
<hansard noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd" version="2.2">
  <session.header>
    <date>2017-03-21</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>2</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
      <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:WX="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SODJobDate">
          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Tuesday, 21 March 2017</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-Normal">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Stephen Parry)</span> took the chair at 12:30, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
        </p>
        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-Line">
          <span class="HPS-Line">DOCUMENTS</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Meeting</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Interactive Gambling Amendment Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
            <a href="r5755" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Interactive Gambling Amendment Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>In Committee</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move amendments (1) to (23) and (25) on sheet 8038:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 6, page 5 (after line 8), at the end of section 3, add:</para></quote>
<list>This Act also regulates the conduct of restricted wagering services by imposing restrictions on these sports betting services in relation to various practices such as offering micro‑betting, credit or inducements.</list>
<list>The Interactive Gambling Regulator has a variety of functions in relation to enforcing compliance of this conduct, as well as providing advice and information.</list>
<list>A person may also regulate their own interactions with restricted wagering services by applying to be included on the National Self‑exclusion Register which is kept under this Act. Restricted wagering services must check the Register, which is kept and administered by the Regulator, before creating accounts for individuals to place bets using their services.</list>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (after line 12), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">ACMA official</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">betting limit</inline>, in relation to a period, means the total maximum amount nominated by an individual that he or she may bet using a restricted wagering service during the period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (after line 14), after the definition of carriage service, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">category A document</inline>, in relation to an individual, means any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a licence or permit issued in the name of the individual;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a passport issued in the name of the individual;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a birth certificate in the name of the individual;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any other document in relation to the individual that is recognised as proof of identity under a law of the Commonwealth, a State or a Territory.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">category B document</inline>, in relation to an individual, means any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a credit card, debit card or other automatic teller machine card that has the name and signature of the individual;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a Medicare card issued in the name of the individual;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a passbook issued in the name of the individual by an ADI (within the meaning of the <inline font-style="italic">Banking Act 1959</inline>);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a statement of account issued for a utilities or rates account that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) was issued in the previous 12 months; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) includes the name and address given by the individual.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (after line 18), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">civil penalty provision</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">credit</inline> has the meaning given by section 11A.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (after line 26), after the definition of Federal Circuit Court, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">G classified</inline>, in relation to a television program, means classified G in accordance with whichever of the following industry codes of practice included in the register under section 123 of the <inline font-style="italic">Broadcasting Services Act 1992</inline> is relevant:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Commercial Television Industry Code of Practice;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Subscription Broadcast Television Codes of Practice;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Subscription Narrowcast Television Codes of Practice.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 9, page 6 (before line 5), before the definition of <inline font-style="italic">personal information</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">micro betting</inline> means betting that relates to a horse race, a harness race, a greyhound race or a sporting event and either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the bet is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) on the outcome of the race or event; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) placed, made, received or accepted after the beginning of the race or event; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the bet is on a contingency that may or may not happen in the course of the race or event.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">personal details</inline>, in relation to an individual, means:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the individual's name, residential address, telephone number, email address, date of birth and gender; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any other information of a kind prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this definition that identifies the individual.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 12, page 6 (before line 22), before the definition of <inline font-style="italic">regulated interactive gambling service</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">protected information</inline> means personal details or other personal information to the extent that this information:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is obtained under, or in accordance with, this Act; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is derived from a record of information that was made under, or in accordance with, this Act; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is derived from a disclosure or use of information that was made under, or in accordance with, this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Register</inline> means the National Self‑exclusion Register kept under section 61HA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Schedule 1, item 12, page 6 (after line 23), after the definition of regulated interactive gambling service, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Regulator</inline> means the Interactive Gambling Regulator established under section 61JA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 1, item 12, page 6 (after line 25), after the definition of Regulatory Powers Act, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">restricted wagering service</inline> means a gambling service that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is provided to customers using any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an internet carriage service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any other listed carriage service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a broadcasting service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) any other content service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) a datacasting service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) relates to the placing, making, receiving or acceptance of bets on, or on a series of, any or all of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a horse race;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a harness race;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a greyhound race;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) a sporting event.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Schedule 1, item 17, page 7 (after line 15), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">unlicensed regulated interactive gambling service</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">verified</inline> has the meaning given by section 11B.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 1, page 16 (after line 12), after item 32, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">32A After section 11</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> 11A Meaning of <inline font-style="italic">credit</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the purposes of this Act, <inline font-style="italic">credit</inline> is provided by a restricted wagering service if under a contract or other arrangement:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) payment of a debt owed by one person to another is deferred; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) one person incurs a deferred debt to another.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11B Meaning of <inline font-style="italic">verified</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the purposes of this Act, an individual's identity is <inline font-style="italic">verified</inline> for the purposes of creating an account, or otherwise facilitating the placing of bets, with a restricted wagering service, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the service is given the originals or certified copies of either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) 2 category A documents, each of a different kind, identifying the individual; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) one category A document and 2 category B documents, each of a different kind, identifying the individual; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the personal details contained in those documents correspond to the personal details provided by the individual for the purposes of creating the account, or otherwise facilitating the placing of bets.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">32B After Part 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 1A—Offence of failing to train gambling service employees</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">14A Offence of failing to train gambling service employees</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) If:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a person provides a gambling service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the person is a corporation to which paragraph 51(xx) of the Constitution applies; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the service is provided to customers using an internet carriage service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person has employees who have direct contact in the course of their employment with individuals who use the service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the person must ensure that each such employee is provided with the information, training or instruction prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subsection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person is subject to a requirement under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person fails to comply with the requirement.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Regulations</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Regulations made for the purposes of subsection (1) may include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) information, training or instruction relating to the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) recognising problem gambling behaviour;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) assisting individuals to access information regarding the Register and other services or programs to deal with problem gambling;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) dealing with individuals who have identified themselves as having a gambling problem; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) when such information, training or instruction must be provided.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Schedule 1, page 22 (after line 24), after item 66, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">66A At the end of Part 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 4—Injunctions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">31A Injunctions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Federal Circuit Court may, on application by the Regulator, grant an injunction referred to in subsection (2) if the Court is satisfied that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) an ADI (within the meaning of the Banking Act 1959) facilitates transactions in relation to a gambling service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the gambling service is a prohibited interactive gambling service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The injunction is to require the ADI to take reasonable steps to prohibit transactions in relation to the prohibited interactive gambling service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Parties</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The parties to an action under subsection (1) are:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Regulator; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the ADI; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the provider of the prohibited interactive gambling service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Service</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The Regulator must notify the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the ADI; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the provider of the prohibited interactive gambling service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">of the making of an application under subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Matters to be taken into account</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) In determining whether to grant the injunction, the Court may take into account the following matters:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether prohibiting transactions in relation to the prohibited interactive gambling service is a proportionate response in the circumstances;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether it is in the public interest to prohibit transactions in relation to the prohibited interactive gambling service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) whether access to, or transactions in relation to, the prohibited interactive gambling service has been disabled or prohibited by orders from any court of another country or territory;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any other matter prescribed by the regulations;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any other relevant matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Rescinding and varying injunctions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) The Court may:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) limit the duration of; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) upon application, rescind or vary;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">an injunction granted under this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) An application under subsection (6) may be made by:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any of the persons referred to in subsection (3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any other person prescribed by the regulations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Costs</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) The ADI is not liable for any costs in relation to the proceedings unless the ADI enters an appearance and takes part in the proceedings.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Schedule 1, page 31 (after line 19), after item 138, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">138A After Part 7A</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 7B—Restricted wagering services</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 1—Simplified outline of this Part</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61G Simplified outline of this Part</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Part sets out a number of restrictions on the conduct of restricted wagering services in relation to sports betting. These restrictions aim to ensure that such services do not engage in certain predatory practices, particularly in relation to problem gamblers, and that sports betting services are provided in a responsible manner.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These restrictions include bans on offering micro‑betting, credit or inducements, as well as requirements for the restricted wagering service to check that individuals are not included on the National Self‑exclusion Register before creating new accounts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Restricted wagering services that contravene these restrictions may commit an offence or contravene a civil penalty provision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 2—Offences and civil penalty provisions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GA Restricted wagering service must not offer credit</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service provides, or offers to provide, credit to individuals to use the service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GB Restricted wagering service must not induce a person to use the service</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) induces, or attempts to induce, another individual to use the service; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) causes another person to induce, or attempt to induce, another individual to use the service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GC Restricted wagering service must not offer or accept micro betting</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service offers or accepts micro betting.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   2,000 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   2,000 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GD Restricted wagering service must require certain details be provided to establish account</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person creates an account, or otherwise facilitates the placing of bets, for an individual; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the individual has not provided his or her personal details.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GE Restricted wagering service must verify identity of account ‑holder before creating account etc.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service creates an account, or otherwise facilitates the placing of bets, for an individual; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person has not verified the individual's identity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GF Restricted wagering service must check the National Self ‑exclusion Register before creating account</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service creates an account, or otherwise facilitates the placing of bets, for an individual; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person has not submitted the individual's personal details to the National Self‑exclusion Register to check whether the individual's personal details are included on the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GG Restricted wagering service must include pre ‑commitment options when creating account</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person does not require each individual who creates an account with the service to register and set annual and monthly maximum betting limits.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: The service must not permit these limits to be exceeded (see section 61GK, and may only increase the limits if notice is provided (see section 61GI).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GH Restricted wagering service must not create accounts etc. for individuals on the National Self ‑exclusion Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service creates an account, or otherwise facilitates the placing of bets, for an individual whose personal details are included on the National Self‑exclusion Register; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) knew that the individual's personal details were included on the National Self‑exclusion Register; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) was reckless as to whether the individual's personal details were included on the National Self‑exclusion Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   500 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GI Restricted wagering service must not increase individual ' s betting limit</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person increases, or causes to be increased, the monthly or annual betting limit set by the individual.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Subsection (1) does not apply if the individual has:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) requested that the person increase the monthly or annual betting limit; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) in relation to the monthly betting limit—the individual requested the increase at least 7 days before the limit was increased; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in relation to the annual betting limit—the individual requested the increase at least 14 days before the limit was increased; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the individual has not made more than one other such request in the previous 12‑month period.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GJ Restricted wagering service must not induce a person to increase betting limit</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) induces, or attempts to induce, an individual to increase his or her monthly or annual betting limit; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) causes another person to induce, or attempt to induce, an individual to increase his or her monthly or annual betting limit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GK Restricted wagering service must not permit account ‑holder to exceed betting limit</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person intentionally provides a restricted wagering service in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service accepts a bet from an individual that exceeds the monthly or annual betting limit nominated by the individual for the service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   200 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GL Restricted wagering service must provide statement</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person who provides a restricted wagering service must provide each individual who uses the service with a statement of the individual's transaction history that complies with regulations made for the purposes of this subsection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person is required to provide a statement under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person fails to provide the statement as required.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person is required to provide a statement under subsection (1); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person fails to provide the statement as required.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Regulations</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Regulations made for the purposes of subsection (1) must prescribe:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the period which the statement must cover; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) how frequently the statement must be provided (which must not be less than once a month); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the manner and form in which the statement is to be provided.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GM Restricted wagering service must not disclose information for marketing purposes</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person provides a restricted wagering service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person discloses personal information of an individual who uses the service to another person or entity; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the information is disclosed for use by the other person or entity in relation to marketing of a good or service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   300 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GN Restricted wagering service must include link to National Self ‑exclusion Register website</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person provides a restricted wagering service; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the service includes a website; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the website does not include a clear and prominent link to the National Self‑exclusion Register website that complies with regulations made for the purposes of this paragraph on each page.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Continuing offences or contraventions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) is guilty of a separate offence or contravention of a civil penalty provision in respect of each day (including a day of a conviction for the offence, or the day the relevant civil penalty order is made, or any later day) during which the contravention continues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Regulations</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Regulations made for the purposes of paragraph (1)(c) may include requirements in relation to the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the position of the link;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the size of the link;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) logos that must be included with the link;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) any other information that may be required to be included with the link.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 3—Prohibition of advertising of restricted wagering services</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61GO Restricted wagering service advertisements not to be broadcast during certain programs</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person broadcasts a restricted wagering service advertisement in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the broadcast is during a G classified television program or a television program that consists of coverage of a sporting event.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person contravenes this subsection if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person authorises or causes a restricted wagering service advertisement to be broadcast in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the broadcast is during a G classified television program or a television program that consists of coverage of a sporting event.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fault</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑based offence</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) A person commits an offence if the person contravenes subsection (1) or (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Civil penalty provision</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) A person is liable to a civil penalty if the person contravenes subsection (1) or (2).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Civil penalty:   120 penalty units.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Definitions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) In this section:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">broadcast</inline> means transmit by means of a broadcasting service.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">broadcasting service</inline> means a service that delivers television programs or radio programs to persons having equipment appropriate for receiving that service, whether the delivery uses the radiofrequency spectrum, cable, optical fibre, satellite or any other means or a combination of those means, but does not include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a datacasting service; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a service that delivers programs using the internet, where the delivery does not use the broadcasting services bands.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">program</inline> has the same meaning as in the <inline font-style="italic">Broadcasting Services Act 1992</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">restricted wagering service advertisement</inline> means writing, still or moving picture, sign, symbol or other visual image, or any audible message, or any combination of 2 or more of those things, that gives publicity to, or otherwise promotes or is intended to promote:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a restricted wagering service; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) restricted wagering services in general; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the whole or part of a trade mark in respect of a restricted wagering service; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) a domain name or URL that relates to a restricted wagering service; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) any words that are closely associated with a restricted wagering service (whether also closely associated with other kinds of services or products).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 7C—National Self ‑exclusion Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 1—National Self ‑exclusion Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HA National Self ‑exclusion Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator must keep a register of individuals who wish to self‑exclude from restricted wagering services.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The register is to be known as the National Self‑exclusion Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The register is to be kept in electronic form.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The register is not a legislative instrument.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) The Regulator must begin to comply with subsection (1) as soon as practicable after the commencement of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) For the purposes of the <inline font-style="italic">Privacy Act 1988</inline>, the primary purpose of the register is to facilitate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) self‑exclusion from restricted wagering services; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the prohibition, under section 61GH, of restricted wagering services creating accounts, or otherwise facilitating the placing of bets, for individuals who have self‑excluded.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HB Regulator may correct or update information in Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator may correct or update information in the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HC Applications for registration</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) An individual may apply to the Regulator for the individual's personal details to be entered on the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The application must:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) include the individual's personal details; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) be in the form specified by the Regulator under section 61HG; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) be made in the manner specified by the Regulator under section 61HG.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HD Registration</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) an application is made for an individual's personal details to be entered on the Register; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the applicant satisfies the Regulator that the details provided under paragraph 61HC(2)(a) are the applicant's personal details;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the applicant's personal details must be entered on the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HE Duration of registration</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The registration of a person's name and personal details:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) takes effect when the name and details are entered on the Register; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) unless sooner removed from the Register in accordance with section 61HF or 61HG, remains in force indefinitely.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) If a person's name and personal details are removed from the Register, this Act does not prevent the person from being re‑registered on the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HF Removal from Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator must, by legislative instrument, make a determination that makes provision for a person to apply for his or her name to be removed from the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Without limiting subsection (1), the determination must include:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the form of application for individual's personal details to be removed from the Register; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the information which must accompany the application; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the documentation that must be provided in support of the individual's application.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HG Administration of the Register—determinations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator may, by legislative instrument, make a determination that makes provision for and in relation to any or all of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the form of application for individual's personal details to be entered on the Register;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the manner in which such applications are to be made;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the manner in which entries are to be made on the Register;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the correction of entries in the Register;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the removal of entries from the Register on the Regulator's own initiative;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) any other matter relating to the administration or operation of the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Division 2—Dealing with protected information in the Register</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HH Authorised dealings with protected information</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Uploading personal information to the Register</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person may collect, make a record of, disclose or otherwise use:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) personal information; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) relevant personal details;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">if the person does so for the purposes of including the information in the Register.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: This subsection is an authorisation for the purposes of other laws, including the Australian Privacy Principles.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Using or disclosing protected information in the Register</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person may make a record of, disclose or otherwise use protected information if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person does so for the purposes of the Register, and the person is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an officer or employee of the Commonwealth or of an authority of the Commonwealth; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) engaged by the Commonwealth, or by an authority of the Commonwealth, to perform work relating to the purposes of the Register; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) an officer or employee of, or is engaged by, a person referred to in subparagraph (ii) to perform work relating to the purposes of the Register; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person does so for the purposes of performing the person's functions, or exercising the person's powers, under this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: This subsection is an authorisation for the purposes of other laws, including the Australian Privacy Principles.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61HI Offence relating to protected information</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A person commits an offence if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person obtains information; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the information is protected information; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the person makes a record of, discloses or otherwise uses the information; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the making of the record, or the disclosure or use, is not authorised by section 61HH.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Penalty:   Imprisonment for 2 years or 120 penalty units, or both.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 7D—Interactive Gambling Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JA Establishment of the Interactive Gambling Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There is to be an Interactive Gambling Regulator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: In this Act, <inline font-style="italic">Regulator</inline> means the Interactive Gambling Regulator (see section 4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JB Functions of the Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator has the following functions:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) to advise and assist persons in relation to their obligations under Parts 7B and 7C;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) to monitor, promote, investigate and enforce compliance with Parts 7B and 7C;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) to develop, in consultation with industry (including restricted wagering services, gambling counselling services and financial counselling services), a code of practice relating to responsible gambling that is to be applicable to restricted wagering services;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) to collect, analyse, interpret and disseminate:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) aggregated and de‑identified data on gambling expenditure and trends in gambling patterns or behaviours; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) information relating to the operation of Parts 7B and 7C;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) to monitor and evaluate the operation of Parts 7B and 7C;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) to provide information and advice to the Minister about the operation of Parts 7B and 7C;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) to undertake or commission research in relation to gambling matters and the operation of Parts 7B and 7C;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) such other functions as are conferred on the Regulator by this Act or any other law of the Commonwealth;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) to do anything incidental to or conducive to the performance of any of the above functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JC Powers of the Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator has power to do all things necessary or convenient to be done in connection with the performance of the Regulator's functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JD Appointment of the Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator is to be appointed by the Minister by legislative instrument.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For reappointment, see section 33AA of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person is not eligible for appointment as the Regulator unless the Minister is satisfied that the person has substantial knowledge, qualifications or experience in at least one of the following fields:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) public administration;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) consumer protection;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) mental health.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The Regulator holds office on a full‑time basis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The Regulator holds office for the period specified in the instrument of appointment. The period must not exceed 5 years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JE Acting Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Minister may, by written instrument, appoint a person to act as the Regulator:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) during a vacancy in the office of the Regulator (whether or not an appointment has previously been made to the office); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) during any period, or during all periods, when the Regulator:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is absent from duty or from Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) is, for any reason, unable to perform the duties of the office.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: For rules that apply to acting appointments, see sections 33AB and 33A of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A person is not eligible for appointment to act as the Regulator unless the person is eligible for appointment as the Regulator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JF Remuneration and allowances</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator is to be paid the remuneration that is determined by the Remuneration Tribunal. If no determination of that remuneration by the Tribunal is in operation, the Regulator is to be paid the remuneration that is prescribed by the regulations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Regulator is to be paid the allowances that are prescribed by the regulations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) This section has effect subject to the <inline font-style="italic">Remuneration Tribunal Act 1973</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JG Leave of absence</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator has the recreation leave entitlements that are determined by the Remuneration Tribunal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Minister may grant the Regulator leave of absence, other than recreation leave, on the terms and conditions as to remuneration or otherwise that the Minister determines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JH Outside employment</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator must not engage in paid work outside the duties of his or her office without the Minister's approval.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JI Disclosure of interests to the Minister</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator must give written notice to the Minister of all interests, pecuniary or otherwise, that the Regulator has or acquires and that conflict or could conflict with the proper performance of the Regulator's functions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JJ Resignation</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator may resign his or her appointment by giving the Minister a written resignation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The resignation takes effect 2 weeks after it is received by the Minister or, if a later day is specified in the resignation, on that later day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JK Termination of appointment</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Minister may terminate the appointment of the Regulator:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) for misbehaviour; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the Regulator is unable to perform the duties of his or her office because of physical or mental incapacity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Minister may terminate the appointment of the Regulator if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Regulator:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) becomes bankrupt; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) applies to take the benefit of any law for the relief of bankrupt or insolvent debtors; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) compounds with his or her creditors; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) makes an assignment of his or her remuneration for the benefit of his or her creditors; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Regulator is absent, except on leave of absence, for 14 consecutive days or for 28 days in any 12 months; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Regulator engages, except with the Minister's approval, in paid work outside the duties of his or her office (see section 61JH); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the Regulator fails, without reasonable excuse, to comply with section 61JI.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JL Other terms and conditions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator holds office on the terms and conditions (if any) in relation to matters not covered by this Act that are determined by the Minister.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JM Delegation by Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator may, by writing, delegate any or all of the Regulator's functions or powers to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Secretary of the Department; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) an SES employee, or acting SES employee, in the Department.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A delegate must comply with any written directions of the Regulator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JN Staff assisting the Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The staff assisting the Regulator are to be persons engaged under the <inline font-style="italic">Public Service Act 1999</inline> and made available for the purpose by the Secretary of the Department.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JO Consultants</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Regulator may, on behalf of the Commonwealth, engage persons having suitable qualifications and experience as consultants to the Regulator.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The consultants are to be engaged on the terms and conditions that the Regulator determines in writing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JP Annual report</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Regulator must, as soon as practicable after the end of each financial year, prepare and give to the Minister, for presentation to the Parliament, a report on the operations of the Regulator during that year.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: See also section 34C of the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>, which contains extra rules about annual reports.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">61JQ Minister may give directions to the Regulator</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Minister may, by legislative instrument, give written directions to the Regulator about the performance of the Regulator's functions and the exercise of the Regulator's powers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 1: For variation and revocation, see the <inline font-style="italic">Acts Interpretation Act 1901</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: Section 42 (disallowance) and Part 4 of Chapter 3 (sunsetting) of the <inline font-style="italic">Legislation Act 2003</inline> do not apply to the directions (see regulations made for the purposes of paragraphs 44(2)(b) and 54(2)(b) of that Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) A direction under subsection (1) must be of a general nature only.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The Regulator must comply with a direction given under subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Schedule 1, item 139, page 32 (lines 13 to 16), omit subsection 64B(2), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Authorised applicant</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of Part 4 of the Regulatory Powers Act:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the ACMA is an authorised applicant in relation to the civil penalty provisions of this Act other than Divisions 2 and 3 of Part 7B; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Regulator is an authorised applicant in relation to a civil penalty provision in Division 2 or 3 of Part 7B.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Schedule 1, item 139, page 33 (after line 15), after subsection 64C(1), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) A civil penalty provision in Division 2 or 3 of Part 7B is subject to an infringement notice under Part 5 of the Regulatory Powers Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Schedule 1, item 139, page 33 (after line 20), after subsection 64C(2), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) For the purposes of Part 5 of the Regulatory Powers Act, a person appointed under subsection (2B) is an infringement officer in relation to the provisions mentioned in subsection (1A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2B) The Regulator may, in writing, appoint a person who holds, or performs the duties of, an APS 6 position, or an equivalent or higher position, within the Department.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Schedule 1, item 139, page 33 (after line 24), after subsection 64C(3), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3A) For the purposes of Part 5 of the Regulatory Powers Act, the Regulator is the relevant chief executive in relation to the provisions mentioned in subsection (1A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Schedule 1, item 139, page 33 (line 25), after "chief executive", insert "mentioned in subsection (3)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Schedule 1, item 139, page 33 (after line 32), after subsection 64C(5), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Amount payable</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5A) The amount to be stated in an infringement notice for the purposes of paragraph 104(1)(f) of the Regulatory Powers Act for the alleged contravention of a civil penalty provision mentioned in subsection (1A) of this section must be one‑fifth of the maximum penalty that a court could impose on the person for that contravention.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Schedule 1, item 139, page 34 (after line 5), after section 64C, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">64CA Enforceable undertakings</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Enforceable provisions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The provisions of Division 2 and 3 of Part 7B are enforceable under Part 6 of the Regulatory Powers Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Authorised person</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Regulator is an authorised person in relation to the provisions of Division 2 and 3 of Part 7B for the purposes of Part 6 of the Regulatory Powers Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Relevant court</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For the purposes of Part 6 of the Regulatory Powers Act, each of the following courts is a relevant court in relation to the provisions of Division 2 and 3 of Part 7B:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Federal Court;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Federal Circuit Court.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Extension to external Territories etc.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Part 6 of the Regulatory Powers Act, as it applies in relation to the provisions of Division 2 and 3 of Part 7B, extends to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) every external Territory; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acts, omissions, matters and things outside Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Schedule 1, item 139, page 34 (after line 20), after subsection 64D(1), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) The provisions of Division 2 and 3 of Part 7B are enforceable under Part 7 of the Regulatory Powers Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Schedule 1, item 139, page 34 (after line 24), after subsection 64D(2), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) For the purposes of Part 7 of the Regulatory Powers Act, the Regulator is an authorised person in relation to the provisions mentioned in subsection (1A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(23) Schedule 1, item 139, page 34 (line 28), after "subsection (1)", insert "or (1A)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(25) Schedule 1, Part 1, page 36 (after line 29), at the end of the Part, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Privacy Act 1988</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">146A After paragraph 7.8(a) of Schedule 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) Part 7B of the <inline font-style="italic">Interactive Gambling Act 2001</inline>;</para></quote>
<para>These amendments are all about strengthening the Interactive Gambling Amendment Bill 2016. I welcome this bill, I welcome the debate and I welcome the fact that we are trying to make the Interactive Gambling Act more effective because it is quite disturbing that after almost 16 years of operation of this bill, there has yet to be one prosecution under it. The minister helpfully said last night, in terms of the bill, that ACMA will be dealing with these matters rather than the Federal Police and that the burden of proof would be one of the balance of probabilities for these civil penalties rather than beyond reasonable doubt. In the circumstances, that is something that would more likely lead to more prosecutions.</para>
<para>I am concerned that it is going to be dealt with by way of a ministerial council—which is looking at the O'Farrell review—and that we will get the lowest common denominator. There is no question that the Commonwealth has the power to deal comprehensively with interactive gambling using its constitutional powers under telecommunications, banking, corporations and taxation powers in order to deal with these matters.</para>
<para>The amendments that I am moving—(1) to (23) and (25)—are largely borrowed from the legislation that I previously introduced into the parliament as a private senator's bill, which was co-sponsored by my colleague Senator Kakoschke-Moore just late last year. These amendments strengthen the bill in a number of respects. They look at, for instance, microbetting, which is banned, and you cannot bet on a particular event within a game or race. Microbetting corruption is problematic in sports. It is also very problematic in driving gambling addiction, because people particularly chase their losses with microbetting.</para>
<para>The amendments also look at the whole issue of not having gambling ads during G-classified times. It is an anomaly that you cannot show gambling ads during G-rated times unless it is during a sporting broadcast. Sporting broadcast should not be exempted from that. They also ensure that the regulator has regulatory powers in what a restricted wagering service is. It also looks at the whole issue of making sure that gambling service employees are appropriately trained and there is an offence if they are not trained to be able to intervene.</para>
<para>The amendments also include issues with respect to giving power to regulators to stop prohibited transactions in relation to prohibited interactive gambling services, including injunctive relief. We have dealt with the issue of not offering credit, through an amendment which was passed last night in the parliament, by this chamber. Let us wait and see what happens to it in the lower house, but I would urge the government to reconsider their opposition to that.</para>
<para>In relation to having restricted wagering services not inducing a person to use a service, it is all about offering inducements to gamble, which is very problematic in terms of gambling addiction, as well as requiring wagering services not to provide details of an account. In other words, individuals ought to be given details of what they have lost. The amendments also have stronger verification-of-identity provisions. They include that there is a national self-exclusion register before creating an account, which is an important reform that was raised in the O'Farrell review. They also, importantly, raise the whole issue of having mandatory recommitment options when creating an account, so they have real teeth and, combined with a national self-exclusion register, would actually be quite effective in dealing with these issues. Together with that, an online gambling service must not increase an individual's betting limit.</para>
<para>These are a framework of consumer protections that ought to be acted on now, not later. These are the sorts of things that I believe would give this bill real force, real effectiveness, in dealing with problem gambling, because my concern is that the government's approach has been a minimalist approach and, as my colleague Senator Kakoschke-Moore will indicate with her amendment, the bill is questionably effective at dealing with the matter that it deals with because it does have a number of loopholes in it. I am very happy to speak to this and take questions from my colleagues in relation to this, but effectively this is a belt-and-braces approach, to ensure that we have an effective approach to deal with problem online gambling in this country.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that amendments (1) to (23) and (25) on sheet 8038, moved by Senator Xenophon, be agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [12:44]<br />(The Chair—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>12</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S (teller)</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>44</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Cormann, M</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J (teller)</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move Nick Xenophon Team amendment (24) on sheet 8038:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(24) Schedule 1, page 36 (after line 19), after item 143, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">143A After section 69A</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">69B Minister must mandate blocking illegal overseas gambling websites</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Minister must, within 6 months after the commencement of this section, make a legislative instrument requiring internet service providers to block access to illegal overseas gambling websites.</para></quote>
<para>I excised this amendment because of a request from the Australian Greens, and I respect that request. This amendment says that the minister must within six months after the commencement of this section make a legislative instrument requiring internet service providers to block access to illegal overseas gambling websites. This is something that I know is contentious, but if you want this to work it can work.</para>
