the most urgent attention and investigation'.</para></quote>
<list>ASIC is currently consulting with the Australian Restructuring Insolvency and Turnaround Association to progress this recommendation.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 17 •   The committee recommends that ASIC look closely at its record on enforcement and identify if there is scope for improvement, and if legislative changes are required to advise government.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation and notes that it is a matter for ASIC.</list>
<list>On 19 October 2016, the government announced a taskforce to review ASIC's enforcement regime to assess the suitability of the existing regulatory tools available to it to perform its functions adequately. Upon completion of the review, the taskforce will identify any gaps in ASIC's powers and make recommendations to the Government which it considers necessary to strengthen any of ASIC's regulatory tools and on any other policy options available. The taskforce will produce its final report to the government by the final quarter of 2017.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 18 •   The committee recommends that the government ensure that ASIC is adequately resourced to carry out its investigation and enforcement functions effectively.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>In response to the Financial System Inquiry, the government committed to introducing an industry funding model for ASIC by the end of 2017. This initiative is on track to be delivered by the end of the year.</list>
<list>Funding for ASIC is considered in the context of the government's ordinary budget processes.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 19 •   The committee recommends that the Legislative and Governance Forum for Corporations give consideration to recommending amendments to the Corporations Act to ensure that the Director Penalty Regime covers GST liabilities.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations (LGFC), established by the Council of Australian Governments, has responsibilities under intergovernmental agreements on corporations, business names and the national credit law. The LGFC is predominantly a vehicle for consultation by the Commonwealth with the states and territories on Commonwealth legislation. The LGFC does not make recommendations to the Government regarding proposed legislative amendments.</list>
<list>Phoenix Taskforce members are examining options for law reforms to deter, detect and deal with illegal phoenix activities.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 20 •   The committee recommends that section 596AB of the Corporations Act 2001 be amended to: –   remove the requirement to prove subjective intention in relation to phoenixing offences; –   introduce a parallel civil penalty contravention in similar terms; and –   extend the application of the section to all forms of external administration, not merely liquidation.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>Phoenix Taskforce members are examining options for law reforms to deter, detect and deal with illegal phoenix activities.</list>
<list>The FEG scheme administered by the Department of Employment provides financial assistance to give certain unpaid employee entitlements to eligible employees who lose their jobs due to the liquidation or bankruptcy of their employer. As part of administering this scheme, the Department of Employment examines ways to maintain the integrity of the scheme, including any relevant law reform.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 21 •   The committee recommends that ASIC and the ATO continue to develop and implement programs designed to monitor the integrity of the payment system, with the aim of referring relevant matters to relevant law enforcement agencies.</para></quote>
<list>During the 2014/15 financial year, ASIC implemented a surveillance campaign to monitor the integrity of payment systems in the building industry that uncovered false statutory declarations to claim payment for work undertaken on eight large commercial projects. The campaign uncovered a number of instances where subcontractors had provided false statutory declarations to principal contractors. ASIC is currently considering the most appropriate regulatory or enforcement remedy. ASIC will publish its findings and will encourage entities/persons affected by this type of conduct to report it to the regulator.</list>
<list>Security of payments legislation exists in various state jurisdictions and programs to monitor those systems is a matter for the relevant state authorities.</list>
<list>Integrity of payment and wider non-compliance issues are regularly addressed at ATO and ASIC forums, including the Intra-Agency Phoenix Taskforce Forum and its subordinate operational groups. Where there is evidence of false declarations and statements, these matters would ordinarily be referred to law enforcement agencies for prosecution. Criminal treatments are an important aspect of Phoenix Taskforce strategies and the worst offenders are referred to the Serious Financial Crimes Taskforce.</list>
<list>The government has also made a number of recent initiatives relevant to this recommendation.</list>
<list>On 2 December 2016 the Code for the Tendering and Performance of Building Work 2016 (the Code) was made under the Building and Construction Industry (Improving Productivity) Act 2016. The Code applies to building industry participants that wish to undertake Commonwealth-funded building work. Section 11D provides that code covered entities are required, amongst other things, to:</list>
<quote><para class="block">– comply with all applicable laws and other requirements relating to the security of payments;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– ensure payments are made in a timely manner and are not unreasonably withheld;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– have a documented dispute settlement process that details how disputes about payments to subcontractors will be resolved and must comply with that process; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– ensure that disputes are resolved in a reasonable, timely and cooperative way;</para></quote>
<list>The Code further prohibits a code covered entity from engaging in illegal or fraudulent phoenix activities for the purpose of avoiding any payment due to another building contractor or building industry participant or other creditor.</list>
<list>Failure to comply with the Code may result in a building industry representative being precluded from tendering for future Commonwealth-funded building work.</list>
<list>Section 32A of the Building and Construction Industry (Improving Productivity) Act 2016 provides for the establishment of a Security of Payments Working Group. Membership of the working group includes the Australian Building and Construction Commissioner and representatives of employees, employers, and contractors.</list>
<list>A key function of the working group is to monitor the impact the Australian Building and Construction Commission has on improving compliance with security of payments obligations. It will also make recommendations about policies, procedures or programs that could be implemented to improve compliance with security of payment laws.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 22 •   The committee recommends that state and territory government departments and agencies responsible for administering their security of payment legislation closely scrutinise the practice of providing false statutory declarations and where necessary, launch prosecutions as a practical deterrent. Recommendation 23 •   The committee recommends that each state and territory government department or agency responsible for the relevant security of payments act should follow the example in Queensland and publish publicly available, identified information concerning the outcome of payment disputes. Recommendation 24 •   The committee recommends that it be made a statutory offence to intimidate, coerce or threaten a participant in the building industry in relation to the participant's access to remedies available to it under security of payments legislation. Recommendation 25 •   The committee recommends that state government departments and agencies responsible for the relevant security of payments act provide education, awareness and support for industry participants who may wish to access remedies available to them under the relevant legislation.</para></quote>
<list>Security of payments legislation already exists in various state jurisdictions and programs to monitor those systems is a matter for those state authorities.</list>
<list>In addition, the Code for the Tendering and Performance of Building Work 2016 prohibits code covered entities from taking action with the intent to coerce a building contractor to exercise, or not exercise, rights arising under state and territory security of payment laws (Section 11D).</list>
<list>On 21 December 2016, the Minister for Employment announced a wide-ranging review of security of payments laws in the building and construction industry. The review will, among other things:</list>
<quote><para class="block">– examine security of payment legislation of all jurisdictions to identify areas of best practice for the construction industry;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– take into account any reviews and inquiries that have recently been conducted in relation to security of payments, including the December 2015 report by the Senate Economic References Committee on Insolvency in the Australian Construction Industry and the draft legislation developed by the 2003 Cole Royal Commission into the Building and Construction Industry; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">– consider how to prevent various types of contractual clauses that restrict contractors in the construction industry from obtaining payments for work that has been completed.</para></quote>
<list>The review will deliver a final report, with recommendations to be considered by government, no later than 31 December 2017.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 26 •   The committee recommends that industry groups should also be proactive in educating and training members on the relevant payment systems. This should include streamlining complaints and dedicated help lines.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation relates to matters under industry control.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 27 •   The committee recommends that adjudicators of payment disputes under the relevant security of payments act should be required by law to be independent and impartial.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation is a matter which falls under the responsibility of state and territory governments.</list>
<list>The Australian government has also announced a wide-ranging review of security of payments laws in the building and construction industry to identify best practice.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 28 •   The committee recommends that following completion of the steps recommended in chapter 10 in relation to Project Bank Accounts on construction projects where Commonwealth funding exceeds $10 million, the Commonwealth enact national legislation providing for security of payment and access to adjudication processes in the commercial construction industry. Recommendation 29 •   The committee recommends that commencing as soon as practicable, but no later than 1 July 2016, the government undertake a two year trial of Project Bank Accounts (PBAs) on no less than twenty construction projects where the Commonwealth’s funding for the project exceed $10 million. Recommendation 30 •   The committee recommends that after the trial has concluded, a timely evaluation of the trial of PBAs on Commonwealth funded projects be conducted with a view to making the use of PBAs compulsory on all future Commonwealth funded projects and mandating extending the use of PBAs to private sector construction projects. Recommendation 31 •   The committee recommends that, while the Commonwealth trial of Project Bank Accounts is underway, the Attorney-General refer to the Australian Law Reform Commission for inquiry and report a reference on statutory trusts for the construction industry. This inquiry should recommend what statutory model trust account should be adopted for the construction industry as a whole, including whether it should apply to both public and private sector construction work.</para></quote>
<list>While the Commonwealth has responsibility for its own construction procurement, the Australian government notes that the regulation of the building industry, including specialised payment arrangements (outside of insolvency), is a matter for the states and territories.</list>
<list>The Australian government operates a devolved procurement framework where Commonwealth entities are responsible for undertaking their own procurement processes in order to meet their business needs. The Commonwealth Procurement Rules (CPRs) provide the basic rule set that applies to entity procurement activities, and include provisions on encouraging competition, ethical behaviour and prescribing specifications. The CPRs are also not intended to target specific categories of goods or services, nor specific industries. They are the rule set for all Australian government procurement and importantly, require all potential suppliers to government to be treated equitably.</list>
<list>The Attorney-General's Department will consult with the appropriate Australian government agencies on the committee's report and recommendation 31. Decisions regarding what matters may be referred to the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC), and the issuing of any terms of reference, are ultimately a decision for the Attorney-General. The scope of any such terms of reference must be consistent with the ALRC's functions outlined under section 21 of the Australian Law Reform Commission Act 1996.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 32 •   The committee recommends that the Council for the Australian Federation and state and territory regulators continue to develop external equivalence for licences in the building and construction industry Recommendation 33 The committee recommends that each state and territory licensing regime contain three key requirements: 1.   that licence holders demonstrate that they hold adequate financial backing for the scale of their intended project. This capital backing requirement should be graduated, with increased levels of proof required for more significant projects; 2.   that on registration, licence holders provide evidence they have completed an agreed level of financial and business training program(s), including principles of commercial contract law, developed in consultation with industry bodies; and 3.   that licence holders demonstrate that they are a fit and proper person to hold a licence.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes these recommendations are matters which fall under the responsibility of state and territory governments.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 34 •   The committee recommends that automated cross-agency data sharing should trigger an alert when an individual: declares bankruptcy; is convicted of fraud; is disqualified as a director; or liquidates a company. This alert should require the relevant state or territory regulator to satisfy itself that the licence holder remains a fit and proper person.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes this recommendation.</list>
<list>This proposal would require significant IT infrastructure changes to ASIC, the Australian Financial Security Authority and Commonwealth, state and territory regulators or agencies.</list>
<list>Enabling such alert functionality is likely to be problematic, in terms of data integrity, and costly, and its ultimate effectiveness will depend on the quality and format of data held by agencies. The efficacy of systems to accurately match individuals to those held in other registers is also an issue. This will be considered in the context of the government's response to recommendations 36 and 37.</list>
<list>Privacy issues are also likely to be raised by this proposal, noting that personal information is likely to be included. Where information is shared with state or territory authorities appropriate privacy arrangements will need to be put in place, including access, correction and complaint mechanisms, noting the potential significant consequences for an individual if errors were to occur.</list>
<list>The government is open to information brokers providing limited alert services in relation to the Australian Financial Security Authority and ASIC registers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 35 •   The committee recommends that the government, through the work of the Legislative and Governance Forum for Corporations establish a beneficial owners' register.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government does not accept this recommendation.</list>
<list>The government has committed to improve the transparency of information on beneficial ownership and control of companies that is made available to relevant authorities, as part of Australia's first Open Government Partnership - National Action Plan (the Plan), released on 7 December 2016.</list>
<list>On 13 February 2017 the government released a public consultation paper entitled 'Increasing Transparency of the Beneficial Ownership of Companies'. The consultation paper seeks views on increasing the transparency of information on the beneficial ownership of companies for relevant authorities, to better assist these authorities to combat illicit activities.</list>
<list>The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations (LGFC), established by the Council of Australian Governments, has responsibilities under intergovernmental agreements on corporations, business names and the national credit law. The LGFC is predominantly a vehicle for consultation by the Commonwealth with the states and territories on Commonwealth legislation. The LGFC does not make recommendations to the government regarding proposed legislative amendments and is not the appropriate forum to address this recommendation.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 36 •   The committee recommends that section 117 of the Corporations Act 2001 (Cth) be amended to require that, at the time of company registration, directors must also provide a Director Identification Number. Recommendation 37 •   The committee recommends that a Director Identification Number should be obtained from ASIC after an individual proves their identity in line with the National Identity Proofing Guidelines.</para></quote>
<list>These recommendations align with recommendation 15.6 of the Productivity Commission's Report on Business Set-up, Transfer and Closure. The government will give further consideration to Director Identification Numbers as part of its ongoing work to combat illegal phoenix activity in Australia.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 38 •   The committee recommends that the Australian Securities and Investment Commission Act 2001 (Cth) be amended to require ASIC to verify company information.</para></quote>
<list>For company information lodged with ASIC, basic data quality checks are carried out on manually processed forms and upfront business rules are used for online lodgements, to prevent inaccurate data (e.g. ensuring fields are complete and address validation against Australia Post files).</list>
<list>Under the Corporations Act 2001 and the Criminal Code Act 1995, penalties apply for providing false or inaccurate information.</list>
<list>Currently there are over two million registered companies in Australia. A balance must be met between ensuring the accuracy of the information and minimising the regulatory burden for applicants through ensuring the process is as efficient and accessible as possible.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 39 •   The committee recommends that ASIC and Australian Financial Security Authority company records be available online without payment of a fee.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government will consider this recommendation as part of the government's consideration of future approaches and improvements to government registry functions.</list>
<list>The government announced its commitment to open data through the release of a Public Data Policy Statement in December 2015. The government committed in its policy statement to optimise the use and reuse of public data, to release non-sensitive data as open by default, and to collaborate with the private and research sectors to extend the value of public data for the benefit of the Australian public.</list>
<list>Agencies are required to assess arrangements under the Public Data Policy Statement and explore options to increase access to data.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 40 •   The committee recommends that ASIC focus enforcement action on business advisors specialising in pre-insolvency advice who advise firms to restructure in order to avoid paying their debts and obligations. Recommendation 41 •   The committee recommends that ASIC publish a regulatory guide in relation to the nature and scope of pre-appointment advice given or taken by companies.</para></quote>
<list>The Australian government notes these recommendations and notes that they are matters for ASIC.</list>
<list>ASIC provided testimony to the Senate inquiry that this is an area of concern and is an existing priority, with work underway to identify, disrupt and prosecute relevant advisors.</list>
<list>In liaison with the ATO, ASIC has identified a number of "high risk" pre-insolvency advisers and is currently conducting further inquiries and undertaking surveillance activities to identify potential breaches. To date, the ATO, together with ASIC officers, have conducted access visits without notice as part of investigations into the activities of a firm of pre-insolvency advisors and their alleged involvement in facilitating illegal phoenix activity.</list>
<list>ASIC has also referred one matter involving a pre-insolvency adviser to the Office of the Commonwealth Director of Public Prosecutions (CDPP). The CDPP successfully prosecuted the matter and the Court convicted the advisor and ordered payment of a fine of $6,600 for dishonestly aiding, abetting, counselling or procuring another director to breach their director duties.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 42 •   The committee recommends that the Corporations Act 2001 be amended to align with section 64ZB(8) of the Bankruptcy Act 1966. Recommendation 43 •   The committee recommends that firms who provide business advice be prohibited by way of an amendment to the Corporations Act from buying into the companies they are advising via debt acquisitions.</para></quote>
<list>Distressed debt may be purchased for a range of legitimate purposes. Secondary markets allow creditors to manage risk and to support arrangements to fund recovery actions in insolvencies.</list>
<list>Arbitrary reallocation of voting rights for persons purchasing distressed debt would impact debt legitimately purchased through secondary markets.</list>
<list>A framework is already in place under the Corporations Act 2001 to address abusive practices. Under section 445D, a court may make an order to terminate a deed of company arrangement for a range of reasons, including false or misleading information given to creditors, material omission or contravention, injustice or undue delay, oppression, unfair prejudice and unfair discrimination.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 44 •   The committee recommends that the government, through the work of the Legislative and Governance Forum for Corporations, give serious consideration to extending the jurisdiction of the Federal Circuit Court of Australia to include corporate insolvencies under the Corporations Act.</para></quote>
<list>The Legislative and Governance Forum on Corporations (LGFC), established by the Council of Australian Governments, has responsibilities under intergovernmental agreements on corporations, business names and the national credit law. The LGFC is predominantly a vehicle for consultation by the Commonwealth with the states and territories on Commonwealth legislation. The LGFC does not make recommendations to the government regarding proposed legislative amendments and is not an appropriate forum this recommendation.</list>
<list>The Federal Court is a specialist court for adjudicating disputes involving the Corporations Act. Careful consideration, including consultation with the courts and other key stakeholders, would need to be given to any proposal to amend the existing jurisdiction of the Federal Court.</list>
<list>The government is not currently considering extending the jurisdiction of the Federal Circuit Court to include corporate insolvencies.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Joint Select Committee on Northern Australia report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Scaling up—Inquiry into opportunities for expanding aquaculture in Northern Australia</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">June 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Preamble</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government welcomes the opportunity to respond to the report of the Joint Select Committee on Northern Australia titled <inline font-style="italic">Scaling </inline><inline font-style="italic">u</inline><inline font-style="italic">p: Inquiry into </inline><inline font-style="italic">o</inline><inline font-style="italic">pportunities for </inline><inline font-style="italic">e</inline><inline font-style="italic">xpanding </inline><inline font-style="italic">a</inline><inline font-style="italic">quaculture in Northern Australia</inline>, published in February 2016.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The report examines the aquaculture industry in Northern Australia and highlights issues such as the obstacles to import production replacement by local producers and areas where the industry is placed to benefit from increased demand for seafood and products derived through aquaculture.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Several of the issues considered in the report are not new and activities, including research, revision of existing legislation and provision of financial and technical support, are already underway to address several of the recommendations identified in the report.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian Animal Health Laboratory works with veterinary and human health agencies globally to ensure Australia's biosecurity infrastructure remains strong and Australia's multi-billion dollar livestock and aquaculture industries, as well as the general public are protected from emerging infectious disease threats.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through its Infrastructure Investment Program, the Australian government is providing significant investment in infrastructure development and improvements across Western Australia and the Northern Territory. At a broad level, the program seeks safety, economic and social improvements for all Australians through the support of local and national infrastructure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 provides the legal framework to protect and manage nationally and internationally important flora, fauna, ecological communities and heritage places. Based on the guiding principles of ecologically sustainable development, the act aims to balance the protection of these crucial environmental and cultural values with economic and social needs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Commonwealth Marine Reserves, declared in November 2012 and currently under transitional arrangements, are intended to provide biodiversity conservation while allowing for ecologically sustainable use. Potential aquaculture activities in Commonwealth marine reserves are considered when consistent with reserve zoning, management prescriptions and the acceptability of impacts on reserve values.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government is keen to support further exploration of opportunities for development in Northern Australia, which ensure the waters and land of Northern Australia remain healthy, abundant with native species and a resource for generations to come.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends the establishment of an Australian Pearling Industry Recovery Taskforce to fund a research program focussed on identifying the causative agent of the oyster oedema disease and possible remedial actions to reduce the incidence, and mitigate the impacts of the disease.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government partly agrees to this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government has invested in research to understand oyster oedema diseases through the Fisheries Research and Development Corporation, which has in turn invested in oyster oedema research through its Pearl Industry Partnership Agreement and the Aquatic Animal Health and Biosecurity Subprogram. The pearling industry also contributes significantly to this work through direct and indirect contributions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">More broadly, there are past and current projects addressing this disease. An example of which is a current project using molecular techniques to identify pathogens that may be associated with the disease, and to develop diagnostic tests to facilitate early detection and management. The project commenced in July 2013 and is due for completion in late 2016.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further research on oyster oedema could be supported through existing mechanisms, including through the Pearl Producers Association, the Pearling Industry Partnership Agreement and the Aquatic Animal Health and Biosecurity Subprogram, if considered to be a high priority for investment of available resources. Once the cause of oyster oedema is determined further research can be undertaken to identify ways to mitigate the impacts of the disease.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Additionally, the Australian government recently announced a $3 million investment in a Future Oysters Cooperative Research Centres Project. The project commenced in July 2016 and aims to improve disease management for Pacific Oyster Mortality Syndrome. Findings may have future applications in managing other oyster-related diseases, like oedema.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Department of the Environment, in collaboration with the Queensland Government, fund a program to review and expand the science relating to the environmental impact of aquaculture in areas adjacent to the Great Barrier Reef. The review should include research organisations with recognised expertise in this area including, but not limited to: the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, the Australian Institute of Marine Science, and James Cook University.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The research should be an examination of:</para></quote>
<list>the capacity of new technologies and management techniques to treat water to a standard that effectively eliminates nutrient discharge into the surrounding ecosystem</list>
<list>the capacity of different ecosystems to absorb and assimilate any residual nutrient discharges; and</list>
<list>the relative environmental impacts of aquaculture farming of different species, and using different farming techniques (e.g. land-based, sea cage, ranching, recirculating systems).</list>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Integrating science into decision-making is a key principle of good environmental policy. The research identified in the recommendation will be important prior to any large scale expansion of aquaculture adjacent to the Great Barrier Reef.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Reef 2050 Plan is based on the best available science and guides the management and protection of the reef for the next three and a half decades. This plan was developed following comprehensive consultation with scientists, communities, traditional owners, industry and non-government organisations. Implementation of the plan continues to be informed by advice from two specially established advisory committees. These are the Independent Expert Panel, chaired by the former Chief Scientist Professor Ian Chubb and the Reef Advisory Committee, chaired by the Chairman of the Australian Institute of Marine Science, the Honourable Penelope Wensley.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Any decision to fund a dedicated program to review and expand the science relating to the environmental impact of aquaculture in areas adjacent to the Great Barrier Reef would require reallocation of existing resources. No aquaculture research is currently being undertaken, nor planned to be undertaken by the National Environmental Science Program Tropical Water Quality Hub. This has not been raised as a priority for the Tropical Water Quality Hub through the previous two calls for research priorities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Department of the Environment and the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority support the Queensland government in determining the need for and the positioning of special aquaculture development zones. These zones should be identified using criteria, considering:</para></quote>
<list>the capacity of new technological developments to address nutrient discharge</list>
<list>the ability of nearby waterways to assimilate nutrient discharges to ensure that extra nutrients do not reach the Great Barrier Reef; and</list>
<list>economic considerations including access to necessary infrastructure and labour force, and the biological suitability of sites for targeted aquaculture species.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation and recognises the establishment of aquaculture development zones on land and in state waters is a matter for state and territory governments. The Australian government supports the development of aquaculture industries.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the Reef 2050 Plan, the Australian and Queensland governments work closely and jointly to deliver the best possible outcomes for the future protection and management of the Great Barrier Reef. This relationship is formalised through the Great Barrier Reef Intergovernmental Agreement and reflects the shared vision as outlined in the Reef 2050 Plan. The Great Barrier Reef Ministerial Forum, which includes Australian and Queensland government ministers, facilitates and oversees implementation of the objectives of the agreement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority, in accordance with the planned actionsoutlined in its Regulatory Plan 2014-2015, revoke the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park (Aquaculture) Regulations 2000 (Cwlth).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government agrees to this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government is in the process of revoking the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park (Aquaculture) Regulations 2000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Department of the Environment ensures the framework for developing offsets in the Great Barrier Reef is comprehensive, transparent and accessible for potential aquaculture investors. The framework should allow potential investors to accurately estimate:</para></quote>
<list>the quantity of offsets required</list>
<list>the cost of the required offsets; and</list>
<list>how the offsets will be implemented.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government agrees to this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Great Barrier Reef Marine Park Authority, Department of the Environment and Energy and the Queensland government are working collaboratively to develop offset guidance specific to the Great Barrier Reef World Heritage Area. Work is underway through the Reef Trust and the National Environmental Science Program Tropical Water Quality Hub to develop an offsets calculator for proponents seeking to deliver offsets through the Reef Trust. Policy and research efforts will ensure that there is a high degree of transparency and consistency in the science underpinning the use of such tools.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Queensland government conduct a survey of crocodile egg numbers in Northern Queensland to determine the sustainability of crocodile egg harvesting.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Saltwater crocodiles are protected internationally under the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES). To access international markets, any harvest of crocodiles and eggs must be assessed as ecologically sustainable under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Queensland government has a Saltwater Crocodile Wildlife Trade Management Plan to December 2017 approved under the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999. The plan allows for the export of crocodile products from Queensland for commercial purposes. The plan provides that juvenile crocodiles (hatchlings) and eggs are sourced from interstate to supply the crocodile farms in Queensland.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 7</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Fisheries Research and Development Corporation should consider introducing a 'northern node' as an avenue for providing funding research relevant to Northern Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government has regional structures in place to provide funding for research and guiding investment in Northern Australia through the Fisheries Research and Development Corporation. The corporation supports a network of Research Advisory Committees, including one in the Northern Territory. The corporation supports sector specific development in northern Australia through Industry Partnership Agreements such as the Australian Prawn Farmers' Association, the Australian Barramundi Farmers' Association and the Pearling Industry Partnership Agreement. The sectors, through the Industry Partnership Agreements have provided their support to invest a portion of the corporation's funds in a future northern cooperative research centre to address cross sector barriers to aquaculture development.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The corporation has established subprograms and advisory groups such as the Aquatic Animal Health and Biosecurity Subprogram, the Indigenous Fishing Subprogram and the New and Emerging Aquaculture Opportunities Subprogram to provide appropriate avenues to direct research funds to deliver cross sector Research Development and Extension relevant to Northern Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A National Fishing and Aquaculture Research Development and Extension Strategy was developed by the Australian Government, state and Northern Territory governments, CSIRO and various rural research and development corporations. The Agriculture Senior Official Committee has oversight of the Strategy. It sets the future direction to improve the focus, efficiency and effectiveness of research development and extension to support Australia's fishing and aquaculture industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Northern Research Partnership has been established between several government research agencies steering fisheries and aquaculture research in northern Australia. It targets cross-jurisdictional research needs drawing expertise from northern based research organisations and universities, and will assist in the implementation of the National Fishing and Aquaculture Research Development and Extension Strategy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Agriculture and Water Resources is developing a National Aquaculture Strategy that will identify common priorities for both industry and government in Northern Australia and actions that can be undertaken to achieve those priorities. These priorities are stand-alone actions that will involve both the Australian government and state and territory governments. The strategy is due to be released in late 2016.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 8</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Australian government provide funding assistance for developing road and port infrastructure to service the Kimberley Aquaculture Development Zone and Project Sea Dragon subject to establishing a positive cost-benefit analysis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation. The Australian government is committed to improving the safety and productivity of Australia's road network. Through the Infrastructure Investment Program, the Australian government is investing significant funds over the forward estimates period to 2019–20 to build infrastructure in Western Australia and the Northern Territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the Infrastructure Investment Program, all funding available to Western Australia and the Northern Territory has been allocated to specific key projects as agreed with the respective state and territory governments. Funding for any new projects, such as the development of road and port infrastructure to service the Kimberley Aquaculture Development Zone, could be considered in the future with the necessary support of the Western Australian government and, potentially, the Shire of Broome.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government has granted major project facilitation status to Project Sea Dragon and will continue to work with the Northern Territory government to improve land transport infrastructure in the Northern Territory to support current and future demand. This includes a commitment under the Northern Australia Roads Program to upgrade the Keep River Road.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 9</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee strongly recommends that the Australian government provide funding assistance for the establishment of a pest and disease diagnosis facility in Northern Queensland.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government agrees effective disease management in aquaculture systems is critically reliant on rapid diagnosis and availability of local specialist knowledge.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through the CSIRO Australian Animal Health Laboratory, the Australian government provides national diagnostic service for exotic and emerging disease diagnosis. The Australian Animal Health Laboratory's fish diseases laboratory provides diagnostic services nationally, including for north Queensland. In 2015–16 the Australian government provided $7,928,000 for its operating costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Queensland government is responsible for managing aquatic animal health within its borders, including the provision of aquatic animal disease diagnostic services. The Queensland government closed the Oonoonba Veterinary Laboratory in Townsville in early 2013 and consolidated animal health laboratory services to the Biosecurity Sciences Laboratory facilities in Brisbane.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There may be scope for government assistance for diagnostic capability in northern Queensland through the Agricultural Competitiveness White Paper, supporting commitments in the Developing Northern Australia white paper. Support for a diagnostic facility in northern Queensland would be contingent upon the Queensland government or another organisation being the principal funder and operator of facilities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 10</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Australian government, through COAG, remove the exemption from country of origin labelling requirements under Standard 1.2.11 of the Australia New Zealand Food Standards Code for cooked or pre-prepared seafood sold by the food services industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian g overnment response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Country-of-origin labelling provisions will be removed from the Australia New Zealand Food Standards Code with effect from 1 July 2018, consistent with the 29 August 2016 decision by Australia and New Zealand Ministerial Forum on Food Regulation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Forum's decision follows the introduction of a new food labelling Information Standard under the Australian Consumer Law. The new information standard commenced on 1 July 2016 with a two year transition period, and will become mandatory for food labelled after 30 June 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new information standard is part of a package of reforms agreed by Commonwealth, state and territory ministers through the Legislative and Governance Forum on Consumer Affairs on 31 March 2016. Extending mandatory country-of-origin labelling to the food services sector was outside the scope of these reforms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While the new information standard introduces clearer labels for foods of most importance to consumers, it maintains the overall scope of mandatory country-of-origin labelling. Cooked or pre‑prepared seafood sold by the food services industry continues to be exempt from these requirements. However, businesses can adopt the new labels required by the information standard on a voluntary basis to highlight the Australian origin of their seafood.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 28 November 2016, the then Minister for Industry, Innovation and Science, the Hon. Greg Hunt MP, proposed that a working group of stakeholders be formed to consider the issue of country of origin labelling for seafood sold in the food services sector. The working group will be chaired by the Assistant Minister for Industry, Innovation and Science, the Hon. Craig Laundy MP, and is expected to report to parliament within 12 months.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government is committed to ensuring that consumers continue to have access to sufficient information to make informed choices about the foods they purchase. Any reforms to country of origin labelling need to strike a balance between providing comprehensive information to consumers and minimising the regulatory burden for businesses, particularly small businesses that predominate in the food industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 11</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Department of Industry reports within 12 months on the feasibility of introducing country of origin labelling for aquaculture products such as pearls and crocodile teeth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Existing protections in the national Australian Consumer Law prohibit misleading and deceptive conduct and false or misleading representations, including representations about the origin of goods. The Australian Consumer Law is enforced by state and territory consumer regulators and the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties report: Report 167</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Nuclear Cooperation - Ukraine</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[June 2017]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government r esponse to r eport 167 of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties: Nuclear Cooperation —U kraine</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government thanks the committee for its consideration of the Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of Ukraine on Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy, done at Washington DC on 31 March 2016 ("the Agreement"), which was tabled on 12 September 2016. The government provides the following response to the committee's recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The c ommittee supports the Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of Ukraine on Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy and recommends that binding treaty action be taken providing the Australian g overnment undertakes a proper assessment of risks, and develops and maintains a suitable contingency plan for the removal of Australian nuclear material if the material is at risk of a loss of regulatory control.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government welcomes the support of the committee for binding treaty action and will take such action at an early opportunity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Risk assessment</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government agrees with the committee on the importance of the matters raised in this recommendation. The government has already carried out a thorough risk assessment as part of the process leading to negotiating and signing the agreement. This included a comprehensive assessment of the security risks faced by Ukraine. The government will continue to re-evaluate risks, including security risks, throughout the life of the agreement. Various government agencies monitor the security risks faced by Ukraine and regularly update the Prime Minister, foreign minister and other national security ministers with assessments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In response to the security situation, the government negotiated explicit provisions in the agreement designed to ensure high standards of nuclear security and to minimise any security concerns involving Australian obligated nuclear material (AONM) transferred to Ukraine. In addition to including assurances (common in all of Australia's nuclear cooperation agreements) that internationally approved standards of physical protection will apply (Article VI), the agreement also allows Australia to review physical protection measures (Article VI.3) and the right to approve the facilities where AONM can be processed, used or stored in Ukraine (Article VIII, commonly referred to as a 'facility list'). Facility lists are an uncommon feature in Australia's nuclear cooperation agreements with non-nuclear weapons states; when included in an agreement a facility list provides added control over where AONM can be transferred and used. The combination of Articles VI.3 and VIII provides stronger mechanisms for reviewing security and limiting facilities than most of Australia's other nuclear cooperation agreements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Contingency plan for the removal of AONM material</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While the likelihood of a situation where AONM falls outside of regulatory control is considered low, contingency planning regarding the associated risks is an ongoing activity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the short term, any AONM in Ukraine will likely be provided in the form of Low Enriched Uranium (LEU) fuel assemblies. That means that AONM would be processed, enriched and fabricated into fuel assemblies in a range of other countries before being transferred to and used in Ukraine. Therefore any AONM in Ukraine affected by a loss of regulatory control would also likely carry multiple obligations from the country or countries in which processing, enriching and fabrication occurred, such as the United States, or the member states of Euratom. Australia would need to coordinate with these countries when determining how to respond to a loss of regulatory control.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The type of responses Australia, other countries involved in supplying nuclear fuel to Ukraine, and the wider international community would deploy in response to a loss of regulatory control would need to be both appropriate to the situation and proportionate to the risks being posed. There are a wide range of situation specific considerations to be taken into account. A loss of regulatory control due to internal Ukrainian government failures is quite different to a security incident occurring near a nuclear plant due to the acts of other state or non-state actors. Each different situation has a different suite of mitigating activities that could be implemented by Australia and the international community when responding. Possible mitigations range from providing additional assistance and training—to prevent a loss of regulatory control—through to the removal of nuclear material.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian government negotiated a range of mitigation options into the agreement designed to provide scope to resolve any incidents that pose unacceptable security risks:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- where unacceptable security risks also constitute material non-compliance with the agreement, Article XVI of the agreement provides the Australian government with a range of responses, including negotiated corrective steps, suspension or cancellation of supply, and the right to have AONM returned; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- where unacceptable security risks do not otherwise constitute material non-compliance with the agreement, the Australian government can use the facility list to limit the use of AONM to facilities where it is confident of Ukrainian government control. The agreement does not oblige Australia to provide nuclear material to Ukraine, and does not preclude the removal of AONM from a facility should a facility be removed from the facility list.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In recognition of the current situation, and to guard against some of the possible risks posed by a future loss of regulatory control due to a loss of physical control over the material, the international community has been working with Ukraine in an ongoing program to upgrade physical protection and security measures. Ukraine reports they have been directing significant efforts at strengthening physical protection, defence and practical training focused on anti-terrorism and anti-sabotage measures at its nuclear power plants. In particular the United States has been providing assistance under the auspices of the G-7 "Global Partnership against the spread of weapons and materials of mass destruction".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the event of a security incident near a facility holding nuclear material, prudent security practices would dictate Ukraine take further steps to increase the level of physical protection and control. Additional assistance from the international community in the form of training, nuclear‑related identification and surveillance equipment and transport logistics would also be amongst the possible responses should this occur.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the unlikely event of another state taking effective control of a nuclear reactor on the facility list, the Government expects that state would likely want to account for, control and secure any nuclear material over which it has assumed control, in an attempt to not jeopardise its own nuclear industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the unlikely event it became necessary to exercise the right to remove AONM from Ukraine, Australia would work closely with other countries involved in the supply of nuclear fuel to Ukraine to find a suitable destination for removing nuclear material. In exercising a contingency plan for removal, Australia would also consider:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- the status and form of the material (e.g. un-irradiated fuel, fresh spent fuel, cooled spent fuel);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">o noting the movement to any jurisdiction of fuel that has recently been in the reactor core would be very difficult; however, the fuel would have a high degree of "self-protection" against theft or sabotage due to high radiation levels;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- the practicalities and risks of transferring the material compared to the risks posed by securing the material in its current location;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- any third party obligations which require consent for removal from that third party;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- the country to which the AONM will be removed, which could be any one of several suppliers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">- if the AONM returned to Australia, any permissions required pursuant to relevant Australian laws.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government r esponse to a dditional c omments — Australian Greens</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No binding treaty action be taken regarding the Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of Ukraine on Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The government does not accept this recommendation. The agreement includes the essential elements of Australia's policy for the control of nuclear materials, including stringent nuclear safeguards, safety, security, and accountability conditions. The government considers that the agreement will provide a number of benefits to Australia and is firmly in the national interest.</para></quote>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Government response to the Joint Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Committee report on the joint strike fighter not available at time of publishing.</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister. I also want to acknowledge Senator Peter Whish-Wilson, who made the reference on the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee report a year or two ago. This is an important one.</para>