<para>We know from just one company, Netsweeper of Canada, that I met with and that have given submissions to inquiries in relation to this that you can have internet content filtering categorisation, web threat management solutions and services that allow organisations to manage internet access and activity. This can be used for gambling. This can be used to ensure that these illegal overseas online gambling sites cannot be easily accessed. Netsweeper is not 100 per cent perfect, but my understanding is that it ends up filtering well over 95 per cent of these sites. It makes it very difficult for these sites to be accessed. We know from the Australian Bankers Association that they can track the merchant numbers, or they have a pretty good idea of what the merchant numbers are, of these unauthorised online casinos. We do not know exactly how much is lost to these casinos, but it is in the hundreds of millions of dollars. If we are going to be fair dinkum about tackling illegal online casinos this is the way to do it. This has merit and will be effective.</para>
<para>It is enough of a battle to deal with the legal online bookmakers here in Australia, with sports betting and the damage that causes, but it is really the wild west when it comes to these unauthorised online casinos from overseas. I have had constituents and Senator Kakoschke-Moore has worked with constituents who have been devastated by losses to companies that are based in Malta, Gibraltar or the Caribbean. I commend this amendment as a means of requiring the government to seriously tackle this by ensuring that we use available technologies to block these sites.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KAKOSCHKE-MOORE</name>
    <name.id>265982</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> () (): by leave—I move Nick Xenophon Team amendments (1) to (6) on sheet 8046 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (after line 21), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">designated interactive gambling service</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">electronic betting terminals </inline>means electronic equipment that is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) installed on a permanent or fixed basis at a place where gambling services are provided; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) located in an area that is set aside for gambling services and under the continual supervision of the provider; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) unable to connect to the internet; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) available for use only by customers using cash or a card issued by the provider.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">[Note: The definition of </inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">electronic equipment</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> has not been removed because it is used in the definition of </inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">electronic betting terminals</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">.]</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 27, page 11 (lines 32 and 33), omit "electronic equipment", substitute "electronic betting terminals".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 27, page 12 (line 1), omit "electronic equipment is", substitute "electronic betting terminals are".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 27, page 12 (lines 19 and 20), omit "electronic equipment", substitute "electronic betting terminals".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 27, page 12 (line 22), omit "electronic equipment is", substitute "electronic betting terminals are".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 27, page 12 (line 24), omit "electronic equipment is", substitute "electronic betting terminals are".</para></quote>
<para>It is the view of the Nick Xenophon Team that the bill as it is currently drafted will increase the opportunities for in-play betting in TABs, clubs and licensed premises. This goes against the intention of the government's bill. Indeed, the Department of Communications and the Arts admitted that the definition of electronic equipment within the bill could include smartphones and tablets. They also admitted that they have done no analysis or modelling of whether this will increase the effects of problem gambling.</para>
<para>Consequently, the amendments on sheet 8046 narrow the definition of electronic equipment and make it clear that electronic equipment will instead be defined as an electronic betting terminal which is installed on a permanent or fixed basis at a place where gambling services are provided, is unable to be connected to the internet in a designated supervised area and is available for the use only of customers using cash or a card issued by the provider.</para>
<para>This definition will limit in-play betting to electronic betting terminals to ensure that gambling operators do not seek to expand their operations by allowing people to place in-play bets using tablets or smartphones provided by the venue. These terminals are permanent installations located in a specific area set aside for gambling and are unable to be connected to the internet. We put that if the government is sincere in its intent to clamp down on in-play sports betting it should not be enabling venues to hand out tablets and smartphones to its customers. Therefore, we encourage the Senate to support the amendments on sheet 8046, which will put a stop to this harmful practice.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor is well and truly on the record for raising concerns about terminals in licensed venues. As I have already stated, we do not want to see and do not support a proliferation of mobile devices. Minister Tudge, in the other place, has already said that he will act if there is a proliferation, and Labor expects the government to maintain the status quo. We are not supporting the amendment, on this occasion, but I just wanted to put on the record, again, that we have raised concerns about this issue and I indicate, clearly, to the government that Labor does not expect to see a proliferation of mobile devices, given the minister's comments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am grateful to the fact that the opposition have the courtesy to respond to it. I do not agree with the argument and think it is a weak one, respectfully, but could the minister at least humour us and give a response to this amendment? You did not on the previous amendments, but this is a pretty discrete amendment. It goes to the heart of this bill about in-play betting and whether it can be circumvented. This amendment, moved by my colleague Senator Kakoschke-Moore, seeks to obviate that. Can the minister give us the government's position on this amendment and any undertakings that if there is a proliferation of tablets, smartphone devices, the government will monitor it and act accordingly?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Xenophon. We did canvass these matters extensively last night, your contributions, and those of Senator Kakoschke-Moore, in relation to these amendments and the previous ones and I responded to those, at length, last night. As the Manager of Government Business in the Senate, I have the practice of avoiding repeating myself, where I can, to ensure that legislation is passed efficiently. But let me restate that this legislation is not seeking to create a new situation. This legislation is, simply, seeking comment, with place based betting, to maintain the status quo. As I indicated last night, this is something that we will monitor.</para>
<para>Question negatived.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Liberal Democratic Party amendments (1) to (4) on sheet 8054 together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 7, page 5 (after line 14), after the definition of carriage service, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">casino</inline> <inline font-style="italic">‑style poker or blackjack gambling service</inline> has the meaning given by section 8BC.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 8 (after line 12), after item 23A, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">23B Before paragraph 5(3)(c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(bc) a casino‑style poker or blackjack gambling service (see section 8BC);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 27, page 13 (after line 15), after section 8BB, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">8BC Casino ‑style poker or blackjack gambling service</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) For the purposes of this Act, a <inline font-style="italic">casino</inline><inline font-style="italic">‑style poker or blackjack gambling service</inline> is a service for the conduct of a game covered by paragraph (e) of the definition of <inline font-style="italic">gambling service</inline> in section 4:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) to the extent to which the game is poker or blackjack; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) to the extent to which the game is conducted in a manner substantially similar to the manner in which it would be conducted at a casino;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">so long as the other conditions (if any) determined under subsection (2) have been satisfied.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) The Minister may, by legislative instrument, determine one or more conditions for the purposes of subsection (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 28, page 13 (after line 29), after paragraph 8E(1)(g), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ga) a casino‑style poker or blackjack gambling service (see section 8BC); or</para></quote>
<para>Items 1 and 3 on sheet 8054 define casino-style poker and blackjack as poker or blackjack conducted in a manner substantially similar to the manner in which it would be conducted at a casino so long as any other conditions determined by the minister, by legislative instrument, are satisfied. Item 2 excludes casino-style poker and blackjack services from the definition of prohibited interactive gambling services. Item 4 includes online casino-style poker and blackjack services in the definition of regulated interactive gambling services.</para>
<para>If these amendments are passed, the person who is licensed to provide an online casino-style poker or blackjack services under a law of the state or territory would face no criminal or civil penalty under Commonwealth law. This would only be a first step towards legalising online casino-style poker and blackjack services. State and territory licensing would still be required, but it is a necessary step.</para>
<para>Despite the current prohibition in the existing law, online poker and blackjack are enjoyed by many Australians. They are entertaining games of chance and considerable skill. And despite the current lack of regulation—or, should I say, loophole of regulation?—there is no evidence that online poker and blackjack causes more harm than the other services this bill seeks to regulate rather than prohibit, like online sports betting. I commend the amendments to the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I indicated in my second reading contribution, the government believes that online poker poses a risk to problem gambling in Australia and it will maintain the prohibition of these services under the Interactive Gambling Act. The act creates an offence of providing or advertising interactive gambling services to customers in Australia, prohibiting gambling services—including online casino-style gaming services, including online poker—which are played for money or anything else of value. The intent of the act is to minimise the scope of gambling in Australia.</para>
<para>The government was clear in its response to the illegal offshore wagering review that it will not expand the online betting market in Australia. This bill will maintain the status quo and uphold the original intent of the Interactive Gambling Act. Online poker will, therefore, remain a prohibited interactive gambling service.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Leyonhjelm has obviously thought through this amendment and it would be disrespectful not to respond to it.</para>
<para>I and my colleagues do not support this amendment for a number of reasons. There is an ambiguity as to how it would operate and as to what the betting limits would be. I have met with poker machine players who like playing online poker, and they have made the point that sometimes you pay $50 and it will last you for a number of hours, which is very different from sports betting services where you can lose thousands of dollars with just one bet. Their argument is that there is an inconsistency in the current law that allows sports betting where enormous amounts of money can be lost; whereas, if online poker were regulated with very small bet limits, it would not be as harmful as sports betting. I am not canvassing and I am not commenting on those remarks as such. But, in the context of this debate, whilst I do not want to see any expansion of online gambling, there does seem to be a dichotomy between poker players, who have described to me that they can bet 1c at a time and lose very small amounts of money in the scheme of things, and sports betting. Senator Leyonhjelm has raised an important issue.</para>
<para>The paradox may be that if there were very low bet limits, and I am talking very low bet limits as a number of cents compared to dollars or multiples of dollars, the impact would be smaller than sports betting as it currently exists. It is a matter that the Productivity Commission raised in its reports on gambling. I think there will still be an ongoing debate on this, and I understand the point of online poker players who say that there is a dichotomy between a game where $50 will keep you playing all day compared to being able to lose literally tens of thousands of dollars at a time with sports betting. This is something that will need to be debated. I do not want to be seen to be encouraging an expansion of gambling, but there is an inconsistency in the approach of the government and opposition to sports betting, where you can bet thousands of dollars at a time per game or per sporting event—per horse race—compared to online poker, where there could be some very strict limits as to what could be bet. It is something that needs to be debated further.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am glad Senator Xenophon made the distinction between poker machines and poker. It is an important one. I do support the amendment from Senator Leyonhjelm. I have had a number of emails, text messages and tweets about this saying, 'I am a poker player. I am a hobby poker player. I enjoy it. I have fun. Please don't throw out the baby with the bathwater. Please don't include this.' If you will support Senator Leyonhjelm's amendment, I am happy to support the bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the same way, I have respect for Senator Leyonhjelm with regard to the amendment he has put forward. With regard to these matters, the Senate standing committee's report indicates in its closing section at 2.62:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Whether particular services should no longer be restricted under the IGA is a separate question that this committee was not asked to consider as part of this inquiry.</para></quote>
<para>That is one important point that should be made here in the course of the debate. We do also need to put on the record that the purpose of this particular piece of legislation is to act in a harm minimisation way as a preventative to the adverse outcomes of gambling in our community. I make that point by way of contribution to the debate this afternoon.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to add a few additional comments to put this into context. There is a very active poker community in Australia. They like to play poker. They like to win. There are tournaments. They make money. Some people lose money. Some of them have high stakes, and they can lose a lot of money at once, but mostly it is pretty small beer. That is not, essentially, regulated very much at all. That occurs in pubs and clubs where people gather, and if you are interested in playing poker competitively, there are no shortage of opportunities. What we are doing here is saying, 'You can't do that online. You can't play poker online with the same sort of people.' The risks are the same—you can lose small amounts of money or large amounts of money—and you bet what you choose. Yet, we are saying, 'No you're not allowed to do that online. You're only allowed to do it face-to-face.' It a little bit like saying to Australians, 'You're allowed to talk to each other by telephone, but you are not allowed to talk to each other by FaceTime, because FaceTime goes via a server in another country.' I am sure most of you know what FaceTime is. It is that method within Facebook of talking to each other external to the telephone system. What we are basically saying here is that one kind of playing poker is okay, but another kind of playing poker is not okay because it is online. Seriously! This is the 21st century. Almost everything is online these days, and to pretend that we can regulate so that you can do one but not the other is dreaming. I think it is very bad legislation. We really should not entertain it.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that amendments (1) to (4) on sheet 8054 moved by Senator Leyonhjelm be agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The committee divided. [13:10]<br />(The Chair—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>6</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>46</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Brown, CL</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J (teller)</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Singh, LM</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Watt, M</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived. </p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Pauline Hanson's One Nation amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 8093:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 26, page 11 (after line 13), at the end of paragraph 8A(5) (c), add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) a service relating to betting on the outcome of a lottery;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 13 (after line 15), after item 27, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">27A At the end of subsection 8D(2)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">; or (c) betting on the outcome of a lottery.</para></quote>
<para>My amendments are about a service related to betting on the outcome of a lottery. We have a foreign investor in Australia by the name of Lottoland, who bought a licence in the Northern Territory for $550,000. They are actually allowing people to bet on the outcome of a lottery anywhere in the world. They pay no tax. They are here in Australia. They do not employ a lot of people; they employ about six people. They are providing a service that is detrimental to 4½ thousand newsagents around this country who rely on lottery tickets being sold and who are struggling. So here we have a foreign company in Australia, possibly taking hundreds of thousands of dollars, if not millions of dollars, out of the country in unpaid taxes.</para>
<para>I also raised this in light of the government moving a bill in this house to address multinationals not paying their taxes in Australia. I think this has been on the table since almost 20 years ago when, I can remember, I raised the topic of multinationals not paying their taxes in Australia. This would be a good reason for the government to support my amendment to shut down one foreign multinational company working here in Australia and to stop the demise of 4½ thousand newsagents who are losing business because of this. If they are fair dinkum about clamping down on multinationals in Australia—in this case not employing a lot of Australians—taking money out of the country by not paying taxes here, then I expect the government and the opposition to support my amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hanson and her office for taking the government through the intent of One Nation's amendments. I think my colleagues would appreciate that, under the law as it is, Lottoland is not illegal, and I think that is the point of Senator Hanson's amendments. Lottoland is also not offshore. It is a licensed service in the Northern Territory, and the proposition here is beyond the scope of this bill. As Senator Hanson and One Nation have put this proposition here, the government will examine it, but it is important, with the proposed changes, that there be consultation. So it is not possible for the government to support these amendments in the context of this bill, but, as One Nation have asked that we examine this, we are happy to do so.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I indicate very briefly that I and my colleague strongly support these amendments. If the government does not support them, I genuinely suggest Senator Hanson put up a private senator's bill. I would co-sponsor it. The sooner we get onto it, the better. We need to bring this to a head. This is a loophole under current laws. It is beyond me that the Northern Territory regulator actually allows this to be licensed. I believe it is a sneaky and tricky form of gambling that effectively allows more people to get sucked in or roped in and become gambling addicts, because this service promises huge returns, but the odds are even huger. I think it is very problematic in terms of it being offered as a service. It also has a real impact on state-based lotteries. Whatever problems you have with those, at least you know that the revenue is staying here in the Commonwealth rather than going off overseas.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too would like to put Labor's position that we are very sympathetic to the issue that Pauline Hanson's One Nation party has drawn to the attention of the chamber through these amendments. However, it did arrive into the whole consultation very, very late, and one of the important things in legislative care is to make sure that there is adequate consultation, so we will not be supporting these amendments at this point in time.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased that the government has recognised the merit of these amendments so far as the tax is concerned and so far as it will be considered. I will just add some weight to that because the evasion of tax by foreign entities is something that has not been addressed since 1953. It is something that we must, must get on top of because of our debt situation in this country and the unfairness of our tax system. It needs to be a part of the considered and comprehensive review of our tax system.</para>
<para>The CHAIR: The question is that Pauline Hanson's One Nation amendments (1) and (2) on sheet 8093, as moved by Senator Hanson, be agreed to.</para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [13:23]<br />(The Chair—Senator Lines)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>18</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Burston, B (teller)</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>30</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Back, CJ</name>
                  <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                  <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                  <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>McAllister, J (teller)</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Paterson, J</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.<br />Bill, as amended, agreed to.<br />Bill reported with amendments; report adopted.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>21</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>21</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That government business order of the day No. 2 Veterans’ Affairs Legislation Amendment (Digital Readiness and Other Measures) Bill 2017 be postponed to the next day of sitting.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>21</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Transport Security Amendment (Serious or Organised Crime) Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>21</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
            <a href="r5689" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Transport Security Amendment (Serious or Organised Crime) Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>21</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This bill would amend the Aviation Transport Security Act 2004 and the Maritime Transport and Offshore Facilities Security Act 2003. These acts concern the issuance of security identification cards, ASICs, and maritime security identification cards, MSICs. It comes to us as a response to a recommendation from the National Ice Taskforce for greater rigour in guarding against drug smuggling in ports and airports through a toughening of background checks.</para>
<para>When this legislation came on in the other place in the 44th Parliament, we the opposition noted our concern about whether the addition of an organised crime check to the existing terrorism check might inadvertently reduce the level of rigour that applies to the terrorism check. That remains our concern. Our worries about these administrative matters have been deepened by the government's strange secrecy about its broader position on transport issues and its ongoing attempts to undermine Australian jobs. I note you are nodding with me there, Mr Acting Deputy President Ketter. Security standards in Australia's maritime and aviation sector should have nothing to do with politics. Public safety is our only priority. Laws and regulations relating to the security of ports and airports need to be tough and clear so Australians, and criminals who might wish us harm, are in no doubt of the strength of our resolve to keep our nation safe.</para>
<para>The legislation before us would take background checks on workers in airports and in the maritime sector. Under existing arrangements, people applying for aviation security identification cards and maritime security identification cards undergo background checks. Those checks are designed to establish whether applicants have links with terrorist organisations. This bill would add an extra layer of checking, to ensure that applicants have no links to serious and organised crime. The opposition will not oppose the bill, because we take security seriously. However, we are deeply concerned about the glaring inconsistencies in the government's approach, particularly when it comes to maritime security.</para>
<para>It was less than 12 months ago that the government asked the other place to support laws that would have removed Australian mariners from coastal trade and replaced them with overseas crews who have not been through the maritime security identification card checks. What was known as the notorious 'Workchoices on water' legislation would have allowed overseas vessels paying their crews as little as $2 an hour to undercut Australian vessels, whose owners are required to pay Australian level wages. It would have destroyed Australian jobs and it was quite rightly rejected in this place.</para>
<para>Today, we are being asked to toughen background checks on Australian mariners in the name of security. We argue that these proposals are at odds, so the opposition seeks clarity. On the one hand the government wants to enhance security with better background checks, but on the other hand it seeks to reduce security by clearing the way for people who have not been subject to security checks by replacing people whose backgrounds have been vetted. That does not seem to make sense to us.</para>
<para>Australians know and need to know more about the government's forward agenda for the shipping and the aviation industries. During last year's election campaign—the longest in decades—the coalition released no policies on aviation or shipping. All we have to guide our understanding of the government's forward agenda is its history, and that is a history of trying to undermine Australian jobs. Labor on the other hand has a comprehensive shipping policy that covers the full range or maritime issues, including: security, industry taxation arrangements, workforce planning, cruise shipping, ports, the Australian International Shipping Register and Labor's approach to coastal trading. We also have an aviation policy that sets out all of our policy principles for that sector. If anyone wants to know where Labor stands on aviation and shipping, they can go online and access those documents.</para>
<para>Australians deserve to hear more information about the principles underlying the coalition's policy in shipping and aviation. That is the thrust of the amendments put forward in the other place and again here today. Our amendments would require the government to do exactly what Labor has already done: sit down and put in the work required to frame aviation and maritime policies. The opposition has always seriously considered enhanced security measures and will also take a non-political path on such matters. Australians of course demand nothing less. Australians also expect us to look at the whole picture around any picture put to us. As it stands, we cannot see that full picture. Let me be clear: Labor supports well-targeted measures that address serious and organised crime. Those who use our aviation and maritime transport systems as means to distribute drugs or other contraband into, out of and within Australia commit crimes. We know it happens, and sensible measures to minimise this trade, detect the perpetrators and bring them to justice are initiatives that Labor will of course support.</para>
<para>The report of the National Ice Taskforce from December 2015 was welcomed by Labor. We support measures to align and refine the security identification cards and maritime security identification cards to ensure that persons accessing secure areas around airports, ports, aircraft and ships are subject to proper background checks. Labor also supports a transport security framework that has a clear purpose in its own right. Transport security is a vital mission for government. It is a qualitatively different task from targeting organised crime in our transport system. We trust that the government has systems in place to ensure the strong focus on transport security will not be lost with the addition of a new purpose.</para>
<para>However, it is not clear that the security issues are always considered when the government develops aviation and maritime policy. Two substantial acts exist which govern, respectively, transport security at our major aviation and maritime gateways, including offshore facilities, and which also extend to aircraft and maritime vessels within our jurisdiction. The Aviation Transport Security Act 2004 and the Maritime Transport and Offshore Facilities Security Act 2003 are both post-September 11 pieces of legislation that seek to implement a transport security environment targeting that class of risk. The two acts currently target unlawful interference in the aviation and maritime sectors.</para>
<para>'Unlawful interference' is currently defined in both acts as being acts that impede the operation of airports, aircraft, ports, offshore facilities or ships, or which place the safety of facilities, ships or aircraft at risk, with exceptions for mere advocacy, protest, dissent or industrial action. The current focus is, accordingly, on targeting deliberate behaviour which may cause harm to passengers, crew, aviation and maritime personnel, the general public and damage to property. In a word: terrorism. The changes proposed will add a new, secondary purpose to both acts as per above, and administer this solely through changes to eligibility criteria for existing aviation security identification cards and maritime security identification cards.</para>
<para>There is a potential risk that widening the purpose of the transport security legislation will confuse the two missions of transport security and targeting serious and organised crime in the transport system. Both these tasks are important; the question is whether achievement of both is best done via the mechanism here.</para>
<para>Labor expressed concerns arising from the Senate inquiry in the previous parliament about how this change affected the transport security mission. It is also not clear that the government has fully thought through what it wants in these changes, and that is a concern. The Ice Taskforce called for the aviation security identification cards and the maritime security identification cards to include checks to target 'serious and organised crime', as did the Attorney-General's Department and the coalition majority on the Senate inquiry that last looked at this bill. But the bill is worded much wider than that: it looks at 'serious or organised crime'.</para>
<para>It is of concern that two phrases with different meanings are used variously by the government without nuance as to the difference. In adding new scope to an existing vital mission, it is essential that we are clear about what the mission is. Labor will seek to amend the bill to clarify this, and we hope that the government will support our amendment.</para>
<para>A quarter of a million people currently hold an ASIC or MSIC card. In the quest to target organised crime, it is important to acknowledge they have a right to be fairly treated by this change, as their jobs are at stake. While we will not tolerate criminals in our midst, we need to be careful that how we specify the offence could unfairly affect existing participants in the system. Labor will be carefully scrutinising the regulations that follow this bill, particularly in the area of offences and their relation to the behaviour the system seeks to eliminate. Such a system should have well-justified offences and cut-offs. It should not be open to abuse.</para>
<para>Refusal of an MSIC or ASIC can mean that employees lose their jobs. For this reason, the system must have a robust appeals mechanism. Labor will move to require this in the legislation, and we will carefully scrutinise the regulations when they comes forward.</para>
<para>This legislation fits within a wider system of aviation and maritime transport security. Labor is concerned that the focus on our ports and airports does not remove a focus from those outside secure areas who also have an opportunity to participate in serious crime via the transport system. This includes personnel and their managers packing and unpacking containers in establishments away from secure zones where ASIC and MSIC cards rule. We should care about who is moving high-consequence domestic cargo around our ports. Ammonium nitrate, explosives and fuel should ideally be moved by holders of MSIC or ASIC cards rather than crew on Maritime Crew visas, that are less able to be verified.</para>
<para>And we deserve a government that believes in promoting Australian jobs in shipping and aviation. We know that government can better vet Australians than foreign employees. That only stands to reason. This government in the last term effectively tried to replace some Australian aviation workers with foreign crews when it considered changing air cabotage arrangements in northern Australia. And in shipping, we had Work Choices on water. The government tried to replace the Australian flag on the back of Australian vessels with the white flag of surrender on Australian jobs.</para>
<para>If you work in Australia, you should be paid Australian-level wages: it is that simple. Labor's laws backed a level playing field for Australian shipping employers when bidding for work in Australia. It is in Australia's economic, environmental and national security interests to maintain a vibrant Australian shipping industry. None of the major environmental accidents around the Australian coast in recent years have involved Australian-flagged vessels. If you drive a train across the country or a truck down the Hume Highway, you should be paid Australian-level wages. Arrangements should be no different on the blue highway from the Hume Highway.</para>
<para>Quite apart from removing a level playing field based on Australian standards for Australian aviation and maritime businesses and the people they employ when competing for work in their own country, these policies also work against improved outcomes in targeting transport security and organised crime. Work Choices on water continues to cast a threatening shadow over job security in the maritime sector.</para>
<para>The government's failure to produce shipping and aviation policies mean that we have no idea about its future intentions. I have no doubt whatsoever that the government takes maritime and aviation security seriously, but I and the opposition fear that its ideological warriors will be back for another attempt to destroy Australian shipping. Indeed there are numerous senior ministers who, before and since Work Choices on water was rejected, have indicated their support for its key principles. The government has bitter ideological divisions which are graphically demonstrated by the conflicting nature of the bill before us—and, I might say, many other pieces of legislation—and the government's previous positions on shipping. That is why we seek to amend the bill.</para>
<para>Our concern is not only about the lack of a government policy on shipping and aviation. In recent months there have been a range of other indicators that raise red flags for the opposition. For example, a High Court judgement last August exposed the government's zeal for facilitating the replacement of Australian workers with cheap overseas labour. In December 2015, the government granted working visa exemptions to overseas workers on oil and gas rigs in Australian waters. The government had argued that oil rigs were vessels. It wanted to help employers to cut costs by hiring overseas workers instead of Australians. In August, the High Court ruled the exemption invalid and declared the Minister for Immigration and Border Protection had exceeded his authority.</para>
<para>Since the rejection of Work Choices on water, the Minister for Transport and Infrastructure has continued to undermine Australian maritime jobs by abusing provisions of the existing laws relating to temporary licences. Existing legislation allows the use of overseas crews for temporary work around Australia's coasts when no Australian crew is available. In the most flagrant example of this abuse, the government, last year, issued a temporary licence allowing the operator of the MV <inline font-style="italic">Portland</inline> to sack their Australian crew and replace them with a foreign crew. The <inline font-style="italic">Portland</inline> has been operating between Western Australia and the Victorian port of Portland for two decades. This work is not temporary and an Australian crew were available. The existing <inline font-style="italic">Portland</inline> crew were sacked and escorted off the vessel.</para>
<para>An honourable senator interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FARRELL</name>
    <name.id>I0N</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, it is a shame. Over the summer break, the Commonwealth and Victorian governments reached a deal with the Portland smelter for taxpayer support to allow it to keep operating; yet, as far as we know, this government is happy to continue to have the smelter supplied by a vessel crewed by overseas mariners. Let's not forget that only two years ago the Harper review into competition policy proposed allowing overseas aircrews to undercut the Australian aviation sector. The conservative economist Ian Harper wanted to allow foreign airlines coming into Australia to be allowed to also fly Australian domestic routes in direct competition with Australian airlines. Just as with overseas mariners, these overseas employees are paid less than their Australian counterparts.</para>
<para>With so many red flags waving, the government needs to be up-front with the people of Australia on its plans for aviation and shipping. Labor is always up for supporting genuine security measures, but, even if we support this bill before us today, it seems highly likely that the government will undermine the bill's objectives with a fresh attack on Australian shipping. We know this because we have clear evidence that the government previously discounted warnings from its own security advisers by advancing Work Choices on water. We know also that, having failed to secure passage for that disgraceful piece of legislation, it has continued to promote its vile objectives in both word and deed. And we know, despite the political controversy caused by its previous attack on Australian shipping, it chose during the recent election campaign to refuse to outline its future intentions. It is time that the government started being straight with the Australian people. It could do so by accepting our amendments.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am rising to speak on the Transport Security Amendment (Serious or Organised Crime) Bill 2016. In making my comments on the bill today, I want to reiterate the view that the Greens put in our report when the regional and rural affairs and transport committee inquired into this bill last year, which is that we believe preventing serious and organised crime in our ports and airports is a critical issue. But the question remains whether trying to tackle that by tacking that provision onto existing bills, which primarily were intended to deal with threats of a terrorist nature, is an appropriate way to enact appropriate security measures.</para>
<para>Although we see merit in trying to align the powers of the Aviation Transport Security Act 2004 and the Maritime Transport and Offshore Facilities Security Act 2003, we still have some significant concerns with the legislation in its current form. And this is important because this bill has the potential to affect up to 260,000 Australian maritime and aviation workers. We believe that there is the potential for the proposed new background checking to be very punitive for people with particular histories of involvement with drugs. Access to employment is very important for those with a history of drug or alcohol abuse and should not be denied to people who have successfully rehabilitated their lives. We are concerned that, by attempting to add a secondary purpose to the maritime security or aviation security ID cards, the bill's measures could unreasonably exclude work opportunities for a large pool of already disadvantaged Australians seeking work. The fact remains that these cards—the ASIC and MSIC cards—were and should still be primarily identity cards, not security cards.</para>
<para>We are also concerned with the history of this bill. Submitters representing the workers have shared their concerns that they still do not feel that they have been appropriately consulted and engaged with the development of this legislation. We remain hopeful that, if there are amendments to this legislation being considered and in the rollout of this legislation, there will be more effective consultation.</para>
<para>In particular, our concerns about this bill also relate to whether it is tackling what are the fundamental security concerns because if we are serious about tackling the security holes that exist in our maritime and aviation security policy settings we need to work out whether tacking these issues onto another bill is the best way to achieve appropriate policy. It seems the reason ramping up the checks on maritime and aviation workers is being focused on is that it is the area that fits with the government's ideological agenda, it is relatively easy to do and it gives the impression that they are doing something whilst there are gaping holes in other elements of our security regime.</para>
<para>During the inquiry into this bill we saw lots of submissions that talked about the existing flaws and loopholes in the maritime crew visa background and security checks, and the fact that foreign aviation workers can be excluded from the need for ASIC cards. There is also the issue of exclusion of managers from stevedoring companies and trucking companies who are responsible for things like personnel recruitment, rosters, allocation of ship berthing and directing security. These are positions which are unquestionably vulnerable to infiltration by people seeking to cause damage or to engage in illicit activities, and yet these are not being addressed. In fact, managers, operators and workers in container packing yards, for example, who are often backpackers, have no requirement for MSIC checks. These yards are sometimes only metres outside of the security container terminals and the workers have the responsibility to place customs locks on containers, but they are exempted from the MSIC program.</para>
<para>Then there were the issues raised during our inquiry into flag-of-convenience shipping and the huge flaws and the huge, gaping holes in the regulation of these ships. In seeking to deregulate the domestic shipping industry we have been opened up to many, many more flag-of-convenience vessels. What we risk is that we have a much higher-risk workforce predominating in our shipping industry and a far fewer number of MSIC registered seafarers who are working our domestic shipping routes. This imbalance in itself—the fact that we have a majority of seafarers that are plying our ports, plying our shores and going in and out of our ports are on flag-of-convenience ships rather than on Australian flagged vessels—is a particular security concern.</para>
<para>In the Senate inquiry into flag-of-convenience shipping on the Australian coast there was a startling admission that the federal government's Department of Immigration and Border Protection made where it warned that there are features of flag-of-convenience registration, regulation and practice that organised crime syndicates or terrorists may seek to exploit. Reduced transparency or secrecy surrounding complex financial and ownership arrangements are factors that can make flag-of-convenience ships more attractive for use in illegal activity, including by organised crime or terrorist groups. This means that flag-of-convenience ships may be used in a range of illegal activities, including illegal exploitation of natural resources, illegal activity in protected areas, people smuggling and facilitating prohibited imports or exports.</para>
<para>Here we have a bill that is presenting this image that we are getting serious about organised crime when we know that we have got many, many more areas where there are gaping holes. Some of these areas have been identified and they are alarming. The fact is we have flag-of-convenience ships that are involved in the carriage, storage and delivery of really dangerous cargoes, including ammonium nitrate. There is huge evidence that with regard to the background checks for maritime crew visas for foreign workers who are engaged on flag-of-convenience shipping there is a lot that can slip through the net. So we have ourselves in a particularly vulnerable situation. We have critical infrastructure of oil and gas production, exploration and storage where we have foreign workers with inadequate checks having access to that. Yet we are focusing on increasing the security checks on Australian workers. We have Australian city ports where there are no security checks at all and where foreign crew on foreign flagged ships and flag-of-convenience ships are free to come and go through open gates. These are where we really have the problems and where we really need to focus our efforts if we are serious about addressing serious and organised crime.</para>
<para>We really think it is important that we are addressing issues of serious and organised crime, but we feel that this current legislation is failing to deal with the real problems. So the Greens do not believe that this legislation should be supported in its current form, but we are open to seeing this legislation improved. We understand and have considered the Labor Party amendment being proposed to this bill. We think that amendment, if passed, would significantly improve some of the aspects of this bill. In particular, rather than imposing these background checks just on Australian workers for serious or organised crime, the fact is it should be serious and organised crime considered. If an Australian worker is denied a visa there needs to be a process of appeal because it is important not to be denying Australian workers a visa unilaterally, with many people missing out on their opportunity to be working in our ports. We have to have an appeals process, particularly if you compare that with the situation of the many foreign workers on flag-of-convenience vessels who do not have to have the same checks. We have all of these gaping holes. We know that we can have foreign workers coming through our ports without the same checks, but we are unnecessarily and inappropriately having to have very restrictive arrangements on Australian workers working on our ports.</para>
<para>We look forward to the rest of the debate on this legislation and we look forward in particular to discussing the amendments that have been proposed by the Labor Party. I am hoping that we can see some vastly improved legislation that we will be able to support.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! It now being 2 pm we will proceed to questions without notice.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>26</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>26</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. The Prime Minister has on at least 16 occasions ruled out his government amending section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. Today, on Harmony Day, we learned that the Turnbull government is proposing the removal of the words 'insult', 'offend' and 'humiliate' from section 18C. What insulting, offensive or humiliating comments does the Prime Minister think people should be able to say to me?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Might I begin by correcting the premise of your question: the Prime Minister has never, not on 16 occasions and not once, said that the government would never reform section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. He did say, as was the case at the time, that it was not a priority for the government.</para>
<para>Nevertheless, I think we all know that events have happened in this country in the recent past, in particular, the treatment of the QUT students, which was disgraceful, and the treatment of the late Bill Leak, which was disgraceful. The report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights, to which Labor senators and members of the House of Representatives continue, proposed beneficial law reform. What the Prime Minister and I announced a short while ago was a strengthening of the antivilification provisions of the Racial Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>What you did not mention in your question, which I think is a very important consideration, is the insertion, into section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act, of a prohibition against racial harassment. Did you know that in 1991, when the then—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If your leader, Senator Wong, would just control herself, I might be able to address your question. You may or may not know that in 1991 the then Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I need quiet on my left and on my right. Senator Cameron on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On relevance. The question was: 'What insulting, offensive or humiliating comments does the Prime Minister think that people should be able to say to the senator?' That was the question, and he has not gone near it. He should actually take off that Harmony Day badge. It is absolutely crazy that he has that on.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, the Attorney-General has been giving a detailed response to a detailed question. He is aware of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In 1991, when the current part IIA of the Racial Discrimination Act was recommended, the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission actually recommended to the parliament that one of the grounds of racial vilification should be harassment. That was one of the grounds recommended by the predecessor body of the Human Rights Commission. For some unaccountable reason that was not done by the then Labor government. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister Wyatt has twice indicated he would cross the floor to vote against changes to section 18C. What consequences will there be for members of the coalition who vote against the Turnbull government's attempt to water down protections against racism?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am absolutely certain that every member of the coalition will be voting for these changes to strengthen section 18C, every last one of them.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McCarthy, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When asked why the government had no plans to amend section 18C, the Prime Minister said, 'We did not take an 18C amendment proposal to the election.' Why is Prime Minister Turnbull willing to cave in to the Right of his party room on section 18C, while he continues to refuse a free vote on marriage equality, despite the defeat of his proposed plebiscite?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Although I am a little loath to dwell on internal politics, may I say that strengthening protections against racial vilification and vindicating freedom of speech are causes that are embraced by all elements of the Liberal Party and the coalition. You may say that section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act and the complaint-handling procedures of the Australian Human Rights Commission Act are perfect and incapable of reform. You may say that, but if you do you would be alone because there is no serious person in this country who has followed human rights debate who says that section 18C in its current form, which actually omits to prohibit racial harassment, or the complaint-handling procedures of the Human Rights Commission cannot be improved. Certainly, that is what Professor Gillian Triggs has said, and I agree with her. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>27</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I draw to the attention of honourable senators, on the floor of the Senate chamber, a delegation from the United Kingdom Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. On behalf of all senators, I wish them a warm welcome.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Also, in the President's Gallery, we have the Australian Political Exchange Council's 33rd delegation from the United States of America, ably led by former President of the Senate Alan Ferguson. We welcome them to the Senate.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>27</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>27</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Employment, Senator Cash. I refer to the misinformation campaign following the decision of the independent Fair Work Commission on penalty rates. Can the minister update the Senate on the government's response to this misinformation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Hume for the question. As you would expect, Labor and the unions have deliberately sought to mislead the Australian people in relation to the decision of the independent Fair Work Commission when it comes to penalty rates. Colleagues on this side of the chamber know why. This is nothing more and nothing less than a desperate attempt by the current Leader of the Opposition to hide from what is a very, very inconvenient truth. Let us put the facts on the record insofar as Mr Shorten is concerned. When he was the leader of the Australian Workers Union—and at that time he had the responsibility of representing the workers—what did Mr Shorten do? He sold the workers down the river! And how did he do that? Mr Shorten, the 'champion of the working man and working woman', did a deal whereby he saw their penalty rates either reduced or removed. Mr Shorten had the penalty rates of some of the lowest paid workers in this country removed—and he was meant to be representing their interests!</para>
<para>Why would a leader of a union charged with representing the interests of the workers sell them down the river? Let me tell you why. The company Cleanevent made a secret payment to the AWU to continue this arrangement for several years, to continue the arrangement of stripping the workers' penalty rates, which Mr Shorten himself did when he was head of the union charged with representing their interests. He ripped the workers off—solely and with intent.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister please outline the uneven playing field that exists between big business and small business?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The reality is this. Unfortunately, small businesses in this country have had an unfair disadvantage because Mr Shorten and Labor are very happy for big unions and big businesses to do deals which basically either remove or reduce penalty rates for workers on Sundays. Small business is not afforded the same opportunity. Let us have a look at some of the deals that have been done and how it creates an unfair playing field. A bed-and-breakfast, a small business, must pay $10 more per hour on Sundays than a five-star hotel. A family chicken shop must pay $8 an hour more than KFC. A family owned takeaway must pay $8 an hour more than McDonald's. A family greengrocer must pay $5 an hour more than Woolworths. The decision of the Fair Work Commission helps small business and levels the playing field so they have half a chance against the big union deals. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hume, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister outline the background to this decision of the Fair Work Commission?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Colleagues, this is yet another inconvenient truth for Bill Shorten, the Leader of the Opposition, and the Australian Labor Party. The Fair Work Commission, this independent tribunal, was set up by the Australian Labor Party in 2009. The Labor Party then tasked the Fair Work Commission to review all awards every four years. As workplace relations minister—he does like to do things himself, like rip off workers and their penalty rates—Mr Shorten amended the Fair Work Act to specifically ensure that penalty rates were considered as part of this process. But they have even more ownership of this decision. Mr Shorten and Labor actually appointed the members of the commission who sat on the panel and made the decision. Good old President Iain Ross is one of those from the other side. So Mr Shorten made the rules, appointed the umpire and insisted on the decision—and now he is running a mile! <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the next questioner, could I also draw to the attention of senators the presence of former senator Mary Jo Fisher in the President's gallery.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>28</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. I refer to the national accounts figures released on 1 March this year. Can the minister confirm that the household savings ratio fell for the December quarter fell a full 1.1 percentage points to 5.2 per cent, the lowest level of household savings since 2008?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What I can confirm is that the national accounts in fact show that Australia's economic growth rate is now 2.4 per cent, which is faster than any G7 economy. I can also confirm to you that the ABS statistics in relation to the labour force, another indicium of economic wellbeing, show that 27,100 additional full-time jobs were created—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pause the clock. Senator Gallagher, a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question was very specific. I am aware of other results in the national accounts. The specific question was around the household savings ratio. Can the minister confirm what occurred in the national accounts and whether it was the lowest level of household saving since 2008?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Gallagher; you are correct. I will remind the Attorney-General of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Mr President; I am just trying to contextualise Senator Gallagher's observation about the health of the economy. As I was saying, 27,100 additional full-time jobs in the last month is one of the results that the Turnbull government has lately delivered—of 534,400 new jobs created in Australia since the coalition government was elected. That is another of the results since the Turnbull government was elected.</para>