<para>The committee received a reference going back a year or two now into the planned acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II, more commonly known as the Joint Strike Fighter. The timing of this government response could not be more relevant. The Greens posted a dissenting report. The committee hedged its bets up to a point and acknowledged that there was some need for a hedging strategy when these aircraft are inevitably delivered late. We do acknowledge that the committee at least went so far as not to pretend that the is nothing wrong with these aircraft. But the Australian Greens recommendation, pure and simple, was similar to what it looked like the Canadian government was going to attempt. This was quite simply to reopen this for tender.</para>
<para>This is the world's most expensive piece of military hardware. This is a trillion-dollar military acquisition program. It was signed up to by Prime Minister John Howard back in the day, sight unseen, in a hotel room in Washington DC. That is how we managed to get into this mess. All of the normal procurement processes run by the Air Force or by the ADF more generally, particularly for an acquisition of this extraordinary scale, were completely bypassed by a Prime Minister acting unilaterally. That is how we have ended up in this inordinately expensive mess.</para>
<para>It is not all that surprising. I would confess to be disappointed but not surprised that the government disagrees with our sole dissenting recommendation, which is simply to cancel the contract. This is hurling an enormous amount of good money after bad. I discovered in budget estimates, the week before last, that effectively the Australian taxpayer is still only on the help for the two aircraft that we took delivery of. They flew into Avalon a couple of months back and were unable to continue to their forward destination because there was electrical activity in the area where the planes were scheduled to go—of course, because of the risk of fuel catching fire within the aircraft. These damn things cannot fly within a certain proximity of electrical storms. How on earth does the government intend to deploy these things to Tyndall or anywhere else in the north of Australia? Politicians from down south would probably still be aware that there is a fair bit of electrical activity there, particularly over the summer—these aircraft are going to be grounded. I did put that question to a couple of the representatives, including Chief of Air Force, in budget estimates the week before last.</para>
<para>They are 17 years into the development of this aircraft, and little old Australia is just trundling along in the wake of the United States in this catastrophically expensive acquisition. The two that we have purchased and will take delivery of are basically unflyable. They cannot be sent into Australia's northern approaches because they are grounded at the first sign of electrical activity. I was assured by I think Air Vice Marshal Davies the other week that this is something they are across, that they have the hang of this, that they are going to be retrofitting these aircraft and that they will be fine. I find it unbelievable that 17 years into this incredibly long and tortuous development process they are still having to pull aircraft apart and fit devices to them internally so that they do not explode if they fly within a certain distance of a storm. It is somewhat mind-boggling.</para>
<para>I was trying to do two things the other night. One was to establish whether the government could tell us what the total acquisition will cost. How much is it going to cost to procure these aircraft and sustain them until the 2030s or 2040s? Just a rough estimate was all I was after. They could not tell us. That is work that is apparently still under development 17 years after Prime Minister Howard got us on the hook. They could not tell us. There are figures like $17.7 billion for 72 jets. That obviously does not include the total acquisition cost. There is a sustainment figure that goes out to 2024, which is about one-third of the expected design life of the aircraft. After that they simply do not know. Can you imagine what could be done in this country with $17½ billion, which is just the amount that we know about?</para>
<para>I think it is reasonable to be able to go into an estimates committee and find out 17 years into the purchase of these wretched aircraft how much they will cost and get some kind of coherent answer in response, but I could not. I do not even blame the Air Force folk. They are just basically doing the job of procuring these things. They are having to deal with the United States government and with a massive defence contractor in Lockheed Martin, which will not tell them, because, quite possibly, they do not know either. I do not think there is any doubt at all that we are going to see future cost blowouts in this.</para>
<para>This is not something that the Greens have come up with. It was the precise purpose of Senator Whish-Wilson moving this inquiry to the references committee. It was opposed by the government at the time, as though they did not actually want to know how much this thing is going to cost. It was supported by the Labor Party, to their credit, which was how the reference got on its feet.</para>
<para>There are those in the United States military establishment whose job this is. Obviously American taxpayers are even more heavily on the hook than those of Australia. In January this year Pentagon Director of Operational Test and Evaluation, Dr Michael Gilmore, produced a report—once a year they produce a report that basically goes into all the defence boondoggles and hideous cost overruns—and it had a couple of pages on the joint strike fighter. It said in part:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Services have designated 276 deficiencies in combat performance as "critical to correct" in Block 3F …</para></quote>
<para>These are not even the aircraft that Australia is taking delivery of. These are the next ones in the pipeline, the ones that are supposedly better. It went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Deficiencies continue to be discovered at a rate of about 20 per month …</para></quote>
<para>Every one and a half days they find something else wrong with this aircraft.</para>
<para>Not only was the government not interested in this inquiry getting on its feet—and I think it did enormously valuable work; it apparently thinks everything is just going to be fine. There is an incredible difference with the way the government considers spending on health care, education, public transport and critical infrastructure and the miserly way the government handles expenditure on income support for people. Compare that with the open chequebook, take-as-much-as-you-like approach to defence contracts. We see it unwinding at the moment with the submarine acquisition. We have seen it over and over again. The worse case study I have ever come across is that of the joint strike fighter, because the answer effectively that will come back from the minister will be: 'It will cost whatever it costs. We have no plan B. We don't know what else to do, and that's why we can't tell you how much it is going to cost. Not only can we not tell you; we don't really care. We're going ahead with it anyway.' It is a remarkable abdication of responsibility.</para>
<para>We believe that it is not too late to pull out and restart an open tender process, and by all means let Lockheed Martin tender. Let them come to the table. We have only actually purchased two aircraft. Contracts are still being finalised with Lockheed Martin for future tranches and, although the government say they have committed to them, under a measure of questioning the week before last they admitted that, actually, the contracts have not been signed yet. The Greens think that the government should do the right thing and tear up this incredibly irresponsible acquisition. Let's ask ourselves the deeper question: what could we do with $1 trillion in real, human security? Joint Strike Fighters do not help us with the security threats posed by climate change. They do not help us against the kinds of lunatics who think blowing up women and kids in a nightclub is an acceptable form of political communication. They do not help us with the very real human security threats that are facing this country. They are worse than useless, and that is why we think this opportunity is one that the government has missed to have effectively taken a long, hard look at that grave mistake that Prime Minister John Howard made back in 2001 and do something about it before we continue to torch more money on this irresponsible acquisition. I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Joint Standing Committee on Treaties</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I would like, firstly, to acknowledge the work of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties in this area. It is one of the places in this parliament where there is actually a great deal of expertise in nuclear treaty matters. Going back to the time when Mr Kelvin Thomson was the chair of that committee, it examined proposed sales of Australian uranium to Russia. The committee handed down quite a damning report that said there is absolutely no way of tracking Australian obligated nuclear material and sales to Russia. It recommended some pretty steep and arduous conditions be placed before trade went ahead, and the government—this was under Prime Minister Rudd at the time—ummed and ahhed for, I think, at least a year, eventually came back and overruled the treaties committee, and then, not two years later, had to backflip yet again after the Russian government annexed part of the Ukraine, with all of the violence that unfolded after that. Again, it is a measure of the expertise of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties that governments ignore its recommendations on these very specialised, complex and high-stakes matters at their own risk. I fear that we will now be seeing history repeat itself. Recommendation 1 of this report states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">No binding treaty action be taken regarding the Agreement between the Government of Australia and the Government of Ukraine on Cooperation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy.</para></quote>
<para>It said, 'Don't do it.'</para>
<para>The Greens note that there are a number of serious flaws and factors which should preclude any ratification of treaty action. These include increasing security threats to Ukraine nuclear facilities and nuclear material, safety concerns surrounding Ukraine's ageing nuclear fleet and life extension program, and the fact that the agreement does not meet the national interest test. The Greens would also like to voice our deep concerns that past Joint Standing Committee on Treaties reports and recommendations related to these sorts of actions have been flatly ignored. That leads the kind of embarrassing backflip that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Julie Bishop, had to engage in a couple of years later, when she suspended the possibility of exports of Australian uranium into Russia. I would not have thought that is something that would need to be spelt out in great detail to this chamber, but that is precisely the risk of this industry. This is not like exporting coal; it is not like exporting copper; it is not like exporting gold. This is the only commodity that is exported from this country and elsewhere that is used as a feedstock in weapons of mass destruction. Within a couple of weeks—in fact, I think it kicks off next week—at the United Nations, the final talks for a negotiated ban on the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons are going to get underway. Australia is boycotting those talks at the same time as it is fuelling the industry that builds these weapons. We also agree with the conclusion of the majority report, which states—and I will quote it because it is clear:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the repatriation provision in the Agreement is not in the Committee's view sufficient to ensure Australian nuclear material can be safely removed from Ukraine in the event that regulatory control is threatened.</para></quote>
<para>Let that sink in for a bit.</para>
<para>The Treaties Committee, having consulted experts nationally and internationally on how these things work, have said: 'If things fall apart and the security in Ukraine cannot be guaranteed, we are not confident that we can get that Australian-obligated nuclear material back.' These are not hypothetical concerns; there is an ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia, which I do not think would be a surprise or a mystery to anybody in this chamber, and that is all the demonstration of the risks that you should need. Russia illegally annexed Crimea, and that led to the loss of control of multiple nuclear facilities and associated nuclear material in Ukraine. Why would Australia—at this stage, with tensions in that region so high—play into the trade in uranium in that part of the world? It is remarkable, and it is obviously a measure of the degree to which the big uranium exporters in this country and around the world have a political lock on the government—that you could take security and foreign policy risks that are that steep and still say, 'Yes, Rio Tinto, yes BHP—we still think that this is a good idea,' when it so clearly is not.</para>
<para>Again, to quote from JSCOT, having demonstrated that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… war, civil unrest and corruption are not mitigated by safeguards, inspections and security agreements.</para></quote>
<para>So why are we playing in this space? Surely, the writing is on the wall? Senior government regulators of Ukraine warned the following:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Given the current state of warfare, I cannot say what could be done to completely protect installations from attack, except to build them on Mars.</para></quote>
<para>That quote is from Sergiy Bozhko, who was the chair of the State Nuclear Regulatory Inspectorate in Ukraine; he said that in May 2015 'Unless we build these things on Mars'. The Greens are not here advocating the construction of nuclear facilities on Mars, but there is a reason why nuclear power plants have been spoken of as predeployed radiological weapons. It is not simply a matter of risk against terrorist attack—that if somebody were to fly an aircraft or, indeed, to fire artillery into a nuclear power station, whether it had fuel loaded or not, the risks to the surrounding populations would be absolutely catastrophic. That has not happened before—at least, not at scale—but is that really something that Australia would want to be implicated in?</para>
<para>We believe that the best thing that the Australian government could do would be to read the report. We get a lot of these committee reports through this place and, every now and again, the government will pick up on one and you will get some action. I got my high hopes up around a few of them, but this is one that I would underline to government, senators and ministers in this place: read this thing. A lot of expertise has been brought to bear to put this document together, and it is putting up something of a red flag to say, 'Please be careful.' We would greatly appreciate the government showing an appropriate level of care so that we do not look back and realise the scale or the magnitude of the mistake that we made when we entered into this trade.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted. Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Finance and Public Administration References Committee</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Finance and Public Administration Committee report <inline font-style="italic">Operation, effectiveness, and consequences of the public governance, performance and accountability (location of corporate Commonwealth entities) order 2016</inline>. It was a report into what effectively was the relocation of the Australian Pesticides and Veterinary Medicines Authority. The report was very clear in what an inappropriate thing this was for the government to be doing. There was so much useful information that came through the reporting process. Firstly, it focused on the whole relocation that was going ahead and that it was basically only occurring because of pork-barrelling by the Deputy Prime Minister. Fundamentally. It was a report done into the cost effectiveness of this relocation and it found that the relocation had a negative net present value and cost-benefit ratio of below one. The report showed that the only way that the relocation of the APVMA could work was with a decentralised model that allowed people to work remotely—that is, many of the regulatory scientists who are working for the APVMA are going to continue to work out of Canberra. So, rather than have a functioning authority operating here in Canberra, we are going to have an authority in Armidale. The bulk of the regulatory scientists will work from home, in offices that will have to be wired up with all of the necessary internet facilities and security, just so they can continue to be public servants working here in Canberra.</para>
<para>The report found that other things were being woefully disregarded in this move. It found that the plans for training a whole new generation of regulatory scientists, which is what is needed, is woefully inadequate for dealing with the shortfall of expertise that is being experienced right now, let alone what is going to be experienced if the APVMA move to Armidale. We have seen dramatic declines in the rate of completions of reviews of products, and we still have no idea how much this is hurting the agricultural industry. We know it is up-ending people's lives. Either we have people here having to work in substandard conditions, where they are currently working for an authority that is working effectively together, or their lives need to be up-ended. The lives of hundreds of public servants here in Canberra will be up-ended for no purpose other than propping up an election commitment from the Deputy Prime Minister.</para>
<para>The report also showed the deeper problems that lie behind the selection of Armidale as the site for the relocation. Of course, as we now know, Armidale is in the electorate of the Deputy Prime Minister, the man who was responsible for ordering this relocation. Think back to the last election when this was Barnaby Joyce's thought bubble. He was under a tonne of pressure in the last election. He had Independent Tony Windsor threatening to take back his old seat. The Deputy Prime Minister needed to pull something out of the hat to try to convince his electorate that he was working hard for them, and this was his thought bubble, the rabbit that he pulled out of a hat, regardless of the fact that the cost-benefit analysis did not make sense and the fact that the main people who work with the APVMA, their clients, are not in rural Australia. They are here in Canberra. They are the other government departments and the pesticide companies. They are not dealing with regional Australia. Agencies being in regional centres makes sense when their client base, the people they relate to, are also there, but with the APVMA that is not the case.</para>
<para>Then we get to the fact that, even if they were going to move to a regional area, how was it that Armidale was selected? When Minister Joyce asked the CEO of the APVMA whether she thought it would be appropriate to move to Toowoomba or Armidale, she told him that Toowoomba would be preferable due to the proximity to the existing research infrastructure, yet Armidale was selected. The commitment to Armidale was made in the thick of an election campaign, well before any cost-benefit analysis was done. It was the most atrocious way of making a really important government decision. There are still so many questions. Despite the questions that our committee asked, there are still so many questions remaining unanswered as to how and why Armidale was selected.</para>
<para>Finally, the operations of our committee were then constantly derailed by certain senators, who wanted to paint this committee as a witch-hunt against decentralisation and against regional Australia. This could not be further from the truth. We are not against the move of the APVMA to Armidale because we are against decentralisation. The Greens support decentralisation when it is done properly, which requires a proper assessment of the appropriateness for the relocation of each institution and working on a proper, local community led, holistic plan for the sustainable growth of our regional cities and towns. You do not do decentralisation just by picking up one entity and moving it at random because it happens to be a certain powerful politician's own electorate.</para>
<para>The APVMA relocation is not a proper plan, but it is an election pork-barrel that is going to hurt our farmers, hurt our national science capacity and hurt the integrity of our Public Service tradition. So that is why we agree with the majority report to recommend to revoke the public governance, performance and accountability order and to launch a proper inquiry into an evidence-based decentralisation policy. We are also calling for the APVMA to remain in Canberra while there is still time: there is still time to pull back from the brink for the APVMA; there is still time to rescue the performance of the APVMA, to get it back working effectively, to regain staff, to work on a proper plan for training regulatory scientists.</para>
<para>If the government had done that thorough analysis, it is very clear from the evidence presented to our committee that the recommendation would be that the APVMA is best suited here in Canberra. We want to see that undertaken, and we want to see this broader inquiry into decentralisation. Regional Australia has got so much potential, but there are so many things that are holding it back. It is not that the APVMA is in Canberra. The things that are holding regional Australia back are things like having adequate transport infrastructure, having adequate community services, having adequate broadband access. They are the sorts of things that we need to be addressing if we are going to do decentralisation properly in this country. That is the sort of sensible, evidence-based decision-making that people expect of governments—not thought-bubble pork-barrelling election commitments that are throwing up the effectiveness of our science and putting a really valued institution at real risk. I really do recommend this report to the Senate, and I think everyone should have time to read it and realise just what is at stake and to realise that there is still the potential now to pull back from the brink and keep the APVMA in Canberra. I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>76</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Security, Indigenous Referendum: 50th Anniversary, Mabo Native Title Decision: 25th Anniversary</title>
          <page.no>76</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Prime Minister, Mr Turnbull, I table ministerial statements on national security, on the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum and on the 25th anniversary of the Mabo High Court decision.</para>
<para>I would like to start by paying my respects to the Ngunawal people, the traditional owners of the land on which we meet. I also would like to acknowledge their elders, past and present. Today I rise on behalf of the government in this place to speak about National Reconciliation Week and the two anniversaries that were marked during this year's celebrations. National Reconciliation Week this year marked the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum and the 25th anniversary of the Mabo decision: two important events in the history of Indigenous Australia, but also in the story of our nation. These are stories of great change for our nation, but, just as importantly, they are stories of great Australians, and it is fitting that the parliament both here today and a couple of weeks ago pause and acknowledge their story and their contribution to the nation.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister in that other place spoke about the importance of these anniversaries that stand as highly significant chapters of our nation's recent history. The first was the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum. On 27 May 1967, Australians walked together and voted for change in a referendum that received unprecedented support, enabling the Commonwealth to enact laws relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and our first Australians to be counted along with other Australians.</para>
<para>The second was the 25th anniversary of the Mabo High Court decision, where on 3 June 1992 Australia for the first time rejected the notion of terra nullius—that is, land belonging to no-one. This High Court decision was the successful conclusion to years of fighting headed up by Eddie Koiki Mabo and his fellow plaintiffs for what was always known by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people: that the land and sea belonged to them and that they belonged to the land and the sea.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister's statement acknowledged the two anniversaries and thanked those outstanding leaders involved for their enduring spirit and for striving for change that bettered the nation. It was a great privilege that at that statement surviving campaigners of the 1967 referendum, plaintiffs to the Mabo High Court decision and their families filled the floors and the seats in the galleries in that other place.</para>
<para>I was fortunate to meet campaigners and plaintiffs at a luncheon I had the honour of hosting at Old Parliament House. I was there with my friend and colleague Senator Dodson, and we spoke and recognised the contribution of these leaders. To be in the room with so many inspiring and determined individuals, each with a story of struggle and success, should be taught in every school to every student. At this event we also launched the commemorative Australia Post stamp as well as the 50c coin that was beautifully designed by the granddaughter of Eddie Koiki Mabo, Boneta-Marie Mabo. These stamps and coins now circulate around the nation, building awareness of these historic events. I could not be more pleased to know that Australia Post procured the work of the talented Indigenous designer Rachael Sarra of Indigenous creative agency Gilimbaa in the creation of its anniversary postage stamp.</para>
<para>As these postage stamps and coins fall into the hands of younger generations, so does Australia's future. It is with this eye to the future that the Prime Minister proudly announced in his statement of the government's support for the next generation of Indigenous leaders, with a $138 million Indigenous education package to be matched with philanthropic support. The government is supporting Indigenous students to stand as our nation's leaders for the next 50 years. This education package will provide mentoring and scholarships and build Australia's future professionals in key fields, including our STEM workforce. This includes organisations such as Role Models & Leaders Australia, the Australian Indigenous Mentoring Experience, the Stronger Smarter Institute, the Stars Foundation, Madalah Ltd and the Australian Indigenous Education Foundation, amongst others. These organisations are delivering outcomes and through this package will deliver the highest-calibre Indigenous leaders to take our country's next steps.</para>
<para>The stories of the 1967 campaigners and Mabo decision plaintiffs inform our nation's future. With history in mind and an eye to our future, we remember those who fought so hard and we celebrate the future that their efforts have provided.</para>
<para>The government has supported local grassroots activities honouring the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum and the 25th anniversary of the Mabo decision through a grants round open to all local councils to work in partnership with local Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander organisations and tailor community activities. Many of these community events are featured in local newspapers right across Australia. Grants of $5,000 help communities across the country come together and walk together in memory of these anniversaries and in unison towards reconciliation.</para>
<para>On 25 May this year I was very pleased to join with the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition, along with thousands of our fellow citizens, on the Long Walk to the 'G that brings Australians together on a walk for reconciliation ahead of the AFL's Dreamtime at the 'G Indigenous round match.</para>
<para>On 3 June it was again my pleasure to join with the families of Eddie Koiki Mabo and of plaintiffs Father Dave Passi, Sam Passi, James Rice and Ms Salee in the celebrations that took place on Mer Island. You could feel the pride of the community honouring its elders. The coalition government was pleased to unveil its support for gravesite restoration of Mr Eddie Koiki Mabo, with restoration work for the gravesites of other plaintiffs to follow shortly.</para>
<para>On this same day, Mabo Day, the Townsville and Brisbane communities celebrated together in two festivals raising further awareness about the significance of the efforts of the Mabo plaintiffs. The government was pleased to support these anniversary celebrations.</para>
<para>The nation sat up and noticed the celebrations that were happening across Australia, as well as people like Dulcie Flower and Dr Barrie Pittock, who dedicated their lives to these challenges and used whatever resources they had to fight for what was right. The 1967 referendum's overwhelming 'yes' vote is a testament to the hard work of these individuals involved.</para>
<para>The Native Title Act was a major step in recasting the relationship between Indigenous and other Australians, recognising past injustices and setting the scene for a more equitable future. Since then, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people's rights and interests in land has been formally recognised for about 40 per cent of Australia's land mass. As Koiki Mabo said, 'What is on the land and in the sea belongs to me and my people.' But the struggle for the recognition of sea country has been just as hard as the original battle for native title. Sea country should be treated the same as land country. The opportunities to manage and economically benefit from your rights over water must now be a priority. That is why the coalition government announced at this year's National Native Title Conference that we are investing in $20 million to support Indigenous people to make use of their rights to sea country.</para>
<para>Today, the nation celebrates its shared history and looks to a future of reconciliation and respect. The Prime Minister said it best when he eloquently stated in the statement I am tabling here today:</para>
<quote><para class="block">For time out of mind, for more than 50,000 years, your people and your culture have shaped and been shaped by, cared for and been cared by, defined and been defined by this land, our land, Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Your culture, our culture, is old and new, as dynamic as it is connected—on the highest tree top the new flower of the morning draws its being from deep and ancient roots.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Now it is up to us, together and united, to draw from the wisdom and the example of those we honour today and, so inspired, bring new heights and brighter blooms to that tree of reconciliation which protects and enriches us all.</para></quote>
<para>I am pleased today to table the Prime Minister's speech honouring the campaigners of the 1967 referendum and plaintiffs of the Mabo High Court decision. We acknowledge these anniversaries and the contributions of those involved and continue to commit our efforts to deliver better outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DODSON</name>
    <name.id>SR5</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the documents.</para></quote>
<para>I would like to acknowledge the Ngunawal and Ngambri peoples on whose lands we are gathered. I thank the minister for his statement. On 24 May this year the minister invited me, as he said, to attend an event to commemorate these significant anniversaries and to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum and the 25th anniversary of the Mabo decision with the original campaigners of the 1967 referendum and the Mabo decision plaintiffs and their families. It was indeed a grand occasion.</para>
<para>Today I acknowledge the minister's statement on the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum and the 25th anniversary of the Mabo High Court decision. Without any doubt, these events are high points in the recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people's prior and ongoing positions in our national culture, society and laws. In particular, the 1967 referendum eliminated one form of lingering racism in our Constitution, allowing Indigenous peoples to be counted in the census and allowing this place to make laws for Indigenous peoples.</para>
<para>I also want to highlight some of the other major turning points that have pointed to a new way forward along the road to reconciliation, such as the return of land to the Gurindji in 1972, the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 and the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation Act 1991. Many of these highlights were bipartisan in their creation, and we strived for a bipartisan and cross-party response in future efforts to change our Constitution, to make it more consistent with our national values and to remove the lingering racism legacy in the Constitution of the past.</para>
<para>But it is the story of Eddie Koiki Mabo that I want to focus on today. Inside the colony of Queensland, in its maritime boundaries, in the Torres Strait, between Papua New Guinea and Australia is the Murray Islands, the largest of which is Murray Island or Mer. In 1982, Eddie Koiki Mabo and four other Murray Islanders commenced proceedings against the state of Queensland. They claimed occupation of parcels of land on Mer as holders of native title under their own customary laws. This litigation transformed the modern Australian common law. In the parliament the foundation documents of Australia's laws and societies are on display. School children can see Eddie Mabo's handwritten documents showing the shape of the island of Mer, and noting the family names associated with tracts of land, including his own family name and their connection to the country. His map sits alongside the Yirrkala bark petition, the Barunga statement and Kevin Rudd's apology. These important documents testify to the ongoing challenge of defining and resolving the fact of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander prior ownership of lands that we now call Australia. They call for all of us to recognise and understand the facts of the occupation of Australia.</para>
<para>First peoples were in this land as owners of their respective countries before and when the settlers arrived and gradually spread out and occupied the territory of Australia. It was, and is not, terra nullius. According to the Chief Justice of Australia who heard the Mabo case, Sir Gerard Brennan;</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the common law of Australia rejects the notion that, when the Crown acquired sovereignty over territory which is now part of Australia it thereby acquired the absolute beneficial ownership of the land therein, and accepts that the antecedent rights and interests in land possessed by the indigenous inhabitants of the territory survived the change in sovereignty. Those antecedent rights and interests thus constitute a burden on the radical title of the Crown.</para></quote>
<para>With the rejection of the notion of terra nullius, native title was held to survive the acquisition of sovereignty. It was a poignant tragedy that Koiki Mabo did not live long enough to enjoy the recognition of what he knew in his heart and his mind to be the truth. The legacy of this man's effort is a great legacy, a positive landmark moment on the road to national reconciliation. Putting these signposts in place was not an action of any one political party but of the nation as a whole through our parliament.</para>
<para>The Mabo decision led to an eruption of controversy and alarm. The then opposition, now the government, was a bitter opponent. After much vicious public debate in 1993, the Commonwealth parliament under the Labor government of Paul Keating enacted the Native Title Act, which built on the common law as defined in the Mabo case. It was challenged in the High Court by the Western Australian parliament. The High Court upheld the validity of the Native Title Act and found Western Australian law to be invalid.</para>
<para>Another milestone on the road took place in 1996 with the decision of the High Court in the Wik case, which found that native title and pastoral leases could coexist. The 1996 amendments to the Native Title Act, in the words of the then Deputy Prime Minister Mr Fisher, 'delivered bucketloads of extinguishment', but they also delivered opportunity for Aboriginal people to make agreements. Far too often, however, the price for that opportunity has been too highly paid in my view, leading to the extinguishment of native title forever and a day.</para>
<para>In the Senate this week, the validation of these Indigenous land use agreements has been under debate and will continue to be. At every step the Labor Party has pushed for consultation on these bills: through a Senate committee, through submissions and through consultation with representatives of the native title representative bodies. At every step we have remembered the legacy of Koiki Mabo and understand the fact that native title rights, now recognised in the common law and federal legislation, should not be changed, extinguished or modified at the whim of government. Native title rights exist not as a gift of the parliament or as an act of largesse by the government of the day but as an ongoing right, with deep roots into our national past, our shared history and our common and optimistic future.</para>
<para>Finally, I wish to extend on behalf of the Australian Labor Party our sincere thanks to all those campaigners in 1967 for their tireless effort to change the mind of a nation. We are grateful and a better nation as a consequence of their hard work and their sacrifices. It was one of the few referendums that were successful out of the 44. In the same tone we extend our thanks and appreciation to the families and descendants of those who had worked tirelessly with Koiki Mabo to give reality to his lifelong dream: native title. The people of Mer and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples across Australia are truly indebted to your efforts.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>79</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Broadcasting of Parliamentary Proceedings Committee</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>79</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The President has received a letter from the Leader of the Government in the Senate requesting changes in the membership of the Joint Committee on the Broadcasting of Parliamentary Proceedings.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Senator Bushby be appointed as a member of the Joint Committee on the Broadcasting of Parliamentary Proceedings.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>80</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy Bill 2017, ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy (Collection) Bill 2017, ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>80</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5842">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5844">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy (Collection) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r5843">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> spee</inline> <inline font-style="italic">ches read as follows</inline>—</para>
<quote><para class="block">This bill continues to deliver on the Government's commitment to strengthen the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC) and better protect Australian consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The financial system touches the lives of every Australian family and business and the Turnbull Government recognises that our financial institutions have not always lived up to community standards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That is why we are working every day to ensure that our regulators are tough cops on the beat, with the resources and powers that they need to proactively address misconduct and to prosecute those that do the wrong thing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Introducing an industry funding model for ASIC will make industry more accountable for its behaviour and make ASIC a stronger regulator. It is a critical component of our plan to improve outcomes in the financial services sector and builds on other Government measures including:</para></quote>
<list>$127.2 million to enhance ASIC's powers, data analytics and surveillance capabilities and to accelerate measures recommended by the Financial System Inquiry (FSI);</list>
<list>a comprehensive review of ASIC's enforcement and penalties regime to ensure that it has the tools to adequately deter misconduct and to foster consumer confidence; and</list>
<list>the ASIC capability review, which made a number of recommendations to ensure that ASIC is operating in line with global best practice.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Industry funding of ASIC will more closely align ASIC's funding model with that of the Australian Prudential Regulation Authority's (APRA's), as well as a number of international financial sector regulators including the Financial Conduct Authority in the United Kingdom and the Securities and Exchange Commission in the United States.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will also have significant benefits for all Australians. It will:</para></quote>
<list>improve equity, because those entities that create the need for regulation will bear its cost – as opposed to Australian taxpayers;</list>
<list>encourage regulatory compliance, because good conduct will drive down supervisory levies;</list>
<list>improve ASIC's resource allocation, by providing it with richer data on industry activity and potential risks; and</list>