<para>Turning directly to your question in relation to the household savings ratio, that is an indicator that goes up and down, as you know. To isolate that one indicator in the absence of an overall picture of the health of the Australian economy is surely an entirely irrelevant thing to do. If you want to get a picture of the state of the Australian economy, look at the major indicators. Look at economic growth. Look at business confidence. Look at the growth of the labour market. Look at the participation rate. Look at the big indicia. All of them tell the same story—a story of prosperity, a story of economic growth unmatched by anything that occurred during the unlamented period of your government. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister confirm that compensation of employees fell by half a percentage point in the December quarter, reflecting the impact of record low wage growth of 1.9 per cent, the lowest rate since the ABS first published the wage price index in 1998?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No, I cannot confirm that, Senator, but what I can confirm to you is the health of the labour market. I can confirm to you the health of the labour market as indicated by the statistics that I just recited to you—and, in case you were not listening, Senator Gallagher, let me say it again: 534,400 new jobs in 3½ years; 21,700 new full-time jobs in the last month. That is the health of the labour market under this government.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A final supplementary question, Senator Gallagher.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given that household savings are down and wage growth is at a record low, why is the government supporting a pay cut of up to $77 a week for up to 700,000 Australian workers with no corresponding improvement in other workplace entitlements?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, I assume that is an intended reference to the decision of the Fair Work Commission which we discussed in this chamber yesterday. May I remind you that the Fair Work Commission, created by your party when in government to be an independent umpire, to be an independent settler of pay and conditions, ought to be supported by both sides of politics. You might have a different view as to whether it ought to have made a particular determination on a particular case, but you ought to respect its independence and—from the point of view if only of the rule of law—you ought to respect its determinations.</para>
<para>Now, Senator Gallagher, there is one force in this country that is selling Australian workers, particularly low-income Australian workers, down the river, and that is the trade union movement, which you represent in this chamber, and particularly Mr Bill Shorten, who time and again when he led the ACTU took bribes and side payments that had the effect of reducing workers compensation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>29</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Minister Brandis. Today is Harmony Day. The date is chosen because it falls on the United Nations International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The United Nations human rights chief today called on governments to adopt legislation expressly prohibiting racist hate speech. He did that today, the very same day that the Prime Minister has decided to wind back protections on racist hate speech. I just ask you, Minister: what is next? Are you going to use White Ribbon Day to cut funding for domestic violence services—again? Are you going to use the international day for children to reintroduce labour laws for kids? What next?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, I am bound to say that I am disappointed in you that you would make a cheap political point about violence against women. You should hang your head in shame. Nevertheless, Senator Di Natale, the government has on Harmony Day strengthened the protections against racial vilification in the Racial Discrimination Act by extending its protections against harassment. There was no protection against racial harassment in Australian law. There is against sexual harassment under the Sex Discrimination Act, but there was no protection against racial harassment, and now there will be.</para>
<para>Senator Di Natale, I know you are fond of quoting experts from the academy. Let me recite to you some of the experts from the academy who have said that section 18C should be reformed or revisited: the Australian Law Reform Commission; Professor Gillian Triggs; Professor George Williams; Mr David Marr; the former human rights commissioner Sev Ozdowski; Justice Ronald Sackville; Professor Sarah Joseph, from the Castan Centre for Human Rights Law; and your former colleague from Western Australia Christabel Chamarette, among others, all of whom have in the recent past gone on the record to say that section 18C in its current form is poorly worded, and it is, if only—Senator Di Natale, if you would care to listen—for the fact that it omits from the categories of prohibited conduct racial harassment. How can you have an anti-racial-vilification law that does not prohibit racial harassment? That is the vice that this government is seeking to correct while at the same time protecting Australians' freedom of speech, as it should.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Through you, Mr President, yes, we are listening to people. We are listening to people who are affected by racist hate speech. We are listening to people like the young Lebanese woman who said that she had been spat on and spat on, had been screamed at and had been called a wog, hated it when she was a kid, hates it now and will do anything to keep 18C. Minister, why does the coalition believe it is okay for people like this woman to be humiliated, insulted and offended on the basis of their background?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, Senator Di Natale, we do not, but what we do believe is in writing laws that will protect the interests of the young woman whom you have instanced and anyone else in her position. Now, Senator Di Natale, I am not familiar with the particular case you cite, but nevertheless, if the young woman to whom you refer was subject to that behaviour, then plainly she would be protected by the government's amendments because that behaviour would constitute harassment and intimidation. It may or may not, by the way, constitute offence or insult, but it certainly would constitute harassment, which is the very thing we are moving to outlaw.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will ask a very straightforward question. Minister, how many times have you been approached by ordinary people in the street, not right-wing—</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left! Order! Order on my left! We will reset the clock, Senator Di Natale.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I might rephrase that. Minister, how many times have you been approached in your chambers or in the Melbourne Club not by your mates in the media, not by members of the IPA, not by party hacks but by ordinary people, who say, 'We are feeling so overwhelmed right now, we want to be more racist; we want a right to be a bigot'? How many times has that happened to you, Minister Brandis?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, Senator Di Natale, unlike you, I do not think the Australian people are racist. And I have never been approached by anyone who says, 'I want to be more racist' because I do not believe the Australian people are a racist people; I do not. I, Senator Di Natale, am proud of the tradition of tolerance, decency, fairness and acceptance of the Australian people and so, Senator Di Natale, ought you to be.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Immunisation</title>
          <page.no>30</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Education and Training, Simon Birmingham—ah, that is Senator Simon Birmingham. Can the minister update the Senate on how the government's No Jab, No Pay policy has increased the number of children being immunised?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator McKenzie, Bridg, for her question and her particular interest in this very serious issue. The Turnbull government's No Jab, No Pay policy has been a massive success, which is really important and valuable and good news for Australian families, and indeed the entire Australian community in terms of our health care in the future. The coalition government on 1 January 2016 introduced our No Jab, No Pay policy, which sees only parents of children who have been fully vaccinated or who are on a recognised catch-up schedule being eligible to receive childcare benefit, the childcare rebate, and the family tax benefit part A end-of-year supplement.</para>
<para>Childcare payments are conditional on all children meeting their childhood immunisation requirements. The only exemption that we have allowed is a valid medical exemption, and conscientious objection is no longer a valid exemption under the reforms our government have put in place. These have made a profound difference in a very short period of time. Thanks to No Jab, No Pay, an additional 200,000 Australian children have been vaccinated. These gains make a significant contribution to the immunisation rates across the entire Australian community and, of course, have profound healthcare benefits not just in child care or schools but ultimately in to the long term for all Australians.</para>
<para>We see immunisation as an important health measure for children because it is the safest and the most effective way of providing protection against harmful and sometimes deadly diseases. Parents deserve to know that their children will be safe when they are dropped off at child care. They deserve to know that as they progress through school they will be in a safe environment, protected from disease, and of course the entire community deserves to know that we have effective immunisation policies, which the Turnbull government is proud to have strengthened.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. Will the minister advise the Senate of what more can be done to boost immunisation rates in Australia and protect children?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The next steps in further boosting vaccination rates are to tackle enrolment policies at preschool and in childcare centres. Currently, there is a patchwork of enrolment policies across Australia, with some states and territories allowing enrolment without vaccination while other states and territories do require vaccination. In New South Wales, Victoria and Queensland there are various legislative measures in place to require vaccination, whilst children do not need to be immunised to enrol at centres in the ACT and in my home state of South Australia or in Western Australia, Tasmania or the Northern Territory. We believe there should be a nationally consistent approach. In the interests of transparency, we also believe that vaccination rates at each childcare centre should be made publicly available. Immunisation is a community obligation as well as a parental obligation. We want to make sure that children are vaccinated and we will work with states and territories to ensure enrolment policies reflect that and further drive up vaccination rates.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister outline the role of state and territory governments in ensuring the further success of this policy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BIRMINGHAM</name>
    <name.id>H6X</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The coalition have taken action to ensure that our policies put in place provisions whereby parents who have not immunised their children cannot receive taxpayer support for their child care or, indeed, other payments. But state and territory governments, of course, regulate access to childcare centres and to preschools, and the Prime Minister is now encouraging state premiers and chief ministers to examine ways in which they can strengthen immunisation policies and to build on the success of our No Jab, No Pay policies.</para>
<para>Just over a week ago, the Prime Minister wrote to all state and territory premiers calling on them to address these inconsistencies and to strengthen their requirements where possible. The Prime Minister will raise this matter with state and territory premiers at COAG, because all parents deserve to know if their children are safe, to know that they will be safe when dropping them off at child care. I note and welcome a number of positive reactions since the Prime Minister's announcement, including from some state and territory leaders and, indeed, as most recently as today, the ACT opposition, which is apparently going to push the territory government to strengthen their enrolment policies too. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Western Australian State Election</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, Senator Cormann. On the ABC <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> program last Monday, the minister twice refused to rule out having been involved in the Western Australia Liberal Party's preference deal with One Nation. Last night, when asked whether reports your colleague Senator Cash—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Brandis.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no respect in which this question goes to the Finance portfolio or any portfolio that Senator Cormann represents in this chamber.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Brandis, you are correct in relation to the portfolio. However, the minister has made public statements and the minister can be questioned on public statements, so the question will be in order on that front.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Sterle interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Sterle!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Sterle</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You were Pauline Hanson's Uber driver!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Sterle! Senator Pratt, you are in order; you can continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Last night when asked whether reports Senator Cash met with One Nation to get the preference deal over the line are correct, Senator Cash herself said, 'Yes, they are incorrect.' Why is Senator Cormann unable to rule out his involvement in the same way as Senator Cash?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What I would say to Senator Pratt is: 'You really have to get a life.' You would think that the WA Labor Party lost the election. This is how you behave when you win an election—unbelievable. What Senator Pratt has said misrepresents what I actually said on the <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> report. It is no secret that I maintain professional and courteous relationships with three current One Nation senators represented in this chamber. That is part of my job, and I maintain courteous and professional relationships with other senators in this chamber, including Labor and Greens senators—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order, Senator Wong.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I appreciate the long discussion about who his friends are, but Senator Cormann—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Ian Macdonald interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is direct relevance. Thank you for your assistance, Senator Macdonald, as always. The question to Senator Cormann was: why is he unable to rule out his involvement in the preference deal in the way that his colleague did? He was given an opportunity on the <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> report. He twice failed to do so. He has an opportunity today.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Wong. In relation to the point of order, Senator Wong, the minister did at the outset reject the premise of the question and the misrepresentation of his statement, and the minister has been relevant to the question. The question allows the minister to be fairly broad ranging in his response.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is really interesting to see what the priorities are for the Australian Labor Party. Here we have important discussions about the future of our economy and the future of the security of our nation and all the WA Labor Party can bring into this chamber is the discussion of preferences. Let me say what I have consistently said—preference arrangements are a matter for the Liberal Party organisations. That is the way it was handled on this occasion. It is a matter of public record that the WA Liberal Party state executive made certain decisions. That is of course entirely appropriate. I have nothing further to add.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I refer the minister to his remarks on the day after the Western Australian election where he continued to make statements in defence of the preference deal. Why does the minister disagree with Senator Hanson, who has labelled the deal a mistake and said that she is warry of doing future preference deals with the Liberal Party?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As helpful as I would seek to be in this forum and as I always seek to be, I cannot possibly answer a question on behalf of Senator Hanson, so I will not even try. In relation to my own statements, all of my statements are on the public record.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the architect of the preference deal with One Nation, does the minister agree with his colleague Senator Cash, who when asked about reaching a similar preference deal at the federal level said, 'Well, you never rule anything out'?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Pratt is again misleading the chamber because what I have made very clear, including yesterday, is that any proposition which has been reported from time to time that I somehow was the architect of preference arrangements with anyone, including with One Nation, is false. I was definitely not the architect of any preference arrangements. Preference arrangements are a matter for the party organisation, which guards that responsibility jealously, as is appropriate. So I would say to Senator Pratt, 'Don't mislead the chamber.' The other thing I would say is that it is time that the WA Labor Party actually started to focus on what they were elected to do and that is to serve the people of Western Australia instead of pursuing petty juvenile university politics.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rural and Regional Australia</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Unlike Senator Pratt, I have a serious question to ask. My question is to the Minister for Regional Development, Senator Nash.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If you will be quiet, please, Senator Wong, I will continue. Can the minister update the Senate on the coalition government's plans for regional Australia and in particular the establishment of a new regional ministerial taskforce, which met for the first time last week? How will a new task force deliver for people living in rural, regional and remote communities?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable senator for his question. I know only too well how much importance he, as a senator from Inverell, places on the future of regional Australia. We all know that he is facing some health challenges at the moment. We certainly acknowledge his bravery. Senator Williams, I am sure you have the support of all senators in this place.</para>
<para>I am absolutely delighted to inform those who have not already heard that last week the Prime Minister and I announced the Regional Australia Ministerial Taskforce. This task force is going to bring forward cross-portfolio ministers across a whole range of areas that are going to ensure that we have a very strong future for regional Australia—across health, education, industry, employment, agriculture, resources, regional development and communications. This is going to have a cross-portfolio, whole-of-government approach that is going to see even more importance placed on regional communities. I think that indicates the importance that this coalition government places on regional Australia.</para>
<para>We saw that this was very well received. The CEO of the Regional Australia Institute, Jack Archer, used the phrase 'a powerful way to do something new for regions'. The CEO of the Foundation for Regional Development, Peter Bailey, said, 'It was a giant step forward to redress the challenges facing the engine room of Australia.' The Chair of Regional Capitals Australia, Shane Van Styn, also said that we would grow the economic opportunities in Australia as regional cities.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is incredibly disappointing that those sitting on the other side of the chamber choose just to use the opportunity to interject, which just indicates the lack of importance they place on regional Australia.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Williams, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister outline why it is so important that the government focus on improved service delivery to regional Australia through this new task force?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Those of us on this side of the chamber know that, when we have strong regions, we have a strong nation. In spite of the fact that only a third of the people in this nation live outside of the capital cities, we are responsible for two-thirds of the nation's exports. Around 67 per cent of the exports are driven by regional Australia. Regional Australia clothes the cities, it feeds the cities, it provides the energy for the cities, and it makes a massive contribution to this nation.</para>
<para>On this side of the chamber, we know that this country can only prosper if our regions prosper. We want to make sure that we help build strong and secure regional communities into the future so that our children and our grandchildren either want to stay in those communities or come back to those communities. The coalition understands, unlike those opposite, that when we invest in regional communities it gives them confidence, and that is what they need to take their communities forward.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Williams, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of any alternative policies and approaches to regional development?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, I certainly am, and it is the Labor Party's policy failures in regional Australia that I am aware of. I might even need an extension of time, because this list is so long. What did we see from those opposite in government? We saw the carbon tax that decimated regional Australia. We saw those opposite ban live export to Indonesia, the cattle trade, decimating communities across the North of Australia and below. There were cost blowouts and delays to the NBN. When it comes to mobile phone black spots, how many were addressed? We remember from last time: zero. Then we have the former failed minister Senator Wong's water stuff-ups: $303 million to buy back water from Twynam—only 20 per cent—and $34 million for Tandou—supplementary water which they only got in a flood. These are Labor's failures in the regions. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Crime</title>
          <page.no>33</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Attorney-General. According to the Australian Crime Commission, organised crime costs Australians $36 billion every year. That includes organised fraud and drug and human trafficking. In fact, drug trafficking accounts for $4.4 billion of that cost. But it is the human cost that concerns me, and it cannot be quantified. Ice use in Australia has almost doubled, and instead of smuggling across Australia's borders organised crime groups are now cooking up within Australia. We know that because ice manufacturers are shipping twice as many ingredients from China as they were two years ago. Regional Australia is particularly feeling the effects of increased ice use, using twice as much as the metropolitan users, whether that is because of fewer health and community services, higher rates of mental illness or convenience for organised crime groups. It is a problem, and it is getting worse. What is the government doing about dealing with organised crime at a federal level as it applies to drug trafficking?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, I am indebted to you for raising that important issue, and I acknowledge that you take a very serious and, if I may say so, passionate interest in it. So let me tell you what the Australian government is doing. In December 2015, led by the Commonwealth, the Council of Australian Governments developed a National Ice Action Strategy whereby all Australian governments and their communities agreed to work together to tackle the vice and the problem of this drug. Proportionally, Australians use more methamphetamine, including ice, than almost any other country, so we have made significant investments in policing our borders and our streets to combat the supply of ice, including significant arrests and seizures of ice both by the Australian Federal Police and state and territory police and at our borders. For example, we have invested $18 million from the proceeds of crime account, money taken from criminals, to enhance the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission's intelligence sharing with state, territory and international partners to stop the supply of ice at its source.</para>
<para>We cannot, however, just arrest our way out of this problem. To break the drug dealers' business model, we have to smash demand for this drug. That is why, in response to the National Ice Taskforce report, which this government commissioned, we announced a $300 million plan to combat the scourge of ice in communities across the country.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Lambie</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Oh, yeah. Have you rolled that out yet? That'd be great.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, let me tell you, Senator Lambie. I am going to give you the details if I may: $241.5 million to be invested through 31 Primary Health Networks, which will use their local knowledge to boost the alcohol and other drug treatment sector and reduce demand for ice; $13 million to introduce— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I say again that ice use in this country has doubled. I know Campbell Newman's vicious and lawless association disestablishment laws, also known as VLAD laws, worked because, when they were in operation, organised crime groups were pushed south to Tasmania and then over to Western Australia, where the organised crime laws are lax. Why haven't you considered implementing Campbell Newman's VLAD laws federally, with tweaking, to ensure a unified approach nationally?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, in fact can I tell you about Campbell Newman's VLAD laws, that being an acronym for vicious lawless association disestablishment laws. Before former Premier Newman introduced those laws, he actually discussed them with me, so I was involved from the inception with the preparation of those laws.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Watt</name>
    <name.id>245759</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is that why they're unconstitutional?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take your interjection, Senator. They were actually challenged in the High Court, and their constitutional validity was upheld. So, before you make your interjections, Senator Watt, you should familiarise yourself with the facts.</para>
<para>Getting back to your more serious question, Senator Lambie, this is something that the Australian government, through the ministerial council on law, crime and community safety, has examined and is cooperating with the states and territories on in order to address the issue of lawless bikie gangs, who are, of course, as you know, conveyors and traffickers of ice and other drugs. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What is the government position on using mandatory minimum sentencing similar to that which is contained in the Migration Act 1958 in smuggling offences in relation to those convicted of organised crime offences?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Jurisdiction in relation to organised crime is primarily jurisdiction that exists at the state level, and, in various of the states and territories, there are mandatory minimum sentences for certain categories of organised crime. I am not in a position to tell you specifically in each state and territory what those particular offences are, but it is the case that in various states and territories of the organised crime or certain categories of organised crime do attract mandatory minimum sentences. The Commonwealth supports the initiatives of state and territory parliaments to crack down on organised crime through all the measures those parliaments take, including those you have mentioned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Science</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Industry, Innovation and Science, Senator Sinodinos. Given that tomorrow is the event Science meets Parliament, can the minister update the Senate on what actions he has taken to repair plummeting staff morale and reverse massive funding cuts to the CSIRO that have taken place under this government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the shadow minister for his question because, yes, Science meets Parliament today and tomorrow. There are a number of activities going on. Scientists are coming to Canberra. I encourage all of you to interact with them. It is a great way for them to learn about the public policy process here and for us to learn more about the great work that they are doing in providing the platform for our future growth. The shadow minister asked me about science and innovation and the rest. Well, let me begin by saying that in this year, 2016-17, the government is providing $10.1 billion—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Gallagher, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question was specifically around the funding cuts to CSIRO and what the minister is doing about that. The question was also about repairing plummeting staff morale. It was not about a broader innovation agenda, as much Senator Sinodinos might like it to be.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I think we need to give the minister and opportunity there. He did mention, as did Senator Carr ask in the preamble to his question, Science meets Parliament. He responded to that and he has just started his response to the question so I think will give the minister a chance to respond.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I was beginning to say, in this financial year 2016-17 we are providing $10.1 billion in support for science and research. That is an increase of 3.55 per cent on the budget estimates of $9.7 billion in 2015-16. Over the last 10 years Australia's support for science in research has actually increased by 52 per cent. The annual appropriations for key science agencies are all increasing over the forward estimates. For CSIRO it will increase from $787.2 million in 2016-17 to $827.97 million in 2019-20. ANSTO will go from $183.3 million in 2016-17 to $211.2 million in 2019-20. AIMS will go from $41.5 million in the 2016-17 budget to $44.76 million in 2019-20. The increase in CSIRO's appropriation over the next few years is from what already is a record level of government funding. We recognise the importance of science and research. We are putting more resources into it and we are looking forward to great results in the years ahead.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>How do you justify the loss of 1,680 jobs from science agencies across this government since 2013?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am not aware of the source of the shadow minister's figures. I am aware that some figures have been thrown around which sometimes conflate scientists with other employees. In other words, you have to look at the mix of employees you are talking about. But if you are saying to me that the science and research sector cannot play a role in budget repair because of previous decisions under both Labor governments and coalition governments then I have to say that is wrong. We cannot have a situation with either side of politics saying that, because one sector is particularly important, it is always exempt from the budget repair. That is always on a case-by-case basis, but, in the last few years, this government has put more resources into science and research, and we have put the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy, for example, on a strong 10-year basis. We have provided a 10-year funding guarantee—an extra $150 million a year. That is what we inherited from Labor. We had increasing prices. We have put it on a long-term basis. We are now looking at the research— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Carr, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given that the coalition has gone from having no science minister at all to having three in 12 months, when will the government rouse itself from policy paralysis and reverse its $3 billion of cuts to science and innovation funding and jobs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When Malcolm Turnbull became Prime Minister one of his first priorities was to launch the National Innovation and Science Agenda. With Minister Pyne our helmsman through that period, we saw a $1.1 billion infusion to the Innovation and Science Agenda from day one of the Turnbull government. We have seen my predecessor, Mr Hunt from the other place, put climate science at CSIRO on the right basis. We have seen him take actions to provide a strong platform for me to now look at what further measures we take to promote innovation and science under this government. We will, this year, not only release a science statement—that is happening tomorrow—but we will also release a research infrastructure road map which will have real money behind it to help complement the work we have done on the National Collaborative Research Infrastructure Strategy. Later in the year we will be releasing a plan for 2030 for the evolution of the innovation of science system. We will have evidence based policymaking. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Science</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is also to the Minister for Industry, Innovation and Science, Senator Sinodinos. Can the minister outline the role science plays in building a prosperous Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Smith for his question. Two Dorothy Dixers in one day. How lucky am I? This is good fun.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And in sequence.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And in sequence. Let me begin by saying what I will be saying tomorrow at the Press Club—come along if you like—and that is that science is central to shaping Australia's economic future. This is a time of great change in the global economy. We need to respond to that change, Senator Smith, so that all of our industries can stay competitive. And by investing in scientific research and development, we can not only respond to change but we can also create change to our own benefit. All types of research, from basic to applied, are vital for scientific advances and for generating economic benefits. We believe in investing in fundamental science as well as applied research. It is very important for us to understand that while you do not get a short-term payback from fundamental research, often the biggest long-term advances have come from investing in fundamental research. So for us, both basic and applied research are priorities.</para>
<para>Recently, Innovation and Science Australia released a performance review of our innovation, science and research system. It points not only to some continuing problems we have to tackle but also to a number of strengths. The review found that as a nation we are good at coming up with clever ideas. We punch above our weight internationally when it comes to creating knowledge, but we need to work more on turning those ideas into a reality. We need to be commercialising more of our own great research here in Australia, creating jobs at home and creating Australian companies and maintaining their headquarters in Australia—a bit like what has happened with Atlassian, a great Australian example of this—and use that as an example to other parts of our economy. We need to improve on translating those ideas into real world products, building stronger links between science and industry.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister further outline how the government is supporting science and research in this role?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I mentioned earlier, the government in this financial year is providing $10.1 billion in support for science and research, an increase of 3.55 per cent on the previous year. We are increasing the funding for the major science agencies, as I mentioned before. In the Innovation and Science Agenda, we secured the funding for the Square Kilometre Array—a major international collaboration, a lot of which will be based in Western Australia. It is very important for us to know that we secured the future of the Synchrotron, which is now being looked after by the Australian Nuclear Science and Technology Organisation. We are taking a whole series of actions that are going to ensure we have a platform for research and development going forward, which creates global companies based in Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister explain how the Turnbull government's National Innovation and Science Agenda is creating new opportunities for science and industry to work together?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable senator for his follow-up question. The National Innovation and Science Agenda is an important part of the government's objectives. NISA provides $1.1 billion over the forward estimates to support science research and innovation. NISA includes significant investments over the longer term, including $1.5 billion over 10 years and ongoing support for the operations of our national collaborative research infrastructure. The $520 million is for the Synchrotron over 10 years.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Sterle interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will accompany you on a visit down there personally, Senator Sterle, or anybody else who wants to go. There is $294 million for the Square Kilometre Array over 10 years. These measures provide the incentive for science and industry to work together to commercialise our high-quality science and research in Australia for the benefit of Australians.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Arts</title>
          <page.no>36</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for the Arts, Senator Fifield. The minister, in his statement on Saturday, said the decision to return funding from Catalyst to the Australia Council was in response to:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… feedback from the Department, the Australia Council and the arts sector regarding the ongoing arrangements for the Australian Government’s funding for the Arts portfolio.</para></quote>
<para>Why did former arts minister Senator Brandis fail to listen to the same feedback?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Bilyk, for your question. It is a matter of public and budget records that there was a proposition for the National Program for Excellence in the Arts, which was intended to open a new avenue of funding for organisations that might not, in the ordinary course of events, be eligible for programs under the Australia Council. When I came into the portfolio we further focused that into a program called Catalyst, which had the same objective. At that time there was some funding returned to the Australia Council. I always said that I was prepared to consult and to listen to the sector, as is good practice as a minister. I did that, and announced at the weekend that there was a further rebalancing of funding to the Australia Council.</para>
<para>There will continue to be an avenue for which organisations that are not eligible for Australia Council funding can make application, and I have announced that there will be $2 million a year that will enable that to be the case. I am going to be talking to my colleagues and talking to the arts sector about how to best to deploy that $2 million a year. It is important that I point out that within my department we have the Regional Arts Fund, which is a very important program, and we also have significant funding for Indigenous language and culture. We really have three pillars in Australia: we have the Australia Council, we have our great national collecting institutions and we have a range of programs within my portfolio, auspiced by my department, which, importantly, also includes Creative Partnerships Australia.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bilyk, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Former arts minister Senator Brandis created the Catalyst program without articulating clear policy imperatives to do so, slashing Australia Council funding in the process. Isn't it clear that the former minister's decision was a mistake? If not, why then did you reverse his decision over the weekend?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think it is important to recognise that the quantum of funding in the arts portfolio has remained unchanged. What has occurred is that on this side of the chamber we do not think that things should ever be seen as forever unalterable. Where there is an opportunity to provide an avenue for alternative funding for organisations that might not ordinarily qualify for Australia Council funding, then we are happy to explore that. We did explore that and we have continued to refine that which was announced.</para>
<para>From the point of view of this government, the arts—I know this is something that Senator Brandis was incredibly passionate about and remains passionate about, as am I—are not an optional extra; they are not an add on. They are core to who we are as individuals and they are core to our society. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I note there was no defence of Senator Brandis in those two answers. Will you now apologise to the arts sector for the chaos, confusion, concern and anguish that this government's changes to arts funding have caused?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased that the Australia Council always has been recognised by this government and by previous governments as the principal arts funding body under the Commonwealth, and that is something that has never altered. I am very pleased that we continue to make good provision for our great national collecting institutions and I am very pleased—and I think this was an important initiative of Senator Brandis—that there is good funding available for Creative Partnerships Australia, who have the objective of helping artists and arts organisations get together with philanthropists and business to make sure that those non-government dollars can be leveraged. I am very pleased about that. We will continue to consult. We will continue to listen, as has always been the case in the arts under this government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>37</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Attorney-General (Senator Brandis) to a question without notice asked by Senator McCarthy today relating to the <inline font-style="italic">Racial Discrimination Act 1975</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>The answer was incredibly disappointing, in particular on this day, Harmony Day. As we reflect on Harmony Day, I want to go to some of the answers to me and my questions by Senator Brandis. I want to begin with Senator Brandis's response in terms of Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. I asked, first up, about the fact that Mr Turnbull has said on at least 16 occasions that he had ruled out his government amending section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. Senator Brandis said that he had not said that—certainly not that many times. I just want to point out some very important media coverage of the moments when Mr Turnbull denied that it was a distraction for his government. In news.com, on 31 August 2016: 'The government has no plans to make changes to section 18C'. He said it again on 30 August in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It’s filled the op-ed pages of newspapers for years and years but the government has no plans to make any changes to section 18C. We have other more pressing, much more pressing priorities to address.</para></quote>
<para>Then again on 14 November 2016, on ABC <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline>, Mr Turnbull said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">18(C) is talked about constantly on the ABC. It's talked about constantly in what's often called the 'elite media'. I've focused overwhelmingly on the economy.</para></quote>
<para>It appears that Prime Minister Turnbull has changed tack. Today is one of the most significant days in Australia and across the world. The purpose behind Harmony Day is to reflect on the diversity of culture across this country, something that unfortunately has been really stained by the Prime Minister's move to change the Racial Discrimination Act on this day in particular. It is incredibly sad. It really is a watering down of protections against racial vilifications. The irony of it being done on this day! The Attorney-General says he does not believe the Australian people are racist.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, I do not.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Coming from a white man.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McCARTHY</name>
    <name.id>122087</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As a white man growing up in Petersham, attending private schools, I am sure you have never been denied access or service in a shop. You have never had taxis drive past, pretending not to see you. You have never received hateful letters and emails because of your race or the colour of your skin. I really wish I could believe there are not any racists in Australia. But certainly my personal experience, and my family's experience, informs me of the reality that I live in this country. It is deeply unfortunate.</para>
<para>I asked you in my question: what else do you need to say to me and to many other people of different races in this country that you cannot say now? What is it that you are so determined to say that you cannot say to people now?</para>
<para>My predecessor, Senator Nova Peris, had a disgraceful time in this Senate, standing here, being called all sorts of things—in fact, even on her Twitter account today—in terms of what racism she received from the general public. Just to clarify, in case you were thinking I meant it occurred in the Senate; I meant this is where she raised the issue about the racism that was displayed against her by the general public across Australia. It is really important to put this on the record. She stood courageously here to point out from her own personal experiences that racism is very much alive and strong in this country. We as parliamentarians in both the Senate and the House of Representatives must show leadership about the importance of harmony, diversity and cultural respect. That is something that is not happening now today in the Turnbull government.</para>
<para>Being the target of racist, hurtful comments is deeply distressing and causes deep harm. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian people are rightly sick and tired of political correctness, which has been stifling our freedoms—including our freedom of speech. The destructive and divisive victimhood industry needs to be reined in, and that is what this legislation seeks to do. It seeks to get rid of the words 'offend, insult and humiliate' and to replace them with the word 'harass'.</para>
<para>As a former Australian Human Rights Commissioner, Sev Ozdowski, quite rightly said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There should be no right to not be offended.</para></quote>
<para>Part and parcel of the freedoms and the society we enjoy today is the underpinning of the virtue of freedom of speech. And, along with that, comes the opportunity for some people to behave in an untidy way from time to time. But that does not mean that the state should step in and stop it.</para>
<para>Similarly, one of the great underpinnings of our society in the criminal law is that you should be convicted on the basis of beyond reasonable doubt. Why do we have that? Because in our system of law we believe that it is better that nine guilty people walk free rather than convicting one innocent person. We do protect those freedoms in our society. Indeed, those opposite could say, 'Why do you support a system of law that allows nine guilty people to walk free?' It is because we believe in the right of the innocent to be absolutely protected.</para>
<para>Similarly, with the freedom of speech, we do say in this debate that people should be able to have a robust discussion—that people should not be able to claim a victimhood-type status. The Australian people are robust; we are not snowflakes. But what we as a government firmly believe in is that nobody should be harassed or intimidated, and that is what those on the other side will never tell you about—that there is that protection against genuine harassment and against intimidation. Of course, we all believe that that should be the case.</para>
<para>When we have a law that seeks to bring an absolute world-class cartoonist, in Bill Leak, before the Human Rights Commission because somebody thought they might be offended by him, we know that the law is reaching too far. It is not often that the Australian people will hear me quote a Greens senator in support of that which I am putting forward. But let's be reminded that when this legislation first came in the then Greens senator from Western Australia Christabel Chamarette made some very prophetic comments about 'creating a crime of words':</para>
<quote><para class="block">This will take the legislation across a certain threshold into the realm of thought police …</para></quote>
<para>Even Greens senator Christabel Chamarette saw the consequences of the legislation which has now played out, unfortunately, against the now-deceased—and may his soul rest in peace—Bill Leak and the four QUT students who were harassed in a most inappropriate manner.</para>
<para>And so we on this side believe that the QUT students and Bill Leak were in fact offended, insulted and humiliated by the actions of the Australian Human Rights Commission in its very inappropriate methodologies in pursuing those four students. This is about balancing up our fundamental right to freedom of speech and ensuring that people within our community are not harassed or intimidated.</para>
<para>So I feel exceptionally comfortable with the landing that the government has come to on this. It is a sensible compromise. It is a system which will ensure freedom of speech and, what is more, protection from those who would seek to harass and intimidate. The Australian people will be well served by this legislation. The Australian people will see this as a sensible balance, where freedom of speech is absolutely protected—as it ought to be. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do want to start by acknowledging the contribution of Senator Abetz on this matter. He is someone who I strongly disagree with, but at least, unlike others, he has been very consistent over a long period of time on his views about this issue.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Singh</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Don't give him credit!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is credit for being consistent! I rise today on the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination—Harmony Day. The idea that today is the day that we are going to talk about watering down section 18C—watering down race hate laws in this country—is appalling. It is embarrassing. You could not script the joke that this place has become.</para>
<para>The irony is that the same people who keep going on about this matter of freedom of speech in this theoretical sense are the same people who argue against the right to freedom to marry the person that you love. The hypocrisy there is unbelievable! Where this debate is really headed to is this: as Senator McCarthy said, what is it that is so insulting, that is so humiliating or that is so offensive that people feel the current laws do not allow them to say those things, and feel like they are being held back by the laws as they are written currently?</para>
<para>When we have the challenges of youth unemployment and the challenges facing the economy, what do we have from the government? What we have from the government is this theoretical debate within their own wings which is more about protecting the Prime Minister's own job than it is about the jobs of tens of thousands of millions of Australians who are under threat in a changing economy.</para>
<para>Let's be honest: it is not going to impact the people in this chamber. We are all privileged to be here. But it is the message that you send to society; it is the message that gets sent from the top. It is when you have an Attorney-General who stands up in this chamber and talks about people having the right to be a bigot—the exact words of the Attorney-General, who is sitting here. It is the message that sends to our society.</para>
<para>It is about the 10-year-old school girl who might look a bit different or have a bit of a funny name getting picked on in the schoolyard, and it is about the parents who have to deal with the different children and their kids and what happens in the playground. At a practical level, they were never going to be able to take their cases to the Human Rights Commission—that is not what it is about. It is about the message that we send as a society and the message that we send as a community. Frankly, it is elitism for people who have never faced that type of discrimination and who have never faced that type of language to stand up and profess how difficult it must be for others. What is incredible is when you have groups like the Lebanese Muslim Association and the Executive Council of Australian Jewry—the leaders of the Jewish community—coming together, including many Asian community leaders right across the board and ethnic communities across this country, saying: 'Hang on. What has made our country so strong and so successful has been the tolerance and the openness of our society.' Part of that is the message that comes right from the top from the highest levels of government. When you have a government that has spent more time—more air time, more parliament time, more Senate time and more of the focus of the past nine months since the last election—trying to sort out the internal mess over this issue of 18C rather than the real issues that are affecting Australian households and Australian families, what message is that sending about values and priorities? I say to this government: 'You have responsibility for your actions. You have responsibility for your words.' The message that is consistently being sent by this government and this Attorney-General that it is okay to be a bigot is not the right message that we should be sending to future Australian leaders.— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very, very proud to live in a country like Australia. We all recognise that we are living in the most successful multicultural society in the world, built on a foundation of mutual respect. We are not a racist country; neither I nor anyone on this side of the chamber believes that to be the truth for a moment. The Leader of the Government in the Senate, Senator Brandis, made that very clear in his answers earlier today.</para>
<para>It is sad to me that the official opposition, the Australian Labor Party and, perhaps more significantly, the Australian Greens, think that Australia is a racist country. The question by Senator Di Natale during question time was the low point in question time in this Senate. Senator Di Natale, you may think Australians are racist. I do not, and not many people would share your view.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Macdonald, please take your seat.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Di Natale</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise on two points of order. I ask that Senator Macdonald not address his response directly to me but to address it through the chair, as is appropriate. Also, I would like to point out that Senator Macdonald is completely misrepresenting my position and I ask him to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, the second point is a debating point. But I do remind Senator Macdonald and all senators to address the chair in their remarks. Please continue.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You always know in this chamber when you are hitting the mark. You will have spurious points of order made as we just had by Senator Di Natale. Anyone who listened to question time today would have been disgusted at the tenor and nature of that question from Senator Di Natale earlier.</para>
<para>We, as Australians, value freedom of speech and we recognise the enormous benefits that multiculturalism has delivered to our country. We are a very proud multicultural society. I always say that all of us in Australia were at one stage immigrants to this land through our forebears—my forbears used to run around the highlands of Scotland wearing dresses and little skirts—but we have all integrated into Australia and we reflect our traditions once or twice a year at particular times. We have pipe bands, which are good. It is part of the multicultural nature of our society that has been so successful over so many years.</para>
<para>It is important that we understand how this whole debate started. The original section 18C was preceded by three significant independent inquiries: the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, the then Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission's National Inquiry into Racist Violence and the Australian Law Reform Commission's inquiry into Multiculturalism and the Law. None recommended that the current law should apply. Instead, they recommended that the law tackle racist harassment and incitement to hostility. So 'harass' in the proposal put forward by the government today reflects the recommendations of the National Inquiry into Racist Violence conducted in 1991 by the then Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission.</para>
<para>I will point out that it is not just coalition politicians talking about this and raising these issues. A distinguished law professor, Professor George Williams—a former ALP preselection candidate—who is currently the Dean of Law at the University of New South Wales, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Despite its limited operation, there is a good case for amending section 18C. … the law should proscribe extreme forms of speech such as racial vilification and incitement to violence. Section 18C—</para></quote>
<para>as it currently stands—</para>
<quote><para class="block">goes too far in applying to more minor forms of speech, in particular words that offend or insult.</para></quote>
<para>David Marr, a journalist from <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> newspaper, of all, says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I want "offend" and "insult" taken out of section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. I don't think the law should engage at that level. But I can't see that this country would be a better, freer place if "humiliate" and "intimidate" went too.</para></quote>
<para>He is even suggesting a stronger response.</para>
<para>The proposal put forward by the government gets rid of the political correctness, it gets rid of the issues that Professor Williams and David Marr—to name just two—have raised in relation to this issue, and it does bring us to a very sensible amendment to a law that has caused so much controversy and has led to such injustice in the cases of the QUT issue and Mr Leak. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, schoolchildren all across the country celebrate Harmony Day, a day I remember going to my own children's school and celebrating. It is a day when they recognise the different cultures in their school and their community, celebrated through picnics, food, dance and all the kinds of rich tapestry that living in a multicultural country gives us here in Australia.</para>