<list>enhance ASIC's transparency and accountability—and by extension its performance—by requiring ASIC to publish detailed accounts of its expenditure.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Let me now go through these benefits in detail.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Improve Equity in Tax Collection</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Industry funding of ASIC will mean that, from 1 July 2017, those entities that create the need for that regulation will pay for it, as opposed to Australian taxpayers, who too often bear the cost of financial sector misconduct.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further, because each regulated subsector will only ever pay an amount equal to its costs of supervision, industry funding will promote equity between different regulated entities. This is because certain industry subsectors will no longer cross-subsidise the costs of the regulation of other sectors.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Create a culture of compliance</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition to enhancing equity, industry funding will also help to embed a culture of compliance within Australia's corporate and financial services sectors.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By creating clear and transparent price signals, industry funding will provide regulated entities with an incentive to improve their conduct. This is because industry sectors with a record of good behaviour require fewer ASIC resources and will face lower annual charges than those sectors that continue to pose unacceptable risks to Australian consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Improve ASIC's Resource Prioritisation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These reforms, however, go beyond the mere introduction of levies and charges. Critically, the passage of these bills will help make ASIC a stronger regulator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These bills will provide ASIC with new powers to collect more granular data from regulated entities on the services that they provide—such as the actual amount of credit provided—to support the calculation of the levies payable by each institution.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The benefits of this data, however, will extend well beyond ensuring that ASIC's costs are allocated correctly. This new, rich, dataset—made possible by the $61.1 million that the Government has invested in enhancing ASIC's data analytics and surveillance capabilities—will also allow ASIC to better identify emerging risks, better prioritise its resources and better ensure compliance with regulatory requirements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will make ASIC a more agile and adaptable regulator and drive better outcomes for Australian consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government recognises, however, that these benefits must be balanced against additional red-tape costs for industry. For that reason, this bill provides checks and balances to ensure that requests for data are reasonable and proportionate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Enhanced Transparency</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Industry funding will also dramatically increase ASIC's transparency. From 2017-18, ASIC will be required to annually explain its regulatory priorities, outline its plan to address them, and provide a detailed account of how well it delivered on its objectives—including justification for the money that it spent and the regulatory tools that it elected to use.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These new reporting requirements will significantly enhance ASIC's accountability to the entities that it regulates. This will force ASIC to ensure that its expenditure is as efficient as possible and will encourage a greater investment in the ongoing assessment of its performance, as recommended by the ASIC Capability Review. This is an important outcome and a key driver behind the Government's decision to adopt an industry funding model.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Ensuring Compliance with Industry Funding</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The success of the industry funding model relies on industry having confidence that everyone is paying their fair share.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That is why, in addition to outlining the broad framework for ASIC's industry funding model, this bill includes a number of measures to ensure that regulated entities do not shirk their responsibilities to the Australian public.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">ASIC will be empowered to collect all supervisory levies that would have been payable from any entity that is caught operating without the appropriate license or authorisation. This will be in addition to any other enforcement action that ASIC deems appropriate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For those entities that simply try to avoid paying their dues, ASIC will be permitted to impose a late payment penalty of 20 per cent per annum on any amounts outstanding. To ensure compliance, this financial penalty will be supplemented by the threat of ASIC administrative action including, in severe cases, the suspension or cancellation of an entity's license.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is confident that these measures will provide industry with the certainty it needs to build further support for the industry funding model.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Consultation and Next Steps</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Developing this legislation, and the industry funding model more broadly, has benefited from the input of many stakeholders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Across two separate consultation periods the Government received more than 300 submissions and met with nearly 50 organisations. And we're not done yet.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On behalf of the Minister for Revenue and Financial Services, I would like to take this opportunity to thank everyone that made a submission for their contribution so far and to assure industry that the Government will soon be releasing a draft version of the regulations for comment. These regulations will outline the specific levy mechanisms, and I encourage all interested parties to make a submission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Closing</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill delivers on the Government's promise to strengthen ASIC and better protect Australian consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill is further evidence of the Turnbull Government's utmost commitment to holding the corporate and financial sectors to account for their behaviour and will result in a fairer system, will further incentivise good conduct, and will create a more efficient, agile, and innovative ASIC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details about this bill are contained in the Explanatory Memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy (Collection) Bill 2017 forms part of a package of bills to introduce an industry funding model for the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To ensure that the industry funding model is equitable, this bill requires all entities regulated by ASIC to pay a levy to offset their regulatory costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These levies are to be paid after the end of the relevant financial year and any unpaid levy attracts penalty interest at the rate of 20 per cent per annum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To ensure that ASIC's costs are distributed appropriately, this bill also requires all ASIC regulated entities to report to ASIC on their actual activities throughout the financial year. This will also assist ASIC to better identify financial sector risks and prioritise its resources to best protect Australian consumers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To buttress this reporting obligation, failing to report when required will be an offence. Further, a failure to report honestly will result in a shortfall penalty equal to two-times the levy avoided being imposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These measures are necessary to ensure ongoing confidence in the ASIC industry funding model.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure and the ASIC industry funding model are contained in the explanatory memorandum for the ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy Bill 2017.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2017 forms part of a package of bills to introduce an industry funding model for the Australian Securities and Investments Commission (ASIC).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To provide industry with confidence that ASIC is an efficient regulator, the bill requires ASIC to publish information on all of its regulatory costs for the previous financial year as soon as practicable after 31 October each year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To provide industry with confidence that everyone is paying their fair share, this bill empowers ASIC to take administrative actions against entities that have failed to pay their levy, late payment penalty, or shortfall penalty within a year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To simplify existing funding arrangements and ensure that no industry pays more than their regulatory costs, this bill also abolishes the existing market supervision cost recovery regime. From 1 July 2017, ASIC's costs in this sector will be recovered under the new industry funding model.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Full details of the measure and the ASIC industry funding model are contained in the explanatory memorandum for the ASIC Supervisory Cost Recovery Levy Bill 2017.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>82</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5866">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Australian Education Amendment Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>82</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">On 2 May, the Turnbull Government announced an extra $18.6 billion in recurrent schools funding on top of already record and growing funding for Australian schools over the next 10 calendar years. This will bring our total 10 year investment to a record $242.3 billion from 2018 to 2027.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to ensuring that this additional school funding is allocated fairly between states, sectors and schools and is based on the needs of students.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Quality Schools Package</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We will truly implement the Gonski needs-based approach, delivering the Schooling Resource Standard that provides a base amount plus six loadings for disadvantage.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We will move to a truly needs based approach that means that the same student with the same need attracts the same amount of Commonwealth funding in each state, territory and school sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By 2027, all schools will be funded on the same basis by the Commonwealth and attract consistent shares of the Schooling Resource Standard. The share funded by the Commonwealth will increase across Australia bringing it to 20 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard for the government sector and 80 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard for each</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">non-government sector approved authority. This reflects our historic role as the minority public funder of the government sector and the primary funder of the non-government sector.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To support our increased investment, we have established a <inline font-style="italic">Review to Achieve Educational Excellence in Australian Schools</inline>which will be led by Mr David Gonski AC, to provide advice on how the extra Commonwealth funding should be invested to improve Australian schools' performance, and grow student achievement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Review will contribute to the evidence base needed to ensure funding on the ground is used in ways that make a difference to student outcomes. The Review will not rehash funding calculations and distribution, but focus on practical measures that work, from Australia and around the world, to improve results for Australia's children.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Current Arrangements</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Education Act 2013</inline> currently stands, Commonwealth recurrent funding varies considerably depending on negotiated arrangements by the former Labor Government with state and territory governments. This means students with the same need in the same sector are treated differently because of the state in which they live.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">Australian Education Act 2013</inline> commenced on 1 January 2014. It is the principal legislation by which the Australian Government provides financial assistance to approved authorities for government and non‑government schools.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If the current legislation continued without amendment, the transition to any form of more consistent needs‑based funding isn't guaranteed, not even within decades, or even within 150 years in some instances.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Detail of the bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments contained in this bill are necessary and important. This bill realigns our legislative framework to support a funding model that is fair, transparent and needs-based. It ties funding to reforms that will improve student outcomes and provides strengthened accountability mechanisms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By aligning our legislative framework with our national policy objectives, this bill provides a strong foundation for achieving our long term vision for Australia's schools.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An updated and streamlined legislative framework will also help guide a new national, collaborative approach to schools reforms, based on clear objectives and targets for performance.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To this end, a number of changes are required to the act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill is presented in a single schedule divided into three parts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 1. Improvements to the calculation of Commonwealth funding for schools</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments are intended to commence on 1 January 2018 in line with the school year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill delivers a robust, needs-based system addressing the unfairness in the current funding model by removing the special deals made by the former Government, that have resulted in students with the same need within the same sector being treated differently just because of the state in which they live.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments will enshrine a faster and fairer 10 year transition period to ensure that by 2027, all government schools and all non-government schools will be funded on the same basis by the Commonwealth and attract a consistent share of the Schooling Resource Standard.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">From 2017, the Commonwealth share of the Schooling Resource Standard will grow for government schools from an average of 17 per cent to 20 per cent in 2027. And for the</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">non-government sector, grow from an average of 77 per cent in 2017 to 80 per cent in 2027.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Only 353 non-government schools are estimated to be over the entitlement of 80 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard in 2017. However, most of these will still experience positive growth in funding, just at a slower rate than indexation. Less than one per cent of schools will have negative growth over the next 4 years and the transition adjustment fund will provide support to assist vulnerable schools.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill updates the per-student base funding amounts for 2018 with more recent data.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An indexation rate of 3.56 per cent will be set in regulation for the first three years to honour our 2016 Budget commitment and give education authorities certainty. From 2021, indexation of the Schooling Resource Standard will be based on whichever is the higher of three per cent or a floating indexation rate based on economy wide measures to provide a minimum base and certainty for schools while ensuring that funding reflects real changes in wages and inflation costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As the Commonwealth will be increasing its share of the standard over the next ten years, overall funding will grow over and above enrolment growth and indexation. This means that the Commonwealth will be providing $4.4 billion more over 2018 to 2021 than if funding just grew in line with movements in CPI.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. Key policy amendments relating to reform and accountability</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill also introduces a requirement for states and territories to maintain their real per student funding levels as a condition of Commonwealth funding. This will prevent cost-shifting to the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth does not own or operate a single school so it should not be the case that state and territory contributions to school funding decline while Commonwealth funding grows.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition to changes to the school funding model, the Commonwealth is seeking to strengthen the link between Commonwealth financial assistance and the implementation of evidence based reforms to improve student outcomes. We have been clear that the delivery of reforms will be a condition of funding for states.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The bill stipulates that states and territories will be required to be party to a new national agreement to receive Commonwealth funding. This is to avoid a situation like we have now with this notion of 'participating' and non-participating' states with differences in entitlements and expectations for achieving national goals.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A new agreement will set out a shared vision for the development and learning of young Australians and reinforce the importance of progressing evidence based reforms that improve student outcomes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Commonwealth will work cooperatively with state and territory governments to set out a relevant and ambitious long-term vision for our schools.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3. Miscellaneous and technical amendments</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There are also a number of consequential and technical changes required to the act. These changes will reduce the level of Commonwealth control over the way schools are operated and the way funding is used by education authorities with the removal of requirements for implementation and school improvement plans.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Implementing and administering the act since 2014 has also shown some aspects to be ambiguous, unnecessary or otherwise administratively cumbersome so minor amendments are being made to address this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Regulation Changes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Amendments will also be required to the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Education Regulation 2013 </inline>to give effect to the new funding and reform arrangements<inline font-style="italic">. </inline>We will be providing a summary of our proposed approach to these changes to stakeholders as part of our consultations on the implementation of the Quality Schools package and to assist with the consideration of this amendment bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Amendments to the Regulation will cover how the new students with disability loading should be implemented to support students with the highest needs and proposed eligibility criteria for our transition adjustment fund.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We will also consult on the best way to deal with some unintended consequences in current arrangements, for instance the treatment of Year 7 students in South Australian schools, where because the government sector classifies Year 7 students as primary school students, students who are in Year 7 at non-government secondary schools are still being funded as primary school students. We will fix this and a range of other issues through our regulatory amendments once this bill is passed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Closing</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill supports all Australian schools by taking action to strengthen the legislative framework that underpins the Australian Government's significant investment in education and by updating the Act to ensure effective and efficient administration. I commend this bill.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 115(3), further consideration of this bill is now adjourned until 14 June 2017.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017, Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Vulnerable Workers) Bill 2017, Social Services Legislation Amendment (Energy Assistance Payment and Pensioner Concession Card) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Accelerated Depreciation For Small Business Entities) Bill 2017, Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>84</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5835">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5826">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Vulnerable Workers) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5878">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Energy Assistance Payment and Pensioner Concession Card) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5889">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Accelerated Depreciation For Small Business Entities) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r5875">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>84</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>These bills are being introduced together. After debate on the motion for the second reading has been adjourned, I shall move a motion to have the bills listed separately on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills may proceed without formalities, may be taken together and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bills read a first time.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That these bills now be read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speeches incorporated into <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speeches read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">FAIR WORK AMENDMENT (CORRUPTING BENEFITS) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I move that this Bill now be read a second time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill bans corrupt and secret payments made between employers and unions. It also requires disclosure by both employers and unions of financial benefits they stand to gain as a result of an enterprise agreement before employees vote on the agreement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The role of union leaders is to put their members' interests first. Indeed, they are paid by members to represent their interests, which members rightly trust will be the first priority of their union.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Any union leader who accepts corrupt or secret payments from the employers of their members is placing themselves in a highly compromising position.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A business that makes such payments is also seriously compromised. As the Royal Commission into Trade Union Governance and Corruption found: "<inline font-style="italic">Corrupt receipt implies corrupt payment.</inline>"</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet successive Royal Commissions have uncovered millions of dollars of payments secretly transferred between employers and unions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These deals were never revealed to the union's own members or the employer's own workforce.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Some payments involve union leaders obtaining kickbacks for their own personal benefit, like the officials who obtained free renovations on their homes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Other payments involve deals to bolster the status and power of union leaders, particularly within the Labor Party. These deals involve employers making payments accompanied by lists of employee names which are used to secretly sign employees up to the union.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Shockingly, there are also payments that are used to encourage unions to sell out their members – the very members they are paid to represent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A repeat offender when it comes to these payments was the AWU Victoria under the leadership of the Leader of the Opposition.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In fact, the AWU Victoria received hundreds of thousands of dollars of payments from employers at the same time as its members were facing lower pay or redundancies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For example, the AWU received half a million dollars from a glass manufacturer that was laying off workers at its factory in western Melbourne. In return for the payments, the employer undertook these redundancies without any agitation by the union.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The AWU also received $24,000 from a mushroom picking company that was casualising its workforce. Again, the employer avoided union agitation as it was undertaking redundancies and employing labour hire workers in their place. The deal saved the company millions of dollars.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The AWU also received $75,000 from a cleaning company in exchange for maintaining a workplace deal that paid cleaners well-below award rates and stripped them of penalty rates, overtime and shift loadings. This deal saved the company about $2 million each year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These deals have the potential to corrupt union leaders, corrupt employers, and seriously disadvantage workers. On any measure they are morally wrong. They need to be outlawed, and that is exactly what this Bill will do.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today the Government is introducing the Fair Work Amendment (Corrupting Benefits) Bill 2017 because we are committed to ending these secret deals between unions and employers, and because we are committed to putting the interests of workers first.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are committed to ending the dodgy arrangements which ensure millions of dollars in financial benefits flow into union coffers from insurance, training and superannuation schemes, with employees none the wiser.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill therefore criminalises benefits given or received with the intention of corrupting officers of registered organisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also outlaws payments or other benefits transferred from employers to unions or their officers. Certain legitimate categories of payments will be allowed, such as payments at market value for genuine services that are actually provided by a union, or genuine payment of membership fees.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Criminal penalties will apply equally to an employer and a union. The party that makes or offers the payment will be penalised in the same way as the party that solicits or receives the payment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Criminal penalties for payments with the intent to corrupt will be a maximum of 10 years in prison and $900,000 for an individual, or $4.5 million for companies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Maximum penalties for other illegitimate payments will be 2 years in prison or $90,000 for an individual, or $450,000 for companies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also requires full disclosure by both employers and unions of financial benefits they stand to gain under an enterprise agreement before employees vote on the agreement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If money changes hands between an employer and a union then both parties have an obligation to honestly declare these payments to their employees and members.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Employees have a right to know about any deals derived by their employer or the union before they vote on an agreement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to restoring integrity and fairness to workplaces. This starts with requiring employers and unions to act with integrity and fairness in negotiations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All parties in this Parliament who believe in fairness, honesty and transparency in workplaces should now support this vital reform to outlaw corrupting benefits.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If you believe in stopping corruption, and believe that unions and employers must put workers first, then this Bill must be supported.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">FAIR WORK AMENDMENT (PROTECTING VULNERABLE WORKERS) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I rise to introduce the Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Vulnerable Workers) Bill. This delivers on the final element of the Government's election commitment to protect vulnerable workers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know that the majority of employers do the right thing, but it is also apparent that there are some cases of widespread underpayment or coercion of workers, such as the well-publicised exploitation of workers by some 7-Eleven franchisees. These are the instances this Bill seeks to address.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill introduces higher penalties for 'serious contraventions' of payment-related workplace laws, which will apply where the underpayments or other breaches are deliberate and systematic. The penalties for these contraventions will be ten times higher than usual. This will not apply to genuine mistakes, but only deliberate and systematic breaches.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also prohibits employers asking for 'cash back' from their employees. It is of concern to this Government that instances have occurred such as young workers being led from their workplace to the nearest ATM, and forced to hand back part of their wages in cash. Our amendments will make it clear that this type of practice is unlawful, and employees can get their wages back.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will also clarify the accessorial liability provisions to make them more effective. These changes will ensure that franchisors and holding companies that exercise significant control over their franchisees or subsidiaries will be responsible for underpayments where they turned a blind eye or were complicit in such a breach.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Where the franchisor or holding company should have known of the breach, or a similar breach, but did not take reasonable steps to try to prevent it then they may be liable for the underpayments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We also recognise that not all franchise networks are the same and not all franchisors will be in a position to influence or control the employment practices of their franchisees. That is why the Bill does not mandate a particular requirement for companies who do exercise this control. What is appropriate in any particular case will depend on the size, resources and control exercised by a particular business and what steps they are already taking to encourage compliance with the law within their corporate networks. In many cases, existing measures will be sufficient and there will be no need to take any further measures.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Fair Work Ombudsman will provide advice for businesses seeking further information about these provisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill will not absolve franchisees or subsidiaries of their responsibility under workplace laws. These employers will remain liable for any breach of the Fair Work Act under existing laws. A franchisor or holding company that is required to rectify underpayments will also be given a statutory right to recover any amounts paid from the franchisee or subsidiary, ensuring that the direct employer continues to be liable for the breach, or can use contractual arrangements to recover in the case of a settlement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These changes will not hold companies liable for mistakes. The Fair Work Ombudsman is required to act as a model litigant and will pursue prosecution only in cases where penalties are appropriate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, the Bill strengthens the Fair Work Ombudsman's evidence gathering powers to ensure that deliberate and systematic contraventions of workplace laws can be effectively investigated—even if there is no paper trail.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill provides the Fair Work Ombudsman with powers similar to those held by other regulators such as ASIC and ACCC. These powers will allow the Ombudsman to compel a person to provide information or answer questions if all other avenues of investigation fail. These powers will be accompanied by safeguards to ensure they are used appropriately and consistently.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill also expressly prohibits anyone from hindering or obstructing an investigator, or giving the Fair Work Ombudsman false or misleading information or documents.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Combined with the $20.1 million in funding the Government has restored to the Fair Work Ombudsman, after Labor ripped away 17 per cent of its funding when in Government, our workplace regulator will now be well placed to identify worker exploitation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The regulator will also be in a position to support businesses, especially franchisors, franchisees and small businesses, to understand these changes and take any necessary simple steps to ensure that their networks are aware of their obligations under the Fair Work Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The development of this Bill has been informed by evidence from numerous reports and inquiries as well as extensive consultation with community, employer and employee representatives.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I trust that all those in this place who share the Government's commitment to stamping out worker exploitation will support our amendments and respect the decision of the Australian community to endorse our policy at the 2016 Federal Election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">SOCIAL SERVICES LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (ENERGY ASSISTANCE PAYMENT AND PENSIONER CONCESSION CARD) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill provides for a one-off Energy Assistance Payment to welfare recipients who have a limited ability to earn additional income; and reinstates the Pensioner Concession Card to more than 92,000 former pensioners that ceased being eligible for a pension on 1 January 2017 due to the rebalancing of the pension assets test.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Energy Assistance Payment</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This bill provides for a one-off Energy Assistance Payment to recipients of the Age Pension, Disability Support Pension, Parenting Payment Single and Veterans and their partners paid the Service Pension, the Income Support Supplement and relevant compensation payments who are eligible for payment and residing in Australia on 20 June 2017 (the test date) to assist them with their energy costs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Energy Assistance Payment will be $75 for singles and $62.50 for each member of a couple, providing additional assistance to around 3.8 million Australians, including:</para></quote>
<list>2.5 million Age Pension recipients</list>
<list>770,000 Disability Support Pension recipients</list>
<list>260,000 Parenting Payment Single recipients, and</list>
<list>235,000 recipients of veteran payments.</list>
<quote><para class="block">To be eligible you must be in receipt of one of the qualifying payments and be residing in Australia on 20 June 2017. Those qualified will automatically receive the payment through Centrelink or the Department of Veterans' Affairs – they will not need to take any action, and no claim is necessary. The payment will not be taxed and will not reduce their rate of income support.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Those people who have made a claim for payment on or before the test date and subsequently have that claim granted, will also be paid the one-off payment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Legislation ensures that a person cannot receive more than one entitlement and no payment would be made to non-Australian residents. People who are not in receipt of payment because they are suspended on the test date will not be eligible. This may include people who are in gaol on the test date.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Qualifying veterans will include those receiving Disability Pension and War Widow(er)'s Pension under the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Entitlements Act 1986</inline>, Permanent Impairment compensation, Special Rate Disability Pension or Wholly Dependent Partner payments under the <inline font-style="italic">Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Act 2004</inline> or Permanent Impairment compensation under the <inline font-style="italic">Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation Act 1988</inline> on the test date.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Pensioner Concession Card</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill will also reinstate the Pensioner Concession Card to around 92,300 former pension recipients. Former pensioners who lost entitlement to the Pensioner Concession Card when they ceased being eligible for the pension on 1 January 2017 due to the rebalancing of the pension assets test will once again be eligible for this card.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This consists of 88,700 former pensioners paid by the Department of Social Services and 3,600 former pensioners paid by the Department of Veterans' Affairs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">From 1 January 2017, these people were all issued with a Health Care Card, and those over Age Pension qualification age were also issued with a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card. From the Commonwealth perspective, these cards provide the same benefits to the card holder in terms of access to cheaper medicines through the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme and the lower Extended Medicare Safety Net. These cards did not, however, provide access to free hearing services provided by the Department of Health or a range of concessions and benefits provided by states and territories, and/or private providers, which are available to Pensioner Concession Card holders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has decided to reinstate the Pensioner Concession Card to maximise concessions to this cohort.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While eligibility criteria for concession cards are set by the Commonwealth Government, the decision to use certain Commonwealth Government concession cards as a vehicle for targeting state and territory concessions is a choice made by state and territory governments, and other private providers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">State concessions on rates, utilities, motor vehicle registrations and public transport are all determined by the type of card you hold. Due to the decisions of state and territory governments, and/or private providers, some concessions available to Pensioner Concession Card holders are not available to holders of other types of concession cards, including a Health Care Card and a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card. Reissuing the Pensioner Concession Card will help overcome this anomaly, and help facilitate people to again access these discounts and concessions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will cost $3.1 million over two years to reinstate the Pensioner Concession Card to this cohort of former pensioner recipients whose pension was cancelled due to the rebalancing assets test measure. This is a small expense to the Government, but will go a long way to assist this group in managing their daily budgets.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Consistent with the Health Care Card and Commonwealth Seniors Health Card they have now, the Pensioner Concession Card will be automatically reissued from 9 October 2017 with an ongoing income and assets test exemption.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To maintain their current Commonwealth benefits, those former pensioners issued with a Commonwealth Seniors Health Card will also retain that card. As the Pensioner Concession Card provides all the benefits the Health Care Card does, the Health Care Card would become redundant and would be deactivated for those former pensioners issued with a Health Care Card on 1 January 2017 due to the rebalancing of the pensions assets test.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The eligibility requirements ensure that these former pensioners will maintain ongoing eligibility to the stand alone Pensioner Concession Card, but still have to meet some of the conditions in place for usual Pensioner Concession Card holders. These conditions include portability requirements where cardholders will have their card suspended after being overseas for 6 weeks. The card will be reactivated on return to Australia. The Pensioner Concession Card will also be cancelled if the cardholder is in gaol. This bill acts on the Government's commitments outlined in the 2017-18 Budget.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">TREASURY LAWS AMENDMENT (ACCELERATED DEPRECIATION FOR SMALL BUSINESS ENTITIES) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today I rise to introduce a Bill which backs small business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know small businesses employ almost half of our country's workforce.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know our economy grows when the small business sector is strong.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And we know every small business starts as the spark of someone's idea, with hard work and dedication to see it become a reality.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">So, if you're an Australian in small business, this is our Bill to back you.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill amends the tax law to help small businesses to invest and grow. It builds on the plan for jobs, for growth and for opportunities through small business tax cuts and other support as part of the past two Budgets.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On any day, 5.6 million Australians are at work in small business, earning a wage from one of our 3.2 million small businesses.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Small businesses make up 99 per cent of all Australian businesses and annually contribute $380 billion to the economy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This means a strong small business sector means more jobs for Australians and more opportunities to build vibrant local communities across the country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to cutting small business taxes and helping them invest and grow.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The measure this Bill enacts today was delivered as part of the 2017-18 Budget, delivered to Parliament a little over two weeks ago.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On that day – 9 May – this Government kicked its biggest goal yet for small business: a cut in the company tax rate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Thanks to laws passed in this Parliament that day, the tax rate for small business is now at its lowest level in many, many decades and small businesses have more money to invest in themselves today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That change in the law also means more than 90,000 additional businesses can access to tax concessions as a result of redefining small business to those turning over $10 million per annum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The 2017 Budget continues the Government's plan to back small business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Whether it's the local small business owner in Western Sydney, the mature aged worker in Noosa or the young job seeker looking to start their career in Gympie – this Budget is full of opportunities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the 2015-16 Budget the Government increased the small business immediate deductibility threshold from $1,000 to $20,000 from 12 May 2015 until 30 June 2017.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill extends that measure by 12 months so small businesses with turnover less than $10 million can immediately deduct purchases of eligible assets each costing less than $20,000 first used or installed ready for use by 30 June 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This continues the Government's strong record of backing small business to grow and deliver more and better paying jobs by helping them replace or upgrade their machinery and equipment.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This measure will improve cash flow for small business, providing a boost to small business activity for another year, helping them to reinvest in their business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Improved cash flow will also give businesses the flexibility to hire more employees and pay staff more.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Business tools and equipment can be expensive and the rules around depreciating them can be time consuming to understand.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the extended immediate deductibility measure, small businesses can write-off each and every item under $20,000 that is purchased until 30 June 2018.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the process, small businesses support other small businesses and by purchasing new or second hand equipment they're spending money locally which has a flow on and multiplier effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The result: more efficiency, greater productivity, more consumers and a boost to small business morale. This impact is beneficial for our regional towns and communities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Government understand the daily demands and constraints facing small businesses. Small business people are time poor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under this measure, the business does not have to keep track of the item records and can use the extra cash-flow to reinvest in the business.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Assets valued at $20,000 or more can continue to be placed together into the small business simplified depreciation pool and depreciated at 15 per cent in the first income year and 30 per cent each income year thereafter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Once assets are placed in the pool, there is no requirement to track each item's depreciation over multiple income years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This reduces paperwork and allows small business to get on with doing what they do best.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The pool itself may also be immediately deducted if its value falls below $20,000 at the end of the financial year, providing an additional cash flow benefit to small businesses.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The law previously included 'lock-out rules' that stop small businesses that elect out of the simplified depreciation regime from re-entering for five years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These rules were relaxed when the threshold was increased to $20,000 and will continue to be suspended until 30 June 2018 to allow all small business entities to access this measure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The small number of assets not eligible for accelerated depreciation, such as capital works, will continue to be excluded under this measure, consistent with the current law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 1 July 2018, the thresholds for immediate deductibility of individual assets and the value of the pool will revert to $1,000.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The instant asset write-off has proved to be one of the most popular small business incentives and encourages Australia's 3.2 million small businesses to invest in their business and create more jobs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That's why we made the decision to continue to back small business in this year's Budget. Extending the instant asset write-off is the highlight in the Budget for small business and part of our plan to increase business confidence.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Small businesses, industry groups and business leaders have been vocal in their calls for an extension to the program. The response from business and stakeholders has been well received.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since Budget night, the support from small business welcoming the extension of this program and the Government's ongoing commitment to small business has been overwhelming.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Peter Strong, CEO of the Council of Small Business of Australia said:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">… the Federal Government has demonstrated a genuine commitment to small business.</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">The Australian Government is clearly walking the talk when it comes to supporting Australia</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">s … small businesses.</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On Budget night two weeks ago James Pearson, CEO of the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry said the <inline font-style="italic">"</inline><inline font-style="italic">extension of the instant asset write-off is terrific.</inline><inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">This Budget will encourage restaurants to buy more kitchen equipment, landscape gardeners to buy more lawn mowers and tech companies to buy more hardware through the extension and expansion of the instant asset write-off. This is good for small business and good for jobs.</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Denita Wawn the CEO of the Master Builders Association who looks after the interests of 32,000 members in the building and construction industry responded to the Budget saying:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">The Budget</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">s small business measures will particularly benefit the building and construction industry which is 98% made up of small businesses. The building industry is a big winner from the extension of the accelerated depreciation measures by one year and to businesses turning over up to $10 million.</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Government stands up for more small businesses being able to take advantage of the instant asset write-off, to be able to invest in their capital equipment and in their businesses, and to be able to employ more Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are extending the instant asset write-off to hardworking small businesses to ensure they can continue to get ahead, to progress, to employ more people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Small business deserves the confidence this Bill proposes and I encourage all Senators to get on board and back small business. Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">VETERANS' AFFAIRS LEGISLATION AMENDMENT (BUDGET MEASURES) BILL 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am pleased to present the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017</inline> (Budget Measures Bill.)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Budget Measures Bill would implement three of the Government's 2017 Budget announcements for the veteran community.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As the Prime Minister has said, we best honour the diggers of a century ago by supporting the servicemen and women, the veterans and their families of today. This budget will do just that.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has invested an additional $350 million in this year's budget to support veterans. I am very pleased to say that there was a strong focus on two issues that are raised regularly by veterans: mental health support and reform of the Department's processes and systems.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is expanding our program of free and immediate mental health support to current and former Australian Defence Force Members. This treatment is currently available for five specified mental health conditions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is expanding our Non-Liability Health Care programme so that it will be available for any mental health condition, including phobias, adjustment disorder and bi-polar disorder.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is important that this House notes the significance of this programme for veterans and their families.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Just over twelve months ago, anyone who has served one day in the full-time Australian Defence Forces had to prove that any mental health condition was linked to their service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Already suffering from these conditions, they would have to wait to have their eligibility and claim approved from the Department. It meant wait times which would see their mental health either deteriorate or not receive support that they desperately needed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Last year, this Government provided a new approach – free and immediate treatment for depression, anxiety, PTSD, alcohol abuse and substance abuse without the need to prove the condition was service related.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In this budget, the Government has gone even further. Now, we will commit to provide this for all mental health conditions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will mean that from now on, veterans and defence personnel can get free and immediate treatment without a burden of proof and without the need for a bureaucratic barrier.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Government has delivered this barrier-free support for the first time in Australia because we know that the earlier intervention and support is provided, the better the outcome for the individual.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Most importantly, this policy is completely uncapped. If there is a need, it will be funded.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As part of our veterans' mental health initiatives, the Government is also expanding eligibility for the Veterans and Veterans Families Counselling Service (VVCS).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">VVCS is a vital service that saves lives. The Government understands that partners, families and former partners of our veterans are an important part of the ex-service community and that they too are affected by military service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In recognition of this, the Budget provides extra funding so that any partner, dependant or immediate family member will have access to VVCS, and former partners of ADF personnel will also be able to access VVCS up to five years after a couple separates, or while co-parenting a child under the age of 18.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition to this, this Budget begins the Government's response to the complex problem of veteran and defence suicide.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has received a report from the National Mental Health Commission on services provided to defence personnel and veterans and a preliminary report on suicide rates from the Australian Institute for Health and Welfare.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Suicide prevention is a complex issue and as the reports have shown, there is no simple solution. It requires a multi-faceted response.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Budget will provide $9.8 million to pilot new approaches to suicide prevention and improve care and support available to veterans.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know that some of our most vulnerable veterans are those who have just been discharged from hospital care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Mental Health Clinical Management Pilot will assess the benefits of providing intensive clinical management immediately after hospital discharge to help meet a veteran's complex mental health and social needs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The second part to this Budget for veterans is the investment it will make in improving the services and systems of the Department of Veterans' Affairs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As part of the Veteran Centric Reform, the Government has committed $166.6 million towards making DVA a 21st century Department with a 21st century service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This includes a significant investment in the upgrading of the Department's computer systems and processes. We can only have a better service from DVA if they have the tools to do the job. Claims and wait times will be cut by this investment, something that is long overdue.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, the Government is further supporting veterans' employment opportunities through funding to support the Prime Minister's Veterans' Employment Programme. As many of you would be aware, this initiative is aimed at raising awareness with employers, both in the private and public sectors, of the enormous value and unique experience that veterans possess.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These measures will not require legislative change.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In regards to the Budget initiatives contained in this Bill, I am pleased to advise of three measures that will be effective from the 1st of July as long as this Bill passes.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 – improved health care for Australian participants of the British Nuclear Tests and Australian veterans of the British Commonwealth Occupation Force</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 1 of the Budget Measures Bill would amend the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Participants in British Nuclear Tests (Treatment) Act 2006</inline> to provide Australian British Nuclear Test Participants already covered under that Act and civilians present at a nuclear test area during a relevant period, as well as Australian veterans of the British Commonwealth Occupation Force with full medical treatment and support.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participation in the British and Commonwealth Occupation Forces marked the first time that Australians were involved in the military occupation of a sovereign nation which it had defeated in war. The primary objective of BCOF was to enforce the terms of the unconditional surrender that had ended the war.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">BCOF was required to maintain military control and to supervise the demilitarisation and disposal of the remnants of Japan's war-making capacity. Warlike materials were destroyed and other military equipment was converted for civilian use under the supervision of BCOF personnel.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The entire BCOF force totalled 45,000, from Britain, India, New Zealand, and Australia. For two-thirds of the period of occupation the Commonwealth was represented solely by Australians, and throughout its existence, BCOF was always commanded by an Australian officer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In recognition of the possible exposure to ionising radiation experienced by both Australian veterans of BCOF and the BNT veterans, the Government has decided to provide a Gold Card to these veterans which will enable them to access medical treatment for all conditions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This programme will also provide health care coverage for pastoralists, indigenous people and other civilians determined to be within the same vicinity as the participants of the British Nuclear Tests.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">From 1 July 2017, it is expected that 2,800 people will be able to access this expansion of services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has committed $133.1 million over the forward estimates to this measure.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 2 - Work test for intermediate or special rate of pension</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments in this Schedule would amend the current outdated work history restrictions for Special and Intermediate Rates of Disability Pension provided in the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Entitlements Act 1986</inline> to better reflect modern working arrangements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Special Rate of pension was designed for severely disabled veterans of a relatively young age who could never go back to work and could never hope to support themselves or their families or put away money for their retirement. The Intermediate Rate of pension was designed for veterans who, due to a service-related disability, can only work part-time or intermittently because of the disability.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The eligibility criteria for the Special Rate of Disability Pension is provided in the <inline font-style="italic">Veterans</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Entitlements Act 1986</inline>. In addition to the standard requirements for Special Rate Pension, a veteran over 65 must satisfy a work test. Applicants must demonstrate an intention to work beyond the normal retirement age of 65, and be unable to work as a result of their war-caused injury or disease.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The changes would remove the current requirement for claimants to have worked for 10 years with the same employer, and for self‑employed clients to have worked a minimum of 10 years in the same profession, trade, vocation or calling.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the modern workforce, these expectations are unrealistic and the Government recognises this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Instead, the work history requirement for Special and Intermediate Rates of Disability Pension would just require a period of 10 continuous years of work in any field or vocation, with potentially multiple employers prior to applying for the Special or Intermediate Rates of Disability Pension.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 3 - Rehabilitation programs</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Schedule 3 of the Budget Measures Bill would insert instrument making powers into the <inline font-style="italic">Safety, Rehabilitation and Compensation (Defence-related Claims) Act 1988</inline> (SRCA) and the <inline font-style="italic">Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Act 2004</inline> (MRCA), enabling the Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission to determine a class of persons eligible to participate in an early access to rehabilitation pilot programme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Currently, veterans and ADF members with eligibility under the SRCA or the MRCA have to wait until their initial liability claim is accepted before they can access rehabilitation services. Assessing a claim typically takes around four months, and for complex cases it can take even longer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Early access to rehabilitation facilitates participation in economic activities with all of the ensuing benefits of work and recovery, assists in minimising the ongoing effects of injury and illness and promotes recovery and wellbeing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A six month pilot programme providing early access to rehabilitation assessments to a group of 100 participants will be undertaken in the 2017-18 financial year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If a person's liability claim is subsequently rejected, Government funding for the early access to rehabilitation pilot programme would cease. In those circumstances, the person's rehabilitation programme would be transitioned from a government provider to a community‑based provider. The Military Rehabilitation and Compensation Commission would not seek to recover the costs of the rehabilitation services provided to the person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In conclusion, I would like to reiterate the Government's support to our veteran community. These are only some of the measures that the Government will deliver for veterans and their families in this budget.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is a budget that will honour those who have served by looking after our current and former serving men and women.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the bills be listed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> as separate orders of the day.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Security Legislation Amendment (Youth Jobs Path: Prepare, Trial, Hire) Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>91</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5734">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Security Legislation Amendment (Youth Jobs Path: Prepare, Trial, Hire) Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from the House of Representatives</title>
            <page.no>91</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>92</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Joint Select Committee on Government Procurement, Message from the House of Representatives</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The President has received a message from the House of Representatives agreeing to the amendment made by the Senate to the resolution of the appointment of the Joint Select Committee on Government Procurement.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>92</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Biosecurity Amendment (Ballast Water and Other Measures) Bill 2017, Crimes Amendment (Penalty Unit) Bill 2017, Parliamentary Business Resources Bill 2017, Parliamentary Business Resources (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2017, Personal Property Securities Amendment (PPS Leases) Bill 2017, Protection of the Sea (Prevention of Pollution from Ships) Amendment (Polar Code) Bill 2017, Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017, Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan) Bill 2016, Superannuation (Excess Transfer Balance Tax) Imposition Bill 2016, Social Security Legislation Amendment (Youth Jobs Path: Prepare, Trial, Hire) Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <p>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5815">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Biosecurity Amendment (Ballast Water and Other Measures) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5813">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Crimes Amendment (Penalty Unit) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5859">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Parliamentary Business Resources Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5860">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Parliamentary Business Resources (Consequential and Transitional Provisions) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5827">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Personal Property Securities Amendment (PPS Leases) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5817">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Protection of the Sea (Prevention of Pollution from Ships) Amendment (Polar Code) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5875">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Veterans' Affairs Legislation Amendment (Budget Measures) Bill 2017</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5684">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Enterprise Tax Plan) Bill 2016</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a type="Bill" href="r5761">
                <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Superannuation (Excess Transfer Balance Tax) Imposition Bill 2016</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a type="Bill" href="r5734">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Security Legislation Amendment (Youth Jobs Path: Prepare, Trial, Hire) Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Assent</title>
            <page.no>92</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>92</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee, Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee, Finance and Public Administration Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>92</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to order and at the request of the chairs of the respective committee, I present reports on legislation together with the Hansard record of proceedings and documents presented to the committees.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>92</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body style="" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word">
            <a type="Bill" href="r5821">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>92</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was saying in my previous contribution before question time that this is a very clear example of big business and big politics getting into bed with each other. This legislation we have here today is being rushed through the Senate because of one project, a large coal operation in Queensland—the Adani or Carmichael coalmine. What is crystal clear to those who understand the detail around this legislation and the impact of the project on local Indigenous communities is that it does not have local Indigenous consent.</para>
<para>I have a couple of articles here written by the Wangan and Jagalingou people in northern Queensland—I will just call them 'WJ'; that is what they call themselves in their articles. They are seeking Federal Court orders to strike out the reported Indigenous Land Use Agreements, the ILUAs, filed by Adani mine with the National Native Title Tribunal.</para>
<para>This ILUA would authorise extinguishment of native title and allow the mine to proceed against the wishes of the local Indigenous people. One of the grounds is that Adani does not have a valid ILUA capable of registration since the law was confirmed in the recent Federal Court decision in McGlade. We have heard a lot about McGlade already so far in this debate. The federal government has been attempting to push through amendments to the Native Title Act, which is what we are looking at in front of us today, to overturn the ruling in McGlade and to protect Adani's interests. The W&J council has vowed to do everything in its power to stop Adani's mega coalmine proceeding and will fight all the way to the High Court if necessary.</para>
<para>Senator Canavan has publicly said that Adani has local Indigenous support. He claimed that Westpac:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… have also turned their back on the indigenous peoples of Queensland by this decision, because this mine in the Galilee Basin is supported by the Wangan and Jagalingou peoples.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">He said:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">They met last year and voted on the mine, they voted on the mine 294 to one in support of it, yet that’s not good enough for Westpac.</para></quote>
<para>That is a direct quote from the 'minister for coal', Senator Canavan. What he did not say was the detail about that meeting. Firstly, Westpac did not make a decision based on Aboriginal rights one way or the other. W&J believe it was the last thing on Westpac's mind. For the record, the W&J council has put out a media release and written a blog to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Adani didn’t ‘negotiate’ and achieve the free prior informed consent of the W&J people. The meeting, that all these barrackers for Adani’s mine cite, that seemingly voting 294 to 1, is only ‘a vote for the mine’ if it’s a true expression of the W&J traditional owners. But it’s not.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over 220 of that meeting’s attendees are people who have never been involved in the W&J claim or decision making, and who are identified with other nations and claims, or didn’t identify an apical decent line.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">They were bussed in and paid for at Adani’s considerable expense. The ‘natural majority’ of the claim group, who have three times rejected an ILUA with Adani, refused to participate in this stitch up of a meeting. They stayed away.</para></quote>
<para>They were their own words. This is part of the evidence that the W&J people are presenting in their objection to Adani's attempt to register a land-use deal for the Carmichael mine and is included in their current case before the Federal Court to invalidate the application for registration of this 'sham' deal—once again in their own words—as an ILUA.</para>
<para>This is an example, as I said earlier, of big business and big politics not only riding roughshod over environmental concerns around developing the biggest coalmine in the world that will have a material impact on emissions and climate change but, if you believe the local Aboriginal community, riding roughshod over the Indigenous people of this area. Why the rush?</para>
<para>I would like to read a quote from a claimant in the Wangan and Jagalingou native claim. He is a traditional owner of the lands on which the Adani mine is proposed to be built, along with his family and many other families who are opposed to the mine. He says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The amendment of the Native Title Act requires a detailed and nuanced approach that protects rather than undermines the property rights of the various clans and families that make up each native title claim area. This must be done with care as the failure to get it right will permit the property rights and interests of particular families and clans to be extinguished or impaired without their consent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I encourage the members of federal parliament to take a deep breath, and come to terms with the fact that the property rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people all over Australia will be affected by the proposed amendment to s 24CD of the Native Title Act. This amendment should not be rushed in order to appease some other agenda.</para></quote>
<para>I think we have firmly established what that agenda is, and that agenda is to get the Adani coalmine built. That was Tony McAvoy. I would like to acknowledge in the chamber today the attendance of some of the W and J people. Thank you for being here today.</para>
<para>Let us be clear. We are rushing this legislation. The Greens pointed this out in our dissenting report to the legislation committee. We felt the reporting date needed to be set back, as more time needed to be spent on getting this right, taking into account the unintended consequences of this kind of legislation on what is a very complex and very sensitive issue and has been an incredibly critical issue to this country.</para>
<para>We have heard from the opposition that this is about getting balance. I sat through the first debate a couple of weeks ago. This is about getting a balance between business interests and local Indigenous rights. At least some of the Liberal-National Party are admitting that this is about business interests, although they are saying this is about getting balance. This is not about getting balance; this is about giving business what they want and it is about a particularly aggressive proposal by a multinational company, Adani, to build one of the biggest coalmines in the world at a time in history, on our watch, when the Great Barrier Reef has suffered back-to-back mass coral-bleaching events.</para>
<para>In the committee I am chairing I spoke to a scientist who has been studying water temperatures on coral reefs for 25 years and he said that they would never have predicted back-to-back bleaching events on the coral reefs in the Great Barrier Reef. In my home state of Tasmania the waters off the coast are at again record high temperatures. Our giant kelp forests have now disappeared. For 10,000 years they used to span the state. They are gone. They are nurseries for crayfish, shellfish and a whole series of marine life. They are gone because of warming waters and severe storms. Just this weekend I found thousands more dead fish washed up on a beach on the east coast of Tasmania. The baby leather jacket, which is a subtropical species from Papua New Guinea, are washing up on the beaches of Tasmania because of climate change and warming waters.</para>
<para>This is a time when we should be acting on global warming and climate change, not building a coalmine because short-term political interests in this place are trying to prevent leakage of votes to One Nation in marginal coal seats in Queensland and New South Wales. That is what this is about—the short-term political gain for political parties by supporting a project, giving a project a free loan—$1 billion of concessional finance, which I finally got the Productivity Commission to admit during Senate estimates was a taxpayer subsidy—and potentially a royalties holiday. Why? Why are we going to such lengths to build one of the biggest coalmines in the world and screw the Indigenous people who do not want this mine built?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, they do.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They have been very clear about that, Senator Brandis.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You haven't spoken to them. I have.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have read their correspondence and Senator Siewert, my colleague who I acknowledged earlier in the debate, has spoken with them and a large number of Indigenous communities across this country. We recognise that this is a very complex area. I have said that three times. This is about you trying to get a deal for a coal baron and a large multinational company so that you can secure votes and prevent leakage of votes to One Nation. That is what this is about, in my humble opinion, and no doubt in the opinion of many other people around this country who look at this and say: 'What's going on? Why are you so determined for this project to go ahead that you would do things like rushing this kind of legislation?' It is because you want to give certainty to a large multinational, which, may I say, has a very poor track record, not just in environmental terms but in social terms and in paying tax. Why would you go to these lengths?</para>
<para>It is time to draw a line in the sand if we are serious about getting native title right in this country and if we are serious about stopping climate change. By supporting this legislation here today, by voting for this, you are not only riding roughshod over the local Indigenous community, you are giving a green light, potentially, for the Adani mine to proceed. That is what this will do. We know that Senator Brandis is involved with the legal proceedings around decisions—that is my understanding; you can refute that later if you disagree with it. What we are deciding here today is not just a decision on this legislation; it is whether you support the Adani mine or not. That is really what it is for—let's be clear about that. Rushing through this legislation is about giving a large multinational business certainty.</para>
<para>I cannot believe that—given the debates we are having in this country around transitioning out of coal, clean energy targets, meeting our Paris agreements, trying to find new industries for coal workers and retraining, reskilling and all the things that we should be showing leadership on—we are politically supporting one of the largest coalmines in the world, a new coal development, at a time when 70,000 jobs on the Great Barrier Reef are at stake if the reef continues to bleach. The reef will not survive more mass bleachings, especially if they occur in the upcoming years—of that I can assure you. That is the evidence that we have heard from some of the best scientists in the world. There are already parts of the reef that will not recover, and that is not even looking at the ecosystem damage. There are things that we cannot even quantify in dollar terms.</para>
<para>Senator Brandis, when you get to speak, perhaps you can tell us why those jobs are so important for the Adani mine, why you are giving such preferential treatment to one company, why you are not showing any leadership on, or vision for, transitioning the economy and why we are rushing through very complex, very sensitive and critically important legislation today that we need to get right. Senator Siewert made it very clear in her contribution here that there are all sorts of things that were not looked at by the committee that affect these ILUAs and that potentially have very adverse consequences that we need to look at in a holistic way. The Greens will not be supporting this legislation in a vote today.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Since our last sitting, and the first time we started the debate on this issue, 3 June marked the 25th anniversary since the High Court brought down the landmark Mabo decision, which paved the way for native title legislation to pass the federal parliament the following year and become law on 1 January 1994. The recent anniversary enabled someone who was in high school at the time to refresh himself with the political circumstances. Senator Dodson, just a moment ago, spoke about this as well. At the heart of the High Court decision was the rejection of terra nullius. I express my admiration for Eddie Mabo and others who pursued their legal rights against such adversity. The anniversary also reminded us of the commitment of the Prime Minister at the time, Paul Keating, to ensure that the High Court decision was codified into law through the Native Title Act. Recently, I wrote an op-ed in the <inline font-style="italic">The C</inline><inline font-style="italic">ourier Mail </inline>in response to Senator Canavan's effort to criticise Labor's deliberations on this bill. I pointed out that Labor has acted appropriately. Senator Dodson and Labor insisted on consultation and a proper process. It has been the incompetence of Senator Brandis that has been responsible for this bill not having passed the Senate. Indeed, Senator Brandis, even responded to my op-ed in <inline font-style="italic">The </inline><inline font-style="italic">Sunday Mail</inline> but it was so inadequate I did not bother to respond to it.</para>
<para>Here we are, 25 years later, debating native title again in the Native Title Amendment Bill (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill following a decision of the Federal Court known as the McGlade decision. What was the practical impact of that decision? Currently, under section 24 of the act, all persons in the native title group must be parties to an ILUA. If there is a registered native title claimant, for the purposes of the act, the native title group consists of that registered native title claimant. A registered native title claimant is defined under section 253 as 'a person or persons whose name or names appear in the entry of the Register of Native Title Claims'. This enables a person or persons to enter into agreements as authorised by the native title group.</para>
<para>The decision in McGlade found that an ILUA could not be registered unless all members of a registered native title claimant were parties to the agreement—that is, unless all registered native title claimants had signed the area ILUA—hence creating the uncertainty as a result of this decision. But what has changed in the 25 years since the Mabo decision? You can always rely on the dinosaurs of the Queensland LNP to make a memorable contribution to this debate, and Senator Dodson alluded to their efforts in the 1990s. Senator Macdonald, unsurprisingly, was at the forefront of this, and this is what he said at the last sitting:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Small business in the towns that I mentioned in my home state of Queensland are desperate to see the Adani mine go ahead, and the only thing holding it up at the moment is the uncertainty on the native title issue …</para></quote>
<para>Well, Senator Macdonald, on 5 June Adani made their final investment decision. Senator Macdonald was probably even in the room to see firsthand how ridiculous and over-the-top his rhetoric has been on this issue. He has a few friends, though, and Senator Canavan has been happy to attempt to turn this debate into a vote on Adani as well, all to play political games.</para>
<para>Effectively, the company themselves highlighted the deceit of the LNP argument by making the decision that they did on 5 June. Ironically, the company now say that the only uncertainty they face revolves around the NAIF loan that the company have applied for and Senator Canavan and Senator Macdonald frequently champion.</para>
<para>It is not unusual for the LNP to play these sorts of games on native title—they have a long history of it in this country—but this debate has seen a new entrant into the ranks of political opportunists on native title, who decided to outdo the rhetoric of the LNP and shamefully turn this debate into an anti-Adani issue: an opportunistic and low-rent effort from the Greens, who used to operate on principles but now resort to lowest-common-denominator politics with complete disregard to the fact that many native title groups from across Australia support this legislation to provide certainty to native title.</para>
<para>Let's look at some of the contributions from the Greens. This is from Senator Waters:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I rise to speak on the Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017, which is also known as the bill to ram through the Adani coalmine against the wishes of the local Wangan and Jagalingou people. It is known as the bill to give certainty to big miners whilst subjugating the rights of our First Australians.</para></quote>
<para>That is a disgraceful misrepresentation from Senator Waters. Then we had Senator Hanson-Young:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There are fundamental issues with the bill. We know we need to consider it in proper detail. Instead, all the government gives a damn about is giving a free pass to the mega coal company Adani. It is not even an Australian company.</para></quote>
<para>Again, Senator Hanson-Young is prepared to ignore the advocacy of land councils to fix this issue—with some added xenophobia at the same time. And today we have seen speeches from Senator McKim and Senator Whish-Wilson that in their mind were taking the high road but in reality were disgraceful efforts in base politics.</para>
<para>It is perfectly legitimate for the Greens to oppose the Adani project, but for them to use this legislation about native title to further that cause does them no credit. Is it a reflection of their desperation, irrelevance and poor leadership? Indeed, the Greens have stooped to a new low, and there have been plenty of people—prominent people—prepared to argue that case. In a speech last week Professor Marcia Langton highlighted the actions of the Greens with this bill:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Green movement extremists and the media have misrepresented this very important, but mainly technical issue, in order to bolster their campaign against the Adani project.</para></quote>
<para>The Greens in this chamber have played an active role in the project that Professor Langton described in her speech last week. What we have seen from the Greens is a disgraceful attempt to play politics with native title amendment and the need to create certainty around ILUAs.</para>
<para>Labor has a proud record over generations when it comes to native title—significant achievements by working with Indigenous people. Labor supports this legislation and will continue to work with Indigenous groups to ensure that native title is progressed in this country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That was an extraordinary contribution by Senator Chisholm on the Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017. You have to think that maybe the Queensland Labor Party is a little bit worried and that it is finding that standing in the middle of the road on this issue is becoming increasingly uncomfortable. I will confine my remarks largely to the bill that is before us. Obviously, this is a holdover from what we saw occur during budget week when, despite what Senator Chisholm has just sought to put on the record, Minister Canavan let the cat out of the bag and acknowledged that this was about Adani. I think the only things amongst what you said just then that I agree with are that this is an incredibly complex matter and that it is not something that should be rushed. That has been our point about this all along.</para>
<para>To imagine that not just native title rep bodies but Aboriginal people around the country speak with one voice and all believe the same thing about the complexities of native title would be absolutely ridiculous. That is the reason why we sought to have this debate in a much more measured way. It was very, very evident that the government, back in budget week, were seeking to shotgun this thing through as rapidly as they could. And, while they tried all kinds of procedural tactics, we had Senator Canavan acknowledging that it was about Adani—and it is appreciated, I guess, that at least they did not try to hide it. It was about distorting native title law, which has all of its own problems and issues unto itself, to win an outcome for a coal conglomerate. Let's not pretend that that is not what is going on here.</para>
<para>This is an incredibly complex matter; native title is a very, very complex body of law. We heard Senator Scullion's acknowledgement just before about Mabo, and I do want to add my voice to those of my colleagues and, I think, everybody in here and acknowledge the courage of those who brought forward the argument and sought to have it embedded in white law that there were people here, there were nations here and there were an extraordinary number of complex trading societies here. This land was occupied and cultivated for a vast amount of time. I want to acknowledge the very fact that the battle to have basic recognition of that pre-existing culture and system of law and to have that embedded into white law took as long as it did and was fought bitterly by some of the people representing various interests in here today.</para>
<para>I can still remember the advertisements that the mining industry in Western Australia took out against native title and its various subsequent amendments at the time, with pictures of the Australian continent blacked out and saying that the blackfellas are coming for your land; they are coming for your backyard. These were well-resourced campaigns run by well-resourced industries to fight the very concept of the existence of native title law. That is one of the ways through which we have ended up here today.</para>
<para>Let's just acknowledge for a second that the courage of those advocates, of the people who fought this and their legal representatives, all those years ago did win an important precedent in having the concept of the legal fiction of terra nullius being set aside. I do not want to come in here and diminish the importance of that achievement. The rights that were created under native title at least acknowledge, or form the beginning of an acknowledgement, that there is a traditional connection to land and waters. The maintenance of that connection is obviously a significant part of the act, and I would argue is also a significant flaw in the act because, wherever acts of government or colonial settlers had broken any part of that connection, native title rights were extinguished.</para>
<para>Who can forget the 'bucketloads of extinguishment' comment? I think it was the leader of the National Party at the time who was trying to reassure his constituents that, in fact, we can set up this native title right and then we can take it away—that Aboriginal people are going to need to fight in a white tribunal to justify the fact that they had pre-existing culture, civilisation and law across this continent for 40,000, 50,000 or 60,000 years; that they would need to then justify that continuing connection and custodianship of country in front of a white tribunal. And if some pastoralists had thrown a sheep fence across it 80 years ago, then that would form a measure of the bucketloads of extinguishment and those rights would have been taken away.</para>
<para>I am not one of those who think that native title is a perfect body of law; in fact, I think it goes only part way towards embedding in colonial law, in settler law, the fact, the complexity and the sophistication of the pre-existing law that existed over this ground for so many thousands of years. That is why you do not want to come in here and rush these kinds of things at the behest of the resource industry.</para>
<para>The resource industry does not have a proud or happy history when it comes to debating or conceding the existence of native title or other forms of pre-existing sovereignty over this country. In fact, they have an absolutely shocking record. It is one of the things I would have to say, as a Western Australian, shames us—the way the argument was run and continues to be run. Then you have someone like Senator Canavan in here, who makes no apologies and, unlike some others in this chamber, does not attempt to hide or obfuscate the fact that he is basically here representing the interests of big coal. He is not here representing the public interest. He is sure as hell not in here representing the interests of traditional owners, who might have a variety of different views about these amendments and the complexities the High Court has thrown up at different times. He is here representing the coal industry, whether it be domestic or foreign. Native title happens to be in the way, so let us get it the hell out of the way. That is what we saw in the budget week and that is what we fear is occurring here and now.</para>
<para>We also recognise the legitimate interests, given the complexities that the High Court has thrown up in recent times, and the reasons why many of the rep bodies around the country believe that there is a legitimate public policy issue here that needs to be rectified. Senator Canavan and the Australian government come in here after the rather degrading spectacle of Prime Minister Turnbull in India telling the proponents of this coalmine—which must never go ahead—that native title is not going to be a problem, 'We'll sweep that out of the way'. He might as well have said, 'Bucketloads of extinguishment,' mightn't he. Some things do not change.</para>
<para>We saw a rushed committee process. I think Senator Siewert, more than nearly anybody in this chamber, understands the complexities of this. She has been arguing not for purposeless delays but for time to consider the ramifications and the unforeseen consequences of legislating an act as complex as this in a hurry. The committee process was incredibly rushed. There were people with legitimate points of view and who were available to give evidence who had the door slammed in their faces because of the incredible hurry that the government was in. I think what we need to be doing in here is respecting not just the letter of the law but the spirit of the law of native title—the spirit and intention with which it was legislated. That is the opposite of what we are seeing here.</para>
<para>Whatever noble public purpose might have been under the need for amendments such as this, the government has been very transparent and quite clear about exactly what it is doing. We believe the government should consider any implications for the right to negotiate agreements as well as land use agreements. We acknowledge that amendments to native title need to be made in light of the McGlade decision, but we also believe that more time is needed for amendments to be considered and to enable other options to be looked at, because it might be a while before these issues are revisited.</para>
<para>We hold concerns, obviously—which Senator Siewert has put any number of times in this place—that there are aspects of this bill that water down traditional decision-making processes. What they told us out at the tent embassy, when Senator Siewert and I went down the hill to visit them and pay our respects not that long ago, was that, by some reckoning, people do not feel bound by decisions with which they disagreed. They do not feel bound. Their concept is that acts such as this—forcing voting rights on them, meeting after meeting after meeting, trying to crunch the numbers and bussing in people from other parts of the country to try and force an issue one way or another—are utterly contradictory to traditional decision-making processes. That is why some people see native title as just a system for tearing families apart and pitting different families with different points of view and different arguments against each other. That is why we believe that care needs to be taken.</para>
<para>We attempted to change the reporting date on the bill. That, regrettably, was not supported by the Senate. When you take a look at what various stakeholders have said about this bill, National Congress of Australia's First Peoples said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We strongly oppose both nominating representatives, as well as the simple majority requirement in the proposed amendment to s24CD(2)(a). No Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person should have their native title rights violated by an ILUA they do not agree to.</para></quote>
<para>That is effectively what we heard down at the embassy only a couple of weeks ago: there is no way that you can say that people should basically be forced into agreements against their will. They went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Allowing in ILUAs—</para></quote>
<para>Indigenous land use agreements—</para>
<quote><para class="block">where a potentially large proportion of the native title claim group disagrees is unjust and compromises our native title rights.</para></quote>
<para>The Law Council, coming from a slightly different point of view, put:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In considering the appropriateness of the amendments, it is important to note the nature and effect of Area Agreements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… upon registration, it is possible that people who hold native title rights and interests can be bound by an agreement that they have not had actual notice of, have not had legal advice in relation to, and were not a party to.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The types of matters which may be the subject of an Area Agreement are not trivial.</para></quote>
<para>I think it is extraordinary that not just any group in Australian society but those who were here for millennia before Captain Cook sailed over the horizon would be subjected to having their rights taken away in such an incredibly cavalier manner—rights over country; rights over land. The Native Title Tribunal put:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is not clear whether this will result in the automatic deregistration of registered ILUAs that are affected, however legal action to test whether such ILUAs can remain on the register has already been intimated. To avoid a period of protracted litigation and uncertainty, this situation is also in need of remedy and the validity of currently registered ILUAs needs to be put beyond doubt.</para></quote>
<para>It is not clear to me whether the government, in seeking to just ram this thing through before all these different ramifications can be tested and evaluated, is not simply signing up people who have much better things to do to many more years of litigation and contest in court.</para>
<para>Those are our key concerns: the very short time frames, the appalling misjudgement in consultation and the bill being rushed through the House so rapidly after a Federal Court decision, driven largely by the threat to the Adani mine if the ILUA was found to be invalid. That is why Senator Chisholm's contribution to the debate really just needs to be set aside. I get that Labor is finding itself in an impossible position. Most of you, or half of you—goodness only knows what the factional break-up is; it is impossible to tell from the outside—want the Adani mind to go ahead and a bunch of you do not. That is why the net effect of those polar opposites of trying to walk on both sides of a busy highway is deep, deep mediocrity of the kind that was expressed by Senator Chisholm before. Put your damn cards on the table. Do you want this coalmine to go ahead or not? If you do, do not come at us with pious commentary about how much you care about climate change. Just pick a side for a change and tell us whether you support this mine or not. Your Queensland state colleagues have obviously marked their cards, but I can remember—I presume it was during an MPI or some other business before the Senate—being lectured to by somebody on the Labor Left, asking how dare we imply that Labor was supportive of this coalmine, and a speaker from the Labor Right saying, 'Of course we support this coalmine.' Just pick a side. At least with Senator Canavan or Senator Brandis or Senator Macdonald or any of these other people, you know where they stand. They are reasonably clear about it. They could not care less about the climate impacts, about the impacts on the reef, about the loss of jobs in tourism or about the break-up of this incredibly important and unique ecosystem that can be seen from orbit. They do not care, but at least they will tell you to your face that they do not care. I would appreciate it, and I suspect many others would appreciate it, if, just for a change, the Labor Party just told us what they stood for. Do you want this thing to go ahead or not? It does have bearing on this bill. We know it has bearing on this bill. Senator Canavan told us that it had bearing on this bill.</para>