<para>Whilst those children, the next generation, are celebrating this day—Harmony Day, a day of belonging—little do they know that their government has chosen this day to put forward how it wants to weaken protections against race hate speech in our country. The very things they are celebrating—the right to live in harmony, the right to live peacefully amongst one another and the right to share and celebrate the differences amongst us—are being threatened by their government. Little do they know. Those children, if they had the right to vote at their age right now, I think that they would very clearly not vote for this government. They would not vote for a government that would take away the very essence of what it means to belong to a multicultural society and to recognise diversity as a strength and not as a weakness.</para>
<para>Senator Brandis said that the changes they are going to make to the protections we have against race hate speech are not a weakening or a watering down of them. He calls them a strengthening of them. Taking out three key verbs that are currently in our laws and replacing them with one—he says that is a strengthening. I do not know if that is straight out of the Trump fake news handbook or what, but that is clearly not true. It is not true. It is fake. It is a falsehood and it needs to be named as such. With the little time it appears that the Attorney-General has left in this place, with all the talk of him going to perhaps a posting or perhaps another position in his legal fraternity—I do not know—one would think that he would not want to be the Attorney-General that will go down in history as the Attorney-General who weakened our protections to race hate speech and who jeopardised that fantastic thing we have in Australian that we call multiculturalism.</para>
<para>It goes in the face of what the government announced yesterday with its multicultural statement. I acknowledge and give credit that it was a decent statement by this government, but it is a statement that was not worth the paper it was written on when the next day—Harmony Day—the government comes into the parliament to make clear its intentions to weaken protections against race hate in this country.</para>
<para>Who is happy about all of this? I do not know anyone that is happy about all of this. The only people I can see and understand to be happy about all of this are the very conservative members of the government: the Senator Abetzes of this world, the Senator Patersons of this world and the fringe dwellers like One Nation. They are the only people I can see who are happy out of this. Out of that, let's just have a look at them. They are conservatives who would not have a clue what it feels like to be in the position of Senator Malarndirri McCarthy and her family, or former Senator Nova Peris and her family. Why not actually represent those people? No, they do not care about those people.</para>
<para>They do not care about the people who actually needs these laws and the reason we had these laws put in place in the first place 20 years ago through, I would say, a decent amount of inquiry and reporting that took place in the parliament. No, they simply want to have the right—the right to what? I ask them: what is it that you want to say? What do you want to say to me? What do you want to say to former Senator Nova Peris? What do you want to say to Senator McCarthy? What do you want to say to Senator Dodson? What is it you want to say out there in the community to Aboriginal people, to people of Indian background, to people of Pakistani background, or to people of the many nations that make up this fantastic country of Australia? I ask them: what is it that you want to say? <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Attorney-General (Senator Brandis) to a question without notice asked by Senator Di Natale today relating to the <inline font-style="italic">Racial Discrimination Act 1975</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>Let me begin by saying at the start of this debate that it is about time we acknowledged that we are standing on stolen land, the land of the Ngunawal people. I want to pay my respects to their elders past and present. Let us remember that Australia was a multicultural and multilingual nation long before the first Europeans arrived.</para>
<para>We are standing here today on Harmony Day, a day where we come together to celebrate our enormous cultural diversity and the peace and prosperity that this nation is famous for. But it is today, on Harmony Day—this day of all days—that this government has decided it wants to pursue amendments to water down protections against racial discrimination and to make the expression of hate speech even easier. How is it that the Attorney-General and the Prime Minister would consider saying to people, on a day when we celebrate their contribution, 'We want to make it easier for you to be vilified in the Australian community.' This is a day chosen because it is the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. This is a day when the United Nations human rights chief says he wants governments to adopt legislation that expressly prohibits racial hate speech. We have the UN saying it wants countries around the world to strengthen protections against racist hate speech, and what is this government doing? It is weakening the protections we have, making it easier for racist hate speech.</para>
<para>This has nothing to do with freedom of speech, and it never has. Freedom of speech has never included the freedom to say racist and bigoted things that do harm to people. Watering down section 18C has nothing to do with freedom of speech. It has everything to do with freedom from consequence. It has everything to do with allowing a very small group of very privileged, largely older white folk in this place to be more racist than they might otherwise be.</para>
<para>If the freedom of speech warriors in this country were so concerned about freedom of speech, why wouldn't they be arguing against the erosion of freedom of speech in this country? Why wouldn't they be arguing against the Border Force Act or sections of the ASIO Act? What about the pieces of antiterror legislation that make it almost impossible for people to express themselves as we would expect in a liberal democracy? When the Attorney-General set up his parliamentary inquiry into freedom of speech all he was worried about was the rights of those so-called bigots, and giving them the right to say and do what they want to say and do.</para>
<para>Look at the section 18C parliamentary inquiry and even the Attorney-General's own inquiry into section 18C—and I know that Senator McKim was part of that. That was a committee dominated by a majority of coalition party room members and not even they, when looking at the evidence, could conclude that there was a case for section 18C to be watered down. We have to ask ourselves: what is it that the Attorney-General wants people to say? What is it that they currently cannot say that they will be able to say if we change the definition within section 18C? They cannot provide an answer to that question. They cannot provide it.</para>
<para>This is a debate manufactured within a narrow section of the media, within the Institute of Public Affairs and within the back rooms of the Liberal Party and the far Right of that party. But this is not a debate that many of the thousands of people around the country who have contacted my office or those of my colleagues in the Greens want to see us entertain. They want to see us protect our multicultural community. We have heard horrific stories of the effects of racism on many of those communities right across the country. What they are saying to us very loudly and clearly is, 'Please do not weaken 18C, particularly now that hate speech is taking a foothold right around the world, within some sections of the Australian community and indeed in this parliament.' The Australia I believe in is one that protects multicultural Australia, one that recognises the great contribution that migrants have made and one that recognises the protections we need when it comes to hate speech. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>42</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>45</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications Legislation Committee, Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reporting Date</title>
            <page.no>45</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Does any senator wish to have the question put on any of those proposals? There being none, we will now proceed to the discovery of formal business.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Environment and Communications References Committee</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>45</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend business of the Senate notice of motion No. 1, standing in my name for today, proposing a reference to the Senate Environment and Communications References Committee, relating to the levelised cost of electricity.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matters be referred to the Environment and Communications References Committee for inquiry and report by 30 June 2017:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the levelised cost of electricity (LCOE), with particular reference to the energy production options, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) coal fired electricity (without carbon capture and storage),</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) combined cycle gas turbines (without carbon capture and storage),</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) wind turbines,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) medium-sized (five megawatt) solar photovoltaic (PV) systems,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) hydroelectricity, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) nuclear power;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the projected LCOE generation in Australia from 2017 to 2030 as using coal, gas, wind, solar, hydroelectricity and nuclear power, and the likely variations in the percentages of these sources of electricity over the same period;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the amount of taxpayer subsidies currently paid for electricity generation from each source, and the projected subsidies to 2030;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) to assist in cost effective decisions relating to carbon dioxide reductions, the amount of carbon dioxide emitted for coal, gas, wind, solar energy, hydroelectricity and nuclear power in:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the construction process for plants or farms, for example, construction of components and transportation,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a 20 year power production period once constructed, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the amount of carbon dioxide emitted for wind and solar PV farms across a 20 year power production period when a gas fired power station is the backup power source for when wind and solar PV is not supplying power at the rated power level, including the carbon dioxide emitted from the backup power source;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the average amount of time over a year, a month, a week and a day that power plants or power farms are not producing power at their full-rated power level;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) whether the basis for calculating the effect on global climate of carbon dioxide as a result of human activity is either the reports of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) or the reports of NASA or the reports of CSIRO;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the financial costs and benefits to Australia of reducing Australia's carbon dioxide output by 23 per cent, 50 per cent and 90 per cent; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) any other related matter.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Our No. 1 energy policy priority is maintaining energy security and affordability as we transition to a lower emissions future. That is why, under the coalition, the COAG Energy Council has commissioned Australia's Chief Scientist, Dr Alan Finkel, to develop a national reform blueprint to maintain energy security and reliability in the National Electricity Market. The substantive energy matters to be examined in the proposed reference are being exhaustively considered through the work of Dr Finkel and in three Senate and House inquiries currently underway into Australia's energy market.</para>
<para>With respect to climate change, the Australian government accepts the science of climate change and takes its primary advice on climate science from the Bureau of Meteorology and the CSIRO. Under the Paris Agreement, Australia is committed to reduce emissions by 26 to 28 per cent below 2005 levels by 2030.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion as amended, moved by Senator Roberts, be agreed to.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells being rung—</inline></para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I make a statement, Mr President?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take that as a point of clarification whilst the division bells are ringing. Senator Roberts did call for a division. You could seek leave at the end of the division to make a statement. It would be up to the Senate whether it accepts that proposition at that point.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [15:40]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>6</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                  <name>Burston, B</name>
                  <name>Hanson, P</name>
                  <name>Lambie, J</name>
                  <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                  <name>Roberts, M (teller)</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>44</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Abetz, E</name>
                  <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                  <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                  <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                  <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                  <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                  <name>Dodson, P</name>
                  <name>Duniam, J</name>
                  <name>Farrell, D</name>
                  <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                  <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                  <name>Griff, S</name>
                  <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                  <name>Hinch, D</name>
                  <name>Hume, J</name>
                  <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                  <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                  <name>Kitching, K</name>
                  <name>Lines, S</name>
                  <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                  <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                  <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                  <name>McGrath, J</name>
                  <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                  <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                  <name>Moore, CM</name>
                  <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                  <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                  <name>Parry, S</name>
                  <name>Polley, H</name>
                  <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                  <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                  <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                  <name>Rice, J</name>
                  <name>Ruston, A</name>
                  <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                  <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                  <name>Siewert, R</name>
                  <name>Smith, D</name>
                  <name>Sterle, G</name>
                  <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                  <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                  <name>Williams, JR</name>
                  <name>Xenophon, N</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names></names>
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a brief statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very concerned about the number of referrals coming through and inquiries we are having. I support inquiries. This chamber has achieved so much through inquiries over the many years I have been here. But we run the risk of overloading the secretariat staff with work. I was just talking to Senator Reynolds. She is on 23 to 24 inquiries at the moment. How can you read all the submissions? How can you do the work? How can you do it properly? I urge the Senate leadership—Senator Wong, Senator Brandis and the crossbench—to get together and work out some coherent way to bring these inquiries forward so that the staff are not overworked and overloaded, so that we can do our work properly and not rush the recommendations, and so that we bring justice to the good work the Senate has done for so many years. I hope everyone gets together and thinks of the staff, who have so much work to do with so many inquiries. I support Senator Roberts, and perhaps we can have an inquiry later on. But let's not overload everyone with work, and let's do our job properly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>47</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Communications Legislation Amendment (Executive Remuneration) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
            <a href="s1059" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Communications Legislation Amendment (Executive Remuneration) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>47</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A Bill for an Act to amend the law relating to remuneration of certain office holders, and for related purposes. <inline font-style="italic">Communications Legislation Amendment (Executive Remuneration) Bill 2017</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>47</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to table an explanatory memorandum relating to the bill.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table an explanatory memorandum, and I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">I rise to speak on my private senator's bill, the Communications Legislation Amendment (Executive Remuneration) Bill 2017. The purpose of this bill is to amend the Australian Postal Corporation Act 1989 and the National Broadband Network Companies Act 2011 to remove the ability of the respective Boards to set remuneration and to give that authority to the Remuneration Tribunal by amending to the Remuneration Tribunal Act 1973.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia Post and the National Broadband Network Company (NBN Co) are two of six government owned enterprises known as Government Business Enterprises (GBEs) which are defined in section 8 of the Public Governance, Performance and Accountability Act 2013 (PGPA Act) and are prescribed in section 5 of the PGPA Rule to the PGPA Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The other four are the Australian Rail Track Corporation Limited responsible for some 10,000 kilometres of interstate rail, Australian Submarine Corporation Pty Ltd responsible for naval ship building and in particular the proposed spend of $50 billion on new submarines, Defence Housing Australia and the Moorebank Intermodal Company Limited to be responsible for the major infrastructure hub in Sydney.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All these businesses are very different but they share some important characteristics.</para></quote>
<list>each business has its capital provided by the taxpayer and its existence based on a government monopoly. All the risks are underwritten by the taxpayers of Australia through Australian Government ownership. In these respects these government owned enterprises businesses are unlike any listed public company;</list>
<list>these businesses, with their safety net of government underwriting, were established to fulfil a dominant purpose - to provide an essential service; and</list>
<list>the responsibility for achieving the respective purposes lies with the respective Board and with the Shareholder Minister or Ministers.</list>
<quote><para class="block">I now want to turn to Australia Post. It is common ground in the community that the payment of some $5.6 million to the Managing Director of Australia Post is out of step with community expectations. The way in which the remuneration package was discovered, the response of the shareholder Ministers and the Board and the Managing Director will no doubt become a text book study of what not to do.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It seems that this payment of $5.6 million also permitted the Managing Director of Australia Post to take on other paid work. The 2016 Annual Report of Pro-Pac Packaging reports Mr Ahmed Fahour was also paid a fee of $109,500 last year by the ASX listed. It maybe that Mr Fahour also earned other income but my concern is not with Mr Fahour but with the Board of Australia Post.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Board of Australia Post is either unaware its Managing Director has another job in the same space that Australia Post operates in or it is aware and does not care.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Board of Australia Post has failed the people of Australia and needs to be replaced. In the meantime the power to set remuneration for the Managing Director needs to be removed and given to the Remuneration Tribunal which already sets the remuneration of most of the other GBE's.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Here are the problems with setting the remuneration of the Managing Director at $5.6 million.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The single payment is excessive, it reduces the dividend to government, but worse it has a flow on effect throughout Australia Post. It makes payment of between $1.3 and $1.8 million to a number of other executives seem reasonable when it is not and that further reduces the dividend.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The flow on effect goes on and on because these excessive payments come at the cost of moral and a sense of fairness to the real workers at Australia Post, the staff, the contractors and owners of licensed and franchised post offices who deliver the community service obligation. It's a zero sum game: someone has to pay for this excessive remuneration regime.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">So the question now has to be asked 'how did this happen'? The short answer is a complete failure of the Board of Australia Post and the Coalition Government who failed to bring to a stop a remuneration arrangement already in play under the previous Labour Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I think it is instructive to look at the sequence of recent events. The Board of Australia Post ceased publishing the remuneration arrangements of the Managing Director in its Annual Report in 2013.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The remuneration arrangement for the Managing Director of Australia Post were revealed in a response to a question at Senate Estimates and a flurry of newspaper articles in The Australian and other print media which was followed by radio and television commentators. Finally we knew what the Board and the shareholder Ministers had known all along.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Once the media took up the story, the Government responded with a letter to the Board of Australia Post. Later the Prime Minister thought the Managing Director of Australia Post could search his conscience and return some of the money. You would have thought the Government was simply powerless to act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill makes it clear that the tools necessary to deal with the matter of remuneration were always available to Government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I met with Communications Minister Fifield on 9 February 2017 and pointed out that the position of Managing Director of Australia was already a principal executive office along with the CEO of the Australian Rail Track Corporation Ltd which seemed to surprise him and he told me he would get back to me shortly. He didn't.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On the 16th of February 2017 I won the ballot for that day's Matter of Public Importance and spoke about Australia Post and said I had been left with no alternative but to try to fix the problem myself because quite clearly no one else had any interest in doing so.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill before you reflects no more and no less than the removal of the remuneration setting power of the Board of Australia Post and the allocation of that removed power to the Remuneration Tribunal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Remuneration Tribunal sets the salary of the Prime Minister which is $517,504. The Chief of the Navy, the Chief of the Army and the Chief of the Airforce receive much less.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If the Remuneration Tribunal as an independent statutory body can handle the remuneration of the Prime Minister, the judiciary and others managing government businesses then they can handle the remuneration for the most senior officers at Australia Post and NBN.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Once the Remuneration Tribunal sets the remuneration package for the Managing Director at Australia Post some community confidence will be re-established in the system of government in Australia. Possibly some lessons will learned.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Coalition and Labour need to get out more. Less time in their political bubble in-fighting and more time with the rest of Australia, the people they so passionately care about when interviewed for television and radio. In 2016 Australia Post reported a dividend of $20 million and that amount would have been much higher probably double if the Board of Australia Post and the shareholder Ministers were not asleep at the wheel of Australia Post.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Before I leave the case for change, I want to look briefly at the remuneration for comparable organisations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the United States (US) the US Postal Service is an independent agency responsible for providing the postal service and like Australia Post it is obliged to provide a postal service regardless of geography at a uniform price. The US Postal Service employs over 600,000 staff and delivers more than 660 million pieces of mail a day yet their CEO has a package worth $1.2 million Australian dollars, which is one quarter of the remuneration of the equivalent position in Australia Post. How can that be justified? It's the same story for the United Kingdom and Canada.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On the 24th of February 2017 the Government announced it would bring the position of Managing Director of Australia Post within the regime administered by the Remuneration Tribunal but it said nothing about the CEO of NBN.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I now want to turn to the Board of the NBN Co and its payment of $3.6 million to the Chief Executive Officer. This Bill also brings the CEO of NBN Co within the framework of the Remuneration Tribunal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally I would like to mention the questions asked and replied to at the Additional Senate Estimates Environment and Communication Committee on the 28th of February 2017. The Managing Director of Australia Post suggested that his religion and his skin colour have paid a role in my decision to speak in Parliament on the issue of his remuneration. It has not.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Personal factors have played no role in my decision to speak up on the remuneration of the Managing Director at Australia Post on the 16th of February 2017. Every other speaker on that occasion agreed the remuneration package for the managing Director of Australia Post was excessive. On that basis I would expect them to support this Bill.</para></quote>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>49</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Violence Against Women and Girls</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOORE</name>
    <name.id>00AOQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Rice, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Brisbane action on Sunday, 12 February 2017, as part of the One Billion Rising movement to end violence against women and girls,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) that together with Nia Australia, Vulcana Women's Circus, WaW Dance and Brisbane Powerhouse, women gathered to celebrate a world free from violence, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) that funds raised on the day were directed to Brisbane domestic violence services; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) recognises that One Billion Rising:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is the biggest mass action to end violence against women and was launched on Valentine's Day 2012,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) began as a call to action based on the staggering statistic that 1 in 3 women on the planet will be beaten or raped during her lifetime, with the world population at 7 billion, this adds up to more than one billion women and girls, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) is focused is on women's strength and resistance, aiming to work together to raise awareness and demand a world free from violence.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Industry</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 238.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senators McKenzie, Canavan and O'Sullivan, move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Australian Bureau of Agricultural and Resource Economics and Sciences has forecast the gross value of Australian farm production will increase by 8.3 per cent to a record $63.8 billion in 2016-17,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) real net farm cash income is estimated to have been $25.7 billion in 2015-16, well above the 20-year average to 2014-15 of $15.6 billion,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) farm cash income for Australian broadacre farms is projected to average $216 000 per farm in 2016-17 which is the highest recorded in the past 20 years,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) new trade opportunities negotiated by the Coalition Government with China, Korea and Japan have boosted Australian farm exports which are projected to be $48.7 billion in 2017-18, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) agriculture showed strong growth in the December quarter, contributing 0.2 per cent to the economy's overall 1.1 per cent growth for that period; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) further notes that, with the right policy settings and programmes, agriculture still has massive potential to grow and deliver even better results as an economic powerhouse of the nation.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. The Greens will be supporting this motion—I think so; I have not seen the amendment—but we want to note that it is not just an issue of gross value of agricultural income that is important in the growth and potential of the agricultural industry. We are also concerned about income to farms, not just broadacre farms but particularly income to farmers such as dairy farmers. We note that another criterion for whether we have a successful agricultural industry is the overall sustainability of agricultural industries and also note the impact of global warming. We note that this last year overall has had good rainfall and good conditions, but those sorts of conditions are going to be fewer and further between as global warming increases. In particular, you only need to look at the death of 47 dairy cows in the Shoalhaven with the heatwave that occurred there and the decrease in wheat yields to see the challenges for our agricultural industry in being able to fulfil its potential.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>50</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Take-Home Pay) Bill 2017</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
            <a href="s1060" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Take-Home Pay) Bill 2017</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>50</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend general business notice of motion No. 239 standing in my name and in the names of Senators Di Natale and Lambie for today, proposing the introduction of a bill.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bushby</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We haven't seen that.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator McGrath interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, could you assist the Senate by indicating the nature of the amendment?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Mr President. I amend the motion by inserting a hyphen in the short title of the bill between the words 'take' and 'home' to ensure uniformity between the use of the word in the principal act and the amending bill.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Cameron. I gather there is clarity in the chamber now.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senators Di Natale and Lambie, move the motion as amended:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A Bill for an Act to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline>, and for related purposes. <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Take</inline><inline font-style="italic">-</inline><inline font-style="italic">Home Pay) Bill 2017 [No. 2]</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>50</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to table an explanatory memorandum relating to the bill.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I table an explanatory memorandum, and I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Take-Home Pay) Bill 2017 will prevent the penalty rates cut proposed by the Fair Work Commission's decision in matter AM2014/305 from taking effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It will protect workers take-home pay now and into the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill ensures that modern awards cannot be varied to reduce the take-home pay of an employee. This includes any reduction in take-home pay as a result of a reduction in penalty rates or the hours to which penalty rates apply.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill preserves the independence of the independent workplace umpire, the Fair Work Commission (the Commission), but appropriately guides the exercise of its discretion to ensure wages are not cut.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The purpose of the Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Take-Home Pay) Bill 2017 is to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline> so that the Fair Work Commission, in exercising its powers to vary modern awards, cannot vary a modern award so that the effect of the variation would be likely to reduce, or reduce the take-home pay of any employee.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill amends the definitions of <inline font-style="italic">reduction in take-home pay</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">take-home pay</inline> in the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009 </inline>by reference to new subsections 135A(4) and 135A(5).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Item 3 of the schedule inserts a new subsection 135A in Division 2 of Part 2-3 which requires that, in exercising its powers under this Part, the Fair Work Commission cannot vary a modern award such that an employee's, or prospective employee's, take-home pay is reduced.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It does not require individual employees to provide evidence to the Fair Work Commission of actual loss of take-home pay.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill provides that any determination of the Fair Work Commission made on or after 22 February 2017 that would result, or would be likely to result in a cut to take-home pay under the Award, is of no effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At the date of the introduction of this Bill, no determination has been issued arising from decision AM2014/305 by the Fair Work Commission. The effect of this amendment is to invalidate any determination which may be issued by the Fair Work Commission, arising from decision AM2014/305 by the Commission, prior to the enactment of this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This amendment ensures that modern awards are a safety net for the take-home pay of employees currently under the award and of prospective employees under the award.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the avoidance of doubt, the definition of take-home pay makes it clear that all employees under modern awards are to receive the full benefit in their take-home pay of any increase to the modern award minimum wage. For example, the Fair Work Commission may not vary a modern award so as to phase in a cut to penalty rates by offsetting that cut against any annual increases in the modern award minimum wage.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia's national workplace relations system can, in simple terms, be viewed in three parts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Firstly, the National Minimum Wage and the National Employment Standards (NES); which are ten statutory minimum employment standards that all employees are entitled to.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Secondly, modern awards, which are legal documents that outline the minimum pay rates and conditions of employment. There are 122 industry or occupation awards that cover most people who work in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Thirdly, enterprise agreements and other registered agreements which set out minimum employment conditions. When a workplace has a registered agreement, the award does not apply. However, in order to have an approved, registered agreement it must leave workers better off overall than the relevant industry award.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At the time of their conception, the then Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Ms Gillard made it clear that modern awards were established to, "ensure that they maintain a relevant and fair minimum safety net and continue to be relevant to the needs and expectations of the community."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This provision was further supported and strengthened by an amendment to the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline> in 2013 which amended the modern awards objective to ensure that the Fair Work Commission, in carrying out its functions, must take into account the need to provide additional remuneration for employees working outside normal hours, such as employees working overtime or on weekends.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At the time, the Minister for Workplace Relations, Mr Shorten, said "Our Bill makes it clear that this Labor government believes in the value and utility of penalty rates…"</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is abundantly clear that it was not ever envisaged that modern awards would be cut in the manner the Fair Work Commission proposes in the penalty rates case. The fact that the Fair Work Commission has been able to propose cuts in the manner it has is contrary to the intention of the Parliament. To reduce the pay of already low and middle income earning Australians does not, in the Opposition's view, maintain a relevant and fair minimum safety net, nor is it relevant to community expectations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is paradoxical that modern award conditions such as penalty rates, which exist as a safety net, can be reduced by the Fair Work Commission but enterprise agreements, which are negotiated between employers and their workforces ensuring workers are better off overall than the award, cannot be altered to reduce pay or conditions of employment otherwise than in a manner which is consistent with the better-off-overall-test.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Inequality in Australia is at a 75-year high. Wages growth is at historic lows and underemployment is at record highs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There could not be a worse time to cut workers' take-home pay; a fate workers will not have to suffer if this Bill is passed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The decision of the Fair Work Commission, one that was campaigned for by the Prime Minister and Government, affects 700,000 Australians and will have particularly devastating effects on women, Culturally And Linguistically Diverse (CALD) communities, young people and regional communities. The McKell Institute's analysis states, "For many, the changes are dramatic: full time or part time retail workers who work a full 8-hour shift, for example, will lose at least $72.90 per week. Annually, this equates to a $3499 loss." Further, "55 per cent of those impacted by the proposed changes are female…".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In relation to regional communities, the McKell Institute estimated a partial abolition of penalty rates in the retail and hospitality sectors would result in, "workers in Rural Australia losing between $370.7 million per annum and $691.5 million per annum." and "A loss in disposable income of between $174.6 million per annum and $343.5 million per annum to local economies in Rural Australia."</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In arriving at its conclusion, the Fair Work Commission noted the hardship which the proposed cuts to penalty rates will impose on employees who work on public holidays and Sundays. The Commission observed that, "…. the variation of a modern award which has the effect of reducing the earnings of low-paid employees will have a negative impact on their relative living standards and on their capacity to meet their needs". The Opposition agrees and believes the Commission has not given appropriate weight to the effects of reducing penalty rates in reaching its decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This decision has implications for workers beyond retail, hospitality and pharmacies. Workers such as nurses, teachers, community workers, disability workers, cleaners and construction workers are, as a result of this decision, at risk of seeing their penalty rates cut in the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through this Bill, Labor is making it clear we don't share the Coalition Government's easy to hire, easy to fire, low road, race-to-the-bottom view of what the Australian labour market should look like.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The way to protect the take-home pay of workers under modern awards is for the decision of the Fair Work Commission not to take effect, and for the Parliament to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009 </inline>in the way proposed by the Opposition to make it clear that the Commission may not vary a modern award in a way that would result, or would be likely to result in a cut to the take-home pay of an employee or prospective employee covered by a modern award.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend the Bill to the Senate.</para></quote>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Harmony Day</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the request of Senator Wong, I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) 21 March 2017 is Harmony Day, a day which celebrates Australia's cultural diversity and demonstrates cultural respect for everyone who calls Australia home, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) Harmony Day coincides with the United Nations International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) endorses Harmony Day's message 'everyone belongs';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) notes the success of Australia's laws in protecting Australians from discrimination on the basis of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin, key to Australia's success as a multicultural society; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) reaffirms its commitment to the right of all Australians to enjoy equal rights and be treated with equal respect regardless of race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. Today the world pauses to reflect on efforts everywhere to end discrimination and vilification on the basis of race, colour, ethnicity or national origin. Today in Australia we are proudly celebrating Harmony Day. We are the most successful, peaceful, multicultural nation in the world. Today Australians everywhere from all over the world are going to school together; they are working together; they are living together; they are loving each other—just like they do every day.</para>
<para>But today also a very small group of people within the Liberal Party are trying to attack the very fabric of our proud and peaceful multicultural nation. Our commitment to cultural diversity and to our way of life runs far too deep for that. Instead, we will work together on Ngunnawal land on what really matters. We understand that racism has no place in Australia, that it must be eliminated to protect our wonderfully diverse and harmonious society.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cycling Safety and Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para> () (): I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the tragic death of a cyclist in Melbourne recently, who was struck and killed by a truck while riding a busy cycle route in the city's inner west,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the work of cycling advocates in calling for improved infrastructure and safety measures to ensure people have the freedom to ride safely,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the importance of well-designed and properly funded infrastructure to support cycling as a healthy, clean and efficient mode of transport for Australians of all ages,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) that our cities suffer from traffic congestion and pollution, which can be relieved by providing people with safe cycling routes,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) the National Cycling Participation Survey 2015 showed that four million people ride their bike each week in Australia,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) that the National Cycling Strategy aimed to double the number of people riding a bike between 2011 and 2016, yet rider numbers remained relatively unchanged over that period, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vii) that the Federal Government funds a range of transport modes, yet provides very little funding to active transport; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls on the Government to invest in cycling infrastructure in the upcoming Budget, to reflect the nationally significant role of cycling as a transport mode in Australia and the need to ensure the safety of everyone who rides.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Australian government already contribute to active transport projects through our Infrastructure Investment program, Building Better Regions Fund, financial assistance grants, our road safety initiatives and our support for the Australian Bicycle Council. The Transport and Infrastructure Council agreed in August 2016 to the 2015 implementation report of the National Cycling Strategy and agreed to extend the funding for the Australian Bicycle Council until the end of 2017. It also agreed that the Transport and Infrastructure Senior Officials Committee would consider options for a national or state and territory approach to active transport for 2018 onwards. Safety is a priority of the government and we have a range of measures in place targeted at safety improvements on our national network.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Down Syndrome</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Siewert, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate notes that—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) 21 March 2017 will mark the 12th anniversary of World Down Syndrome Day;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) World Down Syndrome Day recognises the rights of people with Down Syndrome;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) over 13,000 Australians live with Down Syndrome;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) it is the responsibility of local, state and territory, and national governments to advocate for people with Down Syndrome;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) we have a responsibility to ensure that people with Down Syndrome participate fully and equally in their communities and all aspects of Australian society; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) we have an obligation to empower people with Down Syndrome, by giving them a voice in policy development and public life.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Roe Highway</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the resounding defeat of the Barnett Government in Western Australia on 11 March 2017,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the unnecessary, destructive land-clearing undertaken by Main Roads Department contractors at the site of the proposed Roe Highway project in the Beeliar Wetlands in contravention of state and federal approval conditions, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) that the incoming McGowan Government has committed to cancel the project;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) congratulates Aboriginal leaders, community organisers, local governments and local residents for their defiant and ultimately successful campaign to protect country and culture in the Beeliar Wetlands; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) calls on the Government to ensure that Commonwealth funds worth $1.2 billion committed to the unwanted Roe Highway project are reallocated to public transport, rail freight upgrades and rehabilitation of the Roe Highway corridor.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Commonwealth government's $1.2 billion funding commitment to the Perth Freight Link is specific to this project and follows detailed planning work and a positive assessment of the business case by Infrastructure Australia. If the McGowan government decides to seek funding from the Commonwealth for other projects, it is welcome to apply through the usual channels. Under well-established government policy, any project requiring more than $100 million in Commonwealth funding will first need to be assessed by Infrastructure Australia.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Indigenous Health</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes the Close the Gap Progress and Priorities Report 2017;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) acknowledges that unaddressed hearing loss and impairment in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities leads to poorer life outcomes and entrenches disadvantage;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) recognises that not enough is being done to address hearing loss and impairment in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) calls on the Minister for Indigenous Affairs to support the recommendations of the Close the Gap Progress and Priorities Report 2017, which calls for new engagement with our First Peoples and the Redfern Statement, as well as a reset to the national approach to health inequality; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) calls on the federal, state and territory governments to urgently address hearing loss and impairment in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government is committed to supporting better outcomes for Indigenous Australians and is investing $43.4 million for ear health activities through the Indigenous Australians Health Program. A further $33.4 million is being provided specifically for ear health services in the Northern Territory under the National Partnership on Northern Territory Remote Aboriginal Investment. In 2015-16, key outcomes from this investment included more than 42,000 patient services in 328 locations, ear surgery for 143 children, ear health training for more than 1,500 health professionals and provision of almost 1,100 pieces of ear health assessment equipment.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the decision of the Fair Work Commission, in relation to penalty rates in matter AM2014/305, will result in reductions to the take home pay of up to 700,000 workers employed in retail, hospitality and pharmacies, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) in its decision, the Fair Work Commission found that reductions in penalty rates will cause hardship to employees affected by the decision; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) expresses its opposition to reductions in penalty rates that reduce the take home pay of Australian workers now and in the future.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Fair Work Commission was set up by the Labor government in 2009. The commission was tasked by Labor to review awards every four years. As workplace relations minister in 2013, the Leader of the Opposition amended the Fair Work Act to specifically require the commission to consider penalty rates as part of that process. The government respects the expertise and independence of the Fair Work Commission. As the commission found, the decision will help small businesses open their doors, compete on a level playing field and create more jobs. Thousands of small businesses have been competing on an uneven playing field against big businesses, which have already negotiated enterprise agreements with unions that mean they already avoid high penalty rates on Sundays. For example, a family-owned takeaway shop must pay their staff $8 an hour more than McDonald's on a Sunday. As a union boss, the Leader of the Opposition was happy to make deals that cut penalty rates to low-paid workers.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Cameron be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:02]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>32</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lambie, J</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>32</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Back, CJ</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Nash, F</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Parry, S</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Roberts, M</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>4</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Brandis, GH</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Georgiou, P</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Smith, </name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentarians' Entitlements</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>People are booing me already, Mr President. I find that disorderly.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is very disorderly, Senator Bernardi.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Leyonhjelm, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, given the Commonwealth's debt and Australia's budget deficit, the Senate is of the view that all senators receive an appropriate remuneration package and, therefore, the Remuneration Tribunal should not consider increasing the remuneration paid to senators until the Government has delivered a budget surplus.</para></quote>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>While the Greens are sympathetic with the intent of this motion—and it is true that all senators receive an appropriate remuneration package; in fact, we would say 'generous' and not 'appropriate'—we are concerned that, when Senator Bernardi talks about waiting until a budget surplus is delivered, what he is really talking about is waiting until we see cuts to health, education and the social safety net. That is what Senator Bernardi's definition of a budget surplus entails, so we cannot support this motion as it stands; however, we would be happy to amend the motion to say that, until the government is prepared to address the growing inequality in Australia, the growing gap between the super-rich and everybody else, the Greens would be very supportive of not increasing the remuneration paid to MPs.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Bernardi be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:08]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>6</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bernardi, C (teller)</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Lambie, J</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Roberts, M</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>53</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Back, CJ</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>Nash, F</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Parry, S</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Smith, D</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 242 standing in my name for today, affirming that our society operates on the rule of law, calling on all Australians to respect and abide by the rule of law, and condemning expressions of support for breaching the rule of law, be taken as formal.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to this motion being taken as formal?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Formality has been denied.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 240 standing in my name for today, relating to comments of the Secretary of the ACTU, be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to this motion being taken as formal?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Gallagher</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Formality has been denied.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Suspension of Standing Orders</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent Senator Bernardi moving a motion relating to the conduct of the business of this Senate, namely a motion to give precedence to general business notice of motion no. 240.</para></quote>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bernardi, you are in order. There is no contingent notice of motion, for those that asked, but Senator Bernardi can move a motion to suspend standing orders. I just remind the Senate that he needs an absolute majority of the Senate to effect anything through this motion.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. I will try not to delay the Senate too much, but I may remind the Senate that the normal courtesies extended, whether it be to an Independent senator, a senator of the opposition or a senator of the government, in allowing debate about motions in the discovery of formal business have historically been sacrosanct in this place. So I would suggest that those who want to deny formality to a motion simply because they find the truth inconvenient need to think again.</para>
<para>The support and back-up that the shameful comments by the head of the ACTU, Ms McManus, have received from those on the other side and from the Greens senators are an indictment upon this place, because the rule of law applies equally to everyone in this country. When we have leaders of organisations like the ACTU who say, 'I only want to uphold the rule of law when it suits me and when it suits my purposes,' you know you have a problem. But the problem is one of an unelected and unrepresentative official, because the ACTU represents a tiny subsection of the community; we know that. But when those statements are supported by the apparent third party in this place, the Greens, with Senator Di Natale saying that he perfectly agrees with them, you know you have a problem with your democracy.</para>