<para>I know that Senator Siewert has questions to ask and a major contribution to make during the committee stage of this bill, which is when I suspect there will not be answers to a lot of the questions that we will be putting to the government through the minister. If you had just let the committee process run its course, let everybody give evidence and let the full range of arguments for and against the various ways of improving the act run its course, the committee stage probably would not be as arduous as I suspect it is about to be. But, in the meantime, I think those on the government benches need to have a good, hard think about not just the amendments that they have brought to us now but how they feel about using this complex and quite divisive body of native title law to elbow a group of traditional owners out of the way in order that the largest coalmine in the Southern Hemisphere be allowed to proceed and how they are going to feel in the aftermath, when the Australian community stops that project dead in its tracks. This could have been done much better. You can see from the submissions to the inquiry that there is enough goodwill out there recognising that there is a legitimate public policy problem that parliament probably needs to intervene in and that this could have been done in a far more elegant and less disruptive way.</para>
<para>I will conclude my contribution now and I look forward to the committee stage of the bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is not a lot that I agreed with in Senator Ludlam's contribution. He and I have very different views about these issues, as we both acknowledge. But there is one thing that Senator Ludlam said which was spot on, and that is that the Labor Party are trying to walk both sides of the street on this issue. There is no doubt about it, and we saw that, embarrassingly, in Senator Chisholm's brief contribution, in which, for a change, he stopped attacking me and decided to attack the Greens—presumably in order to cover his tracks.</para>
<para>We still do not know where federal Labor stands in relation to the Adani mine, but we do know where state Labor stands. And you are right, Senator Ludlam, they are having the mother of all internal fights about this, because the Labor Party is deeply conflicted.</para>
<para>Senator Ludlam and others have suggested that this is a complex bill and that the parliament has not had time enough properly to consider it. With respect, Senator Ludlam, it is not a particularly complex bill. Of course, the area of native title law, the Native Title Act, is a large and complex act. And when the time comes to revise and reform the whole area of native title law, that will be a very complex exercise and it will involve a very long and complex debate. But that is not this debate. Those listening to Senator Ludlam might have thought that the Senate this evening is dealing with some comprehensive review of the Native Title Act. Not so—it is dealing with one very narrow, very discrete legal point, and that is this: whether or not the decision by the Federal Court of Australia delivered on 2 February this year in the McGlade case should be legislatively reversed. That is it.</para>
<para>Before the McGlade case, an earlier authority—a decision called Bygrave—determined that an area ILUA could be registered if it had been signed by at least one member of the registered native title claimant on the basis that the registered native title claimant as defined under the act was a singular entity. In McGlade, the full court of the Federal Court overruled that decision. It decided that an area ILUA must include the signatures of all individual members of the registered native title claimant, including any relevant members who are now deceased. That is the only question before us. And in the broad and complex field of native title, it is a narrow question. The bill restores the Bygrave decision.</para>
<para>So, Senator Ludlam and Senator Siewert, if you understood the Native Title Act before 2 February you understand it now, because this bill does nothing more than restore what was understood to be the law before 2 February. In fact, those listening to this debate might imagine that this is a very long bill. It is an eight-page bill, and by the time you take out the formal parts, there are five pages of provisions. I do not think that it is unreasonable to ask the Senate, or indeed the parliament, to deliberate on a five-page bill for four months. From the time this bill was introduced into the House of Representatives on 15 February this year to the time that it is being considered now on 13 June, some four months have elapsed. You might think that you can persuade the Australian people that it is rushing a bill to get the parliament to consider five pages of provisions in four months—five pages of provisions in four months! Good luck with that! I think the Australian people would expect the parliament to be good enough to deliberate and say anything that anyone wanted to say on five pages of provisions in the space of four months.</para>
<para>The debate has not been rushed. Not only has it been before the parliament for four months, but at no stage since the legislation came before this chamber has there been any abridgement of time whatsoever. It is not at all uncommon for there to be time management motions in the Senate or guillotine motions. The government have not done any of that. In fact, not only have we not sought to abridge the time for the debate, we actually sought to prolong it. When the debate nearly reached its end on the Thursday of budget week, Thursday 11 May, it was the government that moved a procedural motion that the Senate continue to sit on Friday 12 May until it had finished dealing with the bill. So far from abridging the time or stifling the opportunity for honourable senators to make their contributions, we actually proposed at that time for the debate be prolonged, and you voted against that motion. So please do not come in here to say this has been rammed through when it has been before the parliament for four months to consider five pages, and at no time have the government moved in the Senate to shorten the debate at all nor do we do so now. You go for as long as you propose. That is notwithstanding the fact that all of the native title claimant groups have urged the parliament to deal with this as a matter of urgency.</para>
<para>It is not just the native title claimant groups. Let me perfect the record and take you through the sequence of events. The full court gave its decision on McGlade on 2 February. Four days later, the Premier of Queensland, Annastacia Palaszczuk, wrote to the Prime Minister asking for the parliament urgently to deal by legislation with the effect of that decision. Shortly after that, Senator Scullion and I met with Mr Glen Kelly, the CEO of the National Native Title Council, the peak group of Native Title councils—the stakeholders most immediately affected by this bill. Mr Kelly on that occasion and on many occasions since has urged on behalf of the native title stakeholders that the parliament deal with the matter urgently.</para>
<para>On 15 February, the bill was introduced into the House of Representatives and it was passed by that chamber on the following day, 16 February. On that day, it was referred to the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee for report. The reporting date of that committee, which had initially been set for an earlier date, was extended until 17 March, so the Senate committee had a full month to consider this five-page bill. The report was tabled out of session on 17 March. The Senate committee made certain recommendations in relation to the bill, all of which the government accepted. The Labor Party supported the government senators. The Greens—Senator Siewert—were dissenters.</para>
<para>When the Easter recess of the parliament arrived and the bill had not been debated in the Senate, I convened a consultation workshop with the National Native Title Council members. I want to give credit to Senator Dodson, who has played a very constructive role in this debate, for suggesting that course of action. So representatives of all the native title councils in Australia were invited to a consultation meeting and many of them came. That meeting took place, by the way, in the presence of the opposition because we invited the shadow Attorney-General, Mr Dreyfus. Senator Dodson was also good enough to come as was the member for Lingiari, Mr Warren Snowdon, whose lifelong interest in this area ought to be acknowledged tonight. It is not very usual for governments to conduct stakeholder consultation in the presence of the opposition but, in the interests of transparency and seeking to reach the widest possible consensus of opinion about this bill, that is what we did. The native title council representatives met, and their message to us was, 'We support the bill, and we want to see the parliament deal with it urgently.'</para>
<para>I should say that there were two land councils represented at that meeting on 27 April: the Cape York Land Council and the Northern Land Council, which on that occasion suggested minor amendments which the government accepted. The government circulated those proposed amendments to all of those represented at the 27 April consultation meeting. So by the end of this process, by the time parliament came back at the end of the Easter recess for Budget Week, every single native title council was supporting the bill and urging that it be passed.</para>
<para>On 5 May, Mr Kelly, to whom I have already made reference, wrote to me referring to the consultation meeting on 27 April, and this is what he said: 'As expressed during the April 27 roundtable, there is consensus amongst NTRBs'—native title representative bodies—'and NTSPs'—native title service providers—'that the Native Title Amendment (Indigenous Land Use Agreements) Bill 2017, incorporating the amendments discussed at the 27 April roundtable, should be passed by the parliament at the earliest possible time. This has arisen from the view that it is firmly in the interests of the traditional owners across Australia for the bill to be passed, in that it will overcome the issues raised in the previous section of this correspondence—that is, the issues arising from McGlade.' He went on to say: 'For the sake of clarity and to reflect the discussions, this consensus refers to the original bill as put to the parliament with amendments reflecting the recommendations of the Senate committee report. These amendments were handed to the NTRBs and NTSPs at the 27 April roundtable. On this, the National Native Title Council urges the parliament to consider and pass this bill as soon as possible.' That is what the stakeholders wanted.</para>
<para>We have heard statements from the Greens—quite misleading statements—that Indigenous people have been kept out of the loop and that this is being imposed on them by some kind of deal between government and big business. Far from it. The people whose voices have been most loudly urging—indeed, beseeching—this parliament to get on with it and pass this bill are the traditional owners. That is what they have been saying. They have been saying it unanimously through their representatives, the National Native Title Council, which, as I say, is the peak stakeholder body.</para>
<para>So we introduced the bill into the Senate in Budget Week, and at last—after a lot of ducking and weaving by Mr Bill Shorten, I am bound to say—the Australian Labor Party, in the second reading debate, through Senator Dodson, announced that it would be supporting the passage of the bill. Notwithstanding that, the following day, on Thursday, 11 May, the Labor Party and the Greens voted not to consider the bill on the Friday of that week, Friday, 12 May. So, far from forcing this through the Senate, we actually moved—as I said earlier—that the Senate consider the bill for even longer than was usual, and you voted not to. You, Senator Siewert, and you, Senator Chisholm, and others voted not to do that.</para>
<para>So there we have it. Notwithstanding the urgings of every native title group representing all of the traditional owners that the parliament deal with the bill as soon as possible, and notwithstanding that there was unanimity, the government having accepted two proposed amendments, that this was the bill the traditional owners wanted, four months after this bill was introduced the Senate is still debating it. Hopefully that debate will come to a conclusion during the course of this week.</para>
<para>Please, let us not have any of these weasel words about the bill being complex; it is not. Let us not have any of these weasel words about the bill being forced through the Senate; it is not being forced through the Senate—in fact, you, Senator Siewert, and you on the Labor Party side voted to prevent the Senate considering it for an extra day. Let us not have any weasel words that this is not what the native title owners want, because it is precisely what they want, it is precisely what they unanimously asked for and it is what the government is determined to deliver.</para>
<para>Let me conclude my remarks at that moment so we can get onto the vote on the second reading. But before I do, I think it is appropriate that I put on the record my debt to Senator Dodson. Senator Dodson, of course, is a good person and a man of goodwill and has played a very constructive role in this discussion—a very constructive role indeed. I want to say that. Sadly, not all of his Labor Party colleagues have done so. We saw a trivial and footling article by Senator Leyonhjelm in <inline font-style="italic">The Sunday Mail</inline> a few weeks ago, full of lies and misrepresentations. We have seen Mr Shorten walk both sides of the fence, as Mr Shorten has done. But Senator Dodson has been a beacon of integrity throughout the process. You must be very lonely in the Labor Party, Senator Dodson, as an honest man amongst those thieves!</para>
<para>In any event, we now have a bill in the form that all the native title owners have asked for, and we ask the Senate to deal with it.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment moved by Senator McCarthy be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [19:21]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>34</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S (teller)</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>31</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Brandis, GH</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Nash, F</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>5</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Payne, MA</name>
                  <name>Wong, P</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, </name>
                </names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the second reading amendment that I flagged earlier:</para>
<quote><para class="block">At the end of the motion, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">', and the bill be referred to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs Committee for further inquiry and report by 8 August 2017.'</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the bill be now read a second time, incorporating the amendment moved by Senator McCarthy.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided [19:26]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>53</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Brandis, GH</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                  <name>Cash, MC</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                  <name>Gichuhi, LM</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR (teller)</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>9</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                  <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>102</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Smith, Ms Cecily</title>
          <page.no>102</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to pay tribute to a remarkable Western Australian woman, Cecily Smith, who passed away in February of this year following a lifetime of military and community service. Today many more servicewomen serve shoulder to shoulder with our servicemen, but in earlier wars our servicewomen were often overlooked. While men often bore the brunt of fighting at the front, thousands of women like Cecily Smith also served with great distinction close to the line of fire.</para>
<para>Cecily was born on 4 June 1920 in Claremont in Western Australia. When World War II broke out, she was among the many men and women who stepped forward to serve Australia. She joined the Claremont Voluntary Aid Detachment, gaining skills as an assistant nurse, before enlisting in an enlisted voluntary aid detachment in November 1941. In 1942 the Australian Women's Army Service and the Australian Medical Women's Service were incorporated into the Australian Army. Like all enlisted voluntary aid detachments and all later female medical enlistees, Cecily served as a member of the Australian Army Medical Women's Service.</para>
<para>Cecily was posted to the 118th Australian General Hospital at Northam in Western Australia and then to various camp hospitals around Australia before she eventually moved to serve in Rabaul in Papua New Guinea. She was discharged in 1946 with the rank of sergeant, and at that time she was employed as an X-ray technician. But after an overseas working holiday she returned to Western Australia to take up general nursing at Royal Perth Hospital in 1953. She went on to midwifery training at St Margaret's Hospital for Women in Sydney.</para>
<para>But, like so many of us, service continued to call her, and Cecily joined the reserves on completion of her general nursing training and was appointed lieutenant in the Royal Australian Army Nursing Corps in 1957. In 1958 she was transferred to the regular Army and was posted to a camp hospital at Puckapunyal for six months before she moved to the British military hospital in Malaysia, where she served during the Malayan Emergency. In 1966 Cecily was posted—as a captain by that stage—to the 1st Battalion Pacific Island Regiment at Port Moresby for two years. This was the first time nursing sisters had been assigned to an Australian infantry battalion.</para>
<para>Further postings occurred within Australia between 1969 and 1971 before she moved to Singapore—and by that stage she had achieved the rank of lieutenant colonel—to take up a position as matron at the Australian, UK and New Zealand military hospital at Changi. Being the senior female ranking officer, her position required her to be presented to royalty and also to engage with diplomats right across the services. She held this position until 1973 before being posted to Yeronga in Queensland. Cecily was then appointed matron-in-chief and director of nursing services in March 1974 and the Queen's honorary nursing sister in August the same year.</para>
<para>She finally retired from the regular Army in 1976, having reached the prescribed age for her corps, but that year she was mentioned also in the Australian Honours List and was awarded the Royal Red Cross. She also received the National Medal in May 1978. Both accolades are awarded to people who have had exceptional military service, and Cecily certainly filled that bill.</para>
<para>Despite her notionally being retired, she maintained a strong interest in military matters related to both her own experiences and Australian military history more generally. Between 1981 and 1986 Cecily was the honorary colonel and representative honorary colonel of the Royal Australian Army Nursing Corps. But Cecily throughout her life—and particularly in her supposed retirement—did not just confine her services to the Australian Army. She believed passionately that Christmas was a time of giving rather than receiving and regularly donated to hundreds of schools across Africa.</para>
<para>Cecily leaves a lifetime of service that her family and the whole nation can be proud of. Lest we forget.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Budget</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to speak about the Turnbull Liberal government's blatant disregard for my home state of Tasmania when they brought down their budget last month. Tasmanians were right to be disappointed with the 2017-18 budget. It completely left Tasmania off the map. The only winners are high-income earners and big business. There is no new funding, no plan for jobs and no relief for working Tasmanians struggling to make ends meet. Tasmania missed out on any new funding because, quite frankly, the Tasmanian Liberal Senate team has no influence at all here in Canberra.</para>
<para>Tasmania has the oldest population and the highest rate of chronic illnesses in the country. Yet what have we seen from this government? Nothing but cuts when it comes to health. The Liberal government has failed to meet its responsibility to ensure that all Tasmanians have access to high-quality health care. The budget does nothing to fix the crisis in our hospitals and the government's delay in reversing their cuts to Medicare only serves to put Tasmanians' health at further risk. The Turnbull government have zero credibility when it comes to health care in this country. First they created a taskforce to privatise Medicare and now they have created one to slash and cut hospital funding. They are hell-bent on making people pay more for their health care. They have succeeded in doing that, with Tasmanians paying almost $6 more every time they see their GP. That is a total out-of-pocket cost of almost $37 every time they see their GP. Tasmanians cannot afford this.</para>
<para>Health care was not the only thing that the Prime Minister lied about to win the election. The Liberals have a long history of backflipping on education promises. I think we can all agree that the federal budget—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Acting Deputy President, I rise on a point of order. Senator Polley knows that using the words 'lie' or 'lied about' are unacceptable in this chamber. I ask her to withdraw what she just said about the Prime Minister.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, I did not hear you use those words. If you did, I invite you to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister misled the Australian people at the last election. I think we can all agree—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Acting Deputy President, I rise again on a point of order. Senator Polley did not withdraw; she just went on speaking. I asked for her to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will withdraw. I was rephrasing.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I think we can all agree that the federal budget was a terrible budget for education and for the future opportunities of our children. I think this view is unanimous across the country. A further $600 million was cut from TAFE, $3.8 billion from universities and $22 billion from schools. Thanks to Mr Turnbull's Gonski 2.0, Tasmanian schools will lose $85 million in the next two years, which is the second-lowest rate of funding for any state in the country. Then, to add insult to injury, today we had the Minister for Education and Training, Senator Birmingham, get up in question time and say that Tasmania will be getting the second-highest rate of funding of all jurisdictions. What a joke! No-one believes him. No-one in Tasmania believes him. Even the state Liberal minister acknowledges that Tasmania will lose $85 million. And what did the state minister say? He said, 'It was either take that or miss out completely.' Tasmanian children need every opportunity; the same as every child in this country. The ramifications of this budget are going to be very serious for future generations.</para>
<para>But it is not just education and health. There has been no investment in infrastructure, roads or tourism, and we know that this government has completely abandoned the Tamar River in terms of any money to clean up the sewage, which was an enormous issue at the last federal election—but, again, the Turnbull government has turned its back on Tasmanians.</para>
<para>Today this government reaffirmed that it does not care about Australian workers. It voted against Labor's bill to protect penalty rates for all workers, particularly those workers who are some of the most hardworking and who are not on very high salaries. This government reaffirmed that Malcolm Turnbull is so out of touch that he does not relate at all to working Australians.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Acting Deputy President, I rise on a point of order. I ask you to request that Senator Polley refer to the Prime Minister by his proper title and not as 'Malcolm Turnbull'. She should know these things. She has been here for years, but the disrespect she shows to those in this chamber and those in the other chamber is unacceptable. I ask you to call her to order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What we know is that Mr Turnbull and his government have turned their backs on hardworking Tasmanians. There are going to be more than 40,000 Tasmanians who will have their take-home pay cut by $77 a week by this government. What we have on the other side here is a senator who is worried about whether I call Malcolm Turnbull 'Mr Turnbull' or not, but we do not hear him voicing his concerns to stop the cut to penalty rates for ordinary workers. I am all for giving respect, but my respect comes first and foremost for those who work in this country to provide the services that we all take benefit from. They deserve their penalty rates, and we on this side will never stop fighting for those. We will never stop fighting to ensure there is a fair go and equity in this country.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>104</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week's <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> program has refocused public debate on the need for foreign donation reform in big politics. But it is not just foreign donations that need reform; it is donations across the board, especially business donations to political parties—and it is not just donations, but also political lobbying reform, that is needed in this country; it is cleaning up big business buying undue influence over our political processes—the decisions we make and the policies we implement. It is big business and big politics getting into bed for their own self-interest, working for their self-interest and not necessarily in the public's interest.</para>
<para>We have seen this with lobbying and donations towards scrapping the clean energy package; ripping up climate action and a price on carbon; keeping dirty coal in business—the list is almost endless. It is well documented that many millions of dollars have been donated to big politics from tobacco companies, energy companies, resource companies, the big banks, the gambling industry, the property industry and the Defence military-industrial complex.</para>
<para>My home state of Tasmania is not immune from this cancer—far from it. The island state's record is shameful when it comes to big business getting into bed with big politics. Look back at the influence timber giant Gunns Ltd has had on state, federal and Labor parties, and you will see that rolling political donations and lobbying largesse over many years form part of a tapestry—a rich, historical context of cronyism—in Tasmania. This has been well documented by the likes of Professor Quentin Beresford in his book <inline font-style="italic">The Rise and Fall of Gunns Ltd</inline>.</para>
<para>What was achieved from such largesse? Did Gunns get its money's worth? In hindsight we can say with some certainty that, in the end, they achieved very little, short of catastrophe, from their undue and unchecked political influences: a failed fast-track pulp mill project; significant community and political backlash; loss of a social licence; a failed business model; and, ultimately and finally, bankruptcy. But they were not the only ones who lost out because of this cronyism.</para>
<para>Speaking about catastrophes, it would be hard to find a bigger one, or a bigger political and financial scandal, than the rise and fall of forestry managed investment schemes. I initiated a Senate inquiry into this, and the scale of the disaster that was examined proved staggering. The pain and suffering of its victims were confronting. I felt that only a royal commission could get to the bottom of this and dispense justice—$4 billion of investment money was squandered; the billions of dollars of tax avoided could have funded schools and health care; tens of thousands of mum and dad investors lost their savings, with many still fighting to keep their homes; and rural communities, water catchments and productive land were damaged by unsustainable plantings. Lastly, the Australian-owned and federally-funded tree schemes went into liquidation and were sold to foreign investors for a few cents in the dollar. To put this in perspective, the whole reason the government legislated forestry managed investment schemes in the first place and refused to change course when the alarm bells were being rung was to make Australia self-sufficient in timber products. It is hard to imagine a bigger policy failure.</para>
<para>At the Senate's final hearing in my inquiry, ASIC commissioner Greg Tanzer admitted that these products were never investment grade, nor suitable for retail investors. So why did such a feeding frenzy, which devoured the life savings of so many hardworking Australians, occur? I will tell you why: because many individuals and organisations profited from these schemes—accountants, financial planners, timber barons, forestry companies, promoters, brokers, consultants and, last but not least, some political parties.</para>
<para>I recently met with a Tasmanian constituent, Mr John Hawkins, on his concerns over historic donations to the Liberal Party and the Labor Party and consequent policy decisions that, ultimately, aided and abetted the rise and fall of Gunns and the disaster that was forestry managed investment schemes. He has gone public with his concerns—the questions that he has asked—and has published his FOI documents on the website Tasmanian Times. Next week, I plan to go into these in more detail and what measures the Greens will take to clean up donations and lobbying in this country.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Central Queensland</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I have said on a number of occasions in this chamber, Central Queensland needs jobs. It needs jobs desperately and it needs projects that produce jobs.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Canavan interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Canavan should know that better than anyone else. But, sadly, Senator Canavan, the member for Capricornia, Michelle Landry, and the Turnbull government as a whole continue to neglect Central Queensland.</para>
<para>We all know about the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility—the $5 billion facility that was established two years ago and that has still not funded one single project. We all know about the beef roads program which was created two years ago. Still, not $1 has been spent on getting one actual road under construction in Central Queensland. And there is program after program that are exactly same in Central Queensland—buckets of money have been set aside by the Turnbull government and not one shovel has been put into the ground and not one job has been created. There has been nothing more than a press release and highly paid salaries for board directors.</para>
<para>This year's federal budget was no different. At the time of the federal budget I spoke about the fact that it provided no new funding for no new projects and no new jobs for Central Queensland. Instead, we had the pathetic sight of the member for Capricornia, Michelle Landry, getting around like a used car salesperson who was winding back the odometer on a dodgy lemon of a car and trying to pass off past projects and past funding as new. In actual fact, this federal budget did not provide one single dollar for a new project despite the fact that Central Queensland is crying out for jobs.</para>
<para>Thankfully, there is one party in Australian politics and one government in this country that does understand that Central Queensland needs new funding, new projects and new jobs not in future but right now. And that is the Palaszczuk Labor government in Queensland. I was very pleased to see today the state budget brought down by the Queensland Labor government, which announced a number of new projects and new funding to revitalise Rockhampton and Central Queensland as a whole to actually get jobs happening in Central Queensland rather than just promises of something down the track. To give just a few examples: $12 million was provided by the Queensland government to repair and restore Rockhampton court house; nearly $7 million was provided to upgrade high-voltage central energy generation for Rockhampton Hospital; $2 million was provided to move the Rockhampton Art Gallery; more funding was provided for road developments; $1 million was provided for a new fire rescue and specialised operation training facility; and $500,000 was provided to commence redevelopment of the Rockhampton ambulance station and operation centre. That money—millions and millions of dollars of funding—will actually provide jobs for Central Queensland right now, when they are needed, instead of all of these mythical promises that we get from Senator Canavan, the member for Capricornia, Michelle Landry, and their colleagues in the government about there being better times ahead for Central Queensland but nothing in the short-term.</para>
<para>Those announcements—that, as I mentioned, were made today—are actually backed up by a range of other new funding that was provided in this state budget to back in announcements that had been made very recently by the Premier.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Canavan interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WATT</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>One of them might be of particular interest to Senator Canavan—that is, the flood levy that the Shorten Labor federal opposition has committed to put funds in for. Today's state budget provided $25 million—money on the table—from the Palaszczuk Labor government to actually build a flood levy that everyone in Rockhampton knows the city needs. Everyone knows that except Michelle Landry, the member for Capricornia, and, it would appear, Senator Canavan who want to have yet another survey. This would be about the fifth or sixth level of consultation that has been undertaken about a flood levy. While all this consultation occurs, we know that Rockhampton is at risk of seeing more and more floods like we saw earlier this year and like what we have seen about four times in the last decade. Rather than actually put money on the table to do these things, like the Palaszczuk government was able to do today, instead we have more dithering from the LNP—and who knows how long it will take before we have another flood in Rockhampton—rather than actually getting this flood levy built to prevent these floods from happening in the future.</para>
<para>So there were a range of new announcements today in the state budget. There were a range of existing announcements that were backed in by funding for the first time—money for the Yeppoon foreshore revitalisation, money for social housing, money to Stanwell Power Station. There was announcement after announcement by the state Labor government, which shows that it actually understands that what Central Queensland needs is jobs right now and funding right now, not promises about something down the track and not more business plans and feasibility studies and scoping studies for things that may or may not happen. We actually need jobs in Central Queensland, right now, today. That is what Central Queensland needs, and thank God that we have one party in Australian politics, one government in Australia, that actually understands that. It is not the Turnbull L-NP government; it is the Palaszczuk Labor government.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Small Business Roadshow</title>
          <page.no>106</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a few comments about the small business roadshow which is currently being conducted by the Minister for Small Business and member for Riverina, Minister Michael McCormack MP. I need to begin my remarks by acknowledging the work that is going on in that portfolio and also by making the point that I am not opposed to a small business roadshow program. I strongly believe that the minister and shadow minister should be out there listening to the concerns of small business, of which there are many. So the comments I make are not in any way to take away from the roadshow tour around Australia, but I am concerned that this roadshow, as it is currently being conducted, is a political exercise and is not about listening to the views of small businesses across a range of electorates right across the country. Instead, it is focusing on the views of small business in a selection of predominantly Liberal or National Party held seats.</para>
<para>If we look at the facts that underpin this roadshow, to date—and there may have been more since—the minister has visited 34 electorates. Of these 34 electorates, the vast majority, 31, have been in Liberal or National seats. Two have been in Labor seats, but when they have been held in the Labor seats, the minister has not invited the sitting MP, who would no doubt have a strong connection with local business owners in their area. In the 31 visits to Liberal or National seats, the local member—that is, a member of the government—is invited to attend those meetings. One was held in the electorate of Indi, a seat held by an Independent MP, and, to my knowledge, that member was not invited to participate in that electorate visit either.</para>
<para>There are concerns that I have about that. I have raised those through estimates. Indeed, these roadshows have been advertised as having public servants attending these functions, and public servants from the ACCC, the Small Business and Family Enterprise Ombudsman and the Australian Taxation Office have attended and supported the minister at these forums. The <inline font-style="italic">Statement of ministerial standards</inline> clearly stipulates that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Ministers and Assistant Ministers … must act in a manner that is consistent with the highest standards of integrity and propriety—</para></quote>
<para>particularly when it comes to the use of public money and in their use of the Public Service. Indeed, section 4.3 of the <inline font-style="italic">Statement of ministerial standards</inline> outlines the appropriate use of the Public Service:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… Ministers are to regard the skills and abilities of public servants as a public resource, and are expected to ensure that public servants are deployed only for appropriate public purposes.</para></quote>
<para>I have raised these concerns through estimates, and I have also written to the Australian Public Service Commissioner and the secretary of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet to ask them to look further into how the roadshow fits in with this definition. The department of the Treasury, in responding to questions at estimates, acknowledged that, while they do support the role of the Minister for Small Business through that portfolio and whilst they had provided advice to the minister about the roadshows, they have not assisted with the organising of the events or the associated costs. They acknowledged that they do not have staff to attend. When asked about how the costs of the more than 30 roadshow events were met, officers from the Treasury were unable to answer, other than to confirm the costs were not met through Treasury. This is something that warrants further investigation.</para>
<para>Once again, I support the concept of a small business roadshow program. I have certainly been out listening to the concerns of small business in different areas across Australia. However, it is not run by the Public Service. But I am concerned that, out of all those roadshows, 31 out of 34 have been held in Liberal or National seats and that in those the local member is invited to attend. They advertise that forum, and some of them are highly critical of positions that the Labor Party has taken in some areas, sending out political messaging around that. Yet, when they have been held in Labor-held seats—only twice, I think, and once in an Independent seat—the same courtesy has not been extended to those sitting members. One can only take from that that this is more of a political exercise about promoting government over other political parties. If that is so, public servants should not be used and should not attend these forums. To date, the response from the minister has been entirely inadequate.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cyclone Debbie</title>
          <page.no>107</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the aftermath of Cyclone Debbie earlier this year, I had the privilege of travelling with federal Labor leader, Bill Shorten, to affected communities and also with the shadow Treasurer, Chris Bowen. With Chris Bowen I travelled around Bowen in particular, and Chris got plenty of nice photos of Chris Bowen in Bowen! But we also went to Proserpine, Airlie Beach and Mackay and saw the vast damage that Cyclone Debbie had wreaked on those communities.</para>
<para>While we were in Bowen we met with representatives from the Murroona Gardens, a 90-bed aged-care facility with an additional 80 independent-living units. The residents and staff of the facility were issued with an evacuation notice on 26 March. Of the 77 residents at Murroona Gardens, 12 were collected and cared for by family members, 18 high-care bedbound residents were taken by ambulance to Mackay hospital and 47 residents were evacuated to the multipurpose emergency facility at the Bowen State School.</para>
<para>The multipurpose emergency facility at the Bowen State School proved not to be ideal for those evacuated residents. An unsealed portion of the roof, with six large unsheeted windows, caused a large amount of water to inundate the facility, making conditions miserable and uncomfortable for those residents. This is not the fault of the volunteers or staff at the facility. All Queenslanders know that nothing is certain in a natural disaster and that sometimes no amount of preparation can swing a scenario like that in northern Australia recently in your favour.</para>
<para>A disaster like this can be a great source of confusion and trauma for elderly people and those families that are responsible for caring for them, but it can be avoided in the future. I am told that Murroona Gardens applied for funding in the ACAR Aged Care Approvals Round for a new 32-bed wing, which would be elevated and built to a standard that would allow Murroona Gardens residents to shelter in place, without being evacuated. I understand that they were unsuccessful in the latest ACAR funding round. I understand that they were also unsuccessful in seeking funding from the National Stronger Regions Fund. This project would ensure the on-site safety and comfort of at-risk elderly residents going into the future. The construction phase of this disaster-proof shelter is projected to provide 24 full-time jobs during 62 weeks and a further eight full-time ongoing positions once it is completed. The project would provide jobs for the struggling region and would ensure the safety of elderly people in the area.</para>
<para>I support this project and Murroona Gardens in their efforts to obtain this grant, and I call on the government to come to the table. The representatives told us that the member for Dawson has, apparently, been a massive supporter of theirs in past years but has come up with nothing in terms of government help for this important project. We know that money talks on this issue, and the member for Dawson clearly does not have enough sway with this government. It is time for the member for Dawson to stand up, stick his neck out and get a real outcome for this community, and particularly get a real outcome from this Sydney-centric-focussed Turnbull government.</para>
<para>We understand, as Queenslanders, that natural disasters are unfortunately a regular occurrence. I was very impressed with the efforts of the local council in working with emergency services. The mayor said to us, 'Unfortunately, we have become quite used to this. Hence, our efforts to help in this regard are quite professional.' Indeed, having been to that area twice in the matter of a week we did see in that period of time how well coordinated the clean-up was between the state government, local council and disaster experts.</para>
<para>We also know that this is a regular occurrence in the area and that the elderly people of Bowen deserve much better long-term care and accommodation than what they have at the moment. We understand that this will happen again and that the elderly residents of Murroona Gardens deserve much better care and accommodation than what they have now. We say that this should be the best equipped and best possible infrastructure to keep the aged-care residents of Bowen safe. The community deserves nothing less. Federal Labor is prepared to support them in their efforts.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Indigenous Youth Parliament</title>
          <page.no>108</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When Neville Bonner walked into the Australian Parliament in 1971, one can only imagine what was going through his head as he walked down the halls of Old Parliament House. As the first Indigenous Australian to sit in this place, Neville Bonner not only made history but opened doors. We have had several Indigenous parliamentarians who have come to Canberra and contributed to our political landscape since Neville Bonner made his mark nearly half a century ago.</para>
<para>As someone who holds institutions in the highest regard and with the utmost respect, Australia's representative democracy is fundamental to how our government works. The Australian Electoral Commission, in collaboration with the Museum of Australian Democracy and the YMCA, runs a terrific program to encourage young Indigenous people to engage with Australia's democracy and learn about how parliament functions. The National Indigenous Youth Parliament is a week-long program that provides young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people an opportunity to tour Parliament House and attend question time; meet the Prime Minister, Leader of the Opposition, other members of parliament and senators; and participate in a mock parliamentary session.</para>
<para>On 28 May, the Australian Electoral Commission invited me to preside as Speaker for the 2017 National Indigenous Youth Parliament. Approximately 50 young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders travelled to the nation's capital to represent their respective states and territories. Our 'honourable members' assembled in the House of Representatives at the Museum of Australian Democracy on a crisp Canberra morning to debate the 'Improving Access to Alcohol and Drug Rehabilitation Services in Rural and Remote Areas Bill 2017'.</para>
<para>I was particularly pleased to welcome 'honourable members' from my home state of Western Australia: Wynston Shovellor-Sesar, Thomas Betts, Anthony Turner, Temika von Senden, and Brianne Yarran. Our sixth Western Australian member, Alice Sambo, could not attend due to family commitments. These fine young Western Australians came from different corners of the state, from communities in our treasured south-west and as far away as our Kimberley coast, more than 2,000 kilometres north of Perth.</para>
<para>The debate over the ever-increasing the availability of drug and alcohol rehabilitation services in rural and remote areas—where many of our participants reside—was considered, impassioned and evoked many of the feisty exchanges we witness regularly in this place. Wynston, the member for Durack, advocated persuasively for the implementation of 'on-country healing camps' driven by local Indigenous communities and argued that the bill did not provide sufficient culturally appropriate solutions to improve alcohol and drug rehabilitation services. Thomas, the member for Hasluck, raised the very real issue of transport disadvantage in rural and remote areas, presenting challenges in access to health services. Anthony, representing the people of O'Connor, argued that education was key in prevention, citing research from the Alcohol and Drug Foundation of Australia that children as young as four can already distinguish between a beer bottle and a wine bottle simply by recognition of shape. Temika also did the people of O'Connor proud by proposing regular visits from drug and alcohol rehabilitation professionals to strengthen relationships and provide much-needed support in remote communities. And Brianne, bringing it home for the Western Australian contingent as the member for Cowan, argued that greater education was needed about Australia's first nations peoples and their culture. Working with local elders and First Australians, she said, was imperative in understanding the needs of these communities.</para>
<para>There was much animation in the chamber that Sunday morning as the excited call of 'Hear, hear!' reverberated off the walls during debate. There was so much dynamism in those bright young people as they gave voice to their arguments. The passion and promise on show from the participants of the National Indigenous Youth Parliament was impressive and reminded me of why we are all here: to represent people across this country and give them a voice.</para>
<para>Nothing inspires me more to fight for something than when someone says it is impossible. Some people may say that young Indigenous people would be at a disadvantage and some would discourage them from pursuing a political career because it would seem like an uphill battle, but you need look no further than our parliament today. Look to our Senate colleagues Senator Patrick Dodson, Senator McCarthy and Senator Lambie. Look to the Honourable Linda Burney MP in the House of Representatives and, of course, our friend and colleague the Honourable Ken Wyatt, who, in his own way, like Neville Bonner, has made history as the Commonwealth's first Indigenous minister. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queen's Birthday Honours</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to add my voice to the chorus of congratulations for the recipients of this year's Queen's birthday honours. These recipients, hailing from all walks of life across Australia, have selflessly provided their leadership, their insight and their compassion to the service of their communities and to the nation. As a proud Victorian, I wholeheartedly congratulate all the Victorian recipients of Queen's birthday honours. Each and every one of which is so richly deserved. But first I extend my warmest congratulations to Antony Green for being appointed an Officer of the Order of Australia, an AO. His electoral insight, especially on election night, has kept us all, on both side of the chamber, on the edge of our seats for many an election. In fact, he has been a feature of every election since I was 19 years old. Congratulations on a worthy and well-deserved honour.</para>
<para>More specifically I would like to congratulate and thank the following Victorian recipients who have so significantly contributed to the fabric of our society through their service and dedication in their particular fields. I congratulate Ms Marilyn Patricia Rowe OBE from Olinda in particular on being made a member, an AM, in the general division of the Order of Australia for significant service to the performing arts, particularly to ballet, as an artistic director, an internationally acclaimed performer and a competition jurist.</para>
<para>I congratulate the recipients of the Order of Australia Medal, OAM, in the general division. My sincere congratulations go to: Mr Donald John Barry from Melton West for his leadership and service to our nation's youth through the scouting movement, and also to the community; Ms Rosemary Margaret Birney from Montrose for her unwavering service to conservation and to the environment; Mr Ian Alexander Black from Hamilton for his vital service to preserving the community history of Hamilton and the western district; Mr William John Carr from Rokewood for providing essential service and leadership in coordinating rural health, and to the community of Rokewood; Mr Eric Brettell Causer from Hamilton for his important service to veterans and their families and to the community; Ms Elizabeth Anne Chapman from Benalla for her dedication and service to education and to the community; Mr Francis Edward Clark from Ballarat for his service to the community of Ballarat and for his efforts to assist people who are deaf or hard of hearing; Mr Geoffrey Gerard Fitzpatrick of Sassafras for his leadership and service to the areas of industrial and interior design; Mr Daniel Brenton Giles of Bendigo for his service to the people of Bendigo with a disability and to the community; Mr John Thomas Hanlon from Benalla for his passionate service to his community; Ms Sandra Rae Hills from Yering for her support and leadership to aged care in Victoria; Mr Graeme Ernest Kent from Buninyong for his service to the international community through humanitarian assistance programs; Mr Brian Thomas King from Bright for vital service to community health; Mrs Aylene Alice Kirkwood from Eaglehawk for her compassionate service to her community; Mr Edward Alfred Lovett from Wendouree for his service to the cause of the Indigenous community of south-west Victoria; Ms Heather Ann McCallum also from Wendouree for her leadership within the great Ballarat community; Mr Desmond Noel McNulty from Benalla for his service to the forest and timber products industry, and also to the community of Benalla; Mr William Gerard Melbourne of Seymour for his service to local government and to the community of the Mitchell shire; Mr Morgan Joseph Murphy of Sebastopol for his keen service to sport, particularly to swimming; Ms Donalea Patman from Ferny Creek for her active service towards animal welfare; Mr James Maxwell Porter of Yarrawonga for service to the community of north-east Victoria through a range of community initiatives and organisations; Mr Dale Andrew Potter of Dookie for service to the community of Dookie; Mr Glenn Bernard Ramage of Mount Beauty for his fun-loving leadership and approach to the community through music; Mr John Edward Richards from Ballarat for his service to the community and to the manufacturing sector; the late Mr Rex Hamilton Tate from Alexandra for his lifelong service to the community through a range of organisations; Mrs Janet Mary Torney from Ballarat for her service and leadership to the community of Ballarat; Mrs Helen Jean Wall from Gowangardie for her leadership and passion for service to women and to her community; Mr Carl Weaver from Melton for his selfless leadership and service to youth through the Scouts; and Mr Kenneth Hugh Whan from Benalla for his service to local government and to the community of Benalla.</para>
<para>I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate and pay my respect to the Victorian members of the Australian Defence Force and the nation's various public services who have also been awarded in this year's Honours List. Victorians number among the many recipients of the Public Service Medal, the Distinguished Service Cross and the various other military and civil honours. Many of these brave men and women are not able to be publically named due to their ongoing operational commitments.</para>
<para>I would also like to take a moment to offer personal and heartfelt congratulations to the Lord Mayor of Melbourne, Counsellor Robert Doyle. Perhaps not everyone here is aware of this, but I have known Robert Doyle for many, many years—far more than I care to mention. For me Counsellor Doyle was formerly Mr Doyle, my most beloved English teacher    and a formative mentor. Mr Doyle—Counsellor Doyle, I should say; I still call him by his teacher's name—is the man who later in life brought me to the Liberal Party and encouraged me to run for public office. I owe him a lot—and not just for making poetry interesting, quite a tough gig—and I could not be happier for him for having received our nation's highest honour, being made a Companion of the Order of Australia. Counsellor Doyle has served his country, state, city and his community with distinction for decades, and this award could not be more fitting. I am very proud to call him a friend and I am very proud that he has received this honour.</para>
<para>There are two very special times of the year when the government and the community can express our sincere gratitude to those exemplary citizens who represent the very best of the Australian spirit. It is an absolute honour to be able to stand before the chamber today to name and honour those dedicated and conscientious Victorians. I thank the chamber for its indulgence.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Affairs</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LINES</name>
    <name.id>112096</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The last fortnight has seen some celebrations in this place, including National Reconciliation Week and the anniversary of the Mabo decision. It was fantastic to have the government table the Mabo statement today and to have of Senator Patrick Dodson respond to that statement on behalf of Labor in this chamber. We have also had the anniversary of the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report and the 20th anniversary of the Healing Foundation and, of course, the all-important the 50th anniversary of the 1967 referendum.</para>
<para>Today in this place with some mixed emotions we have been debating the Native Title Act. For me and for those claimants who appealed that decision in Western Australia and who have largely been forgotten by people in this chamber—instead the native title stuff is focused elsewhere—what we are seeing with that native title claim, particularly in relation to Western Australia, is that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in this country continue to fight from a legacy created through injustices.</para>
<para>But I want to focus tonight on the celebrations of Mabo, the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report, the 20th anniversary of the Healing Foundation and particularly the 1967 referendum. All of these events have played a part and continue to play a part in the recognition, the healing and the hope for our future, as we recognise and respect our first nations people as first Australians.</para>
<para>The first significant step started, in my view and in the view of many, with the 1967 referendum. The referendum was the result of a prevailing movement for political change, to make change in the laws that had for almost a century discriminated against or not recognised Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. The referendum received the highest yes vote ever recorded in a federal referendum. Almost 91 per cent of Australians voted for change—something we can all be proud of!</para>
<para>Tonight, in the spirit of reconciliation, I am proud to read a poem written by Nola Gregory in April this year. Nola and I share something special in the love of Charlee Chmielewski, our shared 'granny'. Nola grew up in Geraldton and has family ties to the Kija and Bardi people in the north of Western Australia. Nola is passionate about poetry and each year she writes about the different themes for National Reconciliation Week. When former PM Kevin Rudd gave the apology to the stolen generations, Nola wrote the most beautiful, heartfelt poem about that apology. Nola believes that poems are the way into a person's spirit and can deliver messages that sometimes we all fail to do. Nola wholeheartedly believes the 1967 referendum is an issue all Australian's need to be aware of. Many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people still struggle to be recognised, and Nola hopes the poem encourages positive change in our community and nations. This is Nola's poem:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Sailed their boats</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Up to our shores</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Aimed their guns</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And made their laws</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">No man’s land</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Was what they said</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Did not want to count</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">One single head</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As flora and fauna</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We were seen</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Did not have a say</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In our own dreams</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">British subjects</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Was the term they used?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Wasn’t even asked</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For our important views</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Alien citizens</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On our own sand</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Treated as foreigners</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">By treacherous hands</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our rights were shunned</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our lives controlled</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We watched in sadness</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Saw it all unfold</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Then came a sound</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Like a rushing tide</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Throughout the land</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It rolled far and wide</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And one by one</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The voices all rose</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In an almighty crescendo</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We watched them grow</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A referendum</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A deciding vote</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To take count of us</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Bring healing and hope</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Set the wheels in motion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And opened the door</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"The Aboriginal question"</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The changing of laws</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The scars run deep</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Within our lives</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But we will fight on</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For justice with pride</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And hope one day soon</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We will stand hand in hand</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As we press for equality</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In our Great Australian Land</para></quote>
<para>Thank you, Nola Gregory.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Affairs</title>
          <page.no>111</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to also speak on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander issues, but first I want to acknowledge the beautiful poem that we just heard in this place. I want to speak about the 20th anniversary of the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report on 26 May, National Sorry Day, and the recently released report by the Healing Foundation <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home 20 years on: an action plan for healing</inline>.</para>
<para>In 1997 the landmark <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report was tabled in our parliament. This report was the result of a national inquiry that investigated the forced removal of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children from their families. For many of these people, it was the first time that their experiences of being forcibly removed from their families—it was the first time they could share these experiences. It was also the first time that it was acknowledged in a formal way that this occurred. This acknowledgment marked a critical moment in the healing journey of many stolen generation members. Acknowledgement was and is a key part of the healing process for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, but acknowledgment goes hand in hand with action. Two decades on, the majority of the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline>report recommendations have not been implemented. For many, this has created additional stress and trauma.</para>
<para>The time for action should have started 20 years ago. It is devastating to think about the lives that could have been changed if successive governments had acted on and implemented the original report's recommendations. Yes, we did have the national apology, and I would be one of the first to say that was fantastic. It was extremely important to our nation and of course to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and for healing. But there have been no reparations. There is still disadvantage. There has been a lack of actions on these recommendations. Tragically, we are seeing more Aboriginal children than ever going into out-of-home care.</para>
<para>As the Healing Foundation report says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The anniversary presents an opportunity to reset—to secure sustainable support to help reduce the impact of trauma. This report makes three key recommendations:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1. A comprehensive assessment of the contemporary and emerging needs of Stolen Generations members, including needs-based funding and a financial redress scheme.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. A national study into intergenerational trauma to ensure that there is real change for young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3. An appropriate policy response that is based on the principles underlying the 1997 Bringing Them Home report.</para></quote>
<para>It is really galling that the third recommendation in a 20th anniversary report has to be 'an appropriate key response based on principles' underlying a 1997 report. It is frankly unbelievable that we could not come up with an appropriate response to a highly regarded landmark report in 20 years. Not only do we have the comprehensive <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report and its recommendations; in 2014 we also had a Senate inquiry into out-of-home care—to investigate, among other things, drivers in the increase in the number of children placed into out-of-home care, the outcomes for these children and the best practice solutions for supporting children in vulnerable family situations, including early intervention. The committee was 'deeply concerned' about the evidence that most out-of-home care placements are 'not safe or stable' and that 'certain systemic factors that contribute to the high number of children entering and remaining in out-of-home care' are not being addressed:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In particular, the lack of family support services means there is limited scope for at-risk parents to get the support they need to build safe and resilient families for their children.</para></quote>
<para>Last year, a very important report from Family Matters was their <inline font-style="italic">Roadmap</inline> report, which outlined evidence based pathways to the policy and practice changes needed to secure improved safety and wellbeing outcomes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children. It paves the way to keeping Aboriginal children safe with their families in community and culture. It is imperative that the government listen to Aboriginal communities' voices and takes action on this <inline font-style="italic">Roadmap</inline>. But, yet again, the government has failed to respond and it has not implemented the recommendations.</para>
<para>When the Senate report into out-of-home care was tabled in 2015, Aboriginal children made up less than five per cent of the general population yet made up 35 per cent of the children in out-of-home care nationally. In my home state of Western Australia at that time it was just over 50 per cent of the children in care. When the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing them home</inline> report was released on 1997, one in every five children living in out-of-home care were Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander. Today, 20 years on, it is one in three. What further evidence do you need that we have not been implementing those recommendations. Quite frankly, I find this an unbelievable development. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have been warning for years now that there is another stolen generation or lost generation happening, and it is happening on our watch. Australia's first peoples are so sick of government ignoring evidence based recommendations on how to make things better. It is time we got on with the work that needs to be done. We cannot stand by until we get to 2037 when another report has to be tabled or handed down by a group of people who are passionate about these issues to yet another group of politicians, yet that is the way we are heading. It is imperative that the government listen to Aboriginal communities, Aboriginal voices and take action. We must be a catalyst in this place for reviewing and revising a somewhat stalled healing journey and that is certainly what we heard at the breakfast held for the anniversary of the <inline font-style="italic">Bringing Them Home</inline> report in this place.</para>
<para>Let all sides of politics know that we do not want this 20th anniversary report to be gathering dust on a Parliament House shelf. Too many reports on positive change for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have had that fate, and we should not stand by and let this happen again. It is a long journey to healing for the stolen generations to address the wrongs of the past, but we need to keep doing it. At the moment, as the report from the Healing Foundation points out, this lack of action re-traumatises and causes further stress to the stolen generations as does the lack of action on ensuring that we reduce the number of Aboriginal children going into out-of-home care. We should listen. We should put in place and implement the recommendations of the reports that have been available for years and years. We have the guidelines and the evidence, and people are crying out for a change. As a nation, we owe it to the members of the stolen generations to ensure this happens. I urge the Prime Minister to listen, as he said he would, to the people who are offering these important solutions.</para>
<para>We still have appalling numbers of Aboriginal children in out-of-home care, terrible incarceration rates and great disadvantage. Rather than paternalistic ideologically-driven policy approaches taken by repeated governments that embed poverty while not making progress in closing the gap, we have to listen to Aboriginal people and the evidence, and continue the healing journey. That healing journey needs to include, must include reparations—as the point was made in the Healing Foundation's <inline font-style="italic">Bringing Them Home 20 years on: an action plan for healing</inline>. I end on a quote from the report:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There is no way of knowing what the contemporary Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander world would look like had there been a concerted effort to implement the Bringing Them Home vision for the future.</para></quote>
<para>… … …</para>
<quote><para class="block">Mothers still live in fear that their children are going to be taken from them.</para></quote>
<para>… … …</para>
<quote><para class="block">The laws of those times are still impacting on our people today ... it is time to finish this business</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Law Enforcement</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to talk tonight about an issue that usually sounds like one word, especially during election campaigns and that word is 'law and order'. I will talk mostly about law and hope that some order will follow. The issue is in the news again right now for a number of reasons. Last week after the horrors of the terrorist attack in Brighton, the PM and the premiers agreed on law state and federal cooperation over the parole, which should not have been granted to the Brighton killer—whom I deliberately will not name—or to Man Monis. The idea was also floated for a federal prison for terrorist, an idea I supported last week, and I am pleased to see will happen in a deal between Canberra and New South Wales at Goulburn. When they have done their time, if they not Australian citizens, or dual citizens, they should be sent back to where they came from.</para>
<para>While I am talking about Brighton, I want to have a look at the leaders on the TV news. There were the obligatory words of condolence, solemn faces, the dropped voices but not much recognition of a man, the night manager, doing is job, 15 days married. Did our leaders even remember his name? I tweeted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Kai Hao, an innocent man, treated almost like collateral damage after Brighton terror attack.</para></quote>
<para>I wondered: was it because he was Chinese? If it been a Brighton father of three, it would have made page 1 for a week. And then there was the poor innocent woman held hostage by the killer, who got her there and murdered Kai Hao just to attract police. She was almost disregarded because of her profession, because she was a prostitute. I Tweeted on that one:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Notice scant regard for woman held hostage by Brighton killer. Is that because she was a prostitute? Appalling lapse by our leaders.</para></quote>
<para>To the critics who were asked why the media had to mention that she was a prostitute, a sex worker, it was important for people to know why an escort had been called to a hotel trap, in case people thought that maybe she was an accomplice and complicit in the murder of an innocent man.</para>
<para>But to other matters, now, of law and order. I mentioned that words get bandied around a lot in election campaigns, and it is no coincidence that I am standing here tonight as an elected senator for Derryn Hinch's Justice Party. Around this country people in their thousands, hundreds of thousands—maybe even millions; and I am not exaggerating—are fed up with our bail system and our parole system and are totally sickened and disillusioned by a system where milksop magistrates and judges keep putting back on our streets the killers of Jill Meagher, Masa Vukotic, Mersina Halvagis, Tori Johnson and Katrina Dawson. Judges who, last week in Adelaide, let a collector of child pornography walk free—serving not one day in jail, even though William John Webster had been a shopping centre Santa Claus for kids—and I am told he had form. You wonder what the bleep is going on here.</para>
<para>It is no wonder that people want to open their windows and emulate Peter Finch in that prescient movie, <inline font-style="italic">Network</inline>, and shout: 'I'm mad as hell and I'm not going to take this anymore!' That is why I held a media conference here at Parliament House today for those amazing Australians, Bruce and Denise Morcombe, to announce the relaunch of my long campaign for a national public register of convicted sex offenders. It shall be called 'Daniel's law' in memory of their son who was taken from them, and from us, by a monster who should not have been out of jail after what he did to a young boy he abducted from a Darwin caravan park, abandoned and left to die. As I said, and as I mentioned to the Attorney-General in question time today, we want to get Daniel's law on to the COAG agenda. This is the Australian version of Megan's law, which they have had in the United States for more than 20 years.</para>
<para>We are making progress. Tomorrow in the other place the government will be introducing a new law that I proposed and helped to draft, for taking passports away from convicted paedophiles who are on the child sex offender national register. This is an attempt to stop these perverts from going on child rape holidays in South-East Asia. There are 20,000 men and some women on that register, including more than 3,000 for life. This will be the biggest passport recall since Federation, and you just cannot believe it did not happen years ago. That leads me to Carly's law, a law designed to protect teenagers from online predators who pose as youngsters to entrap, compromise and blackmail—and even rape and murder—unsuspecting and vulnerable kids, which is what happened to Carly Ryan in Adelaide. I will leave it to Senators Xenophon and Kakoschke-Moore and Carly's indefatigable mum, Sonya, to explain the legal details.</para>
<para>But I want to take this opportunity and deliberately use parliamentary privilege to tell you a horror story of a failing of our legal system that scandalously supressed, and continues to suppress, a serial rapist's name and whereabouts. This is a monster who was complicit in an earlier rape and murder who went on to stalk and rape, I believe, 13 teenage girls under the age of 16 and then only spent less than three years in jail—which is a diabolical abuse of our system and also of those teenage rape victims. Listen to this and weep. It is the story of a teenager who never was—his name is Stephen Newman. As of right now in the media he does not exist and never did. Yet he featured prominently in a recent headline-making murder trial in South Australia. He was the defendant. Stephen Newman was charged with taking part in the murder of 15-year-old Carly Ryan at a deserted beach. So was his father, Garry Francis Newman, who used bogus identities on the internet to try to entice about 200 young girls into his planned sexual web. One of them he raped and he killed, and that was Carly Ryan.</para>
<para>For the three years they were in custody, both father and son had their names suppressed. Garry Newman was found guilty of Carly Ryan's murder; Stephen Newman was eventually acquitted. An Adelaide judge lifted the suppression order on the name and photographs of the father, but she continued a suppression order on the 19-year-old son, and it seemed like the media agreed to rewrite history. In all of the stories that appeared about this case you would think that Garry Newman acted alone at all times; his son was never in Adelaide with him; he was never at that beach; never knew what his father was up to; had never offended. The prosecution alleged that the then 14-year-old Carly Ryan fell in love on the internet with a man she thought was a 20-year-old, guitar playing, Texas-born muso called Brandon Kane who lived with his adoptive father, Shane, in Melbourne.</para>
<para>The prosecution claimed that Brandon was a cyberspace alter ego created by both the father and the son—Garry and Stephen Newman—to seduce Carly Ryan. She did meet the father when he, not Brandon, turned up at her 15th birthday party, and when she rejected him for being 'old and fat and gross', he vowed to fix her up. And fix her up they did. Father and son lured Carly to a deserted beach at Victor Harbor on a pretext. There the father bashed her about the head, buried her head in the sand and killed her. The son, Stephen, allegedly confessed to social workers that he helped his father 'cover it up'. In fact, during the long court case the father tried to blame his son for the rape and murder of Carly Ryan.</para>
<para>The jury was obviously troubled because at one stage they asked the judge if they could find one man guilty of murder and the other guilty of manslaughter. Justice Trish Kelly said they could, but to find Stephen Newman guilty of murder they had to be sure he participated in the plot to kill Carly. She said he could not be found guilty of assisting an offender because he had never been specifically charged with that crime. Ultimately the father, Garry Newman, was found guilty and the son, Stephen Newman, was acquitted. Garry Newman's name and pictures were everywhere. Stephen Newman's name remained and remains officially suppressed.</para>
<para>So what happened next? Stephen Newman, who at least held Carly Ryan's legs down while his father raped her, went on to commit rapes of 13 girls under the age of 16 in Melbourne. He targeted them and he stalked them, and for that he received only 35 months in jail—less than three years for all those brutal crimes, about 10 weeks a victim. I know these sentencing details only from police sources because the county court refused to give out any information on the serial rapist, because they said to one of my staffers, 'You're from Senator Hinch's office.' Supposedly, it is in the public's interest to hide this serial rapist's identity. That is why I am naming this scumbag. He does not deserve anonymity. He does not deserve a suppression order.</para>
<para>I will say, 'So much for law and order.' Stephen Newman is now free. He is living out there anonymously in Melbourne tonight. He is back on Facebook. He is building another web. Do you know what? He will offend again. He will rape again, just like he was involved in 15-year-old Carly Ryan's rape and murder, as sure as I am standing here. That one he got away with. So I ask you again tonight, as I have asked a thousand times over the years: who is looking after the children?</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Care</title>
          <page.no>115</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In April this year, on a self-funded tour, I had the occasion to visit Cuba. Amongst meetings I had with the Vice President and the minister associated with mines and energy and foreign affairs, I had the privilege of meeting the Director of the Centre for Genetic Engineering and Biotechnology, Dr Manuel Perez-Castaneda. This evening I wish to present some of the information that Dr Perez-Castaneda gave me not in relation to Cuba so much but indeed to Australia. I want to speak briefly about non-melanoma skin cancers and particularly about the work undertaken in Cuba on diabetes, foot ulcers and the terrible sequels that do occur from there.</para>
<para>Cuba of course has been isolated for many years, not the least from the United States of America. Their whole focus has been on health care within their communities, including their rural communities. I will give you some interesting statistics of how successful they have been. In 1960 in that country there were 37 infant deaths per 1,000 births and a life expectancy of 62 years. By 2014 the 37 deaths per 1,000 had reduced to four and the life expectancy had increased from 62 years to 79 years. There is a very heavy emphasis on public health, including in rural areas.</para>
<para>They have had enormous success out of that institute, with some 30,000 personnel working in 31 collaborating enterprises on that campus just outside Havana. They have been working, for example, on a nasal vaccine against hepatitis B, a disease that is now practically eliminated in Cuba. They have international patents for a prostate cancer vaccine. There were 22,000 cases in 1992 and that was down to 16 in 2012. This resonates for us. Also I mentioned issues associated with non-melanoma skin cancers, and I will come back to that in a moment.</para>
<para>What was humbling for me was that Dr Perez-Castaneda delivered to me statistics about the instance of these conditions in Australia, state by state and major city by major city. I checked of course with our Assistant Minister for Health whether those figures were accurate, and indeed they were.</para>
<para>He presented to me, for example, the most common causes of death in Australia and the 16 most lethal cancers here in our country—not in Cuba, but here in Australia. He presented data to me from work they are undertaking in Cuba associated with nonmelanoma skin cancers. Of course, Australia is the world leader in skin cancers generally. The statistics he showed me were that currently we have about half a million—about 577,000—cases a year of nonmelanoma skin cancer in our country. They are achieving enormous success with nonsurgical intervention using pharmaceuticals for which they have international patents. Indeed, the institute has 1,816 international patents approved and another 2,336 pending.</para>
<para>But I want to go to the whole question associated with amputations as a result of foot ulcers caused by diabetes—not in Cuba but in our country. These are the figures that Dr David Gillespie, in the other place, confirmed when I got off a plane from the United States the other day. We have 4,400 amputations a year in our country as a result of diabetes—12 a day, seven days a week. There are 10,000 hospital admissions for diabetes related foot ulcers: a third of those who are diagnosed end up in hospital and a third of those who end up in hospital end up with a limb being amputated. That is the level of this issue.</para>
<para>What does it cost us? It costs the Australian economy, apart from the emotional cost to the 4,400 families every year—the 12 families every day—about US$3½ billion annually. The average person spends 24 days in hospital and we have 1.4 million Australians affected by this particular scourge. And, as I said earlier, a third of those 1.4 million will end up with ulcers and in hospital, with a third of them having amputations.</para>
<para>As he presented these statistics to me, he also showed photographs of a Victorian truck driver, Mr Alan Tillotson, who was forced to retire from his job as a truck driver in Melbourne because of ongoing foot complications caused by the fact that he had had an amputation.</para>
<para>When I came out of Cuba and went back to Panama I spoke to our ambassador. I rang him to give him an overview of my trip to Cuba, and I do not think he will mind me saying this. He said to me: 'Chris, this is personal to me. My father lost a limb to amputation from diabetes—a foot ulcer. He then lost the other limb and he lost his life. My abiding memory as a kid was of my mother carrying my legless father around. He had lost both legs as a result of this scourge.'</para>
<para>What is interesting is that in Cuba they have started a nonsurgical treatment using an injection around the abscess. For those of you who have not yet had your dinner I will not go into the pathology of it! There is a treatment every second day for 18 days around the abscess causing the foot ulcer, and the Cubans are enjoying a 95 per cent success rate with nonsurgical intervention in this particular treatment—a 95 per cent success rate.</para>
<para>What Dr Perez-Castaneda did for me was to go back and say, 'Well, here are your statistics on a state-by-state and on a city-by city approach in your country.' His estimate is that we could reduce that level of 4,400 amputations to far less than 1,000 a year, with the emotional saving to those families and the incredible financial saving to our health system. But what is interesting in that country is that because of their public-health circumstance and a hierarchy right down into the rural and regional areas of Cuba, now at the very earliest stages when somebody sees that they have a blister which may become an ulcer then rather than sit back and do nothing they immediately go to a local health service. That service may or may not be able to provide treatment, but they can immediately move it up the hierarchical tree so they can start the treatment process. It was humbling to learn that the United States, having embargoed most activities in Cuba, have very graciously lifted the embargo on surgical, non-surgical and pharmaceutical treatments. He also told me that they had reached out to many countries to have an international symposium in 2015 or 2016 to which we were invited but, unfortunately, we were unable to or did not attend.</para>
<para>The incidence of diabetes is going up dramatically in most countries of the world and we are no exception. It is a factor of our modern lifestyle. Cubans, of course, are very, very focused on this because sugar is a major part of their economy and it has been a major part of their diet. The head of Diabetes Australia says that there have been 100,000 Australians diagnosed with diabetes in the last year alone. At this moment, we have no formal reporting system in place and, yet, hospitals are reporting increases in amputations. Lest you think that it is only a condition of older people, we know very well that different forms of diabetes attack people at different ages including from the very youngest. I make these comments this evening because I have engaged with the health minister, the Aboriginal affairs minister, the international relations minister, my friend Ken Wyatt, who has responsibility for Indigenous health, and, of course, Judi Moylan who—as you and I both know—was the member for Pearce and is the President of Diabetes Australia. It is something that I want to see continued beyond my time in the Senate because here is a country reaching out to us, offering their service and offering their expertise. In my view, it is for us to pick up the phone, thank them and accept the invitation to come to Australia to talk about the work they are doing in those particular disease treatments.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Smith, Ms Kathy, Infant Mental Health Awareness Week</title>
          <page.no>116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What an interesting sequence of speeches we have heard this evening in the adjournment. For those who have remained listening since Senator Hinch's contribution, he asked who was looking after the children. I think that if we go to Senator Back's comments this evening—and I do want to acknowledge the announcement today of his retirement. I want to acknowledge his service to the Australian people—but I obviously think he chose the wrong party. Nonetheless, it is very important to acknowledge that there are people who are looking after the children, looking after the parents who are looking after the community, who come into public life and want to make a significant contribution to the benefit of the community in which we live. As bleak as the picture is that was painted by Senator Hinch, there are good people doing wonderful things across this country and across this world. We should never lose sight of that hope and of good people doing good work.</para>
<para>I want to take the opportunity tonight to do two things: to acknowledge a fallen comrade—a wonderful woman by the name of Kathy Smith, whose funeral I was privileged to attend last week—and to make some remarks in this inaugural week of infant mental health in my role as shadow assistant minister for mental health with a particular focus on young people.</para>
<para>In making comments on the passing of the former member for Gosford and the cancer campaigner Kathy Smith, I want to note that she succumbed to her illness on Wednesday 31 last month surrounded by her family. I, with many others in the community and Labor New South Wales in particular, attended her memorial service last Thursday at the Greenway Chapel in the Central Coast suburb of Green Point. It was a surreal experience for many given Kathy's relatively young age and the enormous impact and image she had for her devotion to the community on the New South Wales Central Coast. I have previously recounted, in this chamber, my first encounter with Kathy Smith, an absolutely determined woman who bailed me up, like a terrier really, outside a public building in the middle of Gosford and said, 'We have got to get this cancer centre going locally.' She was absolutely dedicated in her pursuit of making that happen as a community member. She was vital in orchestrating that hard-fought campaign to build public radiotherapy treatment for people on the Central Coast.</para>
<para>At the time, many people were racking up large debts to pay for their own private treatment, but others were simply overwhelmed by treatment offered at public institutions in Newcastle and Sydney and they were unable to continue with their treatment. Some of them just hoped that their cancer might disappear. Sadly, that was not the case. Leader of the New South Wales Opposition, the Hon. Luke Foley, noted at the farewell ceremony Kathy's first speech, where she explained:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I had become aware of an elderly lady who had to travel from Wyong to the Royal Prince Alfred Hospital for radiotherapy treatment each day for six weeks.</para></quote>
<para>That is a very long public transport journey of well over an hour and three-quarters.</para>
<quote><para class="block">She travelled by bus and train, and what torture that must have been for her.</para></quote>
<para>Kathy was living in Hornsby at the time of her original diagnosis of cancer, and she was able to get her treatment only 10 minutes away from home. This is what she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Silly or not, I was left with a feeling of guilt knowing that this much older lady was having to struggle to travel for treatment while I could be driven for mine without any effort on my part.</para></quote>
<para>She saw the injustice and she acted. That is just an expression of who she was.</para>
<para>I was delighted to campaign alongside Kathy Smith, witnessing her steely determination both prior to and during her period as a public advocate and as a member of the Labor Party in New South Wales parliament. She campaigned alongside me to convince both state and federal Labor governments to commit $29 million from the federal government and $10 million from the state government to create this amazing clinic. She was engaged in the beautiful design of the cancer clinic right down to the last, including beautiful images people would be able to look up to whilst they were actually having their treatment. The great thing, as was noted at Kathy's memorial service, is that there are thousands of people walking around the Central Coast who have survived their cancer experience and encounter because of her work. That is a message of hope.</para>
<para>Kathy's devoted husband, Peter, paid a beautiful tribute to Kathy. Those who attended felt the happiness she brought into so many people's hearts, especially those of her husband, her children and her grandchildren. Her son Richard's very powerful tribute was simply a series of sentences that began with the words, 'Our mum'. What a wonderful way to acknowledge that great gift of Kathy's generosity and love to her own family.</para>
<para>I think it is important to reflect on Kathy Smith's story because it does rise above politics as usual, as I hope to indicate in my opening remarks this evening. It reminds us that despite current partisan trends in political discourse which sometimes are driven, I think, by nothing more than a profit motive, here and around the world people of good heart—people like Kathy Smith—with a steely determination can make a life-changing and life-enhancing impact on our community. Kathy will be very sadly missed. Her deep commitment to her family will leave a great emptiness in their lives in particular.</para>
<para>With regard to infant mental health, I want to acknowledge that this is the inaugural Infant Mental Health Awareness Week in Australia. I think being a parent is an enormous challenge. To be able to support the mental health of our children is also a great challenge. Infant Mental Health Awareness Week was first launched in the UK in June last year by the charity Parent Infant Partnership UK to raise a greater understanding for policymakers like us and also for professionals and parents about why giving every baby the best possible start in life matters to the life chances of those children and their families and, through them, our society at large.</para>
<para>In the launch, executive director of Parent Infant Partnership, Clair Rees, in England, emphasised:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Good mental health begins in early childhood. When a baby has the opportunity to form a secure bond with their parent or caregiver, this can support their potential and ability to form healthy relationships throughout life.</para></quote>
<para>Research evidence now confirms a very direct link between difficulties in infant-parent child bonding and attachment and psychiatric disorders in later life. They are not always linked, but there are predictors and there are wonderful experiences of infancy that can really improve people's life chances. This year, the Australian Association for Infant Mental Health has joined with their UK counterparts to run an awareness week from June 12 to 16, to improve recognition that infancy is a critical time for the development of the emotional, physical and psychological wellbeing of young Australians.</para>
<para>The concept of infant mental health seems at once abstract but then so obvious. After all, it is not as if a toddler, from its birth to two years of age, could be subject to or respond to clinical intervention as it exists for older children and adults. Yet, what happens to children has a significant impact on their life futures, as do the decisions we make here around public policy impact on their parents and their capacity to provide that great level of care. A child that begins life with warm, sensitive, stable and responsive caregiving relationships will be more likely to return to these attributes in later life. These are the tools that the Australian Association for Infant Mental Health seeks to promote for caregivers during this week. It is worth noting and indeed following the path the UK is taking in infant mental health.</para>
<para>The Australian Association for Infant Mental Health advocates the importance of paid parental leave for the early years so that parents, mums and dads, can share and make the choice to stay home with their child if they wish. In terms of overall early intervention, it is essential that infants have nurturing environments and stable sustainable relationships. These first years are critical for the development of young Australians. Research has shown that early experience of infants' nurturing relationships plays a crucial role in their development.</para>
<para>It is interesting that an American researcher has made a direct correlation between the economy and infant mental health, citing that early childhood development actually influences economic health and social outcomes for both individuals and society. Getting young people off to a great start is an important thing— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Privacy</title>
          <page.no>118</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to speak briefly tonight on a subject that has been bugging me for a little while. It is something that I guess has been creeping up on us for a time, but even in the matter of the last couple of days it has broken open somewhat, including in the National Security Statement that the Prime Minister delivered in the House earlier today. That is the subject of encryption of private communications. It is something of a sleeper issue.</para>
<para>The technology of cryptography allows all of us in here to use devices with a certain amount of confidence that nobody else is listening in. The technology and the arguments over whether a state or other actors should be able to listen on your private communications goes back decades. Partly because it is such an arms race, I think that is why elements of the debate seem so incredibly familiar. If you go back to the period immediately after the Second World War, when cryptography was entirely the domain of the so-called military-industrial complex, crypto-tools were classified as munitions and their export was severely restricted. During the 1990s, particularly in the United States, there was tension between cryptographic tools as munitions—as mathematics with military applications, if you like—and commercial and social applications. That tug of war between military applications and commercial and social applications came to a head, and the social and commercial applications won.</para>
<para>In the 1990s, you had the United States government with these crypto-tools still classified as illegal exports and as munitions. Under the Clinton administration, infamously, there were attempts to force hardware manufacturers to install the so-called 'clipper' chips, effectively installing deliberate security vulnerabilities into consumer electronic devices. You saw web browsers such as Netscape, where the so-called international version had a very, very simple crypto key that could be broken within a couple of days by anybody with even a moderate amount of skill. The US government could not bear the thought that it was exporting browsers that would be able to communicate securely. Effectively, by the end of the 1990s, that argument and the impossibility of sustaining that kind of argument was really over. The technology by and large was declassified as a munition and the export regime was greatly, although not entirely, loosened up, and the applications, most strikingly for things like e-commerce, were then able to be much more widespread.</para>
<para>You cannot design communications protocols, particularly for governing financial transactions, much less social transactions, and expect them not to be attacked unless they are very well protected. For whatever reason, laws of mathematics, which are way outside my area of expertise, do provide the ability to communicate securely, to encrypt in a way that is next to impossible to break, even if you throw stunning amounts of computer power at it. A well-designed cryptography is in fact reasonably secure. We have a reasonable understanding of this from the fact that some of the protocols invented in the 1990s have still not been broken. So we do not have a technology problem here. We appear to have something of a political problem.</para>