<para>In this notice of motion, which stated the facts and noted the comments by Ms McManus and the support by Senator Di Natale, I also note—and I put this fact on the record—that the Leader of the Opposition and the Prime Minister both distanced themselves from the statements of Ms McManus and said, 'If you don't like a law, you change it; you don't disregard it or ignore it just because it doesn't suit you.' The shameful thing is that, when we are asking for this place to pass that motion, formality is denied by those Chicken Littles on the other side. That is a shameful indictment upon you. I remind you that when you bring in your notices of motion, if you want to go down this path and you say things that somehow upset the cerebral amongst us—those people who actually think through the consequences of things—and your formality is denied, we will see how much you enjoy that. It is an indictment upon you that you do not want to even have a vote or declare support for your own leader. That is what I would say to those on the other side. The rule of law is fundamental to our democracy. It is fundamental to a democratic process. That is what we have in elected democracy, and we are representative of that.</para>
<para>I think it is wrong for any member of this parliament to say in any way, shape or form or endorse the view that, if you do not like a law, you can ignore it. The ACTU has influence over some of the most lawless, rogue unions in this place, including the CFMEU, which has been the subject of repeated debate because of the actions of its members, the thuggish standover activity and the abusive conduct which has all been contrary to the law. And yet the ACTU president says that is okay, because it does not suit her to have those laws in place, so it is all right for people to disregard them. She said that on national television. People can make foolish statements all they like on national TV, but they should be held to account for it, and so too should those in this place who are going to endorse those statements and who think it is okay.</para>
<para>Let me remind you that the Greens are the group that supported the dishonest press release by one of their activists seeking to derail a mining venture in the finance forum. It cost hundreds of millions of dollars of shareholder wealth as a result of that fraudulent activity, and they supported it. It is a shame and an indictment on the political party that they endorsed lawless behaviour. We can excuse the ACTU president as someone who just supports anti-Semitic BDS boycotts, but, hang on, so does a section of the Greens party. They support anti-Semitic campaigns against businesses owned by Israeli citizens. What sort of a democratic position are we in? How can you defend this in any way, shape or form? How is it okay to be a lawmaker in this place, not to be advocating for change of the law but then to say to people, 'You can go out and break whatever laws don't suit your purpose.' Then to deny formality for the factual statements coming through in this place reflects poorly on those others.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Whish-Wilson interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I hear Senator Whish-Wilson interjecting as per normal— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I think it is very important to let the Senate know Labor's position on the series of motions, including the previous one from Senator Abetz and Senator Bernardi, and, indeed, the one that will follow after this. These motions are simply stunts. They are motions—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ryan</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He is sitting behind you!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If I could just finish my comments. The leader of the Labor Party made his position on this matter very clear, as have many other Labor members as well. The Leader of the Opposition made it clear that Labor does not agree with breaking the law. We are elected to this place to uphold the law, and Labor believes that if a law is unjust or unfair then you change the law. Of course, changing the law does not just happen on its own. It requires people to campaign to make the case and to persuade voters to elect people to this place who will fight for workers' rights. It is exactly because of this kind of work by the Labor movement that we have equal pay for men and women, that we have fair hours of work and fair pay and that people have the right to organise and, if necessary, strike to improve their pay and conditions. That is why, while other members seek to use this place today for stunts, Labor is actually dealing with the issues by moving legislation in both houses of parliament to change the law to protect penalty rates of up to 700,000 Australians who are set to have their pay cut as a result of this government's failure to act. That is what the Labor Party will do. We will respond and we will introduce legislation to deal with the terrible decision on penalty rates, but we will not be a part of stunts that attack individuals within this chamber. That is the reason why we have denied formality to these series of motions today.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What an amazing statement by the person leading for the Australian Labor Party in this debate. A motion endorsing the rule of law, which is a fundamental underpinning of our society, is a stunt. From now on we can talk about any motion—for example, supporting freedom of speech—as a stunt. If we happen to believe in equality between the sexes, that is just a stunt. Let this now be the measure on which we judge every single one of Labor's motions that come before this place and let us see the humiliation that it affords them. Let us be very clear, the motion I sought to move had no allegations against anybody. The motion was this: that the Senate affirms that our society operates on the rule of law. Is there any senator in this place that disagrees with that proposition? They are all quiet, aren't they? The next proposition calls on all Australians to respect and abide by the rule of law. Is there a senator in the Labor Party and the Greens that actually disagrees with that proposition? Once again, they are deliberately avoiding the issue. Thirdly, we should be condemning expressions of support for breaching the rule of law. Again, silence. They were three general propositions that they cannot oppose, but they will not allow them to be voted on because they know their taskmaster, the secretary of the ACTU, has demanded that they block this motion—a motion that has three fundamental principles in it. Our society has to be based on the rule of law. If it is not, we descend into anarchy. Whether we like it or not, we have to support the laws of our country.</para>
<para>Indeed, I am sure, and I have witnessed, Labor and Greens senators at Australian citizenship ceremonies getting up and quoting the affirmation about Australia, which says 'whose laws I uphold and obey'. And yet, they are not willing to support that proposition in this very place. What hypocrites: they get up at citizenship ceremonies and assert that they support and obey the laws of this country when, deep in their own hearts, they do not believe in it. They believe that they are somehow above the rest of the Australian people, that they can pick and choose when they want to abide by a law, that they have the moral rectitude to break the law whenever they deem it appropriate. But, of course, all the other underlings have to agree to abide by the laws if they think they are good laws. If everybody took that view, what mayhem would we have on the streets? What would happen if somebody said: 'I don't like that green stop sign. I don't agree with that law in these circumstances. I'm going to go through it.'</para>
<para>We have a rule of law that says that if we do not like a decision, be it of the court or of the parliament, we then run for parliament to seek to change the law. That is the orderly manner in which we change laws in this country. Or, indeed, if we do not like the decision of the lower court, we can appeal it to the higher court until, ultimately, we are stuck with a decision of the High Court. And if we do not like that, then we seek to have legislative change. That is how an orderly, civilised society operates. But what we have here from the extreme left, now wagging the dog of the Labor Party and the Greens, is them saying that they in fact will whisper that they believe in the rule of law, but, by their actions in this place today, they have shown that they fundamentally disagree with these propositions. Allow me to read them again for all of the Australian people to hear very clearly: Labor and the Greens oppose that we should 'affirm that our society operates on the rule of law'; they oppose any calling on Australians 'to respect and abide by the rule of law'; and they are unwilling to 'condemn expressions of support for breaking the rule of law'. I know what side I stand on. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We once had laws that made slaves of men and women. We once had laws that said homosexuality was unnatural and illegal. We once had laws that effectively told women that their place was in the kitchen. We once had laws that allowed governments to rape and pillage our environment. We have had these laws that we, through the generations, have stood up to, and this has allowed us to create the sort of society that we enjoy today and the sorts of rights that people in our country enjoy right now. And we, as a political party with a proud history of achieving social change not just through our actions in the parliament but also by involving ourselves in those social movements, understand more than anybody else that it is not just our right to stand up to unjust laws, but that it is also our duty as citizens of this country. As people who believe in upholding human rights, in protecting our environment, we have a moral duty to stand up to unjust laws wherever they are.</para>
<para>Yes, of course, parliaments play an important role in the passage of legislation, and, yes, that legislation helps to create the framework for a civilised society. But so too does that moral opposition to those unjust laws that mean that right now we have people who this government would seek to make criminals because they stand up on behalf of those innocent people locked up in those offshore jails. The Border Force Act says to doctors and nurses, 'You can't speak out against the injustice that you bear witness to.' We have people in this country right now who are preparing themselves to fight against a whopping great big polluting coal mine that would cook the planet and destroy the Great Barrier Reef. I say to them all around the country: go and do what generations of people have done before for you and take a stand against laws that you believe to be unjust, because we will be there with you. Social movements right across the nation—the civil rights movement, the women's movement, the environment movement—have ensured that people have the right to vote and can participate freely as democratic citizens in this nation of ours.</para>
<para>It is only with the passage of time that those who were once deemed to be lawbreakers are now deemed to be heroes. It is only in retrospect that we appreciate the actions of those brave people who take a stand against the entrenched power of the day. Rosa Parks was not somebody who was held up to be an exemplar of democracy at that time. It was only after she took the brave step of defying the law of the day that we now celebrate her bravery and her actions. Nelson Mandela was another person who broke the law in order to change it. It is only with the actions of those brave few that we could achieve the social changes in our society that all of us now enjoy.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You're a lunatic, you really are. You're bizarre.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Siewert</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You don't understand how change is made, do you? How do you think change is achieved?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is a good debate to be having. It is actually teases out the philosophical underpinnings of how we achieve change in our society. It says that there are some people who believe that the law is the privilege of the classes that Senator O'Sullivan seeks to represent—a politics of wealth and privilege—and is the vehicle through which we achieve change. We do not accept that. What we believe here, within the Greens, is that we have an obligation from not just within the parliament but also from outside it to lead those social movements, to ensure that those social movements have the opportunity to be heard, and that we achieve a better society by standing up to unjust laws. Our party is founded on the notion of peaceful protest, and we celebrate it. We embrace it. We understand that if we are to achieve change—that is what is at the heart of any healthy democracy.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I stand today as a person who has broken the law, and I am proud of it. I support Senator Di Natale in what he has said. I will not invoke Rosa Parks and Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther King Junior—even though I went to his funeral. Senator Abetz obviously did not hear me when he said, 'Does anybody disagree with me?' I shouted yes, but it did not suit his rhetoric.</para>
<para>The thing here is that you are entitled to break a bad law, but there is a proviso: you must be prepared to take the consequences and possibly be fined and possibly go to jail. I have been to jail and I have been fined $100,000 and I chose to go to jail again. I broke suppression orders that protected some of the worst sex offenders, child molesters, in this country. I said their names on the steps of parliament house, the house of democracy.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am a law-breaker and I shouted those names—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you know how nasty you look, Sarah, when you get going?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hanson-Young</name>
    <name.id>I0U</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you know how nasty you look when you are smiling?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Stop the clock.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is this out of my time?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Hinch.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I shouted the names of those sex offenders on the steps of parliament house, a democratic place, and 4,000 other people shouted it too. There were 4,000 other law-breakers there too. They chose to prosecute one, and I was the one they got in jail for it. As I said, you can break a bad law, pay the fine, take the consequences and stand up to it. I am not saying I endorse everything the Greens do or that the Labor Party does, but on this issue they are right to have that opinion.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The women MPs here today—Labor, Liberal, National Party, crossbenchers—all of us are here because our forebears literally rattled the chains. It was not because some MPs arrived at work, sat on the leather benches and decided, 'Now women should have the vote.' It was because actions were taken. Women were arrested; they were force-fed; they were abused. And one died. The actions were tough. They did that because they believed passionately that women should have the vote. And we benefit from that today. Society benefits. Those MPs who are trying to shut down this debate do not want to recognise that at times laws are wrong and at times laws do need to be rewritten—and they need to be broken to achieve that. The people who take that action are people we thank today.</para>
<para>So much of what progressive society has built has not been because MPs arrive at work and suddenly think: 'We'll do the right thing and we'll make it a fairer, more equal, more just society, where people don't get killed at work, where we save our precious environment.' It is because of action and, often, civil disobedience where people are getting arrested and putting themselves in the front line. It was not so long ago when some of the MPs here sat in the front foyer with climate activists, families, who had come here to put forward their voices and their concerns for the need for rapid action on climate change. I thought that was a very fine day. And it replicates what happens so often—usually outside our parliaments, sometimes inside our parliaments—where actions are being taken. I acknowledge that at times people might wonder why the law is being broken. But it is being broken to demonstrate a great wrong. The great wrongs in our society have at times been extreme. If the likes of the coalition, the Liberals and the Nationals—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ryan</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Your fellow travellers didn't like protesters. They used tanks.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I acknowledge the interjections from Senator Ryan. It is good to see Senator Abetz is back here. Senator Abetz, if your forebears had been in power when women were trying to get the vote, they would have done—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Ryan interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator McGrath interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I acknowledge the interjections—would have not given us the vote. There is a section over there on the coalition benches who would not have given women the right to vote.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ryan</name>
    <name.id>I0Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It was a Liberal government that did it, you fool!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Come on! Your forebears were the people who were force-feeding women.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You didn't want anyone to vote. They rolled the tanks into Hungary—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rhiannon, resume your seat.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Rhiannon interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order. You do not have the call at the moment, Senator Rhiannon. Senator Abetz, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Abetz</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, on a point of order, I ask that those comments be withdrawn, especially when they have come from a senator who claims that she does not like people being offended, insulted or humiliated because of their race.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Rhiannon, on the point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I did not insult anybody in terms of their race. I was talking about the Liberals and Nationals and made reference to Senator Abetz. I included all the senators on the government benches—of their position with regard to the issue of women voting.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McGrath, on the point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, there was a reflection on Senator Abetz's forebears. That was a direct link to Senator Abetz and his family, and it should be withdrawn.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are not going to debate across it. I have heard what you have said, Senator Rhiannon. And I must say I actually agree. I thought I heard you refer to Senator Abetz's forebears and make reference to that. I hear what you say—that that was not the context that you were using—but, in order to enable the Senate chamber to move forward, I would ask you to withdraw those comments.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am happy to withdraw. Thank you.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Rhiannon. Senator Rhiannon, you have the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is a very important issue—which I acknowledge is contentious at times, but again it is very relevant to this debate—and that is the conditions the workers enjoy when they go to work these days. They do have lunch breaks. Although it has been eroded, there is a certain period of time they go to work for. They have a certain level of pay and superannuation. There is occupational health and safety. Again, these were not given to them by employers. These rights were not given to them by the likes of Liberal and National Party MPs coming to work. They were given to us because the MPs came to their senses after such very radical actions by unions—often going on strike, often occupying the workplace. I go back to the stonemasons of the 1850s, who led the struggle for a shorter working week, for an eight-hour day. These are conditions that have been so important for building a quality of life in Australia. Again, it was not politicians doing that but civil disobedience—strikes are a form of civil disobedience.</para>
<para>But what have we been exposed to in this debate? We have been exposed to such a sanctimonious approach by the Liberals and Nationals. And what have we got from Labor? We have Labor calling this a stunt. I understand that the Greens will also be denied leave, denying us the ability to vote and to consider the Greens motion on this very important issue. It is not a stunt—that is not the message that Labor needs to get. Yes, I realise that they are in a difficult position because their leader, Bill Shorten, was out there so quickly condemning civil disobedience actions which have been a part of how the Labor movement has been built as well. But this misses the opportunity for Labor to allow the debate and to get up there and correct the record.</para>
<para>Civil disobedience is a very fine part of our history. It is something that we should be proud of and it will most definitely continue. With the urgency of the inequality that our society is facing and the threat of climate change there will be more such actions, and I welcome them.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Stunts. Senator Gallagher would know all about stunts, because we saw one over here with the Greens yesterday involving some knitting!</para>
<para>They would also with their allies, between the Labor Party and the Greens, be together with the union boss elites—together with the Greens in their anti-Semitic approach to Israel; their anti-Semitic approach to Israeli businesses. And then we see the pair of them—the Labor Party and the Greens—supporting GetUp!, to destroy jobs, to kill jobs and to kill progress in this country.</para>
<para>We see union bosses—the new elites—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts, we have allowed the debate to range around the issues that also incorporate the motion that we are seeking suspension of the standing orders for. But you now actually seem to be moving even beyond that motion. I would ask you to come back to the motion before the chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What I am coming back to, Mr Acting Deputy President, is the statement that change actually comes from truth. It comes from truth—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ludlam on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ludlam</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Mr Acting Deputy President.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'Sullivan</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They are just trying to take your time up!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ludlam</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, the clock will stop.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No, it will not stop.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Then sit down!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ludlam</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I recognise that time is short. I ask Senator Roberts to withdraw his statement that the Greens have an anti-Semitic approach to Israel. That is blatantly untrue and I ask that it be withdrawn. That is offensive to all of us here in the Australian Greens.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Roberts has heard your request. I will not ask him to withdraw that—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Rhiannon</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Why not?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Because I am complying with the standing orders, and such matters are debating points which can be discussed in this chamber. It is not for the chair to decide the accuracy of those claims or not. That can be debated at some point. Senator Roberts, you have heard the request. You can withdraw if you like, otherwise you have the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I choose not to withdraw. The fundamental point here is that the new elites in this country of ours are the union bosses, and we must uphold the rule of law. That is fundamental to any democratic liberal society. The union bosses must be held to account. They cannot encourage their members or other members of our civilised society to break the law.</para>
<para>As Senator Hinch said, we can all oppose laws but we have to be aware of the consequences, and we can all oppose laws in terms of working for changing the laws. But the rule of law is not replaced by the rule of smear. We must abide by the rule of law.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I just want to bring the chamber back to what this debate is about. It is about denying leave for the suspension of so much of standing orders for the motion of Senator Bernardi.</para>
<para>Now, there is going to be a precedent set here if we do not go back to allowing these motions to go forward. You on the other side should express your opinions when the motion comes to a vote; do not deny leave. If you are going to start this, we will be denying leave all the time for the next two years and bring this place into chaos. Respect the rights of people to bring forward notices of motion. If you do not like those notices of motion, simply vote against them. This whole debate is about the denying of leave. I urge the people on the crossbenches to support Senator Bernardi's motion here and to let us proceed again.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Williams for his comments there. What is disappointing, and what the Labor Party's approach has been to this, is actually about a Sally McManus protection racket that is going on here. They do not want the Senate to have a look into the comments of the head of the ACTU, in terms of her outrageous comments about the rule of law; or that the chief union official in this country has for once told the truth and exposed the ugly Labor carcass that is the modern Labor movement in how they believe they can achieve change. And that is by not obeying the rule of law.</para>
<para>What we have seen here today, ladies and gentlemen, is a Sally McManus protection racket. I condemn the Labor Party for its disappointing approach.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Time for this discussion has now expired. Believe it or not, the question actually before the chair is the motion that Senator Bernardi moved to suspend standing orders.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Bernardi to suspend standing orders be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:47]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>31</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Nash, F</name>
                <name>O'Sullivan, B</name>
                <name>Parry, S</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Roberts, M</name>
                <name>Ryan, SM</name>
                <name>Scullion, NG</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Williams, JR (teller)</name>
                <name>Xenophon, N</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>28</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Bilyk, CL</name>
                <name>Brown, CL</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Gallagher, KR</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Kitching, K</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>7</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names>
                <name>Back, CJ</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Brandis, GH</name>
                <name>Wong, P</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Smith, D</name>
                <name>McCarthy, </name>
              </names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
          </division.result>
        </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! There being 31 ayes and 28 noes, the matter is resolved in the affirmative. However, because you need an absolute majority of senators to effect the motion, the effect of the motion is that it will not carry.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 244 standing in my name for today relating to the role of civil disobedience in reducing economic and social inequality be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to this motion being taken as formal?</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Formality has been denied.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will very briefly go back to the statement I made on the previous motion. The Labor Party sees this as a series of motions on the same issue and our position is that we will not be supporting any of them. The Leader of the Opposition has made it clear that the Labor Party does not agree with breaking the law. We are elected to this place to uphold the law. But we do believe that if the law is unjust or unfair then we should work to change the law. History has shown that changing the law does not happen on its own. It often requires people to campaign to make a case and to persuade others to elect people to places where they will fight for workers' rights. Our position on all three of these motions today remains the same.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What we have just seen is confirmation that this is a Sally McManus protection racket. The Labor Party has admitted that they did not want to deal with any of the motions dealing with Sally McManus and the ACTU in terms of that torch that was shone on her comments when she admitted the truth that the union movement does not believe in the rule of law and that the chief unionist in Australia does not believe in the rule of law. What we have here is the Labor Party trying cover it up, trying to hide it and trying to pretend that this chief unionist did not make those comments. So we have the Labor Party denying formality to different parties here in relation to comments made by their chief banker and their chief organiser because this unionist told the truth for once. This is a protection racket for the ACTU. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also seek leave to make a brief statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the Senate. If this is a protection racket for the ACTU it is the most feeble thing I have ever seen. I am actually somewhat speechless that the Labor Party have thrown their trade union colleagues under a bus. We would not have an eight-hour working day in this country without civil disobedience and without industrial action that was considered highly illegal under the laws of the day. Where are you people?</para>
<para>The only thing more surprising has been the hysterical reaction of the Tories. Why not leave your law practice and get yourself elected and change the law? Your female colleagues would not even be allowed in this building or in this chamber or even have the vote without civil disobedience and without people who were willing to break the law at the time. We believe that this is a fundamental precept of democracy and it is an incredible display from both of the major parties this afternoon that the debate has come to this. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Burma</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Let's see if we have any more luck with this motion. I ask that general business notice of motion No. 247 standing in my name for today, relating to Myanmar and the plight of the Rohingya people in particular, be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there any objection to this motion being taken as formal?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGrath</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Formality has been denied.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is leave granted?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Sinodinos</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am looking for noes rather than yeses, Senator Sinodinos. There being no objection, leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In line with the government's longstanding view, motions that cannot be debated or amended should not deal with complex foreign policy matters. The government welcomes Myanmar State Counsellor and Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi's agreement with all recommendations of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State led by the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Myanmar has said it will properly implement a majority of recommendations.</para>
<para>Discussions in the Human Rights Council are fluid and ongoing. Australia's aim is to encourage an outcome that improves the human rights situation on the ground rather than to focus on a particular mechanism. Australian ministers and officials continue to raise the government's deep concerns about the situation in the Rakhine State directly with the Myanmar government.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a brief statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I appreciate that. Thank you, colleagues, and thank you, Mr Acting Deputy President. It is extraordinary that today the Australian government has decided this is a complex foreign policy matter. It was only the last time the Senate convened that in fact we had a unanimous agreement by this chamber—including by government senators—that the Australian government would consider a United Nations commission of inquiry.</para>
<para>The human rights abuses that are being perpetrated in Rakhine State at the moment are utterly beyond belief. More than 1,000 people are estimated to have been killed in the recent crackdown, and nearly 100,000 people have been displaced.</para>
<para>If it was good enough for the Australian Senate to vote unanimously for an international UN commission of inquiry then, what has changed? Within less than a fortnight the Australian government turned tail and suddenly decided it was fine for the government of Myanmar to investigate itself. Colleagues, this should be above politics. This should have again been a unanimous resolution of the Senate. We must place human rights and the defence of the innocent people who are being subjected to this persecution higher than the partisan squabbles in this place.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>65</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the Senate that at 8.30 am today four senators each submitted to the President letters in accordance with standing order 75. Senator Gallagher proposed a matter of urgency and Senators Hanson, Hinch and Siewert proposed matters of public importance for discussion. The question of which proposal would be submitted to the Senate was determined by lot. As a result, I inform the Senate that the following letter has been received from Senator Hanson:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to Standing Order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The need for multinational companies to pay tax.</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>00AOP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times to each of the speakers in today's debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall ask the clerks to set the clock accordingly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HANSON</name>
    <name.id>BK6</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is common ground that a large number of multinational companies operating in Australia do not pay any tax, whilst others pay very little. This situation is not new, and in fact this problem has been around for a long time. Liberal and Labor governments have done nothing about the problem for over 40 years and, in the meantime, profits made here in Australia have gone untaxed, causing Australia to go further and further into debt. Every Australian is now paying for the failure of governments to get multinationals to pay their fair share of tax.</para>
<para>Just a few hours ago the government voted against my proposal to deal with Lottoland Ltd, a multinational betting company located in Gibraltar, a known tax haven. That decision will cost Australians and the economy billions of dollars. If we can understand how we got to this position with multinationals we may have a chance to dig ourselves out of the problem. Successive governments, both Liberal and Labor, have become captives of multinational companies. They believe that if we ask these companies to pay tax they will leave Australia, jobs will be lost and the economy will spiral downwards, leaving everyone worse off.</para>
<para>Let us look at credit card companies like American Express, Visa and Mastercard. These multinational companies, owned by banks, are residents of tax havens. They pay little or no income tax. They provide a guaranteed payment to merchants and they recover the debt from the credit card owners. Credit card companies make money on the transactions in Australia and they make money on balances carried forward at the end of the month. Some people never pay, and they charge higher interest rates to mitigate that risk.</para>
<para>What would happen if the government found a way to make these multinationals pay income tax? Would these multinational companies pick up sticks and take their ball home to their tax haven? Or would they stay in Australia and make a bit less profit and pay tax? My view is they would stay in Australia. But, if they do not, there are plenty of alternative players around to fill the vacuum they would leave behind.</para>
<para>So what has stopped governments telling credit card companies they have to pay tax? The multinationals understand the fear of the government and they work it at every opportunity, telling them what the government needs to do to keep them in Australia. I said in my 1996 maiden speech that we must stop kowtowing to others. If we had acted then to deal with multinationals, we would now be in a stronger position as a country. The government proposes a progressive reduction in the company tax rate to 25 per cent, despite the widely held view that it will give foreign investors a windfall, while local employers, including small and medium businesses, will be worse off.</para>
<para>I want to turn now to the Business Council of Australia, the BCA, which represents some of the biggest multinationals in the world who also happen to be some of the biggest tax avoiders in the world. The BCA have been wandering the corridors of parliament, knocking on doors and selling their message that Australia needs to lower its corporate tax rate to 25 per cent or else the sky will fall in. Many members of the Business Council of Australia do not pay tax, and back in 1996, former Assistant Commissioner of Taxation Jim Killaly said that he estimated a loss from multinationals in Australia not paying tax of around $200 billion per year. Transfer pricing is another killer and a source of loss of taxes in Australia. When we have over 90 per cent of corporate Australia foreign owned, we are in dire straits in getting taxes out of these multinationals.</para>
<para>One Nation come to the issue of taxation with fresh eyes. We are not captives of the multinationals. Our feet are not tucked under the tables of billionaires with harborside mansions. We believe Australia as a nation can negotiate with multinationals for a fair outcome, and in government we would do so.</para>
<para>The United States, like other countries, faces the problem of multinationals not paying their fair share of tax. There is much debate in the United States about how this will be done. I understand the new President of the United States is looking at a lower tax rate, possibly 15 per cent, but on the basis that debt interest will not be deductible. The Democrats in the United States have recently introduced a new bill to deal with the ways multinationals avoid tax, and these include all the same tricks that are used here in Australia, because multinational tax avoidance tricks work in every jurisdiction.</para>
<para>One Nation believes that the time has come to stop being a hostage to multinationals. The world has changed, and it is time we changed the rules to fit the new game. If we do anything less we will be unable to fund our basic health, education and defence services and we will go further and further into debt. To think, even for a moment, that the only reason multinational companies trade in Australia is a function of tax rates is to misunderstand what we have to offer as a nation.</para>
<para>We are being sold short by this coalition government, as we have been sold short by the previous Labor government. It is time for the government to be brave and to say we will not be a hostage to multinationals any longer. If the government is willing to do that, we will hear some bold new initiatives in the May budget. If the government needs help, my door is open.</para>
<para>The government needs to learn from past mistakes. In 2009 Colonial Sugar Refining, CSR, sold its business to a Singaporean company. This multinational agribusiness operates in Australia through Wilmar Sugar Australia Ltd. In 2014 Wilmar reported a turnover of $1,567,605,050 but had no taxable income and paid no corporate income tax. We know the sale of these core sugar assets was a mistake because Wilmar are standing in the way of Queensland sugar growers selling their crop for a fair price.</para>
<para>The government needs to take into account tax compliance behaviour in making decisions about whether these multinationals can continue to operate here. It is a statement of the obvious, but no-one continues in business very long making no money or making losses. Still multinationals stay in Australia, and, year after year, we are asked to believe they make no money. Clearly something is wrong, and this has a name: it is called tax avoidance, and what we are doing is not working.</para>
<para>The government's response is predictable: it introduces another tax law. Today we are being asked to consider yet another lengthy tax law. This time we are being asked to agree to a law that will allow the ATO to tax diverted profits and to increase reporting and information exchange. This law, well intended, will make little difference to the conduct of multinationals. Recently the tax commissioner said he had the laws he needed to combat tax avoidance, but still tax avoidance goes on. Multinationals can outspend the government in every step of the process, including court action. If the commissioner is the farmhouse cat, then there are just too many multinational mice for him to chase. These multinational mice are willing to take the chance of being caught.</para>
<para>The government needs to think outside the box. Firstly, we suggest the government begin by withdrawing multinationals from the self-assessment system, so that the current onus of proof is reversed. This means that the ATO can raise a tax assessment and it is up to the multinational to prove otherwise. Secondly, multinationals need to be approached on an industry-by-industry basis, so that the business models can be better understood and the basis of taxation decided. Particular focus needs to be given to resource multinationals, including those with coal, oil and gas interests. The one-size-fits-all approach has not worked for the taxation of multinational profits.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">The</inline> <inline font-style="italic">Australian Financial Review</inline> reports a tax case involving Chevron Australia, who in 2003 borrowed $3.7 billion from another Chevron-linked financing company. The interest rate agreed averaged nine per cent, making it unlikely any profit would be made in Australia on which tax would be paid. In a more recent development, a Chinese owned coalminer, Yancoal Australia, is buying coal assets from Rio Tinto. At the same time it is borrowing US$950 million from its parent company in Hong Kong. We hope this is not another attempt to shift profits offshore and pay no tax in Australia.</para>
<para>Of course, tax avoidance is not limited to multinationals. Origin Energy is Australia's leading electricity and gas supplier. But despite rising prices and a turnover of $12.2 billion, it did not make enough to pay tax in Australia.</para>
<para>The government must change the way it relates to multinationals. The new way of dealing with multinationals needs to include the way our Foreign Investment Review Board makes decisions. The board needs to take a more strategic and long-term view to stop selling our assets. Many countries— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too rise to make a contribution pursuant to standing order 75 on this issue, a reinforcement of the statement of the need for multinational companies to pay tax. I suspect that almost all of the senators in this place would support that principle, making allowance for some of the recent debate—unless you thought the tax was an unfair tax, Senator Williams, in which case you would be encouraged to avoid the law and not pay your income tax, because that is the way you protest to have an unfair tax rule changed.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's the Greens' way.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'SULLIVAN</name>
    <name.id>247871</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is obviously the policy of the Australian Greens. Before I start on the substantive issue, I want to address a small reference Senator Hanson made in her speech. I do not believe she intended to leave the impression that this coalition government would, by act or omission, do anything to protect multinational companies from meeting their tax liabilities in this country. That is the position I want to adopt on that statement, and Senator Hanson can qualify or reject that at another time if necessary.</para>
<para>At the heart of a liberal society is people operating within the bounds of the law. On matters of taxation, on matters of how we operate our business, on matters of how we make a contribution to how our society operates, our government is generally by law and regulations. And taxation is no different. The laws in this space are relatively clear. There can be some complex aspects. But generally speaking you operate your business, you have inputs and expenditures, you calculate all of that and if you are left with a sum of money, known loosely as a net profit, you will pay a sum of tax in those circumstances.</para>
<para>I do think that, in this space, there is a belief that those who might make a great effort to avoid or minimise their tax liabilities to the lowest possible level, where it will have an impact on the economy, are generally within the larger corporate community, including many multinational companies. I do not think anyone denies any corporation or any individual the right to conduct their business and manage their affairs in the best way possible, not just to minimise their tax liabilities but to minimise all of their liabilities. That is how you operate a business. If you take your eye of that, if you ignore that, you will not be in business for long.</para>
<para>But it is unfair to say that this coalition government has ignored this issue. People like me have consistently spoken out against things such as transfer pricing; I find that an abhorrent practice. And I agree with Senator Hanson that it has quite a degree of prevalence. Particularly in and around agriculture, transfer pricing is occurring. It worries me that multinational corporations that are operating in our space—whether they own land or not—would exploit the chance to drive on our multibillion-dollar road networks to move soft commodities and freight and use our port networks and take advantage of the massive investment this nation has made and continues to make in matters of biosecurity. We have a very stable rule of law. We have civil jurisdictional relief. We are one of the most stable countries in the world in which to do business. We have a very low sovereign risk, and that is what appeals to many of the corporations and companies that come here.</para>
<para>The message is very clear. This government has already demonstrated its mettle in the space. It will not tolerate people who unlawfully avoid their tax liabilities. We introduced the multinational anti-avoidance legislation. You might remember that former Treasurer Hockey led a very advanced debate in relation to these areas when we hosted the main visitors from the Western world here in 2015. And there has been quite a bit pursued in this space since that time.</para>
<para>Senator Hanson made reference to the fact that this is impacting on our debt. Senator Hanson, I would have to say that that was one of the few things that I disagree with in your speech. What impacted on our debt was the absolute indolence and negligence of the Australian Labor Party when they were managing the economy of this country prior to a change of government. It was pink batts and school halls that impacted on the massive debt—hundreds and hundreds of billions of dollars—that we have got. And, of course, we have an environment where the structural deficits continue.</para>
<para>But, notwithstanding that, this law that was introduced has the potential just in this financial year to claw back $2 billion in tax. Remember, this was resisted by the Australian Labor Party. That is the sort of money that they would have left on the table with multinationals had we not introduced the legislation. Currently, the Australian Taxation Office, I am instructed, are quite aggressively pursuing those potential law-breakers. There are something in the order of 100 very, very significant audits underway, 70 of which are of multinational corporations. The diverted profits tax will commence on 1 July this year, and that provides a powerful new tool to the Australian tax office to tackle these contrived arrangements and uncooperative taxpayers.</para>
<para>This challenge is not just here in our country; this is a challenge across all of the developed economies. This is a challenge faced by many of our trading partners. Indeed, it is an international problem, and the solution therefore requires international cooperation and thinking. Areas such as tax havens, which do not cooperate with the likes of our Australian tax office, make it very difficult for matters to be investigated and prosecuted. These are people, in some instances, particularly with transfer pricing, who have developed some very, very exotic methods in order that they might avoid taxation. As a result, our government will have to visit, I think, some fairly exotic solutions to these problems. I know that one colleague has suggested that we start to look at a royalty on soft commodity exports so as to avoid any impacts on transfer pricing.</para>
<para>My message to multinationals and companies that are being clever with respect to their tax management is to tell them that this is a government that supports statements such as those put up by Senator Hanson that there is a need for multinational companies to pay tax in this country. If you do not want to do that, you should go and trade somewhere else. There are those of us in government, in the coalition—most of us, I would say—who are constantly thinking about the methodologies, constantly thinking about adjustments in legislation and practices, that can achieve this goal.</para>
<para>I have sent the message to Wilmar on a couple of occasions. It was a case provided by Senator Hanson. Wilmar ignored a number of us, thinking that we would not achieve outcomes. I think that, if Wilmar had had their time over again in these last two years, they would have behaved differently. They would have listened more intently to what we had to say, and I think we would have got a higher level of cooperation. So I say to the multinational corporate world: you just watch the Wilmar case. It is not over yet. It will send a clear signal to you of the commitment of this government to see that everybody supports the laws, particularly in the case of taxation. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There has not ever been, I think, a more important time for multinational companies to pay their fair share of tax than there is now. Among a number of reasons, there is the fact that, if we look at Australia in 2013, our net government debt at that time was $184 billion, but Australia's net government debt is now $317 billion. That is a net debt increase by $113 billion since the coalition came into office. You would think that, with that growing net debt accumulated by this government, it would act on multinational tax avoidance and it would drop this ridiculous policy position of giving company tax cuts. But, no, that is not the government's approach. It is happy to let that debt continue to scale right out of proportion. It is happy to let multinationals get away with paying the bare minimum amounts of tax, if not none at all. It is happy to give company tax cuts over the next 10 years in the hope of some fantasy of trickle-down economics, all because it wants to attack everyday Australians in this country—everyday Australians trying to make ends meet. That is this government's approach to trying to bring down debt. That is this government's approach to public policy.</para>
<para>What an absolute shame, and what an absolute shemozzle. We have already had here today, on Harmony Day, the government choosing section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act as the most important public policy issue that they want to prosecute on Harmony Day, a day that is all about everyone belonging. They want to water down our race-hate laws in this country rather than actually focusing on what is so important in this country right now, which is decent jobs, decent wages, decent education and health care. None of that is in the purview of the government. It is all about these kinds of strange issues that are led by the IPA or led by the conservatives that attack the very fabric of our nation, our multicultural society.</para>
<para>And now we have them attacking the very bread-and-butter workers of our country, hospitality workers. Some 30 per cent of Australian income earners are hospitality workers. They are in the bottom pay threshold in this country. With these changes that the government want to bring in to reduce penalty rates, they are the workers that will be most affected. Up to 700,000 Australians will receive a pay cut if these penalty rate changes go through, making them up to $4,000 worse off a year. If this is not a kind of nuanced Work Choices mark 2, I do not know what is. Of course, we need to also recognise that it is women that make up over 50 per cent of hospitality and retail workers. Penalty rates are not a luxury. Penalty rates are there for what they need to pay their bills and put food on the table—something that our Prime Minister, unfortunately, is completely out of touch with. I am sure he does not even know where his Medicare card is.</para>
<para>These are the issues that make this country so important and so successful as a nation: having decent pay and conditions and having our safety net for health care, Medicare. These are the bread-and-butter things, as I call them, that this government wants to attack, instead of attacking the taxes that should be paid by those massive companies that earn those massive profits each year, a lot of which end up going offshore and not staying in our country.</para>
<para>There was a time when we had a Treasurer who was Mr 'Budget Emergency'. He has now moved to Washington DC. He has gone and now we do not talk about debt. The government does not want to talk about debt. Why? Because it has escalated out of control. It no longer claims that it matters. It put a $50 billion corporate tax cut on the table when it went to the election, knowing full well the government's debt position since coming to office had increased by $113 billion.</para>
<para>Modelling done by Independent Economics says that the corporate tax cut is going to cost around $48.2 billion—slightly shy of $50 billion—and that its annual cost will be $8 billion a year. That is a massive hit to the government's budget and the government's coffers. So, of course, they are going after family tax benefit. Of course, they are going after Newstart allowance. Of course, they are going after penalty rates. How else are they going to pay for this massive $8 billion a year corporate tax cut? The ideology of this government astounds me. The fact that they can pick on everyday Australians in this way is abysmal. Yet that is what we have on the table.</para>
<para>Now, in some kind of pathetic attempt, the government are trying to address the issue of child care. Both sides agree that child care has got too unaffordable and it needs to be addressed. Instead of looking at child care as a policy issue on its own, no, this government want to ties it to family tax benefit. It says: 'Let's cut family tax benefit to pay for child care. Let's not touch the multinationals. Let's not touch the corporate tax rate policy that we have in place'—the $8 billion a year that they want to give to corporates—'Let's actually look at low-income Australians, families who are trying to make ends meet, and take a little bit of their money away from them. Take a little bit of money here, take a little bit of money there, a bit of penalty rates and a bit of family tax benefit.' They try and come up with a childcare policy in that way.</para>
<para>On top of that, what do we have? Scrapping the energy supplement is another one. Five weeks wait for Newstart allowance is another one—forcing young people to live off nothing for five weeks before they can access their income support. That is not the kind of Australia that Labor want people to live in. We believe in equality. We believe in fairness.</para>
<para>I thought it was a slightly bizarre slogan at the last election, nevertheless a slogan, that the Prime Minister chose to adopt. Remember 'Jobs and growth'? We heard it a million times. It was on billboards and the like. He tried the Abbott-style slogan approach with 'Jobs and growth'. Do we hear about 'Jobs and growth' anymore? No, we do not hear about it. We hear about cuts to penalty rates, watering down race hate laws and giving massive corporate tax cuts. That is all we hear about. We do not hear about jobs and growth. Whatever happened to that? it has gone out the window, like so much of the Prime Minister's beliefs. Beliefs on climate change, beliefs on marriage equality—it has all gone.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, this Prime Minister, as former Prime Minister and a great Prime Minister Paul Keating called him, has been an absolute 'fizzer'. It is so disappointing that someone with the intellect and, you would think, the business aptitude and the political experience of Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull would actually want to make a mark of some type during their time in parliament and mean something—something based on what we all thought in this nation that Malcolm Turnbull believed in. Well, that has all gone and instead what we have is this attack on everyday Australians which Labor simply cannot support.</para>
<para>We cannot support a cut to a company tax rate when the Liberals and the Nationals have so badly increased debt in this country—from $184 billion to $317 billion, as currently project in MYEFO. That is a near doubling of Australia's government debt. That is why there is a need now more than ever for multinational companies to pay their fair share of tax. It is so unfair to take away from everyday Australians, the majority of Australians who are trying to make ends meet, and let these massive companies get away with murder. It is absolutely disgusting and the government needs to do something about it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a bit rich to be lectured at by a senator from the Labor Party. When in government, they inherited not only a surplus in 2007 but about $40 billion in the bank, and they passed over a debt of $200 billion. We know we are having to borrow offshore $400 million a day—$1.2 billion a month—to repay Labor's debt.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Singh</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What about the global financial crisis?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Don't talk to me about debt.</para>
<para>I do agree with Senator Hanson-Young, as everyone else does, that it is only fair that multinational companies pay their tax. But it is interesting that that $2 billion a year that the tax commissioner thinks multinationals are not paying is about six weeks interest on Labor's debt from 2007 to 2013. In a speech the taxation commissioner made on 16 March, he really advised us where the real figures lie. He said, 'Yes, it's probably the case that multinationals are avoiding about $2 billion a year in tax and I will tell you how this government is working to make sure they pay the lot.'</para>
<para>But the taxation commissioner said that it is average Australians who are actually costing the budget about $19.7 billion in claims they should not be making for work-related expenses. He said that is by far and away the largest component. He said the second biggest component is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a willingness on the part of ordinary Australians to ignore the tax evasion implicit in paying cash for a kitchen renovation or cheap meal.</para></quote>
<para>So $24 billion to $25 billion each year is lost to the Australian economy as a result of people willing to participate in the cash market. His projection is it is about $2 billion a year. Tax Commissioner Jordan said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Getting every single dollar out of multinationals and large corporates is not going to make a dent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The biggest of all is individuals, wage and salary earners, claiming work-related expenses. So that's what we've actually got to focus on—</para></quote>
<para>in this country.</para>
<para>It is interesting that Senator Singh came into this place and criticised the coalition government, because in 2015, when the Turnbull government introduced the multinational anti-avoidance law, which I will refer to as MAAL—a piece of legislation expected to claw back about $2 billion under its crackdown on multinational tax avoidance this year—where was the Australian Labor Party? It is a shame Senator Singh is not here to answer the question. Because the Labor opposition opposed it, we required the support of the Greens political party to get that legislation passed. Labor were very happy to allow the multinationals to continue to avoid paying that tax. It is interesting that they have some chance of redeeming themselves—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Dastyari interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Dastyari, this time around. This year the Turnbull government has introduced the Treasury Laws Amendment (Combating Multinational Tax Avoidance) Bill 2017. It gives the Labor opposition the opportunity to realise their sinful ways and, in fact, this time around to support that legislation. It is nowhere near as effective as the MAAL legislation, which this year will claw back about $2 billion, but at least the new combating multinational tax avoidance bill will yield some hundreds of millions of dollars.</para>
<para>In the time available to me I will make a few points about who pays tax in this country. Who are the two biggest taxpayers in this country? Are they the banks? No, they are not. Are they the insurance companies? No, they are not. As Senator Smith knows only too well, the two biggest taxpayers in this nation come from our home state of Western Australia. By a country mile is BHP Billiton, which paid in 2014 some US$4.9 billion. That was two years ago, so it is probably closer to $6 billion now. When royalties and the resource rent tax are taken into account, BHP Billiton paid more than $8.7 billion, more than A$10 billion at a rate, if you do not mind, of some 45 per cent. As the minister for resources would know, the contribution by the big resources company is massive—US$8.7 billion. I will go to Rio Tinto. In 2015 Rio Tinto paid in Australia US$1.5 billion in tax and $1.4 billion in government royalties to either federal or state government entities. Rio Tinto and BHP pay their fair share.</para>
<para>I listened to the comments made by senators in this place. Once again it is important to understand how misinformation can get out. Regrettably, it was the then member for the Pilbara, Mr Brendon Grylls, who jumped on the figure of 50c a tonne for iron ore in Western Australia and invited the entire Western Australian community to believe that the only figure paid per tonne of iron ore by the two majors, BHP and Rio, was 50c. Well, here are the facts. In fact, enough people in the Pilbara must have believed him, because Mr Grylls is no longer the member for the Pilbara. Those two companies pay about $18 per tonne for iron ore, not 50c a tonne. Of that $14 is tax, about $4.50 per tonne is paid as a royalty depending on the price and, lo and behold, at the bottom of it all is a figure of 50c. So what did Mr Grylls do? He grabbed hold of the 50c and conveniently forgot the $17.50 and ran the line that the only figure that BHP and Rio Tinto pay is 50c a tonne. The community of Western Australia has spoken and have a very good idea on Mr Grylls's contribution. It was his own electorate that voted him out the other day.</para>
<para>I will go to other multinationals that seem to be the subject of a lot of scrutiny: Chevron and its partners on Gorgon and Wheatstone on the North West Shelf—Gorgon on Barrow Island and Wheatstone near the town of Onslow. Here are some figures just to alert you to the value of multinational investment in this country. Some $60 billion—not million; $60,000 million—has been paid of local content to the Australian economy in the construction phase of the Wheatstone and Gorgon projects to date. Over the 30-year life of Gorgon and Wheatstone, it is predicted that there will be a contribution to Australia's GDP of over $1 trillion, more than 150,000 full-time equivalent jobs and $340 billion to federal government revenue. Already in the town of Onslow—which, as Senator Smith and I know, is just a small regional town—some $250 million of social infrastructure has gone into Onslow.</para>
<para>So this is the level of investment. Is there anything else in Australia like this? A hundred billion dollars has been invested by Gorgon and their partners in those two projects. Let me put US$100 billion into perspective—that is A$130 billion. If the Snowy Mountains scheme were built today, it would be a A$9 billion project. Contrast that with A$130 billion in just two projects alone, as Australia goes to being the biggest LNG exporter.</para>
<para>You will hear commentary on the petroleum resource rent tax. Remember: that is a super profits tax, on top of the normal taxes paid by multinationals. You should know that better than anybody.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a contribution in respect of the need for multinational companies to pay tax. I think it is good that this matter has been brought to the chamber for discussion today. It is, of course, something that many Australians feel very strongly about. As I get around in the state, very often people will talk to me about a range of issues, but they will generally raise this concern that they have about gigantic companies operating in Australia and making significant profits but then the Australian community not getting the benefit of the fair share of taxation that flows from that.</para>
<para>In the chamber today, I note that Senator Dastyari is here. As the former chair of the Senate Economics References Committee, he has done some extremely good work. I also acknowledge former Senator Milne for her efforts in shining a light on this issue. So we can be proud of the efforts of this Senate in addressing this issue and in attempting to do the work that the community expects of us in highlighting the problems associated with multinational tax avoidance.</para>
<para>But I must say that, in a desperate effort to distract attention away from its $50 billion tax cut to large companies, including the big banks, this government is pretending that it is serious about reducing multinational profit shifting. As chair of the Senate Economics References Committee, I have spent a great deal of time wading through large amounts of information and published reports that need to be looked at. Despite my best efforts and the efforts of the Labor Party and others in this place, and the efforts of some of Australia's most prestigious journalists, the government continues to have a soft touch when it comes to multinational tax avoidance. As usual with this government, you have to follow the numbers and not the spin. The coalition's attempts to tackle multinational tax avoidance, such as the diverted profits tax, will raise just $200 million over the forward estimates. When it was announced in the 2016 budget, Labor signalled that we would support the diverted profits tax, and we welcome any coalition attempts to close loopholes, no matter how small.</para>
<para>To his credit, the Treasurer, in a mad scramble, just scraped in on his own deadline for releasing the diverted profits tax draft legislation before the end of last year. After all, in mid-November Treasury officials had told the Senate estimates that the legislation was yet to be drafted, but since then the government has done some tweaks, most of them behind closed doors. In the lead-up to the 2016 budget, the government appears to have backgrounded journalists about possible changes to the safe harbour thin capitalisation provisions for multinational debt deductions—namely, a lowering of the current 60 per cent threshold to 50 per cent, which appears to have been pulled at the last moment. In stark contrast, Labor went to the 2016 election with a plan to close debt deduction loopholes exploited by multinational companies. Our reforms would deliver $1.6 billion over the forward estimates and $5.9 billion over the decade.</para>
<para>If the government were serious about getting tough on multinationals, they would do something about the one in three big companies that pay no tax. The most recent 2014-15 tax office tax transparency data shows that more than one in three large firms pay no tax. This includes 109 companies that paid no tax despite reporting more than $1 billion in total income. This transparency data report, covering 1,904 companies in total, is only available thanks to Labor's tax transparency laws, which passed the parliament in 2013 over the objections of the coalition. The Liberals and Nationals voted against those laws at the time. A little while later, they voted with the Greens to water down Australia's tax transparency laws, taking two-thirds of private companies out of the reporting net. Comparing the most recent figures for the tax year 2014-15 with data for the 2013-14 tax year shows that the share of large firms paying no tax has stayed unchanged, at 36 per cent in both years. This points to the coalition's failure to crack down on multinational tax avoidance. Labor led the way on tackling multinational tax avoidance under the Gillard government, in the face of blanket opposition from the coalition, while the coalition government has had to be dragged into action.</para>
<para>Over 3,000 Australian Taxation Office jobs were slashed under the Abbott-Turnbull government, undermining enforcement ability and losing institutional knowledge. Back in 2015, coalition MPs cheered when former Prime Minister Tony Abbott told parliament:</para>
<quote><para class="block">So far the only idea they—</para></quote>
<para>the Labor Party—</para>
<quote><para class="block">have come up with is to spend $100 million on the ATO to raise $1 billion. Well, next time they will be telling us to spend $1 billion on the ATO to raise $10 billion. That is the problem. All they can think of is spending more and taxing more.</para></quote>
<para>Yet in the 2016 budget the government did precisely that, claiming that a $679 million investment will raise more than five times as much, $3.7 billion. If this is true, it must also be the case that the government's savage cuts to the tax office, axing over 3,000 jobs, have cost revenue over the past few years. Promising to restore some of the tax office's funding in this budget is an admission of failure, not a new crackdown on multinationals.</para>
<para>The difference between Labor and Liberal could not be starker. We will put people first, while the 2016 budget has shown that Mr Turnbull and the Liberal Party will look after high-income earners and multinationals. The government has seriously mismanaged the budget. The recent mid-year budget update has confirmed Mr Turnbull's and Mr Morrison's economic plan is in tatters, leaving Australia's gold-plated AAA credit rating at real risk. The figures confirm that debt and deficits are continuing to blow out at the same time as the economy is shrinking and full-time jobs are disappearing. Net debt has blown out to an estimated $317 billion since the Liberals took office, up from $184 billion when they took office. Deficits over the forward estimates have blown out by another $10 billion. Since the first budget, the budget deficit for 2017 has blown out tenfold from $2.8 billion to $28.7 billion. The projected surplus in 2020-21 has shrunk and is now wafer thin, leaving us in the danger zone when it comes to the AAA credit rating—a weakening economy that has delivered more than $30 billion in revenue write-downs.</para>
<para>Yet the government refuses to drop its $50 billion tax handout to big business. Mr Turnbull's great big economic plan has been exposed for the laugh-out-loud farce that it is. Their own modelling suggests that a company tax cut, funded by higher personal income taxes, will raise household income by just 0.1 per cent in the mid-2030s. Household income gain of 0.1 per cent is equivalent to about one month's income growth. Whilst handing over an easy $50 billion to large companies, Mr Turnbull is smashing household budgets today through his cuts to Medicare, schools and family payments. The Turnbull government's company tax handout could also put Australia's AAA credit rating at risk, which could smash family budgets by putting up mortgage payments.</para>
<para>There is a complex web of tax avoidance amongst many of the major corporations and we need to deal with that. One look at it is not enough; we will always need to be vigilant and always need to be on top of corporate tax. Here we have Mr Turnbull cutting penalty rates and offering up a tax cut to some of the biggest corporations in the world when they are not paying their fair share of tax at the moment.</para>
<para>The evasiveness of multinational company executives who fronted the corporate tax avoidance inquiry, particularly from the pharmaceutical and tech industries, left the impression that they have something to hide. I think the effective level of tax of some of the pharmaceutical companies was of the lowest order amongst the multinational companies. It is clear that some multinationals will go to extreme, even absurd, lengths to conceal their tax minimisation practices. The audacity of certain multinationals in refusing to comply with legitimate and reasonable requests for information leaves me with reason to suspect that the current framework for tackling multinational tax avoidance needs significant improvement. The unwillingness of many multinationals to openly discuss their tax arrangements underscores the need to establish mechanisms to increase transparency. Effectively, companies that do not have standardised pricing across the jurisdictions can charge whatever the market will bear and then back out the profits through transfer pricing. Allowing multinationals, in effect, to arbitrarily attribute value between countries provides them with opportunities to price gouge Australian consumers while, at the same time, reducing the tax liabilities of their Australian subsidiaries.</para>
<para>Perhaps the most reckless parts of the government's inability to combat multinational tax avoidance are their false attempts at true reform. I would strongly encourage the government to adopt Labor's broad selection of reforms, as outlined in our policy agenda.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We should all pay our fair share of tax: I think everyone in here agrees on that. With a progressive tax system in Australia, it is only fair that low-income Australians pay a lower rate of tax than high-income Australians or wealthy Australians who pay a higher rate of tax. That is what the basis of a progressive tax system is. The Greens would obviously like to see higher income Australians taxed at an even higher rate. We have had policies in place for a buffer tax and a millionaires' tax and we have opposed tax cuts to wealthy Australians.</para>
<para>While we have this matter of public interest from One Nation today, let's be very clear: in this 46th Parliament, the Labor and Liberal parties, along with One Nation, supported tax cuts to the wealthiest 20 per cent of Australians. While the Greens thought that was disgusting and a sellout of the battlers that One Nation purport to represent, we do agree with One Nation today on the simple proposition that multinational corporations are not paying their fair share of tax. In fact, we can especially agree on the fact that it is not fair for some of the biggest and most profitable companies in the world to pay no tax at all. In fact, by coincidence, it was just reported in New Zealand today—and I am sure Senator Dastyari is on it, because he has been tax watcher for some time—that Apple have paid no tax—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Dastyari</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Shame.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>in New Zealand for the last 10 years. What a surprise! We discovered the same thing here in Australia. We are in this situation where we have large companies that need to pay their fair share of tax.</para>
<para>Interestingly, Mr Chris Jordan, the head of the Australian tax office was talking about tax avoidance and cracking down on it in a speech last week and said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The sentiment in Australia is very strong in this regard. The stories and coverage of…base erosion and profit shifting related issues over the past couple of years have led to unprecedented levels of interest in the tax behaviour of large corporates, especially multinationals.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a result, the new multinational anti-avoidance law, the MAAL, was introduced—</para></quote>
<para>last year and now we have a diverted profits tax, or what is commonly called a 'Google tax' about to come to parliament.</para>
<para>I would also like to put on record my thanks to former Senator Christine Milne who was the Leader of the Greens and who initiated the multinational tax avoidance inquiry in 2013, which led to a large number of inquiries on this subject over a long period of time and which have, of course, snowballed. Thanks to the good work of the Senate, this public sentiment—also driven by a large number of stakeholders, particularly stakeholders like the Tax Justice Network and others who have campaigned on this issue for decades—is finally bearing some fruit. So for One Nation to come in here and say that nothing is being done on tackling the issue of multinational tax avoidance is actually incorrect. In fact, it is so they can set themselves up to look like they have delivered something—an actual policy, a real policy—when in fact, this parliament is actually getting on with doing the job.</para>
<para>Saying that, there is still an absolutely long way to go. The hundreds of millions that might be raised by the legislation about to come to this parliament is nothing on what is needed to raise revenue in this country. It goes nowhere near covering a $40 billion tax cut that we are about to give to corporations. There is much more we need to do in this country to raise revenue. It all about revenue. We need to make sure the petroleum resource rent tax is fixed and, unlike Senator Back, I do not necessarily believe that BHP, Rio Tinto and Chevron—three corporates pinned in our inquiry for not paying enough tax—are actually paying their fair share. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On Fran Kelly's program on Radio National this morning, I was asked about my position on some aspects of the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Omnibus Savings and Child Care Reform) Bill 2017 and some of the cuts that I would not agree to—cuts to some of the payments to single mothers and to pensioners and other welfare cuts that the government plan. When I spelt it out, she said, 'How is the government going to pay for it if you and other crossbenchers won't go along with that?' I said, 'Let's dig into the so-called Google tax. There's plenty of money there. Get the money from Google.' I notice that the Treasurer, Mr Morrison, has claimed that we will have with the Google tax, as it is colloquially known, the toughest laws in the world to fight multinational tax avoidance. I hope that is true. I hope that happens. He has been talking about having 40 per cent tax penalties for multinationals who do not play the game. I hope that is true. We are told the ATO is going to finally concentrate on the multinationals' tax avoidance. We hope that is true too. As we have just been told by Senator Whish-Wilson, it was Christine Milne five years ago who instigated the Senate inquiry.</para>
<para>Finally, billions of dollars that the government need to find for their commendable change to childcare funding here can be found from these multinational companies, and I hope it happens. Senator Hanson spoke about the Lottoland scandal this afternoon. I hope that, if Lottoland are not paying a fair amount of tax, they will be gone after too. Senator Whish-Wilson mentioned Apple in New Zealand. I had to laugh when I heard on the news: 'It has been found out that Apple in New Zealand haven't been paying their money there. With all their profits, they have paid no tax because it's all been going to Australia.' That sounds great! So we get it? No, we do not. It goes to Ireland. It does not come to Australia. It may pass through Australia, but it ends up in Ireland, because the Irish government did an Irish game and said— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on today's matter of public importance, which is the need for multinational companies to pay their fair share of tax. The government's bid to combat multinational tax avoidance is only a token action. The government must put tax reform back on the table and be prepared to consider reforms that have the capacity to make a real difference to the budget without making cuts to 99 per cent of the population. The government can start by looking at a financial transactions tax, a tax between 0.01 per cent and 0.1 per cent—and I am being very conservative here; I could raise it—applied only to six high-frequency share-trading companies. This tax is likely to raise, conservatively, $1.4 billion a year at a minimum, without taking money from Australia's pensioners, families, students and jobseekers. A 15 per cent death tax on estates worth more than $5 million would raise $5 billion a year and would only impact the top 0.8 per cent of Australians. A cap on capital gains tax exemptions for houses worth more than $2 million would raise $3 billion per year, and 56 per cent of the revenue raised would come from Australia's top 10 per cent of earners.</para>
<para>These things have all been costed independently. They have come from the Australia Institute. And what do you know? The Treasurer and his ego will not even look at them. Being conservative, we can raise $10 billion in a year. The government is struggling to balance the budget, because it is taking crumbs from the people in Australia who need them the most. A government that takes $50 a fortnight from pensioners or families has completely wiped out their budget for power, or the funds they have stored away to cover insurance or groceries, let alone put milk on the table. But the economic and tax reforms I have mentioned here are a drop in the ocean in terms of wealth held by the groups targeted. All I am talking about is hitting, mostly, one per cent of the top-earning Australians and their companies in this nation, and we can leave our pensioners alone finally. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Debate has concluded on this matter of public importance.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>74</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>74</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present a report of the Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee relating to the committee's inquiries concerning the importation of seafood and seafood products. I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate adopt the recommendations contained in the report, as circulated to senators.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>When I first came into this chamber, nearly 12 years ago, one of my first inquiries when I was put onto the Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport Committee was an inquiry into the importation of citrus canker. My first thought was, 'My goodness me; I hope I don't catch that!' It was not funny, let me tell you. It ended up wiping out the citrus industry in Emerald in Queensland. What had happened was that, through very mischievous devices and deviousness, someone had imported some citrus—I think it might have been some stems or some buds—hidden in tea. To cut a long story short, there was a biosecurity outbreak, and it went mad through Queensland. Every citrus tree in the Emerald growing area—orange, lemon or lime—had to be destroyed.</para>
<para>We have now, unfortunately, found that a massive biosecurity clusterstuff has happened here in Australia in the seafood industry. I am not sending out a scare campaign, because those poor devils that are affected already know. I want to mention some statistics for the Senate. They go to the value of crustaceans—prawns, crabs, marron, gilgie, rock lobster, which we call red crayfish, and all crustaceans. This is the value to Australia of wild caught crustacean species at the last count, in 2014-15: rock lobster, a $668 million industry; prawns, $272 million; other, which includes crabs and other crustaceans, $61 million. That is a total of $1.001 billion to Australia. Then we add the value to Australia of farmed crustacean species, through aquaculture. Once again, the latest figures are for 2014-15. The value of prawns is $86 million; other, $4 million. A total of $90 million. For both wild and farmed that is a total of nearly $1.2 billion worth of exports and local market production. Unfortunately, an outbreak of a disease in prawns, called white spot, was discovered in the Logan River in Queensland, in the aquaculture area. After a series of tests the industry has been shut down. The farm ponds have been drained. You have to understand that the aquaculture facilities, as well as producing prawns for the domestic and export markets, breed the little ones that are sent off to other parts of Australia.</para>
<para>On Thursday I was in Queensland. While I was there, unfortunately, it came out that the white spot outbreak is now in Moreton Bay. We, Senator O'Sullivan and I in particular, have gone through this intensely in Senate estimates. This is a massive, massive stuff up that has occurred for a number of reasons. One reason is that absolutely devious importers of seafood have been bringing in prawns from countries where prawns are affected by white spot. Part of the biosecurity of this nation and the IRA is an inspection regime that is carried out by the Department of Agriculture and Water Resources. The inspectors have certain guidelines, under which they have to go in and take a certain number of samples from the containers. These prawns normally come in in container loads of between 17,000 and 24,000 tonnes at a time. You can imagine how many thousands and thousands of prawns come in. The inspectors are supposed to go in there and determine which boxes will be opened, which pallets will be pulled out, which pallets they will go to—hopefully in the middle of the container and at the back of the container. But what has happened, it came out in Senate estimates, is that some inspectors have not bothered to go out into the freezer facility. They have not bothered to go out there and make sure that when the container is cut there is still the security band—the tin thing; the name for it has just escaped me. What they have done is wait in board rooms or in the waiting room while the importer has brought out a sample of prawns. I know this sounds hard to believe for all of us in this chamber. The importers have said, 'Here you are, mate. Here are the prawns that we've brought in from Vietnam, from Thailand, from somewhere else in South-East Asia, from China or from South America,'—whatever it is—'Test them.' Of course none of the tests came back positive. They all came back negative—no white spot.</para>
<para>So how the heck did we suddenly have to close down the aquaculture prawn industry in South-East Queensland because there has been an outbreak of white spot? Are we seriously stupid enough to believe the nonsense that the department was running as a defence in Senate estimates: 'It's only a little bit. We're testing it. We'll just make sure that, ooh, look, hopefully it's not got out.'? As if the prawns in the Logan River stopped when they got to the edge of the river mouth and thought, 'Hang on, gang. We'd better not go any further so we don't infect our brothers and sisters in the wild catch area.' This is ridiculous.</para>
<para>I have read these figures to you. Any sensible Australian would sit back and say, 'Someone's head has to roll.' Rolling a head or two, whether they be of the crooked importers—and we will chase them; we will be going around this nation finding out how the hell this happened—or departmental officials who did not do their job properly, we can kick their backsides all the way across the Nullarbor. At the end of the day, thousands of Australians are going to be affected by this. I will roll off some employment figures, before I get to the poor devils who invested everything they have to get these businesses up and running, whether they be in aquaculture or whether they be in wild catch where they are investing in boats. We know through other seafood inquiries that it is not cheap to get into this industry. It is estimated that 13,813 people are employed in the Australian commercial fishing and aquaculture industry, based on 2011 census data.</para>
<para>I hope and pray that those prawns got to Moreton Bay, chucked the skids on and did not head north. You are joking if you think that this has not gone further. God help us if this has gone right into our wild catch along the Queensland coast. I am not a Queenslander. I am not from the Gulf of Carpentaria or the Top End. But I know very well how important the seafood industry, not only prawns but the rock lobster fishery, is to Western Australia. We have one of the best rock lobster fisheries. This white spot outbreak is very serious. The sad part is that if it destroys the crustaceans it will destroy our export markets, it will destroy our domestic markets and it could possibly destroy the livelihoods of thousands of Australians even before we get to the business people.</para>
<para>On that, Senator O'Sullivan and I will travel the nation along with the other diligent, hardworking members of the committee. This is not a goose chase; this is a very serious inquiry.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Kim Carr</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A prawn chase!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a spot chase. To cut a long story short I should ignore that interjection, because you got me on the hop there, Senator Carr. It was a good one. I am absolutely alarmed that this has happened in this day and age. Unfortunately, we will come back here. I cannot see any good coming out of this. I do not know what the hell it is that these importers—I tell you we will find out who you are and we will report you to the relevant authorities. They cannot be allowed to walk away from this scot-free. I would expect every Australian to be absolutely disgusted that some so-and-sos thought they were so clever that they could import prawns, evade all our biosecurity and do this damage to our aquaculture and wild catch industries, not to mention show such scant regard for Australia's biosecurity.</para>
<para>I have to leave on this: it absolutely alarms me that officials can sit in Senate estimates and tell senators who are asking how the hell this happened something along the lines of: 'We've had a little bit of a hiccup. Our inspectors didn't quite have the skills they needed,'—I am not making this up; you have to believe this—'but we've spoken to them and we've corrected it. They'll be right.' I cannot give you the exact lines, because I left them up on my desk. It will not be right. I know the carry on and the damage that happened with canker, but we were able to contain that. How the hell we can contain this outbreak in our oceans has me absolutely perplexed. Anyway, we will certainly do our job, the rural, regional affairs and transport committee. It will be done on a diligent expedition around Australia, and I am not looking forward to the final report that we may have to present to the Senate. To the bureaucracy down there in Canberra: if you think you're going to get out of this one—gee whiz—you'll be better than Houdini!</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>75</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>75</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights on freedom of speech in Australia together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
<para>Order that the report be printed.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I begin tonight by talking about the committee process and, obviously, the committee report but, fortuitously, we had the announcement of the government's response to the report today so I am also going to address that in my remarks.</para>
<para>Firstly, I want to place on the record my appreciation and thanks to the committee's secretariat who did heroic work in a short time to assist the committee with its work, receiving over 10,000 submissions and holding over nine hearings in six cities. It was a phenomenal effort and I know all members of the committee are very grateful for the support we received from the secretariat.</para>
<para>I am also very grateful to my colleagues on the committee—both my coalition colleagues and colleagues from other parties—for the way in which they participated in this inquiry. It was a genuine inquiry of people with sincere and different beliefs and different conclusions were drawn but everyone brought to this debate their own values and principles, and I recognise the sincere commitment that my colleagues have to these issues.</para>
<para>As a committee we were wrestling, on the one hand, with a very fundamental freedom—which we should all cherish and which is so central to living in a free society and a liberal democracy—freedom of speech, and, on the other hand, the right not to be discriminated against and, for me, particularly, the right to feel safe and included in the Australian community. They are difficult issues to reconcile. They do clash and, ultimately, this is a question about where we draw the line.</para>
<para>I believe the committee report pointed in a good direction and gave the government a good path, which they have now taken up, to resolve that issue, and the government has done so today with a reasonable compromise. I say compromise because one of the things all members of the committee agreed to, during this process, was that the Queensland University of Technology students' case was a travesty of justice and should never happen again, but we had different views about how best to ensure a case like that never happens again.</para>
<para>There are those who believe—and by the comments today I assume that includes members of the Labor Party and the Greens—it would be sufficient only to update the Human Rights Commission's processes to ensure that a QUT case does not happen again. Even though I very much welcome the proposed changes to the Human Rights Commission's process announced by the government today, I do not think they are sufficient on their own to ensure that we never have another QUT case. I will use this opportunity to outline, in detail, why I think that is.</para>
<para>The Human Rights Commission already has the power to terminate unmeritorious, vexatious, weak cases. In this case, they did not use those existing powers. The President of the Human Rights Commission said, publicly, that she believed this case had a level of merit and that is why it was not terminated. So I am not confident that extra powers to terminate cases like this would ensure that this case would have been terminated. But even if they did provide that a QUT case in the future would be terminated by the commission, I am not convinced that that would be sufficient to discourage what we had in this case, which was a very determined applicant and lawyers who advised her to continue the case.</para>
<para>Not only did this applicant continue it beyond conciliation, when conciliation was unsuccessful, and take it to the Federal Circuit Court but also when she was unsuccessful in the Federal Circuit Court and when costs were awarded against her in the Federal Circuit Court she chose to appeal the court's decision to the Federal Court and continue the case. Clearly, any discouragement that was put in place at the Human Rights Commission level, by these reforms to the Human Rights Commission processes, would not have been sufficient to dissuade the applicant.</para>
<para>I am concerned not just about the three students who, ultimately, went to court and defended themselves—though I have great admiration for them and their lawyers, who offered their services pro bono to defend this case, this important principle case—but also about the students electing to reach a confidential financial settlement with the applicant. They did so for a number of reasons. One is that they did not want to be accused, in public, of being racist and breaching the Racial Discrimination Act. I do not blame them for not wanting that on the record. The students, in persisting with the case, have detailed to the committee how this has profoundly affected their lives and careers.</para>
<para>Another reason is that they did not have confidence, had it gone to court, that they would have been successful in defending their case. And so they elected to pay money. It has been reported it was $5,000 each. It was also reported that they offered to settle for lesser amounts or to apologise, but the applicant did not accept those offers. The students felt that the law was so stacked against them that there was no choice but to pay money—and they have testified that they were barely able to afford this and had to scrounge together for it. They chose to do that because the law was so stacked against them. That is also why change to the law itself is necessary.</para>
<para>I am very pleased, today, that the Prime Minister and Attorney-General have announced that the government intends to reform 18C by removing the words 'offend, insult and humiliate', and adding the word 'harassment' in its place, keeping the word 'intimidate' in the law. That will give students, like those at QUT, confidence that if they are accused of this and if the Human Rights Commission handles it well—or badly—ultimately, if they choose to defend their case in court, they will get a fair hearing and there is a good chance they will get off. Hopefully, it will not take them 3½ years to clear their names—as it did for the students who decided to defend their names, in this case.</para>
<para>The government will also proceed to reforming the test in 18C to ensure that it is an actual objective community standards test. A number of court cases have narrowed this reasonable-person test to make it not just in my view a relatively subjective test but in the view of many legal experts, like Professor George Williams and Justice Sackville—because it relies on the perception of offence, insult or humiliation, in the current law, by a member of the affected community rather than by a member of the Australian community at large. That is an important and welcome reform.</para>
<para>The challenge is now before the parliament. The government has resolved its position and is moving forward on this and it is now up to the parliament to decide what, if any, reforms it is willing to vote for. I hope we do not just vote for Human Rights Commission changes alone because, as I have said, I do not think that will ensure there are no more cases like QUT or Bill Leak. I also hope they vote to change the law. In considering how they do that, I hope that members of this place consider that if these reforms are defeated, and if there is another case like QUT, that will be on their conscience. It will be their fault because they have decided to oppose reasonable, compromise reforms. The only thing we can do to guarantee that there will be no more cases like QUT, Bill Leak or Andrew Bolt is to repeal 18C completely. That is not something that has the support of this parliament and it is clearly not going to happen. But we can substantially reduce the risks of that happening and we can do that by voting for both of these reforms. If we do not do that we are running the very real risk that one of the 76 cases that are before the Human Rights Commission today on 18C, or any of those that might be brought in the future, will turn into the next Bill Leak or QUT. Two things will happen: one, people who voted in this place not to reform this law will have to take responsibility for those cases; and two, you can expect the Australian public will be even less sympathetic to the law or to the Human Rights Commission than they are today. If they again see this law being misused to pursue students, cartoonists or journalists, I suspect they will be much less sympathetic to arguments to retain these laws. They might even be more sympathetic to going further and getting rid of all these laws together. So, if you want to preserve 18C in some form, if you want to preserve a targeted limitation on racial abuse, which I think we should have in this country, the time is now to vote for the reform that is on the table because it will ensure that harassment and intimidation based on race are unlawful, as they should be, and it will ensure that freedom of speech is better protected. This is about finding a better balance. I am very pleased that the government has so carefully studied the report of this committee and has taken up many of the recommendations of the committee and I am very hopeful that the parliament will give it equal consideration and, ultimately, support it.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, the Prime Minister has announced that his government will attempt to weaken protections against racist hate speech in this country. I rise today on the occasion of the tabling of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights report which, I might add, recommends no such thing as weakening protections against racist hate speech in this country. I rise as yet another privileged white bloke with little or no lived experience of racism to speak about something that is very difficult for me to comprehend, as it is very difficult for most who have offered opinions on this matter recently to comprehend because we have little or no lived experience of it. We have been told today by yet another privileged white bloke, the Attorney-General, Senator Brandis, that Australia is not a racist country. I say to Senator Brandis and I say anyone else who thinks that racism does not exist or is not rife in Australia that they have not been listening. They have not listened to the evidence that was put before the human rights committee, and they have not listened to the terrible stories of racism that are being told right now on a hashtag 'FreedomofSpeech' on Twitter.</para>
<para>I am going to read some of the tweets on the hashtag 'FreedomofSpeech' now so that no-one who is in here or who is listening or watching can ever say again that they did not know about racism in Australia. Here is Reah when someone describes her interracial relationship as 'jungle fever #FreedomOfSpeech''. Here is Benjamin Law who, by the way, started this hashtag 'FreedomofSpeech' discussion today: 'At the age of 10, I was at the local pool as a group of white boys held my head underwater, laughing at me for being Asian #FreedomOfSpeech.' Here is Milleficent: 'A cop saw me with my black boyfriend and gave me unsolicited DV hotline numbers #FreedomOfSpeech.' Here is Sarah: 'I was called a "bloody Muslim" on the school run, in front of my daughter. Now don't wear my hijab when she's with me #FreedomOfSpeech.' Here is Andre: 'People would introduce me and say "This is Andre, he's a Leb, but he's not one those Lebs" so group would feel comfortable #FreedomOfSpeech.' Here is Faustina: 'In the 90s: almost veered off the road with my Chinese mum and aunt by a group of white men yelling "go back to where you came from!" #Freedomof Speech.' Here is Omar: 'I've been called a terrorist too many times to count. I've been stopped by cops and other authorities too many times to count #FreedomofSpeech.' Here is Sonia: 'Being called a "fucking curry" from a passing car while I was minding my own business at a tram stop #FreedomofSpeech.' Here is Pat: 'I was sent a letter that said "shut your mouth you wog" and called a "foreign mug" when I was in the local paper aged 10 #Freedomofspeech.' Here is Con who grew up in a town where he was in one of only two Greek families and he felt like an outsider every day and feared he would be bashed for being Greek. Here is Philip: 'I saw a white man on a train spit on a Sudanese man as he called him a monkey. It was horrific. #FreedomofSpeech.' Here is Thatgirl: 'I was six years old the first time someone told me to go back to where I came from #freedomofspeech.' Here is Meleika: 'If you don't like it pee off and go back to where you came from!' I'm First Nations. This is my country #FreedomOfSpeech.' Here is Kat: 'I've had people throw coins at me because I'm Jewish #FreedomofSpeech.' Here's Randa: 'Dropping my kids aged 7 and 10 off at school and the car slows down and yells out "effing terrorists" #FreedomofSpeech.' Here is Bronte: 'Bogans in Perth pretending to shoot a gun at my best friend and screaming, "F-off back where you came from, gook." We were 14 years old, at a train station in our school uniforms #FreedomOfSpeech'. Here is Caravaggio: 'My best friend in primary school had her food spat on regularly because she brought what they called chink food from home #FreedomOfSpeech'. Here is Squeak: 'I was bullied and bashed by the good Catholic white boys at school because I was friends with "all the wogs" #FreedomOfSpeech'. It goes on and on and on.</para>
<para>And on this day, Harmony Day, a day that the UN has called on the world's political leaders to stand up against race hate speech, we have a Prime Minister who has announced that he will water down protections against race-based hate speech in this country. The lived experiences of people from multicultural communities in this country are absolutely devastating. The stories are awful. You can see them under the hashtag 'FreedomOfSpeech' or you can go through and read the submissions from right across the spectrum of multicultural Australia that were made to the human rights committee inquiry, which I sat on, Senator Paterson sat on, people from right across the political spectrum in this place sat on recently, and you can read the stories of people's lived experiences of racism in this country. Yet we have a Prime Minister who, in order to appease One Nation and to appease the far right of his party, has announced today that he wants to water down protections against race-based hate speech in this country. Not only has he done that; he has the gall to send his Attorney-General into this place to claim that he wants to strengthen protections against race-based hate speech. It is a barefaced lie.</para>
<para>The changes proposed today will water down section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act and will make it easier for people to be racist in this country. And racism hurts; racism harms. It harms mentally and it harms physically, and we heard evidence of that during this committee's hearings. Make no mistake: if this reform passes, the reform announced by Prime Minister Turnbull today, it will shake multiculturalism in this country to its core, because there has never been a worse time for western democracies around the world to send a message out into the community that it is okay to be more racist than you could be before. But that is exactly what will happen if Prime Minister Turnbull's legislation passes this parliament. And it is only this chamber, the Senate, that can stand up and save us from sending the message out into the country that racism is now more permissible than it was before.</para>
<para>I will make a prediction here: if these reforms passed—and I sincerely hope they do not, and the Greens will do everything we can to ensure that they do not—you will have the freedom-of-speech warriors in this place, the Senator Patersons, the Senator Leyonhjelms and One Nation, going, 'This is a great victory for freedom of speech.' But what the racists who undoubtedly live in this country will hear is, 'It is okay now to be more racist than we were before.' That will hurt and that will harm. It will hurt people from the Jewish community, the Muslim community, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community, the Greek community, the Italian community, the Chinese community, the Indian community and all people right across the multicultural spectrum.</para>
<para>I say this: the Greens have listened to the evidence put to us, we have listened to the horrendous, devastating stories of casual racism during this committee process, and we will stand shoulder to shoulder with multicultural Australia to defend section 18C— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAROL BROWN</name>
    <name.id>F49</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also rise to speak in relation to the tabling of the report of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights inquiry into freedom of speech in Australia, an inquiry which many would better understand as being about section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act, the section which makes it illegal to offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate a person on the basis of their race, colour, national or ethnic origin. This inquiry was brought about solely by the stubborn, if not determined, effort to fulfil the desire of the hard-right faction of the Liberal Party to undermine laws against racist hate speech in this country—a desire which the Prime Minister now intends to do his best to fulfil.</para>
<para>It is extremely important to stress and note that, through our inquiry, the committee have found no basis to recommend any changes to section 18C. That should be the end of the matter. If the Prime Minister were true to his word, it would be. Yet now we hear that the government intend to proceed with changes to the act which would see the words 'offend', 'insult' and 'humiliate' removed from the act.</para>
<para>Perhaps at this point it is worth noting that today we meet in this place on National Harmony Day, and the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, a day which is about celebrating diversity and multiculturalism in our society. On this day we could be celebrating the fact that the final report of the committee has not recommended a change to 18C.</para>
<para>This is a victory for common sense. It is also a victory for multiculturalism and diversity. Labor is pleased to sign onto this report, because we are not for turning in our unwavering support for ethnic communities and diversity. Labor believes unequivocally that protections against racial hate speech are worth keeping. However, today is not a day for celebration, because the Prime Minister has chosen this day to announce that his government, at the behest of the extreme right, intends to ignore the inquiry report—which he asked for—and proceed with changes to section 18C of the act which weaken protections against racist hate speech. Why? Because to say that the Liberal Party is bitterly divided on this matter would be a significant understatement.</para>
<para>Section 18C has become yet another matter where the Prime Minister is forced to bend to the will of those members of his party who do not even want him as Prime Minister. Already we have multiple reports emerging from discussions at the joint coalition party room meeting this morning. According to reports, not unsurprisingly, those who argued for weakening laws against racist hate speech included the member for Goldstein, Tim Wilson; the member for Barker, Tony Pasin; the member for Canning, Andrew Hastie; the member for Dawson, George Christensen; Senators Paterson and Abetz; and former Prime Minister Tony Abbott. On the other side were members in the other place: Mr Laundy, Mr Coleman, Ms Sudmalis and Mr Alexander.</para>
<para>The member for Reid, in what I will acknowledge was a valiant, perhaps even noble, effort, was out on ABC Radio this morning, defending section 18C and arguing that there is no basis for change—exactly what the report found. It is a position, of course, shared by the committee and stated, as I have said, in the report. We know from reports that Senator Fierravanti-Wells warned changing section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act would be very unpopular with multicultural communities. We know that the Deputy Prime Minister, Barnaby Joyce, warned that dragging out debate on race hate laws will cost the coalition votes. We are no doubt reliably informed by sources inside the room that one of the ardent supporter of former Prime Minister Mr Tony Abbott, the member for Canning, Mr Hastie, argued changing Section 18C was about 'de-fanging the operational arm of the political correctness movement in this country'—whatever that means. Perhaps these are the thoughts that occupy the deepest recesses of the member for Canning's mind as he lies awake at night, fretting about the matters he incorrectly believes to be at the forefront of concerns of the Australian people.</para>
<para>The fact that the Prime Minister has repeatedly been forced to kowtow to the likes of the member for Canning begs the question: what is even the point of being Prime Minister if you cannot even stand by your convictions? Well, <inline font-style="italic">The Huffington Post</inline> has very helpfully provided some quotes from the Prime Minister to illustrate his evolving view on this matter. In question time on 20 October in 2015 Mr Turnbull said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The short answer to your question is: the government has no plans to change the Racial Discrimination Act at all.</para></quote>
<para>At a doorstop on 5 February 2016 the Prime Minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There's a longer discussion about the wording of 18c but there are no plans to make any changes to it. OK, thank you.</para></quote>
<para>On 2GB on 25 August last year Mr Turnbull said in relation to the prospect of the government making changes to 18C:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The answer is no, not at this stage because we have higher and more urgent Budget repair priorities.</para></quote>
<para>At a doorstop on 31 August last year he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I think the Government has no plans to make any changes to Section 18C. We have other more pressing, much more pressing, priorities to address.</para></quote>
<para>On the ABC's <inline font-style="italic">Insiders</inline> program in August the host, Barrie Cassidy, asked the Prime Minister if:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… at one stage you'll be open to the idea of taking 'insult' and 'offend' out of the Bill?</para></quote>
<para>Mr Turnbull responded:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Barrie, it is not on our agenda.</para></quote>
<para>More recently, on 2GB in February this year the Prime Minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Well, I've said in the past that I think it can be usefully amended.</para></quote>
<para>It would perhaps, behove the Prime Minister to heed the words of the member for McMillan, Mr Russell Broadbent, who is a member of the committee. He told <inline font-style="italic">The Guardian</inline> yesterday:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Changes to the RDA should be about process, not about the wording of the section.</para></quote>
<para>Unfortunately, what we have seen instead is that Malcolm Turnbull is prepared to trade away protections for Australia's multicultural communities in order to save his own skin. In doing so, the Prime Minister must answer the question: what forms of racist hate speech does he want to be able to use that he cannot now under current law? Unlike the Prime Minister, Labor is prepared to have the courage of our convictions and stand resolutely on the side of multiculturalism.</para>
<para>Labor will never support changes to section 18C. We believe that protections against racial hate speech are worth keeping. Everyone who opposes hate speech must now stand together to campaign against the government's proposed changes. In doing so we will be demonstrating the commitment of the vast majority of Australians to an inclusive society that respects people from all cultures and backgrounds.</para>
<para>Labor committee members were prepared to support some minor procedural changes to raise the threshold required for a complaint to be dealt with by the Human Rights Commission. These changes were agreed to by the committee in our final report and are supported by the Human Rights Commission and the president, Professor Gillian Triggs. The changes are designed to quickly dispense with frivolous or vexatious claims and will only affect a very miniscule number of complaints made to the commission.</para>
<para>It would have been nice if today we could come together in this place to support the committee's recommendations. Instead, we have had to bear witness to a weakened Prime Minister once again bending to the will of the hard right in his party; a Prime Minister who has been forced to implement one of the priority agenda items of the former Prime Minister, Mr Abbott; a Prime Minister whose legacy will now include a scurrilous attempt to weaken the fabric of harmony in our community and support the most vulgar forms of hate speech imaginable.</para>
<para>In speaking to this committee's final report, I urge senators in this place to take note of all the recommendations contained in it. I urge them to make sure that the Senate remains the place where we are able to stop this sort of law, keeping in place the section of the law that has served this country well since 1975. I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Intelligence and Security Committee</title>
          <page.no>80</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>80</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, I present reports of the committee, as listed at item 13 on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>, and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the reports.</para></quote>
<para>The <inline font-style="italic">Review of administration and expenditure No.</inline><inline font-style="italic">14 (2014-2015)</inline> report fulfils one of the committee's key statutory oversight responsibilities: to review the administration and expenditure of the six Australian intelligence agencies on an ongoing basis. The report relates to the 2014-15 financial year. The committee received comprehensive submissions and conducted private hearings with each intelligence agency and the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security during the 44th Parliament. The committee's final hearing was conducted on 2 May 2016, shortly before prorogation of that parliament. The review lapsed on prorogation and was resumed early in the 45th Parliament.</para>