<para>The proposal by Senator Brandis, which he started elaborating a little bit on over the last couple of days and which the Prime Minister referenced today, as I said, looks to the latest iteration of this debate in the United Kingdom—the so so-called Snooper's Charter. This was an initiative of Prime Minister Cameron before he shuffled off the political stage and was taken up with a bit of enthusiasm last year by Ms Theresa May. Again, in the aftermath of the horror at London Bridge and much more recently, Prime Minister May, literally just days out from an election and determined to do something, renewed the idea that the state needs to be able to listen into the private communications of basically anybody that it likes. Obviously, the next step down the track is that, because it is possible at least in a technical sense to communicate securely, providers are going to need to introduce vulnerabilities, flaws or weaknesses into the communications tools that we take for granted.</para>
<para>This is a repeated behaviour, and I would argue that one of the reasons that encrypted communications or even apps—things like Signal or WhatsApp: the ones that the Prime Minister was recommending while he was plotting to overthrow former Prime Minister Abbott—have become so ubiquitous in the last couple of years is that people around the world were horrified to discover that governments were taking advantage of people's communications in the clear. This is what I mean about it being something of an arms race. One of the reasons that crypto tools are becoming so ubiquitous and so popular is that people, me included, have had a gutful of governments assuming that they should be able to basically snoop on everything. This is an arms race that is being provoked in part by the kinds of proposals that Senator Brandis ignited with data retention. My suspicion—I have not seen the data, but maybe it is out there—based on feelings is that, in the aftermath of the data retention debacle, subscriptions to VPNs probably went up significantly. And in the aftermath of Prime Minister Turnbull's advice on how to basically work around his own data retention scheme, the use of those encrypted apps which people use on their phones, things like Signal and so on, probably went through the roof as well. It is an arms race that is provoked by the kind of behaviour that we saw with Senator Brandis and his mandatory data retention proposal.</para>
<para>The tragedy is that, in the wake of the kind of horror that unfolded in Manchester a few weeks ago or in Baghdad only a couple of days after that or in Kabul and in London most recently, there is a kind of political urgency amongst some politicians—and Prime Minister Abbott was an absolute master at this—to be seen to be doing something: introduce something, change some law, come down harder. Just do something. It does not even matter what it is. I feel that, at the moment, we are at risk of the government opening up this crypto can of worms that it clearly does not really understand the consequences of in its desire to be seen to be doing something. It is a desire that I understand. I get why that political reflex is there, but I feel as though we need to simply pause and be a little bit cautious before we bite off what Attorney-General Brandis appears to be attempting to do. We have a Prime Minister who pretends to know better and who actually prides himself—or did until recently—on his technical aptitude, a Liberal government that could not even begin to and an Attorney-General who has made something of a career out of technical illiteracy. He won a Walkley for David Speers by having not the faintest idea what he was talking about with data retention, and it is terrifying to see that same dynamic unfolding again, partly because these politicians have such indifference to questions around yet another extension of this dragnet surveillance regime that they are busily setting in place.</para>
<para>In recent days, Prime Minister Turnbull and Senator Brandis have been attempting—with, I would argue, a measure of desperation—to uninvent a proposal that was little more, really, than a slogan or a rather foolish plea to uninvent encryption and just pretend that these kinds of mathematics no longer exist. They are saying now that they are not asking for a back door into encrypted services; they just want to compel internet service providers and communications services to give them broad access to encrypted data, keys and devices. So we are not after a new back door; we just want to be able to walk in through the front door—or something. It is not actually clear what exactly it is that they want. Paul Farrell, who writes for <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> and has more expertise than most in these matters, put it this way:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That's not just a backdoor—that's more like a giant sinkhole that your backdoor fell into. It's a gaping, cavernous hole in the architecture of the internet and that's a big problem for a number of reasons.</para></quote>
<para>That is somebody who is fairly technically literate taking a look at this proposal and trying to get a measure of what exactly it is that Senator George Brandis thinks he is going to be able to pull off. At the moment, as it stands, encryption technology protects citizens, companies, governments, diplomats, police officers, politicians, journalists, journalists' sources and ordinary people who just do not like the idea of the government being able to go through their stuff, and it protects us in multiple ways. It keeps banking and personal details safe, it allows governments to securely engage in transactions with suppliers and customers and it ensures that the business of government can be undertaken with lower risk of malicious attacks. So, if you deliberately force providers to introduce weaknesses into these tools, you are taking on an enormous risk that threatens everybody. It threatens the integrity of the banking system, which has enough problems— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Citizenship</title>
          <page.no>119</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For so many people, becoming an Australian citizen is confirmation of their place in this country. For so many people, this is a real milestone in their lives. Becoming a citizen is something that makes them feel welcome. It makes them feel like they are a respected member of our society and our community. It acknowledges that Australia is their home and Australia is somewhere they belong. For many people it will be the first home they have ever had, and for others it will be the only one they ever know. There are many thousands of men, women and children who are permanent residents of Australia but not yet citizens. They are studying, they are working and they are raising their families. They are raising kids who are permanent residents of Australia but not yet citizens. Right across the country, these people are contributing to our society and our community. They hold citizenship up as a beacon and they are desperate to take that final step towards belonging and to being part of this beautiful country.</para>
<para>But they were given a kick in the guts recently, when the Liberals chose to change the rules without any notice. The Liberals chose to increase the length of time that people have to be permanent residents before they can apply for Australian citizenship from one year to four years, and they made other changes around language tests and values tests, in which there are echoes of a White Australia policy, which used language tests to set people up to fail and to prevent them from becoming Australian citizens.</para>
<para>Since the government made that announcement, the Australian Greens have received hundreds of emails and phone calls from people who are worried about their future. I want to share just a small number of those stories tonight with my colleagues here in the Senate because I have no doubt that Mr Dutton and Mr Turnbull and other Liberal senators are receiving the same, or very similar, calls and emails, but we are not hearing anything about those. I have changed the names of these people, by the way, because, to be frank, I do not trust Minister Dutton not to get vindictive towards people who criticise him.</para>
<para>Here is one from Joe:</para>
<quote><para class="block">My wife, my two children and I have worked hard to contribute to this society … Over the past 5 years we have considered ourselves as an Australian in every daily activity and looked forward to our children to carry on this legacy as Australian citizens, promoting the benefits of this society at home & abroad. The new proposed policy runs counter to the open, multicultural melting pot that we were drawn to. The new proposed policy asks my family, and others like us, to spend 4 more years to "prove" that we are worthy of becoming citizens, despite paying taxes, helping our neighbours, supporting the economy, hiring other Australians into my organization and encouraging my children to proudly claim Australia as their home.</para></quote>
<para>Here is Matt, who is staying for a PhD:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I chose Australia due to it being multicultural, and ease of communication with local community because I can't speak German and am quite fluent in English. But the main reason of choosing Australia was to get settled here because in my home country you don't get the freedom to openly express your views. Why do I need Australian citizenship? One reason is to feel secure and the ability to speak freely and another reason is to avoid a situation where I have felt quite helpless or people taking advantage of me just because I am not an Australian citizen.</para></quote>
<para>Here is Jill from Scotland:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I was granted permanent residency 1 year ago. It was a great day. For two days last month I was eligible to apply for citizenship and had planned to complete my application the following weekend. Unfortunately, the next day I became ineligible due to the government's new regulations to qualify for citizenship. I now have to wait another three years.</para></quote>
<para>Jill goes on:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I have committed to a life here. I have a job I love, great friends, a life full of sport and socialising, and I can't help but take it personally that the Australian government has moved the goal posts without warning. It really does make me question the values of the country that I so want to make my home. Living on different visas for nearly six years creates a life of uncertainty, a feeling that disappeared when I became a permanent resident.</para></quote>
<para>Here is Luisa:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I'm an Australian-born citizen but my husband has been here for the past eight years, working, studying, paying taxes, buying property and speaking English better than me! He was due for citizenship in three weeks however that's been pushed to three years under the new laws. We are appalled and upset as we had our lives planned.</para></quote>
<para>Here is Caitlin, who has been here for six years:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I was due for my citizenship on March 7th. I started my application on the 18th of March but did not get to finish and send it off until 20th of April when this shock announcement came out, as I have just had a baby. I am married to an Australian. My son is also Australian, I have many Australian friends, I join in with Australian celebrations and memorials. How can the LNP just rip my citizenship from me when I have done everything asked of me? I will be here nine years before I get citizenship now.</para></quote>
<para>And there is Danny, who applied for citizenship with his family on 15 March 2017. Danny tells a story that I do not have time to go into detail here about an error that was made in their application. They had to correct their application and were then told that, because of the timing of the error and the correction, their application was rejected. They were therefore now to the new announcement and would need to wait another three years to apply for citizenship. Those people—Danny, Luisa, Jill, Matt, Joe and hundreds of others—are distressed and devastated by what has happened. These are people who have spent years rebuilding their lives in Australia have had the door slammed shut in their faces.</para>
<para>Why has this happened? Because Peter Dutton, the minister for immigration, and Malcolm Turnbull, the Prime Minister, along with their liberal colleagues have chosen to try to remake Australia in their own image. They want to citizenship laws to reflect their own bigotry and prejudice towards people who have decided to try and make Australia their home. They want to cast a pall of suspicion over those who were not born here. They are part of the small and shrinking minority of small-mindedness in this country, but the actions they choose to take risk taking Australia away from some of the very things that made this country so great—away from the multicultural harmonious society so beloved by so many Australians and towards a fearful and frightened and a small world that is beloved by some in the Liberal Party.</para>
<para>Those values are actually not genuine Australian values. Australians are open-minded; Australians are fair; Australians support freedom and choice; and Australians are welcoming. Australians see the best in others and Australians want other people to succeed, not to fail. They want to help people join our community, not slam the door in their face and set up artificial barriers that stop them with their tracks before they have had a chance.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>121</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to add my voice to many other Australians who care deeply about the Israel-Palestine conflict and to share my recent experiences of life in Palestine and Israel. In April this year I travelled to the West Bank, a land that has been occupied by the state of Israel for the last 50 years. I was on a cross-party delegation that enabled direct communication with a variety of NGOs, members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, business and government ministers. I also had the opportunity to visit Tel Aviv and Bathsheba in Israel, the latter on Anzac Day to remember the charge of the 4th Light Horse Brigade in 1917. While in Jerusalem, I talked to the Knesset parliamentarians and representatives of the Israeli human rights groups, including B'Tselem.</para>
<para>Our delegation experienced the hard realities of life within the Palestinian occupied territories. We experienced the constraints on movement, the limits on access to water for business, agricultural and domestic use and on access to land for commercial, residential and industrial development. We understood the impact of illegal Israeli settlements on Palestinian lands, which scorn the agreements reached in the Oslo accords. I would like to thank the Palestinian National Authority for organising the visit and their hospitality, as well as providing such insightful experiences and opportunities to meet a range of people. I remain impressed and inspired by the professionalism and the maturity of Palestinian civil society. Indeed, all presentations to the delegation emphasised a consistent desire for peace in a pluralistic democracy society supported by implementation of the peace accord so that the Palestinian state may deliver a future for the Palestinian people where a Palestinian child has freedom of movement within the state and across borders, along with access to water, to education, to health care and to employment—all without interference from Israel's occupation.</para>
<para>I acknowledge at the outset the historical significance of visiting this year, the year of the 100th anniversary of the Balfour Declaration, and the 50th anniversary of the ongoing tragedy of Israel's occupation of Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem. That is why it is important to this parliament to reflect on how this conflict's legacy continues in the life of Palestine and Israel today. I thought I knew enough about the military occupation, having listened for years to scholars, Palestinians, Israelis and politicians. But going to the West Bank made me realise that you really have to visit this part of the world to truly understand what is going on.</para>
<para>It certainly has given me a better picture of how people live in Palestine. It is hard to comprehend what I have seen. But I certainly learnt something of what it is like to be a Palestinian. It is like feeling every single emotion in one day. It is being confronted each day by one of the 300 Israeli army checkpoints that are scattered throughout the West Bank; the fear and intimidation of queuing for Israeli soldiers with big guns as they search cars and check papers; and seeing the profound limitations for Palestinians, who are deprived of many of their basic human rights—like an individual's right to freedom of movement and freedom of expression; a family's access to water or to their own land; access to health care or to a family's sick who are in hospital; access to children detained by Israeli military courts; or access to political prisoners in Israeli jails. These policies have resulted in violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law.</para>
<para>Visiting Bethlehem University was inspiring, yet disheartening. I met Palestinian millennials—a generation that has only known occupation. While they are full of hope for their future from the benefits of studying, their brutal reality was never far away—a reality that impacts every part of their lives. What was clear was that they wanted their voices heard. One student said to me, 'Most of our dreams end at a checkpoint.' But another said, 'Despite the conflict we still need to build community.' One young Palestinian recently wrote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The occupation denies us any sense of normalcy or dignity. We are shaped by our experiences as children standing at a checkpoint and not fully comprehending why a soldier with a gun won’t let us pass; and to learn later in life that it was simply because we were Palestinian.</para></quote>
<para>Whilst I was there, over 1,000 Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails were on hunger strike, protesting for their basic human rights, like medical treatment, family visits and access permits for visits. These demands were regarded by NGOs around the world as just, reasonable and grounded in international law that governs the treatment of prisoners and detainees. Over 600 Palestinian prisoners are behind bars in what is known as 'administrative' detention for an undetermined period of time. Some have been detained for 12 years without charge or a reason given for their imprisonment.</para>
<para>The UN Committee against Torture recently urged Israel to end the practice of administrative detention. When I met with Dr Riyad Al-Maliki, the Palestinian foreign minister, he said that this should be a concern to people and governments around the world. While I was there, the West Bank had a national day of strike in solidarity for the Palestinian prisoners. Every business, every university, every Palestinian participated. It was indeed a day of solidarity. Stalls were set up for family members to gather and show photos of their father or son in prison, many as political prisoners. Yet the cries of prisoners and their families fell on deaf ears: dismissed by the Israeli government until a recent deal was brokered by the International Committee of the Red Cross—the ICRC.</para>
<para>In the face of all of this, I witnessed the incredible resilience of the Palestinian people and this amazing human spirit grounded in their culture and their nationality. I saw it when I had a chance to visit the artist Banksy's hotel in Bethlehem, opened a few months ago and built right next to the separation wall—regarded as the 'hotel with the worst view in the world'. Banksy's Walled Off Hotel's, as it is named, most interesting element was its small museum illustrating and explaining the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. If every tourist who came to Bethlehem and visited Bethlehem's holy sites went through that museum, they would be much better informed on the conflict. In fact, a future opportunity for jobs for young Palestinians is in tourism, where tour groups could stay overnight in the West Bank and visit the holy sites, rather than be bussed in and out of Tel Aviv. Yet while I was there, there were concerns that the Israeli government was issuing limits on tourists staying overnight in the Palestinian areas. If this is the case, it would affect Christian groups who want to spend the night as well as limit the employment opportunities that tourism would bring to those young Palestinians. I hope that that limitation does not occur.</para>
<para>The human spirit was on display when we visited souks in Nablus, where people were carrying on with their daily lives. It was on display when students in Bethlehem shared with me their stories of hope for the future. However, if at times that human spirit faltered, it was when conversations turned to settlements. There are nearly 800,000 illegal Israeli settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The ongoing constructions of illegal settlements and a huge wall right across the West Bank were never out of sight and always in our minds. Deemed illegal by the International Court of Justice, it snakes through the West Bank, irrevocably separating Israelis and Palestinians from each other. I had never seen anything like it, and I cannot forget the psychological impact the wall imposed on me. I felt the despair, fear and hopelessness, the way that deliberate policies of occupation and separation have isolated Palestinian communities. This wall is three times as long and twice as high as the Berlin Wall was. It separates Palestinians from Palestinians and Palestinians from Israelis. It hides Israeli bypass roads that come with up to six-month jail sentences for any Palestinians caught walking or driving on them. And it annexes the aquifers and most fertile land from Palestinian villages to provide for Israeli settlers.</para>
<para>The separation wall is not built on the pre-1967 Green Line; it is built on Palestinian land: a forcible displacement confiscating Palestinian property, be it water, land or both. Could you imagine someone coming into your backyard and building on your land? My take on this wall is that it is not for security, but for land appropriation. It is about confiscating land and dividing Palestinian territories to ensure the unviability of a Palestinian state. It creates an isolation system, and it constrains freedom of movement. The result is massive racial discrimination. The only other country like this was apartheid South Africa. The continuous building of illegal settlements in the occupied territories is a roadblock to peace. That is why Labor came out very clearly opposing recent legislation passed in the Knesset which legalised unlawful settlements.</para>
<para>What I learnt from speaking to Palestinian people is that, in a way, borders are not as important as their human rights—it is their lives, like anyone's, that are important. For example, the Bedouins that are part of the diversity of the Palestinian population suffer demolition and displacement of their homes to make way for Israeli military bases or more illegal settlements. They are then forcibly transferred from their land. In fact, I learnt that, last year alone, Israelis demolished 1,114 houses—even houses funded by the European Union—to allow more illegal settlements to be built. Having experienced the reality on the ground, I feel like the possibility of a two-state solution exists in words only. With the separation wall, segregations, illegal Israeli settlements and ongoing decades of illegal Israeli occupation, I feel that a two-state solution will be difficult to realise. The failure of a two-state solution would not just be bad for Palestine; it would be bad for Israel. As Gareth Evans has noted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Without a Palestinian state, Israel has a majority Arab population living under unequal laws and denied a right to vote.</para></quote>
<para>However, everything I have learnt makes it clear that everything gets back to a political solution. In the absence of that, the development of Palestine is going to be a Gordian knot. Having met our DFAT representatives in Ramallah, I was encouraged to learn of Australia's practical support of the Palestinian water sanitation and agricultural sectors through our aid program, but I was disappointed that our support was deeply affected by the 40 per cent bilateral cut to the programs in the last budget. No doubt our DFAT representatives have a challenging job ahead, but I do want to give my thanks and appreciation for the work that they do do with such limited funds in our aid program.</para>
<para>I think many people in the West, including in Australia, are confused about the origins of this conflict. Where and when does this political and economic paralysis end? I feel it really boils down to a conflict that began with a group of immigrants attempting to displace a local people. On the 50th anniversary of Israel's occupation a week ago, Robert Piper, the UN coordinator of humanitarian aid and development activities, described the occupation as 'the most longstanding protection crisis in the UN's history'. Civil rights leader Desmond Tutu has described Israel's treatment of the Palestinians as equivalent to the apartheid regime that discriminated against blacks in South Africa.</para>
<para>It was a step forward when the UN Security Council unanimously passed a resolution, on 23 December last year, condemning Israel's expansion of settlement policy. But the Israeli government demonstrated its contempt for international law when, only four weeks later, it announced its intention to build another 2,500 illegal settlements across the West Bank and approved 20 permits for 566 settlements in East Jerusalem. My fear is that, the longer the world allows this reality to continue, the worse it will become. The Palestinian economy will be unable to function, Palestinian communities in the Jordan Valley—the food basket of the West Bank—will barely survive and illegal Israeli settlements will continue to encroach, while Gazans will be in worse poverty than the current subsistence level that they exist in.</para>
<para>Israeli historian Ilan Pappe has articulated that, while the reality of colonisation and oppression becomes harsher by the day, it can only be stopped when as many people as possible give power to truth. That is why, as a delegation, we support the bipartisan approach within Australian politics to support the implementation of a two-state solution, so that the Middle East peace process can be realised with a strong, independent Palestine working in peace with its neighbour, Israel, in economic and strategic partnership. There are 4.5 million Palestinians who have been living under occupation for 50 years and there is no sight of when this will end. The peace process has stagnated and, perhaps, gone backwards in recent decades. We cannot let the next decade be the same.</para>
<para>Australia can show its commitment to peace by condemning Israel settlements as illegal under international law. It can show its commitment to the Palestinian state by increasing aid and development assistance, including supporting Palestinian access to Area C, in which, according to the World Bank, there is potential for a $3 billion injection to the Palestinian economy being prevented by Israeli restrictions. Australia could recognise both states, both Israel and Palestine. I commend former Prime Ministers and foreign ministers—Bob Hawke, Kevin Rudd, Bob Carr and Gareth Evans—who articulated why this is important for Australia. They asked: how can we move forward in support of the two-state solution without recognising Palestinian statehood? They have suggested it is time Australia did just that, just like 137 other nations that have already done so. At the very least, we can urge the implementation of the two-state solution before the process of settlement encroachment makes any Israeli disengagement from the occupied territories an impossibility or, at least, a hollow gesture. Israel's occupation of the West Bank and its policies towards Gaza must be challenged at the international level.</para>
<para>Palestinians have lost their rights, their land and their water but they have not lost their hope for peace. It is my hope that peace comes to establish an independent sovereign and democratic Palestinian state based on the internationally recognised 1967 borders, which will coexist side-by-side peacefully with Israel. We must never give up that aim.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Sri Lanka, Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>123</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>May 18 was the eighth anniversary of the end of the Sri Lankan armed conflict. To date, the Sri Lankan government has failed to undertake any steps towards accountability and justice for the war crimes and crimes against humanity that multiple UN agencies and NGOs have documented occurred during the war, particularly during the last phase in the Mullaitivu region. As I read, families of the disappeared—that is, families whose loved ones were victims of enforced disappearances during the conflict—sit in shocking conditions on the roadside in a protest that has now stretched for 80 days. These mothers and fathers of the disappeared are demanding answers to the whereabouts of their loved ones, some of whom surrendered to the army at the war's end, but there has been no response from senior government officials.</para>
<para>While the government passed an act in August 2016 designed to establish an office of missing persons to investigate disappearances, the act still remains just a piece of paper and is viewed very sceptically by the families and civil society alike. Families of the disappeared have clearly stated that, in order to rebuild their trust, the government must take immediate confidence-building measures including releasing the list of surrendees at the end of the war, publicly addressing the protests and emphasising the importance of meaningfully investigating the disappearances of their loved ones. Numerous commissions over the last 30 years have failed to provide answers to these families and they are now at the end of their tether.</para>
<para>I pay tribute to the mothers, fathers, wives, husbands and children who are showing an amazing display of resistance and courage in the face of such disregard and brutality. I also commend the courage of the Tamil journalists in the north and the east for providing the local and wider community with committed reporting on the courageous resistance. They do this with great risk to their safety in a country known for systematically silencing its press. Similar to the handling of the issue of disappearances, the Sri Lankan government has failed to move fast enough on returning land to the displaced persons. Large swathes of land in the north-east continue to remain occupied by the military. In addition, the military continues to engage in extensive civilian activities ranging from running preschools to setting up agriculture stores in local markets. In the Mannar district of the Northern Province, local communities struggle to compete against military-run shops which sell their products at below-market prices.</para>
<para>Recently, the UN special rapporteur on minority rights noted in her report on Sri Lanka that reports have emerged from the war-affected Vanni region of sexual violence perpetrated by Sinhalese soldiers in positions of authority over former LTTE cadres employed in the military-run business and farms in the region. Given the military's deep penetration of civilian administration in the Vanni region, they remain one of the largest employers in the region.</para>
<para>The continued militarisation of the north-east poses a serious to both ending human rights violation and the development of Tamil communities in these heavily-war-affected areas. The militarisation is tied to the government's failure to swiftly return illegally occupied land. The war ended eight years ago, so clearly the land should have been returned by now. There is an urgent need for security-sector reform and a credible accountability process with significant international involvement as set out in the UN Human Rights Council resolutions 13/1 and 34/1. The UN Human Rights Council has given Sri Lanka two more years to implement the commitments it undertook in resolution 30/1 of 2015. Given the very public rejection of that resolution by senior government officials, particularly in relation to accountability, it is critical that international pressure on the Sri Lankan authorities is stepped up, not decreased.</para>
<para>Civil society in Sri Lanka has displayed enormous courage in its sustained resistance to the government's inaction, with numerous sit-ins and protests to ask for its land back. Its actions and commitment are truly inspiring. As we remember the tens of thousands of Tamil victims of Sri Lanka's genocide, let it be a reminder to the international community of our failure to prevent such an atrocity from occurring and our moral responsibility to ensure that accountability, justice and sustainable peace remain priorities in bilateral and multilateral relations with Sri Lanka. Australia could and should play a more constructive and active role in resolving these serious issues.</para>
<para>On another matter, suburbs of Western Sydney are under attack from developers in the New South Wales Liberal-National government who are abusing planning, transport and housing laws to favour the interests of their constituency: corporate Australia. The suburbs along the Bankstown line from Sydenham to Bankstown, including historical suburbs of Marrickville, Dulwich Hill, Hurlstone Park, Canterbury, Campsie, Belmore, Lakemba and Punchbowl, are facing increasing levels of demolition to make way for high-density apartments. Many of these suburbs consist of postwar federation and California-style bungalows and have been excellently restored. Much of the streetscape of these suburbs retains architectural integrity and is recognised by the National Trust.</para>
<para>These suburbs are now being sacrificed by the zealots of the New South Wales Department of Planning and Environment, who have decided to implement this so-called 'urban renewal strategy', although the word 'strategy' flatters and distorts what is happening. This so-called 'strategy' is little more than almost childlike circles that mark out 400- and 800-metre radiuses around each of the railway stations of Marrickville, Dulwich Hill, Hurlstone Park, Canterbury, Campsie, Belmore, Lakemba, Wiley Park, Punchbowl and Bankstown. These arbitrary circles outline large circles for up-zoning of up to 25-storey apartment buildings in quiet, residential suburban streets lined mostly with single and low-density housing.</para>
<para>This high density is not on brownfield or greenfield sites. It involves the demolition of hundreds and hundreds of streets, consisting mainly of single-dwelling homes. <inline font-style="italic">The Sydney Morning Herald</inline> on 14 October 2015 set out the government's plans under the heading, 'Rail revamp opens door to 36,000 units'. In a nutshell, the plan is to rip up the perfectly functioning heavy rail line, the Sydney-to-Bankstown T3 line—publicly funded—and hand it over to MTR, a Hong Kong-based metro operator. This plan is linked to the urban renewal rezoning of thousands of sites along the railway corridor to provide patronage to the metro operator. And now the state of New South Wales is asking the federal government to pitch in and become part of this farce. Developer and property lobby groups, such as the Committee for Sydney, are driving these plans. The Prime Minister's wife Lucy Turnbull was the chairperson of the Committee for Sydney and is now the honorary chairperson.</para>
<para>What leads me to bring this issue to the attention of the parliament is what appears to be a very serious conflict of interest by the Prime Minister's wife and various Committee for Sydney members. There appears to be a lack of governance and transparency in how Mrs Turnbull undertakes her work—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Are you serious? You attack the Prime Minister's wife! You're a grub!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Most serious and happy to take your interjections. The Committee for Sydney's—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>submission on the Sydney Metro City and South-West, dated July 2015, reflects this failing. When the strategy was announced in October 2015, the Department of Planning and the Environment released no technical reports to back the strategy up. This was quite extraordinary, to say the least.</para>
<para>The urban renewal strategy is a developer's dream: whole suburbs, low-rise and historic in nature, some over 100 years old, face an extensive rezoning for high-rise skyscrapers, all designed to provide patronage for MTR's metro train. The former Canterbury Council, which bears the brunt of the onslaught of the strategy rezonings, agreed to a mayoral minute, dated 12 November 2015. This stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">1. Council request an urgent meeting with the New South Wales Minister for Planning to discuss council's concerns in relation to the draft Sydenham to Bankstown Urban Renewal Strategy Corridor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. The minister and the department be advised that</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Council opposes the Draft Strategy in its present form</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Council request the immediate release of all supporting studies and reports in the department's possession relating to the Strategy</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Council again requests that the exhibition period for the Strategy be extended…</para></quote>
<para>The technical reports that the mayoral minute was alluding to were the following: the Arup traffic analysis; AECOM's economic land study; Hill PDA's reassessment of the property market; JBA's planning report. These reports had an embargo placed upon them and were not released online until 4 December 2015. All reports were released except for the JBA planning report, which I understand has still not been released.</para>
<para>It is worth noting that the above companies are all members of the Committee for Sydney. These developments raise many relevant questions. Is it a coincidence that at the time the media were doing various articles on the Prime Minister's wife's alleged conflict of interest these reports were suppressed by the department of planning? Is it a coincidence that 24 hours after the announcement that Mrs Turnbull would become Chief Commissioner for the Greater Sydney Commission that the reports by Arup, AECOM and Hill PDA were released online by the Department of Planning?</para>
<para>Elton Consulting is a member of the Committee for Sydney. This company was engaged by the department of planning to undertake workshops in the various Inner West suburbs affected by the strategy. Elton Consulting has a long history of working for governments to facilitate and drive through controversial projects. This company lodged a submission on behalf of property owners in Sydenham, dated 28 January 2016, as part of the public consultation process, but the submission was submitted under the name of DesignInc. The submission can be seen on the department of planning online submissions register. How extraordinary! Elton Consulting, responsible for community engagement, is representing property interest stakeholders. Community engagement has reached a farcical stage with this urban renewal. How can the public have any confidence in the department of planning and the Greater Sydney Commission to deal with the strategy in a transparent and fair manner considering this web of obscurity?</para>
<para>JBA Planning undertook various aspects of the planning process for the strategy, yet there is no report published online by the department. JBA Planning also represented Australian Turf Club owners of Canterbury Racecourse. JBA made submissions for rezoning on behalf of the Australian Turf Club. The role of Elton Consulting and JBA Planning raises further questions. Is the Prime Minister's wife representing the members of the Committee for Sydney, who are pushing a developer agenda on the Greater Sydney Commission, which is supposed to be at arm's length? What was Mrs Turnbull's knowledge of the alleged suppression of the technical reports for the Sydenham—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Really? You attack someone's wife!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am happy to take your interjections. You are very revealing.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Can you get any lower?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What was Mrs Turnbull's knowledge of the alleged suppression of the technical reports for the Sydenham to Bankstown urban renewal strategy after the announcement of her appointment as Chief Commissioner of Greater Sydney Commission? Why did the chief executive officer of the Committee for Sydney, Tim Williams, not disclose to the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald </inline>in October 2015 that the firm in which he is listed as a part-time principal, Arup Australia, prepared the transport traffic study?</para>
<para>It is also relevant that Arup provides office accommodation to the Committee for Sydney. Surely this information should have been disclosed to the department of planning. <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline> of 14 October 2015 reported Tim Williams, the chief executive of the Committee for Sydney, said the plan at last represented a serious attempt to integrate land use and transport planning. Has Elton Consulting and JBA Planning received information from their involvement with the department of planning and the Greater Sydney Commission that has informed their work with property owners and benefited these clients? Did Elton Consulting and JBA Planning have access to all secret rezoning maps? Can Mrs Turnbull assure the people of New South Wales that the Committee of Sydney is not driving policies that benefit the developers and corporations that are its members?</para>
<para>On another matter, today I join members and supporters of the Chittagong Hill Tribes Indigenous Jumna Association Australia. They gathered together at our parliament to protest against the brutal treatment of their compatriots and for the implementation of the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tribes accord. The Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh have been affected by what has been described as genocide or ethnic cleansing for many years. In the 1960s and 1970s, thousands were forced off their land to make way for reservoirs and hydroelectric schemes, displacement made worse by massacres against the Jumna people—that is the collective name for all indigenous peoples in the region.</para>
<para>Violence, particularly sexual violence, is routinely carried out by Bangladeshi settlers and the military alike. A 2014 report from Amnesty International found: 117 Indigenous women had faced physical and sexual assault; 57 per cent were children; 21 of these women were raped or gang raped; and seven were killed. The Amnesty report also stated that during the first few weeks of 2015, at least three confirmed rapes were reported within sight of military checkpoints supposed to bring security to the area. These are only the reported incidents; the true figure is likely to be much higher. It is commonplace for the police not to report rape, and medical staff are pressured against doing so.</para>
<para>Crimes against the Chittagong Hill Tracts people continue. Today I met with a number of their representatives. I share their concern about the attacks on 2 June 2017, the mass arson of Indigenous Jumna villages at Langadu by Bengali settlers was carried out with support of military and police. About 250 houses and shops of indigenous peoples of several villages were torched. One 70-year-old woman was burnt alive as she could not flee. Hundreds are homeless, including children and elderly. Schoolchildren are unable to go to school, as fire took everything. Protest demonstrations in the Chittagong Hill Tracts against the arson are being brutally attacked by members of the Bangladeshi border guard and police. I do support the call of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Indigenous Jumma Association for the 1997 Chittagong Hill Tracts accord, including demilitarisation of the CHT to be fully implemented. Honouring the CHT accord is the key to stopping the decades of violence that these people have suffered for far too long and in such extreme forms.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Burma</title>
          <page.no>126</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOORE</name>
    <name.id>00AOQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In 2012, I was a member of an Australian delegation to Myanmar. It was an exciting time, with a real sense of expectancy for change. Elections would be coming. They would be taking place, and there could be change. In Yangon, large posters of Aung San Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy were openly displayed. In a nation with the lowest level of female representation in the region, there was encouragement for men and women to become involved, to take action and to be part of a new time in government.</para>
<para>Already a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the CEDAW, and the Beijing Platform for Action, in 2001 Myanmar committed to the UN Millennium Development Goals, including goal 3, which states: 'to promote gender equality and empower women'. In 2015, Myanmar joined over 150 nations to continue the commitment to a better world through the 2030 development agenda and 17 sustainable development goals, building on the work from 2001. Again, there is a specialist goal, goal 5, of achieving gender equality and improving the lives of women and girls. This goal, as was with the MDGs, includes a special focus on the participation of women in government.</para>
<para>The number of women MPs has more than doubled in Myanmar's newly popularly elected parliament that was elected in 2015. The new-look parliament includes 64 women in elected seats across the upper and lower houses at the national level, which is 13 per cent of elected seats, up from 6.2 per cent. Across the 14 state and regional parliaments, 83 women were elected. The majority of the women were from Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy. Six women were elected from four ethnic nationality parties: the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, the Arakan National Party, the Ta'Arng (Palaung) National Party and the Zomi Congress for Democracy.</para>
<para>This doubling of women MPs is a really important step towards strengthening the voice of women in Myanmar. However, it still leaves Myanmar with the second-lowest percentage of women in national parliaments across ASEAN countries, above Thailand, a close neighbour, which has the lowest level at 6.1 per cent. Of all the 18 ministerial positions, only one is held by a woman, The Lady, Aung San Suu Kyi. This result places Myanmar 159th on the IPU list of women in parliament. For the record, Australia is No. 50.</para>
<para>We know that this is a particular challenge for the women who have been elected in Myanmar and who have come in with the new election. They have a range of skills, and they are articulate, courageous and highly competent women. Many of the women actually learned their skills through involvement in Myanmar's growing women's movement, raising new hopes for laws and policies that promote gender equality. That is a position to which the government has made public its commitment: the new Myanmar will have a focus on gender equality. The women who have been elected to parliament are passionate advocates for democratic reforms, peace and gender equality.</para>
<para>The Asia Foundation has done a large-scale work across the issues of gender inequality in Myanmar and also the issues around the election of women in that state. They have come up with a number of surveys and research projects looking at the things that could impact on the number of women who are being elected in that country. Certainly, one of the strongest elements put forward by women who had been elected was that they needed to have the support of women voters. Actually, I belong to an organisation that has as its theme 'When women support women, women win', and this is no more true than it is in Myanmar. It has been identified that there needs to be a growth of awareness of the electoral process, of government and also of the fact that people should become more involved and be confident in their participation. Respondents also said that women's own lack of confidence proved a significant barrier to entering politics, followed by education issues and financing—issues that we hear in most countries are the barriers and obstacles to women wanting to become involved in politics.</para>
<para>There have been studies about why it is important to have women in parliament, and a number of recommendations have been made about what can support growing confidence. The International Women's Development Agency, IWDA, has made a partnership with a local Myanmar women's organisation, Akhaya Women. IWDA is the leading Australian agency entirely focused on women's rights and gender equality in the Asia-Pacific, and it has partnered with women's rights organisations in Myanmar and around the Thai border for over 20 years. Akhaya Women is an extraordinary group that is based around looking at women's true equality, looking at policy advocacy and promoting women's political participation and advocacies for laws and policies that promote gender equality. The Akhaya Women became internationally known for a wonderful project that was headed by one of their leaders, Daw Htar Htar. This project was a whistle campaign on city buses to ensure that women who were suffering sexual harassment in the public transport system would be able to have whistles with them and immediately blow them, scaring the person who was harassing them—and everybody else on the bus. Nonetheless, this program was a very practical response to an important personal and social issue.</para>
<para>Now we have these two wonderful organisations—the International Women's Development Agency and Akhaya Women—looking at ways they can support women in parliament in Myanmar. They are now partnering under the Women's Action for Voice and Empowerment—the WAVE program—which is a program funded by the government of the Netherlands. The WAVE program is a $19 million, five-year program across the Asia-Pacific which brings together partners from diverse countries and regions to help build innovative responses to challenges in women's civil and political participation. Through this partnership, Akhaya Women and IWDA are working to develop an effective and responsive mentoring program that links women from the newly formed Myanmar parliament—newly elected women who have this passion and excitement about their new responsibility—with women from Australia who have equal passion and commitment but maybe a little more experience in the political sphere. Through a mentoring program that has now been established and funded, we have an opportunity in this parliament to be part of this process to engage with women in Myanmar to ensure that we share knowledge and experience, joy and stories and all the things that make us strong.</para>