<para>The period under review was characterised by significant changes to Australia's national security legislation. Four separate bills were reviewed by this committee during 2014-15. Following passage of those bills, agencies gained new or expanded powers. In addition, in August 2014 the government announced a cross-agency funding package to support counterterrorism measures. At the same time, the government announced that the efficiency dividend would no longer apply to the Office of National Assessments and the Office of the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security. The committee welcomes these measures. In relation to the Inspector-General, the committee considers it is essential that as parliament grants additional powers to the intelligence agencies, oversight be correspondingly strengthened. This includes ensuring that the Inspector-General's office is resourced at a level that allows it to appropriately execute its responsibilities.</para>
<para>Turning to the committee's conclusions, I am pleased to report that the committee considered the six intelligence agencies to be overseeing their administration and expenditure appropriately. The committee noted, however, that while the funding pressures faced by agencies were reduced somewhat during 2014-15 by the additional funding to support counterterrorism capabilities and other initiatives, ASIO and ASIS continued to face pressure in other areas.</para>
<para>For a number of years now, the committee has monitored the impact of the efficiency dividend and other savings measures on the intelligence agencies. As in previous reviews, the committee again sought assurances that each agency continues to have the necessary resources to address Australia's national security priorities. ASIO and ASIS are now the only two intelligence agencies that are not quarantined from the efficiency dividend. The committee has questioned why the efficiency dividend should continue to apply to those organisations, noting in particular that a January 2015 review of Australia's counterterrorism machinery by the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet recommended that, in addition to the ONA and the Office of the IGIS, the efficiency dividend be removed from, or significantly reduced for, the operations of ASIO, ASIS and the AFP. The committee has accordingly recommended, in line with the PM&C recommendation, that the efficiency dividend be removed from all ASIO, ASIS and AFP operations. Our intelligence and security agencies need sufficient base funding to meet all of their obligations. This means that funding is required to not only to deal with the increased threat to the community from terrorism, but also other significant external threats such as foreign espionage and cyber attacks. The committee will continue to monitor the effect of funding decisions in its future reviews.</para>
<para>I will turn now to the <inline font-style="italic">Review of the listing and re-listing of four terrorist organisations under the Criminal Code</inline> report. The Criminal Code enables the committee to review all listings of terrorist organisations and report its findings to the parliament within the 15-day disallowance period. It is an offence to direct the activities of, be a member of, associate with or conduct a range of activities in support of a listed terrorist organisation. Three of the four organisations reviewed by the committee were listed for the first time in November 2016: al-Qaeda in the Indian subcontinent, an al-Qaeda affiliated extremist group that aims to advance al-Qaeda's anti-Western ideology in South Asia; Islamic State in Libya, an officially recognised Islamic State affiliate that adheres to the group's global jihadist ideology and aims to establish three Islamic State provinces in Libya; Islamic State Sinai Province, an officially recognised Islamic State affiliate that has been tasked to help establish a caliphate in Egypt's Sinai province and, over the long term, Israel and the Palestinian territories. The committee also examined the re-listing of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula—AQAP—which was initially listed as a terrorist organisation in 2010 and re-listed in 2013. AQAP is active in Yemen and is described as 'one of al-Qaeda's most capable and active franchises'.</para>
<para>The committee called for submissions as part of its review and held a private hearing with ASIO and the Attorney-General's Department. In each case, the committee was satisfied that the organisation was engaged in terrorist acts or advocated terrorism. The committee has therefore supported the listing of each organisation under the Criminal Code. The committee noted that the three new listings came into effect immediately following registration of their regulations. This was contrary to the agreed practice for first-time listings. The committee has raised the issue of timing in previous reviews of Criminal Code listings. In this instance, the Attorney-General's Department advised that, due to an omission, it did not consider delaying commencement of the listings. The department has since updated its processes to ensure active consideration is given to delaying the commencement of all future first-time listings until the end of the disallowance period.</para>
<para>The committee maintains the view that, where there is no pressing risk to Australia's national security, listings should not come into effect until the parliamentary disallowance period has expired and the committee has concluded its review. While the committee accepts that in many cases there may be compelling reasons for the listing of a terrorist organisation not to be delayed, the committee expects these reasons to be provided. I commend the reports to the Senate and I seek leave to continue my remarks at a later date.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics References Committee, Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, Joint Standing Committee on Treaties</title>
          <page.no>81</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Government Response to Report</title>
            <page.no>81</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present four government responses to committee reports, as listed at item 13 on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>: Economics References Committee, <inline font-style="italic">Part II: Future of Australia’s naval shipbuilding industry: Future submarines</inline>; Economics References Committee, <inline font-style="italic">Part III: Future of Australia’s naval shipbuilding industry: Long-term planning</inline>; Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade—<inline font-style="italic">A world without the death penalty: Australia’s advocacy for the abolition of the death penalty</inline>; and Joint Standing Committee on Treaties, <inline font-style="italic">Report 167: Nuclear cooperation—Ukraine; Extradition—China</inline>. In accordance with the usual practice, I seek leave to have the documents incorporated into Hansard.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The documents read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Part II: Future of Australia's naval shipbuilding industry—future submarines</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">March 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the government not enter into a contract for the future submarine project without conducting a competitive tender for the future submarines, including a funded project definition study.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The tender should invite at least two bidders, preferably up to four, to participate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The tender for the future submarine project should be conducted in line with the committee's recommendations and the guidelines set out in the Defence Policy Procurement Manual.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A request for tender should invite the bidders to provide the Commonwealth with:</para></quote>
<list>a Project Definition Study and preliminary design that meets Top Level Requirements; and</list>
<list>a pricing arrangement to build a certain number of submarines and provide ten vessel years of integrated logistics support, post commissioning.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the competitive tender process for the future submarines begins immediately.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As noted by several independent witnesses, there remains sufficient time to conduct a competitive tender for the future submarines while avoiding a capability gap. This is due to the work on the future submarines undertaken by the previous government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In his evidence, Dr John White set out a timetable that included a competitive tender process, contracting, construction, testing and introduction to service without a capability gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">If followed, this timetable would allow the government obtain the best submarine capability at the best price, while avoiding a capability gap.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response to Recommendations 1 and 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These recommendations have been overtaken by events.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The evaluation process that underpinned the decision on the future submarine was comprehensive and included substantial internal and external review. The Government is satisfied that the processes were very robust and resulted in the right decision for Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Given the weight of the evidence about the strategic, military, national security and economic benefits, the committee recommends that the government require tenderers for the future submarine project to build, maintain, and sustain Australia's future submarines in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When selecting its preferred tenderer the government must give priority to:</para></quote>
<list>Australian content in the future submarines; and</list>
<list>proposals that would achieve a high degree of self-reliance in maintaining, sustaining and upgrading the future submarines in Australia for the entirety of their lifecycle.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation has been overtaken by events.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government announced on 26 April 2016 that the future submarines will be built in Australia with Australian steel. Defence will seek to maximise Australian industry involvement and support for the future submarine. The submarine decision is consistent with the Government's already announced continuous shipbuilding program—which will ensure a substantial and permanent naval shipbuilding capability in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that:</para></quote>
<list>The government formally and publically rule out a MOTS option for Australia's future submarines.</list>
<list>The government focus its efforts on the 'new design' or 'son-of-Collins' options for Australia's future submarines and suspend all investigations for acquiring a MOTS submarine, including the current Japanese Soryu-class.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation has been overtaken by events.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has already acknowledged that there is no MOTS option available that will meet Australia's Future Submarine needs. This was reaffirmed by the Prime Minister's announcement regarding the Future Submarines on 26 April 2016.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that Defence and the government start immediately to:</para></quote>
<list>strengthen and build a more collaborative relationship with Australia's Defence industry and engender a co-operative environment in which industry is encouraged to marshal its resources in support of a broader Australian shipbuilding industry capable of acquiring and building a highly capable fleet of submarines;</list>
<list>listen to the technical community's concerns about risk—the technical community, supplemented by outside expertise from industry and allied technology partners, understand the state of technology and the degree to which a new design extends that technology;</list>
<list>consult with retired naval engineers and submariners, especially those who have been involved in reviews of the Collins class submarines and subsequent reforms, and include the most knowledgeable and experienced in a first pass gate review;</list>
<list>work with Australian and Australian-based businesses, from prime contractors to small and medium businesses, to ensure that the contribution that can be made by Australian industry is identified and integrated as much as possible into the project plan;</list>
<list>ensure that opportunities to improve skills and upgrade facilities, particularly those that have multiple uses, are identified so that investment in the human and physical capital required for this project is maximised;</list>
<list>risks associated with the transfer of technology are anticipated, identified brought promptly to the government's attention and managed effectively—such risks go beyond securing the rights to IP and also take account of potential or real political and cultural incompatibilities; and</list>
<list>experienced and senior people in key management positions are involved in the project—this requires a strategy to grow people so they are experienced in various disciplines.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Agree in part.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government's Defence capability requirements were outlined in the 2016 Defence White Paper together with the Government's commitment to resetting the relationship with defence industry as outlined in the 2016 Defence Industry Policy Statement. Each of the major shipbuilding projects announced by the Government form part of the commitment to continuous naval shipbuilding in Australia. These projects represent the most significant investment in naval shipbuilding outside wartime. Defence will seek a wide range of inputs and support into each of these projects to ensure the capability is delivered, build premium reduced and local content and support maximised.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Naval Shipbuilding Plan will bring together all of the elements of the Government's continuous naval shipbuilding strategy to:</para></quote>
<list>support the strategic and capability needs of Defence;</list>
<list>provide a viable, permanent naval shipbuilding industry;</list>
<list>provide certainty for the naval shipbuilding workforce;</list>
<list>deliver value for money;</list>
<list>build commercial confidence; and</list>
<list>promote the use of global best practice.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Part III: Future of Australia's naval shipbuilding industry—long-term planning</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">March 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee reaffirms recommendation 1 from its initial report that the tender process for the two replacement replenishment ships:</para></quote>
<list>be opened up to allow all companies, including Australian companies, to compete in the process; and</list>
<list>make clear that a high value will be placed on Australian content in the project.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response to Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noted</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation has been overtaken by events.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 6 May 2016, the Government announced it has signed contracts with Navantia S.A. to build Australia's two replacement replenishment ships, avoiding a critical capability gap. Australia's current supply ship HMAS<inline font-style="italic"> Success </inline>will reach end of life in 2021 and needs to be replaced as a matter of priority.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The two replacement replenishment ships are urgently required to avoid a critical capability gap and to meet the operational requirements of the Navy by the early 2020's. The decision to go offshore was based on the schedule and cost-premiums of an Australian build and imperative to replace HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Success</inline> in the 2021-22 timeframe. There are elements of the ships' systems that will require Australian content in the replenishment ships, including communications and situational awareness systems and quality of life requirements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The contract with Navantia was signed following a limited tender between Navantia of Spain and Daewoo Shipbuilding and Marine Engineering (DSME) of Korea for the offshore construction of two replacement replenishment vessels based on existing designs, Cantabria (Navantia) and Aegir (DSME) respectively.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The key reasons for recommendation to limited tender for off-shore build:</para></quote>
<list>The significant cost premium for a local or hybrid build options, including considerable investment in shipbuilding infrastructure, and/or production/block redesign;</list>
<list>Schedule premiums where, based on experience with the LHD project, a premium of approximately one year is likely for a 40% Hybrid build option. For a full Australian build, based on recent experience with the AWD, ANZAC and the Canadian Joint Supply Ship (JSS) projects, the period between approach to market and commencement of construction is likely to be up to five years; and</list>
<list>The tender process remained in accordance with the accelerated schedule approved by Government at First Pass. There has been no delay to the schedule for Second Pass approval, contract award, construction or Initial Operational Capability of the replacement replenishment ships.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Government adopt the following procurement process to acquire 12 future submarines:</para></quote>
<list>a twelve to eighteen month procurement process, involving a Request for Proposal, followed by Request for Tender;</list>
<list>invite the most prominent and relevant submarine designers to participate in the process, encompassing Germany, France, Japan and Sweden;</list>
<list>conduct a Funded Project Definition Study; and</list>
<list>down-select two submarine builders to provide full design definition and fixed priced contract bids.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The committee also reaffirms recommendation three from its report on future submarines that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Given the weight of evidence about strategic, military, national security and economic benefits, the committee recommends that the government require tenderers for the future submarine project to build, maintain and sustain Australia's future submarines in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Also, given the national significance and complexity of the project to acquire the future submarine, the committee recommends that the government establish a Naval/Submarine Construction Authority as a 'non corporate Commonwealth entity with appropriate industry and Defence expertise and authoritative leadership to deliver the future submarine'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends further that Defence heed and apply the lessons learnt from the AWD regarding the transfer of knowledge and those of the Collins Class submarine about the consequences of being a parent navy to the future submarines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response to Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This recommendation has been overtaken by events.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Informed by the outcome of the Competitive Evaluation Process, the Government announced on 26 April 2016 that DCNS of France has been selected as the preferred international partner to work with Australia on the design of a regionally superior Future Submarine. The Government also announced that all 12 Future Submarines will be built in Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Sustainment in country, encompassing all upkeep, update and upgrade activities will also ensure that the Future Submarines can be kept at appropriate levels of availability without undue reliance on another country throughout their service life.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The lessons learnt from the Air Warfare Destroyer and Collins submarine programs, together with advice from naval shipbuilding experts, such as the RAND Corporation, will inform the development of the Naval Shipbuilding Plan.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Australian Government provide the committee with a copy of the 'forensic audit' of the AWD program.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee also repeats its recommendation contained in its first report that the government release the report of the independent review of the AWD program (also known as the Winter-White Report).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee understands that it may be appropriate for a public version of both documents to be released with classified material removed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Disagree.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The 'forensic audit', into the Air Warfare Destroyer project has not been undertaken by the Department of Defence. Rather, the Department undertook a Comprehensive Cost Review (CCR), in late 2014. The CCR was undertaken by the Air Warfare Destroyer (AWD) Alliance and is Commercial in Confidence. The CCR reviewed the cost and schedule of the shipbuilding score of the AWD Program and informed the AWD Reform Strategy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The CCR report cannot be released as it contains information that is commercially sensitive to the Commonwealth and some third parties and is subject to strict confidentiality arrangements to protect the intellectual property of the parties involved. Accordingly, the report will not be publicly released as to do so would prejudice the Commonwealth's commercial and legal interests.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Similarly, the Winter-White Report cannot be released in any form as it contains sensitive commercial information. Its release could damage the interests of the Commonwealth and shipbuilding organisations as its contents relate to a range of commercial negotiations that are currently underway. The Minister for Finance and then Minister for Defence summarised the report in their announcement AWD Reform dated 4 June 2014, which is available on the Minister for Finance's website.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Australian Government take measures immediately to reverse the perilous downturn in Australia's naval shipbuilding industry, reduce the impact of the 'Valley of Death' and enable a program of continuous build by:</para></quote>
<list>mandating a hybrid build for the first Auxiliary Oil Replenishment Ship and an onshore build for the second;</list>
<list>mandating that all 12 of the future submarines be built in Australia;</list>
<list>fast tracking the build of the Pacific Patrol Boats and the replacement of the Armidale Class Patrol Boats; and</list>
<list>bringing forward the construction of the Future Frigates.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noted.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 6 May 2016, the Government announced it has signed contracts with Navantia S.A. to build Australia's two replacement replenishment ships, avoiding a critical capability gap. Australia's current supply ship HMAS<inline font-style="italic"> Success</inline> will reach end of life in 2021 and needs to be replaced as a matter of priority. Please see response to recommendation 1 for further information on the offshore build of the Auxiliary Oil Replenishment Ship.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On 5 May 2016, the Government signed a contract with Austal Ships Pty Ltd to build and sustain up to 21 steel-hulled vessels to replace the existing fleet of Pacific Patrol Boats as part of Australia's new Pacific Maritime Security Program. The Pacific Patrol Boat project represents a significant investment in Australian Defence industry with the boats to be built in Australia to be worth around $600 million, in addition to through-life-sustainment and personnel costs, which are estimated at around $1.4 billion over 30 years.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government announced on 4 August 2015 the centrepiece of its strategy for delivering a long‑term strong and sustainable Australian naval shipbuilding industry—the establishment of continuous build programs in Australia for the construction of the Navy's Future Frigates and Offshore Patrol Vessels. This approach was been reaffirmed by the Prime Minister in his speeches on 18 and 26 April 2016. This is the first time that any Australian Government has committed to a permanent naval shipbuilding industry for Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Future Frigate construction to replace the ANZAC class frigates will commence in 2020—three years earlier than scheduled under the previous Labor Government's Defence Capability Plan. The Government has also committed to bringing forward by two years the construction of the Offshore Patrol Vessels commencing in 2018 to replace the Armidale class patrol boats.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over the coming decades, the Government's naval shipbuilding strategy will invest in Australia's naval capability and shipbuilding industry, putting it onto a sustainable long-term path, giving certainty into the future.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the 2015 White Paper is prepared in such a way that all procurement proposals are costed and scheduled realistically, and informed by the need to have a continuous build program for naval ships.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee understands that, following the release of its 2015 Defence White Paper, the government will also publish a Defence Investment Plan and an enterprise-level Naval Shipbuilding Plan.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that both documents take note of the evidence provided in this report about the importance of having a continuous build program that will sustain a viable naval shipbuilding and repair industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further that both documents, provide:</para></quote>
<list>a schedule of anticipated timelines for the construction and delivery of all Defence Capability Plan (DCP) projects, with continuity of production the paramount feature;</list>
<list>a discussion about the nation's future strategic capability requirements that identifies the industrial capabilities deemed to be strategically important and Defence's expectations for Australia's naval shipbuilding industry;</list>
<list>an assessment of the nation's existing shipbuilding and repair facilities, including the shipbuilding supply chain, and predicted investment needs;</list>
<list>a comprehensive statement providing accurate and reliable information on Defence's future plans for its naval acquisition program that goes beyond ten-year projections;</list>
<list>a detailed explanation on the acquisition schedule indicating the reasoning behind it and the major factors influencing demand flows; and</list>
<list>reliable cost estimates.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends the establishment of an ongoing naval shipbuilding industry advocate to work with the Australian Government and the shipbuilding industry, including supply chain and SMEs. The shipbuilding industry advocate should advise Defence and industry during the development of the Defence Investment Plan and Naval Shipbuilding Plan.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Agree in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As noted in the response to recommendation 4, the Government recognises the significant value to Australia of having a skilled naval shipbuilding industry and is committed to ensuring the industry's long-term sustainability. Government has announced its strategy for delivering a long‑term strong and sustainable Australian naval shipbuilding industry through the establishment of continuous build programs in Australia. As announced by the Prime Minister on 18 April 2016 and 26 April 2016, two shipyards have been identified to implement the Government's commitment to a continuous build of naval vessels—Osborne in South Australia for the construction of major surface vessels and submarines, and Henderson in Western Australia for the construction of minor surface vessels. These decisions are consistent with the RAND recommendations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The 2016 Integrated Investment Program and the Defence Industry Policy Statement were released with the 2016 Defence White Paper, which together present the Government's policy with respect to the strategic Defence and national security issues facing Australia, as well as the capabilities (both material and enabling) and Defence industry policy that will be required to address those issues. The Naval Shipbuilding Plan will bring together all of the elements of the Government's continuous naval shipbuilding strategy to:</para></quote>
<list>support the strategic and capability needs of Defence;</list>
<list>provide a viable, permanent naval shipbuilding industry;</list>
<list>provide certainty for the naval shipbuilding workforce;</list>
<list>deliver value for money;</list>
<list>build commercial confidence; and</list>
<list>promote the use of global best practice.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that, given requisite capital investments have already occurred, and as the industry's only effective client, the Australian Government adopt an approach to domestic shipbuilding that ensures sustainable demand in order to realise returns on these investments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee also recommends that, during the development of the forthcoming Strategic Naval Shipbuilding Plan, the Australian Government ensure that the Plan recognises the holistic economic value of any domestic shipbuilding project. It is the strong view of the committee that the Plan must also acknowledge the economic multiplier effect of domestic shipbuilding, including that expenditure generates a level of economic expansion beyond its initial value.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Agree in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government is committed to releasing a Naval Shipbuilding Plan. The Plan will focus on the delivery of continuous shipbuilding rather than modelling the economic affects of shipbuilding.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The RAND of Australia's Naval Shipbuilding Enterprise, released by the Government on 16 April 2015, noted that the cost of building naval surface ships in Australia is 30-40 per cent greater than United States benchmarks, and even greater against some other naval ship building nations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">RAND suggested that this premium can be reduced through reforms in Defence procurement and in the Australian naval shipbuilding industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has already commenced the necessary reforms of Defence procurement activities through the First Principles Review of Defence, and through the August 2015 announcement of the long term commitment to naval shipbuilding for ships and submarines in Australia, as detailed in the 2016 Defence White Paper.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia cannot afford a naval shipbuilding industry at any price.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In return for the commitment to continuous build, Australia's naval shipbuilding industry must improve productivity and become more cost-competitive against international benchmarks.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government's continuous build strategy, and the adoption of the RAND principles for future naval shipbuilding programs, will help to reduce the Australian cost premium by up to half.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The conclusions of the <inline font-style="italic">Productivity Commission</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">s Trade and Assistance Review</inline> 2014-15</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">are premised upon a cost premium of 30 per cent for a domestically built submarine. However the report states that the figure of 30 per cent is hypothetical; the Government has already identified that the premium will drop, by committing to the implementation of reforms of the naval shipbuilding industry, including:</para></quote>
<list>committing to the establishment of a continuous naval shipbuilding program for ships and a rolling acquisition program for submarines;</list>
<list>reforming the Air Warfare Destroyer program, to demonstrate that the productivity of the shipbuilding workforce can be improved; and</list>
<list>a commitment to undertake further reform of the naval shipbuilding industry to ensure Australian shipbuilding is best structured to support a continuous build program.</list>
<quote><para class="block">A world without the death penalty: Australia's advocacy for the abolition of the death penalty</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">March 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Report</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">A world without the death penalty:</inline>  <inline font-style="italic">Australia</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">s Advocacy for the Abolition of the Death Penalty</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Tabled 5 May 2016</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Government's Response to Committee's Recommendations</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Attorney-General's Department conduct a review of the current legislative arrangements for extradition and mutual assistance to ensure that they uphold Australia's obligations as a signatory to the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation. The Attorney-General's Department has reviewed the current legislative arrangements for extradition and mutual assistance for consistency with Australia's obligations as a Party to the Second Optional Protocol to the ICCPR and is satisfied that they are consistent.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Federal Police (AFP) National Guideline on International Police-to-Police Assistance in Death Penalty Situations </inline>(the Guideline) be amended to include a stronger focus on preventing exposure of all persons to the risk of the death penalty, by:</para></quote>
<list>articulating as its primary aim preventing the exposure of persons to arrest or charge in retentionist countries for crimes that are likely to attract the death penalty;</list>
<list>explicitly applying the Guideline to all persons, not just Australian citizens;</list>
<list>including a requirement that the AFP seek assurances from foreign law enforcement bodies that the death penalty will not be sought or applied if information is provided;</list>
<list>including a provision that, in cases where the AFP deems that there is a 'high risk' of exposure to the death penalty, such cases be directed to the Minister for decision; and</list>
<list>articulating the criteria used by the AFP to determine whether requests are ranked 'high', 'medium' or 'low' risk.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">articulating as its primary aim preventing the exposure of persons to arrest or charge in retentionist countries for crimes that are likely to attract the death penalty</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes this recommendation. The AFP's primary aim is to enforce Commonwealth criminal law, contribute to combating complex, transnational, serious and organised crime that impacts on national security, as well as protecting Commonwealth interests from criminal activity in Australia and overseas. The AFP works with national and international partners to enhance safety and provide a more secure regional and global environment. To achieve this aim, the AFP facilitates the movement of information between countries in a manner that is consistent with Government policy in relation to crimes that attract the death penalty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">explicitly applying the Guideline to all persons, not just Australian citizens</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation. The Guideline currently applies to all persons, not just Australian citizens.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The AFP must consider relevant factors before providing information to foreign law enforcement agencies if it is aware the provision of information is likely to result in the prosecution of an identified person, regardless of nationality, for an offence carrying the death penalty. A person's nationality is taken into account only in the context of consideration of any legal or prosecutorial provisions that may apply.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">including a requirement that the AFP seek assurances from foreign law enforcement bodies that the death penalty will not be sought or applied if information is provided</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes that foreign law enforcement partners cannot themselves provide binding assurances that the death penalty will not be applied if information is provided. This is outside the role and responsibility of police and law enforcement agencies. In the instances where assurances have been provided to Australia, they have usually occurred at Ministerial level.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government has and will continue to seek Ministerial assurances in appropriate cases where it is clear that the death penalty is likely to be imposed. In practical terms some factors can prevent this occurring, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a) in some limited circumstances, where the AFP is engaging with operational law enforcement representatives in high risk, time-critical situations, seeking binding assurances could jeopardise investigative outcomes. This may hamper the AFP's ability to combat transnational organised crime at its source, causing significant harm to Australia and its citizens; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">b) in many instances when it is not clear whether a death penalty offence may be applicable. Information requests can come at an early stage of an investigation, when an investigation is yet to identify crime types or all persons of interest.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">including a provision that, in cases where the AFP deems that there is a </inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">high risk</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> of exposure to the death penalty, such cases be directed to the Minister for decision</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation in principle.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under Section 37 of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Federal Police Act 1979</inline> the Commissioner controls the operations of the AFP. It is essential that law enforcement operations retain a measure of discretionary operational decision-making to effectively balance competing considerations, namely the preservation of public safety and the disruption of crime impacting the Australian community. As a result, decision-making in the pre-arrest phase is best made within the AFP.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Ministerial approval is currently required to provide information to foreign law enforcement agencies in any case where a person has been arrested or detained for, charged with, or convicted of, an offence which carries the death penalty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline> <inline font-style="italic">articulating the criteria used by the AFP to determine whether requests are ranked </inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">high</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">, </inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">medium</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> or </inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">low</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> risk</inline> <inline font-style="italic">"</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Guideline is currently being reviewed and will reflect this in the revised version.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In light of the United Nations' position that drug crimes, including drug trafficking, do not constitute 'most serious crimes' for which the death penalty may be applied under international law, the Committee recommends that the Australian Federal Police (AFP) obtain guarantees that prosecutors in partner countries will not seek to apply the death penalty before providing information in relation [to] these crimes. In situations where such guarantees cannot be obtained, the AFP should withhold provision of information that may be relevant to the cases concerned.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government does not accept this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes that foreign law enforcement partners cannot themselves provide binding assurances that the death penalty will not be applied if information is provided. An undertaking from a prosecutor not to seek to apply the death penalty may not be reliable where a Court can still impose the death penalty. Generally speaking, the Government does not consider it appropriate to seek, or rely on, an undertaking from a prosecutor. In the instances where assurances have been provided to Australia, they have usually occurred at Ministerial level.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Combatting serious drug crimes is a high priority for the Government and the Government's ability to detect, deter and prevent drug crimes would be impeded if Australia could not cooperate with states in the region that retain the death penalty. An inability to cooperate with foreign law enforcement partners poses risk of harm to the Australian community and significant impact to society.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Although desirable, some states will not agree to a blanket assurance that the death penalty will not be applied where convictions result from cooperation with Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">National Guideline on</inline><inline font-style="italic">International Police-to-Police Assistance in Death Penalty Situations </inline>is the most appropriate way to balance the need for effective cooperation on transnational crime and the commitment to protecting individuals from the death penalty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade will continue diplomatic efforts to encourage states to abolish the death penalty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Australian Government revisit the 2011 decision to decline becoming a member of the international group the 'Friends of the Protocol'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation. That decision will be reconsidered in the context of developing the whole-of-government strategy on advocacy for the abolition of the death penalty (see recommendation 8).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade develop guidelines for the Department's support for Australians at risk of facing the death penalty overseas. This document should guide the coordination of:</para></quote>
<list>consular assistance;</list>
<list>diplomatic representations;</list>
<list>legal support and funding assistance;</list>
<list>communications and media strategies; and</list>
<list>other forms of support offered by the Government.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation. Guidelines have been finalised and will be attached to DFAT's internal Consular Policy Handbook.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that, where appropriate and especially in relation to public messaging, Australian approaches to advocacy for abolition of the death penalty be based on human rights arguments and include:</para></quote>
<list>references to human rights law, including highlighting the 'right to life' enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;</list>
<list>condemnation for the imposition of the death penalty on juveniles and pregnant women;</list>
<list>opposition to its use on people with mental or intellectual disabilities;</list>
<list>highlighting the disproportionate use of capital punishment on the poor, and ethnic and religious minorities;</list>
<list>communicating the risks associated with miscarriages of justice, including the irreversibility of capital punishment;</list>
<list>emphasising the inherently cruel and torturous nature of the death penalty and executions; and</list>
<list>refer to the ineffectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation. These arguments are already an integral part of the advocacy the Government undertakes in opposition to the death penalty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 7</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Attorney-General's Department amend the guidelines governing the Serious Overseas Criminal Matters Scheme and the Special Circumstances Scheme, and make necessary adjustments to the schemes' operation, to ensure that:</para></quote>
<list>legal representatives working pro-bono on death penalty cases can access funding from the schemes in a timely manner;</list>
<list>where practical, legal representatives are able to communicate with a specific contact person for the duration of a case; and</list>
<list>where necessary due to time restraints, legal representatives have the ability to apply for funding for reasonable expenses already incurred.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Attorney-General's Department has reviewed the Commonwealth Guidelines for Legal Financial Assistance 2012 (the Guidelines) and is satisfied that the Guidelines in their present form, in combination with the Legal Assistance Branch's practice of assigning a case officer to a grant for the entirety of the grant, has resulted in achievement of the objectives stated in Recommendation 7.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 8</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade coordinate the development of a whole-of-government Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty which has as its focus countries of the Indo-Pacific and the United States of America.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation. Development of the strategy is underway and its content will be determined in consultation with relevant agencies and ministers. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade aims to have a publicly-releasable document finalised by mid-2017.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 9</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the goals of the Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty include:</para></quote>
<list>an increase in the number of abolitionist countries;</list>
<list>an increase in the number of countries with a moratorium on the use of the death penalty;</list>
<list>a reduction in the number of executions;</list>
<list>a reduction in the number of crimes that attract the death penalty;</list>
<list>further restrictions on the use of the death penalty in retentionist countries of the Indo-Pacific region; and</list>
<list>greater transparency of states' reporting the numbers of prisoners sentenced to death and executions carried out.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 10</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the specific aims of the Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty include:</para></quote>
<list>acknowledging the positive steps taken by countries in the region, for example where countries reduce the number of crimes that attract the death penalty or remove mandatory death sentences;</list>
<list>promoting greater transparency in the number of executions carried out in China, Vietnam, Syria, North Korea and Malaysia, the crimes for which death sentences were imposed and the number of people under sentence of death in each country;</list>
<list>promoting a reduction in the number of crimes that attract the death penalty in China, Vietnam, Thailand, Taiwan and India;</list>
<list>promoting an end to mandatory sentencing in death penalty cases in Malaysia and Singapore, especially in relation to drug crimes;</list>
<list>advocating for Pakistan and Indonesia to resume their moratoria;</list>
<list>advocating for an improvement in the conditions and treatment of prisoners on death row in Japan;</list>
<list>encouraging Papua New Guinea not to reinstate capital punishment;</list>
<list>assisting Nauru, Tonga, Republic of Korea and Myanmar to move from abolitionist in practice to abolitionist in law;</list>
<list>promoting abolition of the death penalty at the federal level in the United States and encouraging state-level moratoria and eventual abolition; and</list>
<list>forming a coalition of like-minded countries who can work in concert to promote abolition of the death penalty in the Indo-Pacific region.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation in principle. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade already undertakes many of the activities outlined in this recommendation, including bilateral advocacy in all of the countries identified. The specific aims of the strategy will be determined as the strategy is developed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 11</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the following techniques, among others, be utilised to achieve the aims of the Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty:</para></quote>
<list>intervening to oppose death sentences and executions of foreign nationals, especially in cases where there are particular human rights concerns, such as unfair trials, or when juveniles or the mentally ill are exposed to the death penalty;</list>
<list>commissioning research and analysis to inform the specific actions and advocacy approaches which may be most effective in each priority country;</list>
<list>provision of modest annual grants funding to support projects which seek to advance the cause of abolition within the region, such as efforts to influence public opinion, promoting alternatives to the death penalty, engaging with the media, political representatives, religious leaders, the legal profession and policy makers;</list>
<list>provision of funding to support the Anti-Death Penalty Asia Network and abolitionist civil society groups within the region, including to assist with advice and representation in individual cases;</list>
<list>provision of training and networking opportunities in Australia and elsewhere for representatives of abolitionist civil society groups within the region;</list>
<list>where their involvement would help achieve specific objectives under the Strategy, utilising the Australian Parliamentarians Against the Death Penalty group, Parliamentarians for Global Action, and experts such as Australian jurists;</list>
<list>engaging with the private sector and supportive high-profile or influential individuals in priority countries, where this may be effective;</list>
<list>supporting the continued participation by Australian delegations at the 6th World Congress Against the Death Penalty and subsequent congresses; and</list>
<list>Australia to continue to co-sponsor resolutions on abolition of the death penalty at the United Nations.</list>
<list>Response</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation in principle. Specific techniques will be determined as the strategy is developed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes that it already undertakes some of these activities, including:</para></quote>
<list>providing grants to support the work of civil society organisations advocating for the abolition of the death penalty in the Indo-Pacific region;</list>
<list>supporting the 2016 World Congress Against the Death Penalty; and</list>
<list>co-sponsoring resolutions on abolition of the death penalty at the United Nations.</list>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 12</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends the Australian Government provide dedicated and appropriate funding to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade to fund grants to civil society organisations, scholarships, training, research and/or capacity building projects aimed at the abolition of the death penalty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation in principle. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is providing grant funding of $320,000 per annum for the 2016-17 and 2017-18 financial years to civil society organisations working towards abolition of the death penalty. Funding for future years will be subject to budgetary considerations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 13</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Australian Government make available to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade ongoing operational funds to resource the preparation and implementation of the Strategy for Abolition of the Death Penalty, including a budget for adequate staffing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Response</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation in principle. The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is preparing a whole-of-government strategy using existing resources. Further resourcing will be considered in the development of that strategy, bearing in mind budgetary considerations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties Report 167:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Treaty on Extradition between Australia and the People's Republic of China (Sydney, 6 September 2007)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">March 2017</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australian Government response to the recommendations of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties inquiry into the Treaty on Extradition between Australia and the People ' s Republic of China</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government thanks the Committee for its consideration of the <inline font-style="italic">Treaty on Extradition between Australia and the People</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">s Republic of China </inline>(the Treaty)<inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The evolving nature of, and increased threats posed by, transnational crime requires Australia to have a robust and responsive extradition system that assists in effectively combating domestic and transnational crime, while providing appropriate safeguards. It is important to ensure that criminals cannot evade justice simply by crossing borders.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Bilateral treaties on extradition provide the framework for extradition processes and procedures to facilitate consideration of requests that are targeted to specific bilateral circumstances. Australia is currently a party to 39 bilateral extradition treaties and more than 20 multilateral treaty instruments which include extradition obligations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia and China have an established law enforcement and international crime cooperation relationship supplemented by treaties on mutual assistance and the international transfer of prisoners and cooperation arrangements between relevant agencies. This extradition treaty will complement these existing international crime cooperation mechanisms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia considers all extradition requests on a case by case basis, in line with the range of safeguards contained in the <inline font-style="italic">Extradition Act 1988 </inline>(the Extradition Act) and applicable treaties, including mandatory and discretionary grounds of refusal.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 2</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the extradition decision maker take into account reports from government and non-government sources regarding the degree to which China ' s criminal justice system currently complies with human rights and the rule of law, when making the decision to extradite an individual.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition to the mandatory and discretionary grounds for refusing extradition in Articles 3 and 4 of the Treaty, and in section 22(3) of the Extradition Act, the decision-maker (the Attorney-General or the Minister for Justice) retains a broad discretion under section 22(3)(f) of the Extradition Act to refuse to surrender a person to an extradition country. The proposed Treaty does not displace the operation of any of the considerations that the decision-maker must have regard to under Australian law, including the residual discretion in the Extradition Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the purposes of considering whether to refuse surrender under section 22(3), the decision-maker may consider all material reasonably available to assist them in determining whether the person should be surrendered. Assessment of these claims may include any</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">submissions put by the individual and representations or undertakings from the requesting country, including the extent to which the requesting country's criminal justice system complies with human rights obligations. The assessment may also consider country information, reports prepared by government or non-government sources, and information provided through the diplomatic network.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 3</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that undertakings to provide a fair and open trial are routinely included in agreements to surrender an individual to China.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government notes this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Decisions to surrender individuals are made by the Attorney-General or the Minister for Justice in accordance with the safeguards in the relevant extradition treaty and the Extradition Act, and are based on the particular circumstances of each case.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Article 4(c) of the proposed Treaty contains a discretionary ground for refusal of an extradition request where extradition would be 'incompatible with humanitarian considerations in view of that person's age, health or other personal circumstances'. This provision would cover issues that include injustice or oppression, particularly where they are intricately linked to the person's personal circumstances. Additionally, paragraph 22(3)(f) of the Extradition Act contains a general discretion to refuse surrender in circumstances where there are legitimate human rights concerns such as whether an extradited individual would have access to a fair trial. Relevant considerations may include the extent to which an individual would receive appropriate procedural guarantees in a criminal trial in the country to which he or she is being extradited.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is open to the relevant decision-maker (the Attorney-General or the Minister for Justice) to request assurances from the requesting country about the treatment and conditions applying to a person upon extradition where concerns exist about whether that person would receive a fair and open trial. Assurances could include that the trial be held in open court, that the person has access to legal representation, that the person has an opportunity to test the evidence against them or that the person will be imprisoned in particular jails. The decision-maker would consider any individual's claims and any representations or assurances provided by the requesting country. The decision-maker may also consider country information, reports prepared by government or non-government sources and information provided through the diplomatic network.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is appropriate that each extradition request be considered on a case by case basis.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 4</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that the Attorney-General ' s Department supplement its current annual reporting framework for extradition cases with the following information for each case of an Australian national or an Australian permanent resident held in a foreign country:</para></quote>
<list>if a trial has taken place;</list>
<list>if so, the verdict handed down;</list>