<para>I went back to Myanmar earlier this year as part of this program, and with me were Dr Lesley Clark, who was a parliamentarian in the Queensland parliament; Penny Wright, who we know was a senator in this parliament; Judith Graley, a member of the Victorian parliament; Ann Sudmalis from the other place; and Janelle Saffin, who has done so much work in Myanmar over many years, also joined our program. Unfortunately, Lisa Chesters, who is the member for Bendigo and was also scheduled to go, could not because she had an injury. We went to Myanmar to meet up with the women from that parliament who had identified that they want to be part of a program working with us—sight unseen, I am afraid!</para>
<para>When we got there we met with Nan Moe, Nan Htwe Thu, Chris Htun, Nang Khin Saw and Khin Saw Wai. Each woman had been elected to represent their electorate in the new Myanmar parliament. It was quite a stressful first introduction, where we were able to introduce ourselves and then the women from Myanmar had the opportunity to choose with whom they would like to work. We sat there nervously waiting while the women made up their minds which one of us they were going to choose. It was quite daunting, actually. It was a bit like one of those programs on TV. Nonetheless, Khin Swe Lin was the woman who said that she would not mind working with me into the future. It was an exciting moment to sit and talk with Khin and find out about her background and how she ended up being a first-term parliamentarian in the Myanmar parliament.</para>
<para>Khin comes from Chin state in the northwest, a remote region which borders Bangladesh and India. Through interpreters—my complete lack of any Myanmar language has made it a little bit more difficult to communicate—Khin described how mountainous her area is, with poor transportation links, bad roads and a lot of isolation. Her stories about what she had to go through to electioneer were quite harrowing. No way was there adequate transport. Cars or any kind of vehicle could not travel easily in that region. Khin was often walking to remote villages, because the population is scattered, to talk about the election and about why people should become engaged. She is a passionate advocate for her region. She tells me that the educational opportunities there are limited. There are no universities in her state. Anyone who wishes to go on to higher education has to leave home. There are very poor health facilities. She is completely dedicated to ensuring that the people in this area receive effective services into the future. At the moment, Chin state is rated as one of the poorest, if not the poorest, states in the whole of Myanmar. So there is a definite challenge there.</para>
<para>Three women were elected from the Chin state in this election. Two of them were from the National League for Democracy—Khin Swe Lin, who is working with me, and Ni Shwe Lian—and another woman from one of the ethnic parties. They have built a friendship amongst themselves, because just to get to and from the capital to sit in parliament is an extraordinarily long journey. These women have had to make significant decisions as to why they are changing their lives to ensure that they can represent their communities. The mentoring program is determined on the basis that women can share skills and knowledge and learn together in a way that will provide the kinds of things identified as being needed by the Asian foundation program, and that is to build confidence to ensure that people have an understanding of what the role of a parliamentarian is.</para>
<para>I was lucky enough to visit the parliament in Myanmar a couple of times. The sheer size of the parliamentary gatherings there were quite overwhelming. The Naypyidaw, the new capital, is one of the most amazing cities in the world, and it has been identified as such by UNESCO. After sitting in the parliament and seeing the hundreds of parliamentarians gathered together in the upper house, I can understand why Khin said that when she first came to parliament she was completely overwhelmed.</para>
<para>While visiting there we also talked about what motivated her to run for parliament. She said that working in the National League for Democracy, the Aung San Suu Kyi party, gave her the inspiration that she could genuinely make a difference. In her small room—the parliamentarians in Naypyidaw live in barracks, quite a distance from the very luxurious parliament house—she showed me her proud possession of a very large photograph of herself and the lady on the day that she was sworn into parliament. She keeps this photograph with her to maintain her inspiration and to keep her active and keen to be part of the national parliament.</para>
<para>After the initial time we spent together in Myanmar, we now have had the opportunity to set up a communication network through emails. It is one way of keeping in touch. It is slow because we have to rely on formal interpretation of everything we say. Nonetheless, through photographs, messages and questions we have been able to build up a relationship. One of the key issues that Khin wanted to know more about was effective public speaking. Although in her professional career she had been a teacher, the concept of standing in front of parliament and also in front of her constituents, talking with them, making an argument or advocating on their behalf was a challenge, and public speaking was something that she sought to know more about. We were able, through the networks that we already have through different groups, to send her some information, which has now been spread to a lot of the women who have been involved, on tips about how to make speeches, research speeches, and how to try very hard to stay relevant at all times, which is a point that we pointed out is very important when working in this place.</para>
<para>We are looking at the ongoing relationship moving into the future. With the great support of the Australian government—and I really want to put on record my appreciation to the foreign minister, Ms Bishop, and also to DFAT—they have agreed to fund a trip of the parliamentarians and the group from Akhaya Women to come to the Australian parliament in the first sitting week of August. I also want to put on record, Mr President, my appreciation for your support in helping to welcome the women to the parliament and to ensure that they have an opportunity to see the wonders of this parliament: the way it operates, the tremendous support services we have here through our library and through the PEO and to learn how this particular parliament operates so we can share the skills and resources we have to build a mutual understanding and to ensure that, when women do support women, women become stronger and are then able to fulfil the goals that they have set themselves.</para>
<para>When Khin was first elected, she was interviewed—this happens even in the regional areas of Myanmar when someone gets elected—by a local group to find out how she wanted to go in her new career. She told the election newsroom that her focus would be on gaining rights for ethnic populations, but that she would also work on issues that affect women. She said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As we face discrimination, I plan to work on implementing laws that serve to uplift women.</para></quote>
<para>This was a first-term newly-elected woman who was saying that she wished to be part of the new parliament and work on laws that serve to uplift women. By actually making laws to uplift women, she would be working to fulfil the commitments that Myanmar has made internationally. As we said, they are part of the CEDAW commitment; they are also part of the Beijing platform for action, which talked about the rights of women to be involved in their communities, the rights of women to lead their communities and the commitment to the sustainable development goals. Goal 5 talks about the absolute commitment to true gender equality: to ensure that women, no matter where they are in the community of Myanmar, will have access to the best possible education, will have access to health, will be able to engage fully in their communities and to free themselves from the almost confronting poverty that exists in places like Chin state.</para>
<para>Khin has made the decision that she wishes to be part of that action to promote women in her parliament. She is totally committed to ensuring that the young women and the young men in Chin will be able to have an effective education, that she will be able to make sure that the poverty in that state will be alleviated, that in the future, through the next round of elections in Myanmar when they happen in the next few years, even more people will be involved in the electoral process, and that they will have the confidence and understanding of the process. Of those numbers we talked about—in the last election 13 per cent of women in the upper and lower houses and 64 per cent of women elected—we hope that the three women who have gone to Naypyidaw representing Chin in the last election, in the next election will have many more women going with them. In fact, we will see that when women support women, even across the seas between Myanmar and Australia, women will win.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>129</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The news has broken that New South Wales Labor rising star and 2016 Senate candidate Simon Zhou has resigned as a Sussex Street staffer under questions about his dodgy donations and his involvement in a gold tax scam. There are many, many questions that need to be answered, not just by Mr Zhou, but by the web of dodgy deals that has been done by the ALP and highlighted in a Walkley-award-winning form by Fairfax Media and the ABC. They have thrown a light upon a very murky aspect of Australian politics.</para>
<para>But let's get some background: the ALP are closely linked, in a financial sense, with people in this country who are strongly linked to the Communist Party of China. They are effectively, by their own admission in some instances, acting to further Chinese government aims in Australian politics. And we can take this back quite some way. In my time in this place, there was the case of Joel Fitzgibbon, who was ultimately forced to resign as defence minister. He was forced to resign because of a conflict of interest in a meeting, but before that he was closely linked—closely linked—to Helen Lu, who was not only a donor of suits to Mr Fitzgibbon and not only a provider of his accommodation here in Canberra but also closely linked to a former lieutenant-colonel who had high-level contacts in Beijing and who was also linked to the funnelling of funny money for support of the Bill Clinton campaign. In fact, Ms Lu was exposed today by Fairfax Media as having these in-depth links to the funny money contributors. That was years ago.</para>
<para>Then we had the former foreign minister, former Senator Bob Carr. Senator Carr was Premier of New South Wales. He had retired and then was suddenly brought out of retirement and slung into the Senate by the right wing in New South Wales. He was made foreign minister, where he strutted the world stage, complaining about business class, and then suddenly he dropped out again. Now, former Senator Carr is head of the Australia-Chinese Research Institute, which is an institute funded by one of the people named in the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> report, Mr Huang, to the tune of $1.8 million. Senator Carr was defending one Chinese donation in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline> newspaper recently, but he omitted a whole range of other facts, such as his employment prospects and his employment of people associated with Mr Huang. His advocacy for China within the cabinet and outside—there are so many questions that need to be answered by Mr Carr.</para>
<para>Indeed, there are also questions that need to be answered by some in the coalition. The coalition accepted $770,000 from one of the individuals named in the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> report the other night. That same person gave a $100,000 donation to Mr Andrew Robb's fundraising account when he was then trade minister. At the Liberal Party fundraising function at Etihad Stadium, I am told that dinner with the Prime Minister was bought for $125,000, through an auction process. The auction was actually conducted in Chinese. The underbidder who, of course, missed out, was also given the opportunity to top up his bid and buy dinner with the Prime Minister for $125,000 too. The funny thing is that I was in the Liberal Party for 30 years and no-one is willing or able to tell me the names of those two people. Why is it such a secret? Has the dinner been taken with the Prime Minister? What was discussed? These are the sorts of questions that reasonable people are asking. We need answers to them.</para>
<para>But no-one has more questions to answer in this place than my old sparring partner, Senator Dastyari.</para>
<para>You will remember, Mr President, that I raised the matter that Senator Dastyari had not only had a $5,000 donation by Mr Huang, one of the people named in the <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners </inline>report, to pay a media bill but also had declared he had a personal bill paid at his request by another person with close links to the Chinese Communist Party. Despite the defence of those on that side who said, 'There's nothing wrong. There's nothing to see here. It's all okay,' eventually Senator Dastyari fell on his sword or was stabbed in the front or the back—however you want to characterise it—and was put into—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Lambie</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>purgatory.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>purgatory. Thank you, Senator Lambie. He was put into purgatory for about six weeks before he came back in his current role. But there are questions that Senator Dastyari has to answer, and he has to answer them for the good of this place—for the good and wellbeing of clarity in our parliament.</para>
<para>I note that today a Labor member has said these matters should be referred to the intelligence committee in the House and, rather than have secret hearings, they should have open hearings. The problem with that is you cannot trust politicians to investigate themselves. When I publicly raised the question of Senator Dastyari's request of a Chinese Communist Party linked donor for $1,200 to pay a personal bill, I received a phone call from a senior Liberal operative to, in effect, warn me off—to say, 'We get money from these people too.' I do not care if you get money from these people; if something is wrong, it is wrong and you pursue it. And there is clearly something wrong in the state of Denmark—to paraphrase—or in the state of Sussex Street or in the state of New South Wales politics. It is grubby and it is infecting both sides.</para>
<para>Here are some questions that Senator Dastyari needs to answer. We need to know precisely what happened when Senator Stephen Conroy, as shadow defence minister, said at the Press Club, 'We need to have right-of-navigation exercises through the South China Sea,' because the very next day Mr Huang withdrew a $400,000 promised donation from the ALP. When that happened, of course you could see the panic mode go into action. So what happened? Senator Dastyari rode to the rescue. The next day or the day shortly thereafter, Senator Dastyari decided to have a press conference with Mr Huang, and the press conference, extraordinarily, seemed to be held at the Commonwealth parliamentary offices in Sydney. There we had Mr Huang—a non-citizen, a major donor, someone who has threatened to withdraw money from the ALP—and Senator Dastyari, standing on the podium with the Australian crest. And what media were there? The Chinese media—CCTV. No-one else. And you know what? You cannot even get the transcript of that. You cannot get the footage. They refuse to release it. No-one knows what was said. We can only presume the deal was: 'Don't worry about it, mate. I'll get the 400k off him. We'll just stand there and let him show around how important we are.' I can see the strings being weaved. Senator Dastyari is not that tall; he could just weave some strings there and make him move his arms!</para>
<para>These are the questions that need to be answered. What media was invited? Was it Chinese-language media only? What was the agreement that was made as a result of Mr Huang? What secret deal did he have with Senator Dastyari? I have been unable to locate whether $400,00 was paid, but the question comes: why was Mr Huang standing next to Senator Dastyari in the first place at a press conference where Senator Dastyari, might I add, was refuting his party's own position as clearly stated by his shadow defence minister only a couple of days before? Was that just some sort of clumsy attempt to ingratiate himself with the Chinese donors, the Chinese media and the Chinese government? Was it some sort of damage control irrespective of the damage it does to the status of this place and the representatives who are elected here?</para>
<para>Funnily, a week later, Mr Huang appears at another press conference, to announce that his associate, the person I started talking about—that dodgy dealer, the dodgy gold trader, Simon Zhou—had won a spot on Labor's Senate ticket. Mr Zhou is so powerful and well connected that Labor just decided to give him a spot on the Senate ticket. Imagine that! Mr Zhou is so powerful and so well connected that Labor just decided to give him a spot on the Senate ticket. It smells to me like it is cash for seats. It smells corrupt. Today Mr Zhou has resigned because of his questionable donations and his gold-tack scam. But until today he was still working in Sussex Street as the Chinese liaison unit, or whatever they want to call it.</para>
<para>So the question is again: was Mr Huang invited to sit at the table at the front of the press conference with other Labor MPs to announce their Senate candidate? And why? Was it done to secure a benefit—namely, to rescue that $400,000 donation? Or to massage Mr Huang's ego, because one of his boys had been put on the Senate ticket? Was it to capture the images for Chinese media? To say: 'Look, don't worry about it. We've got our agents working to influence a political process.' They would never know that Mr Zhou was in the 7th spot or the unwinnable spot of the Senate ticket. But it serves as a propaganda exercise par excellence.</para>
<para>So there is another question for Senator Dastyari, who seems to be the go-to man in this thing. Did Senator Dastyari have anything to do with organising this event or asking for Mr Huang to attend? And what is his association with Simon Zhou? Did Senator Dastyari seek to influence, through his previous role—in accordance with his standing, stature and influence within the New South Wales ALP—to have Mr Zhou appointed? Was this ever discussed with Mr Huang? These are questions that I think are reasonable and need to be answered.</para>
<para>I note that Senator Dastyari was the general secretary of New South Wales Labor for three years—from March 2010 to 21 August. I note that in November 2012, Mr Huang and two other members of the Australian Council for the Promotion of Peaceful Reunification of China donated half a million dollars to the New South Wales ALP. So there are some connections there. I also note that <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> reported that one of Mr Huang's advisers on the peaceful unification council is New South Wales Labor politician Ernest Wong.</para>
<para>He is described as 'a close ally and friend of Mr Huang'. The pair travelled together on reunification council business. Then, on 9 May 2013, Eric Roozendaal stepped down from the New South Wales upper house—and guess who replaced him in May of that year? Mr Ernest Wong. Once again, there are links between the close donors, the appointments of apparatchiks, the dodgy deals—and I think I read the other day that Mr Roozendaal eventually took a job with Mr Wong. So you leave parliament, and give a spot to the bloke closely linked to the Chinese donor—and very closely linked to the communist party of China, so much so that ASIO have warned political parties about their conduct and influence—and then you go and work back for them. Something smells fishy. And at the heart of it all is the ALP. And there seems to be one revolving comet, which has burnt very bright and is very influential. That comet is Senator Dastyari. It is time for him to come clean. He should come clean about whether he consulted with Mr Huang about the appointment of people to these positions. He should come clean about how he comes to be standing next to Mr Huang in Commonwealth parliamentary offices for Chinese media to repudiate his government's own policy position.</para>
<para>That is why, with so many questions to be answered, we need to find how deep this influence and the influence of foreign agents go into politics in this country. It is not just about donations; there are also questions about personal benefits for members of parliament, for their staffers, for their officers and the jobs they are given. What quid pro quo exists? It causes all sorts of questions in my mind as to how do we get to the sale of the Port of Darwin? What happened to the $30 million alleged success fee? Where did that flow onto? Did anyone associated with politics at the time put any money in their pocket? Remember, the Port of Darwin lease was against American advice, and they are our closest ally. It raises questions about how all of a sudden the Chinese-Australia extradition agreement surfaces, bubbles up from the sewer, after 10 years of laying in abeyance. The disallowance motion is still to come up with that. What influence was brought to bear in that? If you are donating hundreds of thousands of dollars—nay, millions of dollars—to the major political parties in this place, you are not doing it out of the goodness of your heart. The evidence suggests that very, very, very strongly.</para>
<para>That is why I say we need a royal commission into this. We need a royal commission to strip away the power and influence that often protects people, to strip away the thought process that goes, 'Let's not open up that can of worms because we know we're going to find a couple of rotten worms over on this side too.' Let us assure ourselves of mutual non-destruction, because the crisis of confidence in politics right now is only growing. The stalemate on donation reform, the stalemate on transparency, the hidden nature of what is going on—the protection racket is what I call it—stinks to high heaven, and the Australian people need and deserve to know the truth.</para>
<para>If I am wrong, then, sure, a royal commission will have cost us millions upon millions of dollars, and that is not an expenditure that I take lightly. But it is an expenditure that is an investment in the health and wellbeing of our body politic and our democratic process. If nothing is found—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Lambie</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I doubt it!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>then that is all good and well. But, as Senator Lambie has just interjected—she said, 'I doubt it', and I doubt it too. There is so much that is on the nose here that that million dollars or $10 million or whatever it costs could be the best possible investment we will ever make in cleaning up what clearly is, and smells like, a sewer. That sewer starts in New South Wales. Unfortunately, it is bubbling over, it is gurgling and it is emerging in Victoria. There are elements of it also in South Australia, in Western Australia and in the Northern Territory. I do not know about Queensland. We need to get to the bottom of it. We simply cannot trust a political committee to investigate those who are charged with dispensing and upholding democracy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties, Therapeutic Goods and Other Legislation Amendment (Narcotic Drugs) Regulation 2016, Media, Australian Defence Force</title>
          <page.no>131</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is perfect; that will lead right into where I am going. I reckon the only group of Australians less trusted than bankers is politicians at the moment, but the effect of that gradual erosion of trust is serious. It has a serious effect on the ability of people in this house to make a difference. That is the reason why I have been calling for a federal ICAC since day one. I do not care if it is a royal commission or federal ICAC; this needs to be opened up. Open up those floodgates.</para>
<para>Those on the Labor benches cannot say the same. They had a chance to formally support a federal integrity commission in their party platform at the 2015 national conference, but they fluffed it. They talk tough now but they have been dragged kicking and screaming to the table. We have nearly got them in a corner. It isn't hard to see why. I am sorry to say it, but the reason why these political parties take money from foreign donors is the same reason they cannot be trusted to put a federal ICAC in place. They cannot be trusted to do what is needed because they are more interested in doing what is best for their bank balance than what is best for their country.</para>
<para>When it blows up in their faces they suddenly support reform. In the meantime, every controversy inflates public support for a federal corruption watchdog. When it is a Labor politician caught up in a scandal people just do not think, 'Better vote for the Liberals instead,' and when they hear about a Liberal caught up in a scandal they do not think, 'Labor has got my vote.' When it comes to even a whiff of political corruption it is a case of there being a pox on both your houses, because you are both gorging yourselves out of the same trough. In the eyes of the public you are both guilty of looking after yourselves first and foremost. The public do not even get a look in.</para>
<para>If you are serious about doing something real about this, you will not just ban foreign donations to political parties at the federal level, because you would be kidding yourself if you thought that this problem starts and ends with the people who work in this building. I support the proposal to ban foreign donations, not because it is what I would have proposed with a blank piece of paper but because this place needs something more than nothing. The only thing that is going to get the two major parties to agree to reform is the public demanding it, and I tell you that they are on their knees. Make no mistake, the only reason we are talking about this today is that the public are out there talking about it on their knees.</para>
<para>For too long the major parties have been locked in a comfortable conspiracy of silence. They have not wanted to touch the system of handling foreign donations because both of them have profited off it. That is embarrassing. It is as shameful a display as you are likely to see. It is a stunning example of the political elite deciding to put their political interests ahead of the national interest. It is a display of politicians agreeing to corrode the public's faith in our democratic institutions and doing so for profit and self-advancement. Make no mistake, every time we read about another donation slicking the hands of another politician we question who our elected representatives are really representing.</para>
<para>The world faces big challenges right now and the system we have relied on to help us navigate these challenges relies on the confidence of the public. Every foreign donation chips away at that confidence. We need to be guided by principle now more than ever, and we need to be seen to be doing so. But instead we see politicians of both sides locked into a dirty deal where both sides profit from the same corrupting system so long as nobody rocks the boat. I think those days are about over. It should not be acceptable to run down the public's faith in their political representatives so long as both sides are as bad as each other. What happened to being better? When did this job become about being less worse than the other team?</para>
<para>If one side is profiting from foreign donations, that should be an opportunity to stand proud and say you will not do the same and that should be an opportunity to highlight the shameful behaviour of your opponents. Instead, it is being treated as an opportunity to do the same thing, as an opportunity to debase yourself and your democracy at the same time. The public see time and time again that the two major parties prefer the latter. They have decided to run down the public's trust for their own private benefit and now, having been embarrassed by revelations that they ignored the advice of ASIO and stuck their noses right back into that trough of foreign donations, they rush into action to say they oppose foreign donations and want the whole system reformed.</para>
<para>It is great that there is finally some will to change this broken system, but let us not lose sight of what is really needed. A federal anticorruption watchdog would not solve all problems or reassure all of the public's fears about the influence of foreign donors on the political class, but if it helps restore some confidence in the ability of politics to be a force for good in people's lives then it is worth doing 100 per cent, and that can only happen if it is given a big set of chops and it gets to do its job independently, with all the powers we can possibly give it and the resources to do its job.</para>
<para>People all around the world are sick to death of politics and politicians. When it comes to politics, business as usual is on the nose, and it is not hard to see why: the taxpayer is being played for a mug. Politics has to clean up its act; it has to get its act together both in practice and in perception. The only way to do that is to put an end to the system that has let foreign donations flourish for as long as they have.</para>
<para>How we do that is simple: step one—we ban foreign donations and cap all other donations at $1,000 per donor per financial year. That makes it harder for any one donor to exert influence, by diluting the value of any one donor to a political party. This needs to be coupled with immediate disclosure of all donations in real time so that the days of there being a long delay between money received and money disclose are put to an end. The public is not buying it anymore either, I can assure you. If we do this we will go a long way towards ridding the public of the perception that politicians are stuffing their pockets with foreign donations, or even with corporate donations that are only ever made to get a return on their investment.</para>
<para>Step two—we introduce a federal anticorruption and integrity watchdog, one that is funded adequately and appropriately and with the powers needed to hold the political class to account. Taken together, this package would restore the integrity of the donation system by reducing the value of foreign donations to the major political parties. This is the only proposal that is constitutional, reasonable and effective. It would demonstrate to the public a new commitment to integrity and independence. I can tell you now: this country could do with this. It is what is needed and it is what the public deserves.</para>
<para>Earlier today I sought to record my vote in support of letting terminally ill patients access medicinal cannabis. I explained to the Senate the reasons why I missed the vote the first time. The fact that I was missing was due to miscommunication between my staff. As a result, I missed the vote and it ended in a tie. My vote was missing then and it should not have been. As for the reason why my vote was not recorded for the first time around, it was said that I said one thing to BuzzFeed at the time and another to the chamber today. All I have to say to that is that it must be the first time a boss has covered for a mistake made by one of her staff. If that is my sin, so be it.</para>
<para>But for the Turnbull government to try to use this as a reason not to let terminally ill people access what their doctors believe will make their dying days more bearable, then, frankly, that is disgraceful. To attempt to use my comments to a BuzzFeed journalist as a reason to deny dying people a little dignity and humanity I find quite disgusting. I am just relieved that the Turnbull government's efforts were unsuccessful.</para>
<para>I do not come to this issue in the way that the Greens have come to it or in the way that Labor have come to it. I do not approach this issue in the way that Derryn Hinch's Justice Party have approached it, or in the way in which One Nation has approached it either. I have considered the issue as somebody who is deeply and personally concerned about the risks of illicit drugs flooding our streets.</para>
<para>I have made no secret of the fact that my family has had to deal with the devastating and destructive effects of illicit drugs. I have faced criticism for my handling of this sensitive issue and I know that there are many who wish that I had handled it very differently. But I can only be honest about my experience and how it affects the way I approach legislation such as this.</para>
<para>It is hard for me to stand up and support making it easier for people to access a drug that many people argue is a gateway to harder and more dangerous drugs. It is hard, because I could not support a vote that would put people's lives at risk. I am sympathetic to those who worry about there being a slippery slope here. I thought about this issue long and hard, and realised that if I did not support the disallowance motion I would be hurting people and not helping them. I do not believe that this disallowance motion will open the floodgates—I reckon that is rubbish!—for huge quantities of medical cannabis entering the country. Quite frankly, I would be more worried about all the other stuff that is coming in.</para>
<para>I think that all it will do is to help make the last few months in the lives of some very sick people a little more bearable for them. I wish it could go further; I wish that veterans who are suffering from PTSD could access medicinal cannabis if their doctors think it would help them. I wish that children who are suffering from constant epileptic seizures could access medicinal cannabis if their doctors think it would help them.</para>
<para>I think there are many people who could benefit from medicinal cannabis, because this is what all the evidence tells us. I am in this place to support decent, fair and humane policy that makes a difference in people's lives. I am the last person who would vote for a motion that opens the floodgates. I voted for this motion because it was the right thing to do. It is not every day that this place gets the chance to vote on an issue that will dramatically improve people's quality of life, especially toward the end. Today was one of those rare days and instead of letting the vote go through, the Turnbull government decided to try to block it with silly distractions like what was said to a journalist a month ago.</para>
<para>I hope they are left to think about what they were attempting to do. They were attempting to block a vote to make what is left of the lives of dying Australians a little less painful. A little compassion was all that was asked to be shown in here. I can understand if this motion made them nervous. Nobody has more of a reason to be nervous about the possible effects of this bill than me. I was able to put my personal experience aside and vote on the substance of the motion, but they were not able to do the same. With the support of Labor, One Nation, the Greens and Derryn Hinch's Justice Party, I have recorded my position and have expressed my view. And as a result, terminally ill Australians will be able to access medicinal cannabis in hours, not months. I am thankful for the support of my colleagues and I am grateful for their vote today.</para>
<para>I would also like to extend my sincerest apologies to Seven reporter Rob Ovadia, who was treated unfairly by my office in 2016. Mr Ovadia was referred to the Australian Federal Police, which must have caused a great deal of stress for him. Fortunately, Mr Ovadia was cleared of any wrongdoing. I also know that Mr Ovadia is not the only journalist to have been treated unfairly over the years by my office, and he is not the only one owed an apology. You journalists know who you are, and I apologise for the treatment you have received at times since I have been in the Senate. Rest assured, from here on out I will endeavour to guarantee you are treated with a lot more respect and the respect that you deserve.</para>
<para>I just want to touch on one more thing, and that is about the Australian Defence Force. I want to say something now about what is happening to our young kids who are being lured into joining the Australian Defence Force by false government advertising on the quality of vocational training being offered to them in the military. For more than 20 years—actually it is nearly 25—our governments have been conning our youth with the same con job they used on me and many others. That is the promise that we would gain skills in the military which can be used to get good jobs when we leave. The truth is that that quality of vocational education and training, offered by the Army and the Navy in particular acting as registered training organisations, does not stack up. If it were being offered by a private college, ASQA would conduct an audit of the courses on offer and close them down. The Navy in particular, through its MT2010 program was offering a certificate IV in engineering to new enlistees. It does not have the personal resources or the systems in place to provide the training. It has been an absolute con job by our Australian Defence Force. The Navy was able to claim training subsidies at the same time from the Victorian government as an RTO at HMAS Cerberus, without any genuine intention of complying with the Victorian legislation on skills training. Navy trainees were mostly not provided with compulsory training plans, and when they were the training plans were not adhered to anyway. This is a cultural behaviour. Naval enlistees do not receive training from suitably qualified tradespersons, and their skills were not assessed in the Navy by suitably qualified tradespersons.</para>
<para>Even when marine trainees do receive trade certificates, they are not the equivalent of the same certificate awarded outside the Australian Defence Force. They do not match their civilian equivalent. Most trainees leave the ADF less employable in private industry than when they joined up at 17, 18 and 19, because of the lack of practical skills training that they receive needed to work outside the Australian Defence Force.</para>
<para>It is time that ASQA did its job properly, with some integrity, to make sure that when the Navy and the Army claim to be operating as registered training organisations they meet the national standards. These guys are supposed to be leading by example. This has not happened until now. Kids are becoming disillusioned by time served in the ADF, which is why retention rates are not what they should be. The military is providing our kids joining the services qualifications produced by an Australian equivalent of the Trump University and worth about as much—absolutely nothing!</para>
<para>This would not be tolerated in the private sector and it should not be tolerated by the government. The Prime Minister was wrong when he made a speech last November launching a new initiative aimed at easing the way for veterans into employment when they leave the military. He said that today's servicemen and women are acquiring skills in the military which will be an asset to almost any organisation. What a load of rubbish! The government has to stop believing its own drivel. It should take a good look at the Israeli military system as a model, where a lot of the IT and high-tech start-ups are done by kids doing national service. They are no different to our own kids doing four years in the military. We should be providing them with proper training and excellence in training. If we want Australia's youth to serve our country, we have to demonstrate that we are worthy of their service. The only way we can do that is to make sure that transition is easy for them, especially for those that have done four, five, six, seven, eight or nine tours. I met someone the other day that had done 12 tours in the Middle East.</para>
<para>We are not giving them the skills and we are not giving them qualifications. The best thing you can do for PTSD is to give them a distraction to keep them busy. It will not get rid of the PTSD; what it will do is lessen the effects. They have served their country. This has now been going on for nearly 25 years. We were promised those qualifications—civilian equivalent—when we left. Now it is 25 years later and we are still no further. We are using and abusing our own kids. We say, 'Thank you for your service; see you later!' and put them on the scrap pile. We are not giving them the tools they need when they leave. This is where we are failing miserably. It is called transition, and we are not doing it. We need to wake up. We owe them that.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties, London: Attacks</title>
          <page.no>134</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I note the time and I will try to be as brief as possible. I want to begin, Senator Lambie, on congratulating you on the passionate speech you just made and the matters which you raise. I think it is fair to say that Senator Lambie's presence in this chamber has brought a strengthening of a debate that has been had for a long time, particularly in relation to veterans and veterans' issues. The passion and genuine nature with which Senator Lambie speaks, I think, is of significance.</para>
<para>I am not going to dignify the attack on my character from Senator Bernardi this evening. He got up and simply rehashed media articles. Everything he said tonight has been either debunked or was addressed in some detail last year. There was nothing new in anything Senator Bernardi said this evening. Frankly, the gall coming from someone whose entire presence in this chamber is built on the fake pretence of running at No. 1 for a political party for a six-year term he soon discarded, I think, says as much about his credibility as his infamous comments in the past linking things like homosexuality to bestiality. I do not believe that he warrants or needs a response. Frankly, nothing he said tonight has not either been fully addressed or debunked.</para>
<para>I am going to speak very briefly about something I do believe is important, and that is the issue of terrorism—in particular, my experiences in London a little over a week ago. Mr President, there are moments in your life that change you. There are moments in your life which at the time you may have perhaps not recognised as being of great significance, and you look back and you realise how significant they are to who you are, what you believe and what you think of the people around you and your family.</para>
<para>On 3 June I was in London on my own wicket to participate in the British elections. I note Senator McGrath is also a fan of British politics. He understands that for some of us—this is probably a sad reflection on us—our idea of a holiday is to go and work on an overseas campaign.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a working holiday!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A working holiday!</para>
<para>One of my friends was running for re-election in parliament, and I went there for the last week of the campaign to help out and to assist. Three of my closest friends—Richard Angell, Jo Milligan and Andy Bagnall—decided to take me out on the Saturday night. It was a 21-degree night in London, Obviously, it is winter here; there is nothing we hate more than the weather in London actually being good, because that takes away the one thing we have over them! But we went out to the Borough Markets part of London, to a restaurant called Arabica. We were sitting beside the restaurant in which some of the stabbings took place. The back door of the restaurant we were in was where one of the assailants was shot dead.</para>
<para>The London police are incredible people, and did an incredibly good job. The report that it took them eight minutes from when they got the first phone call to when the assailants were shot dead is a testament to their experience and their character—but also, unfortunately, I have to say, to the training that they have required.</para>
<para>I really want to express what it all meant and how it all makes you feel. The next day I wrote a piece. It is a very brief piece and, with the indulgence of the Senate, I just want to refer to it quickly.</para>
<quote><para class="block">It’s the day after the London attacks, and I am sitting in a dingy bar, too tired to be there, but too tired to move. It’s only busy this Sunday afternoon because it’s the bar that sits directly opposite the police perimeter fence holding back the media circus that has descended on the Borough Market. Less than a few hundred metres from where at least seven people were murdered the night before. I’m here with Richard, who isn’t tired at all, just defiant.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“Screw them if they think they are going to stop me drinking with my friends, flirting with handsome men and befriending powerful women,” he tells me as we order another round of drinks. “Screw them!” I’ve heard him use the same line several times, minus the obscenities, with differing media outlets.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">“Yeah,” I say. “Screw them.” But mine sounds superficial given the energy in Richard’s voice. Neither of us has slept, though it is clear that Richard is handling the situation better than I am. “Screw them,” I say again, even less convincingly, deciding that what I actually need is more drinks. Which, if I’m to be honest, is the last thing I need.</para></quote>
<para>Richard Angell is five feet and eleven inches tall:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Richard Angell is one of those gregarious people who always has energy and who always is remarkably well tanned for a man living in London. He is one of my closest friends. I’ve travelled from Sydney to spend a week with him and give him a hand on the Labour campaign trail. It is five days out from the British general election.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Richard swallows a mouthful of his drink and looks at me. “What do you think happened to the guy holding his throat?” he asks.</para></quote>
<para>I looked at him quizzically. I knew exactly what he meant:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What he is asking about is “that guy holding the blood coming out of his throat who ran past us last night”. (He was one of the seven already confirmed attack victims.)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I don’t like to think about these things, so I change the topic. “I hate the term ‘working-class pub’,” I tell Richard. It’s the best segue I have. “I mean, there is something so patronising about the term. It’s just a euphemism for ‘shit bar’, as if working-class people can’t enjoy nice things.” Richard can see what I’m doing, but doesn’t go with me. He just goes back to his drink. The conversation goes silent and he starts playing with his phone. Richard won’t fritter away his energy on topics other than those concerning his city being attacked again.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The night before, he had dragged me out of his spare bed at 8 pm to join him and another two friends, Andy Bagnall and Jo Milligan, for dinner. After all, it was a night in London where the weather was in the 20s, which (I’m reliably told) is about as good as it gets here. I didn’t need much convincing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The rest is written elsewhere. The restaurant we were at, Arabica, was adjacent to an establishment where three assailants had rushed in and started stabbing. Some reports say they were slitting the throats of anyone who crossed their paths.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In our venue, events became a blur but the images didn’t. I remember watching a woman running down the street covered in blood; panic as the screams engulfed the street; 37 patrons hiding in the small kitchen and upstairs of the restaurant while the London police swept the area; the sound of gunfire; the decision by Richard, Andy and Jo to not let the restaurant open the emergency fire escape. I reflected later that it was probably a move that helped save the lives of those we were holed up with. The exit would have led everyone directly to where the assailants were and where one was shot dead minutes after the attack started.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I want to go home. I’m exhausted and I want to go back to Sydney where my wife, Helen, and my two daughters are. I want to go back to parliament in Canberra where we can pretend that the big ugly world is a far distant place separated by a sea and a long plane ride. I want to go home and sleep in my own bed. I want to try to forget last night.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I’ve spent the day following Richard as he goes from one interview to the next, defiantly talking up London to the assembled media crowds, all desperate for … the articulate London boy prepared to have a go. It’s a good distraction. Make sure his phone is charged. Make sure he has water. Monitor his statements on internet and watch them go viral. In the space of an hour he has done interviews ranging as wide as CNN and Iranian national TV, all of them with the same message: “They never win if we don’t let them.” Reminding the world that in times of adversity communities come together. That last night in London both the best and worst of people were on display. Violence broke the peace of a warm evening—but it didn’t break the spirit of the city or the courage of its people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I’m tired but … I’m not going to be able to sleep anyway. I know that thoughts and images can’t be easily dismissed and ignored. Considering I’ve decided to stick it out with Richard, I have nowhere else I actually want to be. So I sit with Richard, and order another drink.</para></quote>
<para>Senate adjourned at 23:01</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>136</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>136</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>141</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>144</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>144</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Government Response to Report</title>
          <page.no>144</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Report</title>
          <page.no>147</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>