<list>if a sentence was imposed, what that sentence was; and</list>
<list>whether an Australian embassy official was able to attend.</list>
<quote><para class="block">The Government does not accept this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) already monitors trials, verdicts and sentences for Australians detained overseas through its portfolio responsibility to provide consular assistance to Australians in difficulty overseas, in accordance with the<inline font-style="italic"> Consular Services Charter.</inline> This includes Australians who have been extradited. In FY2015-16, DFAT provided consular assistance in 1198 cases of Australians arrested overseas ('Arrest' cases involve Australians arrested and charged—whether detained or not—and whose trial processes are not yet finalised); and to an additional 391 Australian prisoners ('Prisoner' cases involve Australians who have been convicted and sentenced overseas, including those who have appealed their sentences). This information is already contained in DFAT's<inline font-style="italic"> Annual Report</inline> and annual consular<inline font-style="italic"> State of Play</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In any reporting to AGD specifically on extradited Australian citizens or permanent residents, DFAT would need to ensure that the privacy rights of individual consular clients are not breached. DFAT adheres to stringent obligations under the <inline font-style="italic">Privacy Act 1988 </inline>to protect the personal information of consular clients. Normally, in providing statistical data on consular case work, DFAT does not include statistics when there are five or fewer cases, as any information DFAT were to release could reasonably be expected to lead to those individuals being identified, and their privacy rights breached. In this context, DFAT notes the low number of cases of Australians extradited to foreign jurisdictions, their usual high media profile, and the likelihood that the data provided would be incomplete because of privacy obligations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 5</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee recommends that, in the event that a foreign national is extradited to their country of citizenship, the extradition should be made on the understanding that the Australian Government will be informed through its diplomatic representatives of details of the trial, whether a consular official was able to attend, the outcome of any prosecution and, on request, the location and general health of the person while in custody as a result of a conviction.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government does not accept this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While Australia has implemented monitoring measures in relation to Australian nationals extradited overseas, Australia's ability to introduce monitoring regimes for non-Australians extradited overseas is limited.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The <inline font-style="italic">Vienna Convention on Consular Relations </inline>provides for a State's right to directly monitor proceedings against its nationals who are subject to detention or prosecution in another State. The <inline font-style="italic">Vienna Convention </inline>and Australia's various bilateral agreements on consular relations—including with China—do not give the Australian Government access to foreign nationals extradited to another country. Access to any dual national in their other country of nationality requires the consent of the host government, with consent to access usually premised on the individual having used their Australian passport to enter that country. However, if concerns were held about the welfare of an individual, consular officials could make enquiries about their welfare of the host government, including requesting consular access to a dual national if appropriate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As submissions and responses to this and previous Committees' inquiries have stated, the Government considers that concerns relating to the potential abuse of human rights of persons extradited from Australia are more appropriately addressed during the extradition process. For example, subsection 22(3) of the Extradition Act contains a mandatory ground for refusal of an extradition request where the decision-maker (the Attorney-General or the Minister for Justice) have substantial grounds for believing that, if the person were surrendered to the extradition country, the person would be in danger of being subjected to torture.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is also open to the decision-maker (the Attorney-General or the Minister for Justice) in an extradition matter to consider, where appropriate, whether ongoing monitoring of an extradited individual's prosecution, sentence and welfare should be a condition of the extradition.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Specifically to the proposed Treaty between Australia and China, the Government notes that Article 19 of the proposed Treaty requires the requesting country to provide information about the proceedings or execution of a sentence against a person extradited under the Treaty. This would apply regardless of the person's nationality.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">While China does not recognise dual nationality, the <inline font-style="italic">Agreement on Consular Relations Between Australia and China (2000) </inline>(the Consular Agreement) enables consular access to a Chinese-Australian dual national who enters China on their Australian passport (Article 10(3)). If a Chinese-Australian dual national were to be extradited from Australia to China, the decision-maker could seek China's agreement, as a condition of the extradition, that the individual enter China using their Australian travel document, or otherwise that the Consular Agreement would apply to the person whose surrender is sought.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Recommendation 6</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Committee supports the Treaty on Extradition Between Australia and the People ' s Republic of China and, noting the power of the Minister for Justice to refuse extradition under the Extradition Act, recommends that binding treaty action be taken.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government accepts this recommendation and is progressing the making of regulations under the Extradition Act to implement the Treaty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Dissenting Report Recommendation 1</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That binding treaty action for the Treaty on Extradition Between Australia and the People ' s Republic of China be delayed until after an independent review of the Extradition Act 1988 (Cth) to ensure that Australia ' s extradition system continues to be consistent with community expectations and international legal obligations regarding the rule of law and human rights.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government does not accept this recommendation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Extradition Act has been subject to a number of reviews in recent years. The Government is committed to ensuring that Australia's domestic extradition regime under the Extradition Act operates in a manner that is consistent with Australia's international law obligations, including international human rights law obligations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia conducted a comprehensive review of its extradition arrangements from 2005-2012, which resulted in amendments that passed in 2012 to modernise the extradition process, while maintaining appropriate safeguards and protecting human rights. These amendments were developed following an extensive public consultation process, with public comment sought and considered in 2005, 2009 and 2011. The 2012 amendments were reviewed by the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs. The Committee considered the amendments to be well balanced and considered. The Attorney-General's Department is currently conducting an internal review of the 2012 amendments to examine the extent to which the amendments have achieved their intended goal of streamlining the law while maintaining appropriate human rights safeguards.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In addition, further to Recommendation 1 of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade's Report from its Inquiry into Australia's Advocacy for the Abolition of the Death Penalty, released in May 2016, the Attorney-General's Department recently conducted a review of the current legislative arrangements for extradition for consistency with Australia's obligations as a Party to the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The government response to the 13 recommendations from this Inquiry is expected to be tabled shortly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Extradition Act provides for ongoing judicial review of decisions relating to extraditions in Australia. It is open to the person the subject of an extradition request to challenge each stage of the extradition process in Australia. This includes reviews of magistrates' decisions under the Extradition Act, and reviews of executive determinations made pursuant to sections 16 and 22 of the Extradition Act, which are subject to judicial review under the</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Judiciary Act 1903 </inline>and the Constitution.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KIM CARR</name>
    <name.id>AW5</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>( I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the Senate Economics References Committee reports <inline font-style="italic">Part II: Future of Australia's naval shipbuilding industry: Future submarines</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Part III: Future of Australia's naval shipbuilding industry: Long-term planning</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>In April last year the Prime Minister made a well-publicised visit to ASC shipyards in Osborne, in South Australia. He announced that the design partner for the Navy's Future Submarine project would be the French company DCNS, and he made this promise: 'The submarine project will see Australian workers building Australian submarines with Australian steel'. That was a direct quote from the Prime Minister at that time. It was quite clear the Prime Minister was gearing up for an election campaign, a campaign in which he desperately needed to shore up his party's support in South Australia.</para>
<para>Now, not quite 12 months later, this government is clearly intent on winding back the commitment he gave then. The government's response to the recommendations in the two reports before us tonight do not use the forthright language Mr Turnbull used at the time of the original commitment that the 'submarine project will see Australian workers building Australian submarines with Australian steel'. Instead what we see is a collection of weasel words, of spin doctors' platitudes. The Prime Minister promised that with:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… every lever of policy that we can engage, it secures our successful transition to the economy of the 21st century and the jobs which our children and grandchildren are entitled to expect.</para></quote>
<para>But the government's responses that we are discussing here tonight highlight an entirely different policy lever. What they do is fail to explain that the government does in fact intend to have Australian industry engage fully in the Future Submarine project. What they say is: 'Defence will seek to maximise Australian industry involvement'. Just what the word 'maximise' means in this context is of course left unexplained. It leaves just enough wriggle room for the government to be able to weasel out of any commitments.</para>
<para>The government has been embarrassed by the evidence tendered to a recent parliamentary inquiry, because it conflicts directly with Mr Turnbull's promise. Last week, at a hearing of the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties, the Head of the Future Submarine project, Rear Admiral Sammut told the inquiry:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it is important that we use steel of a specification that France currently uses to design its submarines, …</para></quote>
<para>The Rear Admiral said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it is very specialised steel. It is not really used for anything else. It is used for submarine hull construction.</para></quote>
<para>He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… at the moment we are currently looking at the capacity of the Australian steel producers to produce steel to the very demanding specification that is required for submarine construction, …</para></quote>
<para>It was not a discussion about whether the Australian industry had been approached with the relevant specs and been asked whether or not they would be able to supply the relevant steel. In fact, on Friday, the CEO of DCNS Australia is resigning. Adelaide-based Sean Costello is resigning, and rumour has it that the dispute between DCNS Australia and DCNS France has reached the point now—over the very issue of the extent of the Australian industry's engagement in the Future Submarine project—that the CEO has said he has had enough.</para>
<para>This is a very bad sign. We need to ensure that Australian steel is used in the building of Australian submarines, and we cannot be certain of that, given what the Rear Admiral has said—despite the commitments the Prime Minister has made, despite the commitments that Minister Pyne has made on these matters.</para>
<para>Similarly, we can look to the Chief Operating Officer of DCNS Australia who said that there were surprisingly few potential Australian suppliers. Only 25 out of the 398 identified as possible had passed an initial audit for supply chain involvement in the Future Submarine project. This is not because all of those others were inadequate. He explained: 'One of the things we will be talking about at our next industry brief is the fact that we are a little disappointed in the uptake of this with Australian companies.'</para>
<para>The committee evidence and the evasive language of the government's response in these reports is building a very different picture to the rosy one that Mr Turnbull and Mr Pyne painted a year ago. We have gone from promises about submarines being built 'by Australians with Australian steel', to hints that local steel may not be chosen at all. We have gone from promises about 'jobs for our children and grandchildren, jobs they are entitled to expect', to puzzlement about the low engagement with the project by Australian suppliers.</para>
<para>The complaint in the industry is that Minister Pyne is not interested in this being a national project; he wants to see this as an Adelaide project. We should be working with Australian industry to ensure that we can meet the project requirements at a national level. It is an important part of the department's job to work with industry to ensure that the will of the government of the day is carried out. This does not happen spontaneously. Local involvement does not magically appear through a thought bubble or a ministerial press release or an election commitment. What is required here is political will and a determination by government to deliver on its commitments. It just so happens that this government does things in a report that demonstrates their failure to understand the importance of industry policy and their failure to understand the importance of building Australia's industry capabilities. The committee report recommends 'encouraging Australia's Defence industry to marshal its resources into support of shipbuilding and the submarines project'. That is the view of the Senate.</para>
<para>Further, they recommend 'listening to the technical community's concerns and consulting retired naval engineers and submariners to identify the contributions that Australian firms can make and integrate these into the project as far as possible'. These things are simply not happening. All the government can say in its response to these repeated weasel words is that 'Defence will seek to ensure that local content and support are maximised'. By this government's standards, 'maximised' means that we will provide whatever support we can to the French to build these vessels in France.</para>
<para>The government has put a lot of rhetorical effort into assuring Australians that it wants a defence industry in this country. In fact, it has established a separate cabinet position. But every indication other than the rhetorical is that that proposition is not being fulfilled. The so-called Minister for Defence Industry is being revealed as nothing more than the minister for the South Australian Liberal Party seats. Whatever he is doing, he is not pulling the policy levers referred to by the Prime Minister in his visit to Osborne. Unless this government is willing to work actively to ensure an integrated Australian industry in the Future Submarine project, the Prime Minister's fine promises will come to nothing.</para>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs References Committee</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the brief time that is left I would like to take note of the government's response to the Community Affairs References Committee report, <inline font-style="italic">Violence, abuse and neglect against people with disability in institutional and residential settings</inline>.</para>
<para>I think I have to say straightaway that I am very disappointed with the government's response to this report. In particular, our first recommendation was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that a Royal Commission into violence, abuse and neglect of people with disability be called, …</para></quote>
<para>This was overwhelmingly what people with disability called for. The committee made this recommendation because that is what they called for and because we heard just a little of the evidence of people who have been affected by abuse, neglect and violence in residential and institutional settings. When I say that, we just did not have the resources that a royal commission would have. People were very, very clear; the government has ignored what people cried out for when they made this call for the royal commission.</para>
<para>Part of the government's response was to say, 'Well, we have the NDIS Quality and Safeguarding Framework.' I am sorry: yes, they have that but it just does not cut the mustard! It does not address the huge concerns that people with disability have about the need to have a forum to address past issues of abuse. In the same way that the royal commission into child abuse is looking at and investigating these issues now, that is exactly what people with disability have been calling for.</para>
<para>We on the committee heard a lot of evidence about the abuse, violence and neglect of people with disabilities, and it was very clear that we had only heard a little of the evidence, as I said. We did not have the resources, and the Senate inquiry is not set up to have the resources, to be able to do the sort of in-depth investigation that a royal commission would entail. And as for using the excuse of the framework: if this were not such a serious issue it would be laughable. For a start, the NDIS—and there are a lot of people with disability who will not in fact get the NDIS—only protects a certain cohort of people. And it is about guaranteeing quality and safeguarding into the future—not retrospectively, and not looking at the abuse, violence and neglect of people with disability that has occurred in the past. It does not provide an opportunity for that investigation and it does not provide the opportunity for people to have their say. It is simply that the government has sidestepped the issue because they do not have the guts to deal with it. That is all I can think of: they do not have the guts to deal with this very significant issue.</para>
<para>There were also points raised around the existing royal commission. Well, the existing royal commission has touched on some of these issues but it cannot and does not address the significant issues that were raised by our inquiry. In fact, it does not address some of the ongoing abuse of adults with disability in residential and institutional settings. The government has squibbed it on that particular issue, and I know that people with disability will continue to address this issue. They will continue to campaign.</para>
<para>The point that has been made to me is that people with disability are routinely denied access to justice. We saw that in our inquiry, and that is why we also made a series of recommendations around access to justice. Again, we did not get a satisfactory response.</para>
<para>People with disability feel like they have been constantly silenced on this issue of abuse, and I will stand with them and work with them until we do get a royal commission, because people have been let down by this government. They have been let down for years because they have been ignored and not believed. They have not had access to justice, and here is the government's response, which people have been waiting for a significant period of time, and the government has squibbed it.</para>
<para>Having said that, I have run out of time. I seek leave to continue my remarks.</para>
<para>Leave granted. Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>95</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Department of Agriculture and Water Resources</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>By leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report to parliament on livestock mortality during export by sea for the reporting period 1 July to 31 December 2016.</para></quote>
<para>This is another troubling report about the livestock industry. Again we see—the figures are there—the inherent cruelty in the livestock export industry. It is a further reminder of the failed government policy in this area. It is a failed government policy, particularly in terms of animal cruelty and also in terms of the industry itself, because while we are exporting cattle overseas we are robbing jobs from regional Australia—thousands of jobs, in fact. That is why, if we had a government that had a commitment to rural and regional Australia, to jobs growth and to addressing the issue of animal cruelty—which goes hand in hand with this industry—we could have a win-win. So, about the report itself: Landmark Operations, on 27 April 2016, is linked to a number of deaths of the cattle it was exporting. Pneumonia and bloat were causes of death in the animals, both obviously extremely distressing for the animals involved. Also, what is not explained is that 35 cattle were euthanized in port due to being unfit to be discharged and, obviously, then slaughtered in that country for meat. Why did that happen? What were the conditions under which those animals were kept and treated while on board? What I found concerning in the report is that it states that the department took no regulatory action in relation to these mortality events.</para>
<para>Then there is Emanuel Exports from July last year. Heat stress is a common cause of death in live export ships and that was the main factor with regard to deaths here. The department, in this case, did require the exporter to amend what they call a comprehensive heat stress management plan, but what they are calling for should already have been in place. They are saying there should be further reduction in stock density on vessels, industrial fans to assist with ventilation and changing of the port rotation, and other aspects in the way the animals are treated. But this is where the whole ESCAS process—the Export Supply Chain Assurance Scheme—that has been put in place is just an absolute miserable failure. Here they are saying this is what should be done, but the ESCAS process has been in place since 2012 and we still have the department telling the exporters, 'You have to clean up your game.' Meanwhile, more animals die and more animals suffer. The North Australian Cattle Company was another one that is named in this report.</para>
<para>I want to go back to the ESCAS scheme, because it now coming into fifth year. We are know why ESCAS was brought in: to justify the live export trade. It was a way for the government to have an out so they could say, 'We have a scheme to address cruelty.' You cannot manage cruelty and the live export trade from a desk in Canberra—we have seen that time and time again, and these figures are further proof of that.</para>
<para>When I read these reports, they remind me of the work of Dr Lynn Simpson. She is a live export vet who was on 57 long-haul live export voyages and was eyewitness to much of the extreme suffering that is linked time and time again with this trade. It really highlights the Nationals, Liberals and Labor—but particularly the Nationals—not addressing this problem. Let's go directly to where the problem lies: the Deputy Prime Minister, Barnaby Joyce. He has a conflict of interest here. He is so close to the big live-export traders that he is not willing to put effort into transitioning the industry to one that operates in Australia. This is where we could have massive jobs growth. Tens of thousands of jobs could be created if the government was willing to build more abattoirs. Abattoirs that once existed have been closed down to drive the live-export trade. It is time that the government got behind the chilled-box-meat tray. That is where we can drive jobs and reduce the animal cruelty that goes with this industry. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>96</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Select Committee on Lending to Primary Production Customers</title>
          <page.no>96</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>96</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The President has received letters requesting changes in the membership of committees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion to vary the membership of committees.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That senators be discharged from and appointed to committees as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Select Committee on Lending to Primary Production Customers</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Appointed— Senators Chisholm and Moore</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Participating members: Senators Bilyk, Brown, Cameron, Carr, Collins, Dastyari, Dodson, Farrell, Gallacher, Gallagher, Ketter, Kitching, Lines, Marshall, McAllister, McCarthy, O'Neill, Polley, Pratt, Singh, Sterle, Urquhart and Wong.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>96</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Health Amendment (Pharmaceutical Benefits) Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>96</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
            <a href="r5772" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Health Amendment (Pharmaceutical Benefits) Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>96</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>97</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CANAVAN</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">The National Health Amendment (Pharmaceutical Benefits) Bill 2016 amends the <inline font-style="italic">National Health Act</inline><inline font-style="italic">1953</inline> to support the efficient operation of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The PBS has been providing affordable access to medicines for Australians for over sixty years and is rightly respected for the high quality, cost-effective services it delivers. In the past year, over 291 million PBS prescriptions have been dispensed through almost 5,900 PBS approved suppliers, including community pharmacies and hospitals, and over 10.8 billion dollars has been paid in tax-payer funded subsidies for those medicines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For the PBS to maintain its ability to support an increasing number and range of services, it is essential that it embraces change and new technologies. The legislative changes being proposed today are part of a process of renewal for the rules and systems that underpin it.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill proposes amendments which will support the PBS in three different ways. Specifically, the changes will improve efficiency across the entire Scheme by:</para></quote>
<list>allowing for computer decision‑making for administrative processes to make the prescribing of 'authority required' scripts more efficient for doctors;</list>
<list>reducing red tape for pharmacies in the aftermath of disasters such as fire or flood;</list>
<list>ensuring that concessional entitlements work correctly until the last day of a person's life.</list>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Use of computer programs for administrative actions and decision-making</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The first of the amendments provides the opportunity for the PBS to take a major leap forward in its use of technology. The new provisions support the use of computers for fully automated processing of administrative decisions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The functions that could be automated include any function for which the decision‑making power is held by the Minister for Health, the Secretary of the Department of Health, or the Chief Executive Medicare.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The advantages of using automated processing to determine whether an incoming application, request, or claim meets certain criteria are many. Computer programs handle complex algorithms with ease, are available whenever required, are not subject to bias, and respond instantaneously.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Automated processing reduces errors, increases accountability and generates easily auditable transaction records. Users can be confident that decisions are uniform and fair.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Substitute decision for computer decisions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, as a safeguard, the amendments also provide for the person who holds responsibility for a function, or their delegate, to make a decision personally or make a substitute decision to replace the computer decision, if required. This is important to ensure that if a computer program is not operating correctly or has taken an action that is different from the decision that would have been made by the responsible person, that action can be over‑ruled and replaced without the need for formal review under administrative law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Appeals for computer decisions and substitute decisions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An added protection is that where merits review by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal is currently available for a PBS decision, this will continue to apply regardless of whether the decision has been made by a computer or a person, or has been substituted by a person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Use of computer decision-making</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The first administrative functions to transition to computer decision‑making are the assessment of payments to pharmacies for dispensing PBS medicines and the processing of requests from prescribers for approval to write certain prescriptions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Online PBS claims processing</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since 2004, PBS Online has provided real-time connectivity between pharmacies and the Department of Human Services. This interaction allows patient entitlements, prescription details and special authorities to be validated, and the claim payment to be assessed, during the dispensing process.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Computerised decision-making will enable the claims computer system to match payment assessments against a pharmacy's certification of supply and take the administrative actions that would otherwise be taken by the Chief Executive Medicare.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Online PBS prescribing authorities and approvals</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For prescribers, computerised decision‑making will mean that requests to prescribe 'authority‑required' PBS medicines will be able to be processed online via prescribing software.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">At present, most prescribers contact the Department of Human Services by telephone or in writing for approval by a government officer.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">When requesting authority prescriptions for their patients, prescribers are asked a number of questions by the Department of Human Services in order to confirm patient eligibility.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The questions are based on the restriction that has been recommended by PBAC and approved by the Minister as part of the listing of medicines on the PBS.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The questions can vary from checking appropriate age, sex and weight of the patient to more complex queries such as the result of the patient's last platelet count or whether the requested medication will be used in conjunction with another medication or as a monotherapy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The telephone approval system has been an on-going concern for doctors for many years. It is one of the health processes most often nominated for red tape reduction.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In 2015-16, the Department of Human Services received 6.8 million requests for prescribing approvals by telephone and post.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Because the approval number must be included on the prescription, telephone requests are made during the patient consultation. The average time taken per call is 1 minute 27 seconds.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">With the introduction of the Online PBS Authorities system, the majority of telephone requests will be able to go online. For requests not suitable for online processing, the prescriber will be able to speak to a person. For complex therapies, most requests will still need to be in writing, at least for the time being. As online capability expands, more complex requests will be handled online.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The development of online transactions for authority approvals has involved many contributors. These include medical software providers, medical and pharmacy organisations, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee and the Department of Human Services. I acknowledge their skill and hard work in delivering this project.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Supply of PBS medicines at alternative premises following a disaster</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The second group of amendments in the Bill will reduce administrative requirements for PBS pharmacies following a disaster.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The current legislative provisions for supplying PBS medicines at other premises reflect that life does not always go to plan and that pharmacies, like any other business, can find themselves caught up in catastrophes and events beyond their control.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the aftermath of a disaster, the ability for a pharmacy to resume operating without delay can be important, not only to the business, but to the recovery of the community and to individuals who may have lost possessions, including medicines.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Operation of pharmacy location rules</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Since 1990, the ability for a pharmacist to obtain approval to supply PBS medicines has been subject to pharmacy location rules. Their purpose is to ensure that access to PBS medicines is available via a suitable geographic spread of PBS-approved pharmacies, including in rural and remote regions of Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The operation of the location rules is being considered separately as part of the Review of Pharmacy Remuneration and Regulation led by Professor Stephen King. The changes in this Bill are not related to the Review.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The location rules also include limits on how frequently and how far a PBS pharmacy can move from its current site. This helps to keep pharmacies connected to their local areas and communities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">However, for exceptional events some flexibility is required. Refusing to allow a pharmacy to move to other premises could make an already difficult situation worse and would not be in the interests of the local community.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Current provisions for supply at other premises</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under the current legislation, a PBS-approved pharmacist can supply PBS medicines from other premises prior to obtaining PBS approval. Claims are paid at 90 per cent of the full amount until approval for the other premises is obtained. The current provisions allow a pharmacist to set up quickly at another site in an emergency and supply PBS medicines while the approval process for the new location is being sorted out.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Because a PBS approval number is tied to specific premises and cannot be transferred, obtaining PBS approval for the new site involves submitting a relocation application to the Australian Community Pharmacy Authority, even if the move is only temporary.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The application must contain full documentation, including evidence of legal right to occupy, council approval, public access, and distance measurements from other pharmacies. In addition, it must contain evidence of the exceptional circumstances or event.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In a disaster situation, preparing an application of this kind can be onerous. The pharmacy proprietor may need to recover in conditions where local government services and other businesses are also disrupted. It may be weeks before the required information can be compiled. This compounds the losses for the pharmacy as the flat 10 per cent reduction on payments for PBS claims continues until the approval is in place. The lost PBS subsidies cannot be recovered later.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Moving back to the original pharmacy means repeating the process in reverse. Overall, two full applications and two new PBS approval numbers are involved. For each new approval number, dispensing labels and pharmacy stationery need to be reprinted and a new public key infrastructure software certification is required for claiming.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The process carries high administrative overheads in a stressful situation and for what is usually a temporary move.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Another problem with the current arrangements is that although they are intended to be used in exceptional circumstances, experience has shown that that is not always the case.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Instead, the provisions are sometimes used where a PBS pharmacy is relocating for any reason. In these situations, supply of PBS medicines commences at the unapproved premises while the approved pharmacy is still operating. PBS claims are made from the approved pharmacy at the full rate, and from the unapproved premises at the 90 per cent rate, using the same PBS approval number. This continues until an application for PBS approval at the new site is successful, which may take several months. Use of a PBS approval number at two sites simultaneously in this way is contrary to the policy intention of the current law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">New provisions for supply at alternative premises following disaster</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed amendments will improve arrangements for PBS pharmacies genuinely affected by disaster. The changes will allow an affected pharmacy's PBS approval number to be used to supply PBS medicines at alternative premises in substantially the same locality for up to six months until, either supply resumes at the original pharmacy, or a new PBS approval number is obtained for a different site.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PBS claims will be paid at the full rate, not at 90 per cent, while an approved pharmacy is operating from alternative premises after a disaster.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments make it explicit that the new provisions apply only for disaster or exceptional circumstances, only when the PBS-approved pharmacy cannot operate, and only for one alternative premises at a time.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The pharmacist will be required to provide information to the Secretary of the Department of Health regarding the disaster or event, the reasons the approved pharmacy is beyond use, and the nature and location of the alternative premises. The Secretary will be responsible for determining whether exceptional circumstances and locality requirements are met and for granting permission for up to six months. A permission can be extended for an additional period via a similar process if clean‑up or repairs take longer than expected.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">What does or does not constitute disaster or exceptional circumstances, what is or is not substantially the same locality, and the kind of documents or evidence required in an application can be set out in legislative instruments, if necessary.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Benefits for pharmacies affected by disaster</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The average number of pharmacies affected by disaster annually is usually around three. The number in the past year has been higher, seven in total. One was due to storm damage and six due to fire.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The new provisions will reduce administrative effort, time and costs for pharmacists and support continuity of access to PBS medicines for the communities they serve. The simplified requirements will allow a forced temporary move to be handled accordingly, rather than be treated as two separate full‑scale relocations. Payment of PBS claims at the full rate will reduce unnecessary losses to pharmacy businesses.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Repeal of current </inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic">other premises</inline> <inline font-style="italic">'</inline> <inline font-style="italic"> provisions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments also repeal entirely the current provisions regarding supply of PBS medicines at other premises prior to PBS approval.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This will mean that the only situation in which it is legal to supply PBS medicines at alternative premises is when the approved pharmacy cannot operate due to disaster or exceptional circumstances, and only for as long as necessary due to the disaster.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The repeal of the current provisions will also provide clarity that supply of PBS medicines must not occur at or from an approved pharmacy and other premises, under the same approval number, concurrently, in any circumstances.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Where current arrangements are being used inappropriately to relocate an approved pharmacy or to supply PBS medicines via a pharmacy which is not PBS-approved, transitional arrangements will allow a maximum of six months for a PBS approval to be obtained, or for supply at, or via, the unapproved pharmacy to cease.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Payment of PBS concessional entitlements on date of death </inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The third change in the Bill is a technical correction relating to concessional entitlements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Health policy has always been that concessional entitlements apply for PBS medicines obtained on the day of a person's death. Under social security legislation, where eligibility is decided, concessional entitlements cease on the day prior to death. This timing is to allow the payment of other social services benefits to apply from the date of death.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To account for this difference, claims for PBS prescriptions supplied for a concessional beneficiary on the day they die need to be adjusted. Since streamlined processing of claims was introduced in April 2015, this adjustment no longer occurs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The proposed amendments modify the definitions of concessional beneficiary and dependant for PBS purposes to ensure that PBS entitlements apply until midnight on the day a concessional beneficiary or a dependant dies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Over 146 million PBS prescriptions were supplied for concessional beneficiaries last year. Of these, less than a thousand were supplied on the date of death. For these prescriptions, there is a shortfall in the payment to the pharmacist equal to the difference between the general patient co‑payment and the concessional co‑payment. This is currently a difference of $32.10 per prescription. The amount that would be owing across all PBS pharmacies is estimated to be accruing at around $2,000 per month.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Retrospective commencement of the amendments from 1 April 2015 provides for back payment of outstanding amounts on prescriptions since then.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">There is no change to PBS costs as PBS policy and funding has always provided for subsidy of these prescriptions. There is no change to the operation of other social services entitlements.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I acknowledge the patience of the Pharmacy Guild of Australia and its members in relation to these outstanding payments. I trust that this technical change will assist in resolving the situation as soon as possible.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Summary and close</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The changes proposed in this Bill will deliver efficiencies that will improve the operation of the PBS. I am confident they will be welcomed by PBS users.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The ability to use computerised decision‑making for PBS processes reflects the Government's commitment to e-Government and to using digital health services to improve health outcomes for Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For pharmacists, the changes will reduce payment times and administrative red tape.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">For prescribers and patients, online prescribing approvals will return precious minutes lost to telephone calls back to consultation time.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>100</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Affairs Legislation Committee</title>
          <page.no>100</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>100</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Community Affairs Legislation Committee, Senator Duniam, I present the report on Social Services Legislation Amendment (Omnibus Savings and Child Care Reform) Bill 2017 together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard </inline>of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>100</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Transport Security Amendment (Serious or Organised Crime) Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>100</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" style="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" background="" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main">
            <a href="r5689" type="Bill">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Transport Security Amendment (Serious or Organised Crime) Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>100</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am checking the clock because I am actually in continuation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well let's cut his time back to two minutes! There are two minutes left.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thought I would dob myself in because I am worried about my colleagues who might have a crack.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The clock will be set appropriately when we find out what the continuing issue is.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr Acting Deputy President. I wish to continue my contribution on the Transport Security Amendment (Serious or Organised Crime) Bill 2016. It was a few weeks or a month ago that I was talking about this. We take transport issues in our ports and our airports very, very seriously, and so we need to. We have seen some of the terrible events around the world, unfortunately. Touch wood—I am touching wood everywhere—Australia has been lucky that we have not been affected directly yet. Let us hope that we never will be.</para>
<para>I just want to make this point: unfortunately, the government likes to talk up a good fight. The government likes to say, 'Look how well we're doing and aren't we fantastic.' With the greatest of respect I want to direct my comments: the government have deaf ears. When you were in government, Mr Acting Deputy President, you would have had your views, and I hope that now you have broken those shackles you and your party would seriously consider the ramifications on another piece of legislation. You may say, 'What's it got to do with the bill?' It has a lot to do with this bill. We cannot say that on one hand everything is Mickey Mouse and on the other hand, 'Don't worry, there's nothing to see; move along.'</para>
<para>For the crossbenchers, there is a bill floating around out there—somewhere between Minister Chester's office here and the tactics team on the government side—that is waiting to land. There are conversations going on to reinvigorate turning over a piece of legislation that was unceremoniously dumped here prior to the last election—the double dissolution—because the majority of the independents saw how stupid and how short-sighted this piece of legislation is when we want to talk about transport security. It was a thought bubble that came out in Senate estimates the committee reported on. The title of this report that they presented to former Minister Truss, who is now off doing other things, was—it will come to me; I will remember. Anyway, it was virtually deregulation of the Australian shipping industry.</para>
<para>When I first came into this building along with other senators, another one of my early inquiries was the MSIC legislation going towards the wharf and maritime security card. There was a lot of work put into that with stakeholders from employers, unions, consumers and users of shipping and transport—all sorts of stuff. Anyway, the card is in there. We know why the card is in there: to strengthen it up.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, this bill picks on Aussies more than anything else, whilst leaving this serious gap on foreign seafarers—without bringing out the xenophobic horn. It needs to be told to crossbenchers that if the government has their way they will deregulate the Australian shipping industry. What that means now for our coastal port trading, which is predominantly done with Australian seafarers, is unfortunately a lot of Australian ships are disappearing. We know one of the high-profile ones was the MV <inline font-style="italic">Portland</inline>. The Australian crew were yanked off in the middle of the night and told they were not going to be going.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Canavan</name>
    <name.id>245212</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Don't you want a steel industry in this country?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I did not hear that interjection, but I would love to hear it. I would really love to hear this because this is the stupidity of that mob over there, through you, Mr Acting Deputy President. You talk a load of crap. You cannot wait to see Australian jobs go. You are guilty. You stand there and—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Sterle!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I get wild on this.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am not sure whether it is against the standing orders, but it is against mine. If you would not mind withdrawing that.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will withdraw that so that you do not get all upset, Mr Acting Deputy President. I am passionate about Australian jobs and it really, really irks me that this lot over there cannot wait to bow down and say, 'Oh, yes please!' to the major donors of the Liberal Party whilst Australian jobs go. You lot opposite want to talk about getting rid of Australian seafarers and bringing in flags of convenience. You do not even know who half the people on the ship are. You want to clear your ears out, through you, Mr Acting Deputy President.</para>
<para>We have a high-profile case of a known gun runner—I am not making this up; my committee found this—who confessed he runs guns internationally, Captain Salas. Three people died on his ship. He is a Filipino captain. We are still going through the processes of finding out what the hell happened. I tell a lie; two died on his ship and one went overboard, nowhere to be found. This is how great this mob over here are. There are judicial inquiries going on. Where is Captain Salas? No-one knows where Captain Salas is, so in absentia—is that what you call it?—there was a criminal court case going on in Sydney.</para>
<para>One of the most diligent reporters in this nation, Owen Jacques, who is up there on the Sunshine Coast. Owen actually left the Sunshine Coast because he has been following what has been going on with Captain Salas, the disappearance of the one overboard and the two deaths on the ship. Have a listen to this; I am not making this up. He goes down to Sydney because he knows the criminal inquiry is on. He sits patiently in the back of the room while the high-profile, highly paid judges are all having their conversations about what would happen if they could find Captain Salas. Senator Lambie, have a listen to this: smoko comes on so up gets Owen Jacques. He walks up to the main prosecutor and he says: 'Mate, I can tell you where Captain Salas is. He's actually pulling into Gladstone today' on whatever ship it was. He is back in our waters. He has been plying his trade in our ports and in our waters. The AFP and Border Protection and Immigration had no damn idea. Can you believe this? They had no idea. All of a sudden, 'Whoops, we'd better pull the whistle out.' The lawyers all gather around and stop it. They put a hold on it for 24 hours and send up some of the black uniforms saying, 'Go grab this captain,' and they bring him down. Can you believe this?</para>
<para>And yet you lot opposite cannot wait. You are salivating to get rid of Australian jobs. You might think you are clever. How the hell can you be clever when you stand there and say, 'Aren't we doing such a fantastic job because we're going to make it a little bit harder for Aussies to get on the port and we'll make it a little bit harder for Aussies to get in the airport,' but you do not know who is coming into this nation half of the time. None of you can argue with me because—guess what—this is a joint fight. Senator Williams has been a fantastic ally on this committee in this inquiry, and so has Senator O'Sullivan. So it is not only the Labor senators who are absolutely concerned.</para>
<para>This is what really annoys me: last time I checked, we are an island nation whether we like it or not. The majority of the freight that moves on and off our shores is done through shipping. I have absolutely no qualms with Australian businesses plying their business trade along our coast.</para>
<para>Have a listen to this: our fuel is not even carted on Australian ships anymore, and it is not carted by Australian crews. We do not even know how much fuel we have. We have no idea. That is another inquiry, but I do not have to talk about that one. No-one could tell us how much fuel we have in this nation. So we want to talk to Defence and hear their concerns, whilst this mob continue to say, 'How can we get rid of Australian seafarers and Australian ships?'</para>
<para>When we talk about Australian engineers, these people do not—like some foreign and Indian truck drivers—get their licence out of a Weeties packet. I am not making this up; this is another inquiry I am doing. Mr Acting Deputy President, I am happy to come in here and do 20 minutes telling you all about that, too, if you have missed the other four or five I have done. They actually spend years and years learning their trade, plying their trade along the coast and doing the training along the coast in Australian ships—masters, chiefs, skippers and engineers.</para>
<para>All the while, that mob over there are desperately trying to push the Aussie ships and jobs offshore so Rio Tinto or someone like that can be more competitive. Are you listening, Senator Canavan? Where are our captains, our chiefs and our masters going to come from? Where are our engineers going to come from? Let us not forget that one of our closest friends in a wartime situation is the merchant navy. Where do you think they all come from? Do you think that the flags of convenience are going to come to our aid? This is how stupid it is.</para>
<para>Our Australian seafarers are out there trying to do their jobs, not getting hassled by you mob over there kowtowing to your donors. They all pay tax in Australia, they raise their kids in Australia and they pay GST and income tax in Australia. Everything stays in Australia, and it is not going offshore. Can someone give me a good, economical argument why it is so intelligent to have flags of convenience? Some of these seafarers are not making a lot of money. And I am not having a go at the foreign ones—them poor devils—but this is a stupid argument. They sit there and tell us they are going to put through a little amendment to a bill so that someone else can be escorted on with their red cards and walk along the port. But we are on the port. We are not worried about who the hell is bringing the freight in.</para>
<para>Before we start getting into national security and before we start arguing about environment issues, it is not Aussie ships and Aussie crews running aground on the Great Barrier Reef and it is not Aussie ships and Australian crews that break up at Cape Cuvier over in WA. None of them were Australian. They were foreign seafarers on flag of convenience vessels.</para>
<para>But I want to talk about another thing, and this is just how bad it is going. Minister Chester does not talk a lot to us. I do not know what is going on over there, but he has brought back the report that is all to do with the deregulation of the Australian shipping industry. It hit the ground today. I had the pleasure of catching up today with Mr Bill Milby. All of us in here who have been following this argument know who he is. Mr Bill Milby was at a forum with department officials when this new piece of legislation for deregulating the Australian shipping industry was first raised. Mr Milby queried it with the pointy heads down there at the department.</para>
<para>First I had better tell you what Mr Milby does. He is with North Star Cruises. He is the CFO and he works for two Australians, one of whom started North Star Cruises 30 years ago out of Broome—and this is going on my bucket list for when I retire. I want to cruise all the way from Broome to Darwin. The owner, who has brought another owner in, has been there for 30 years. Mr Milby has been with North Star Cruises for 15 years. There are 60-odd Australians or more—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Lambie</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>More. They are getting another ship and employing more Australians.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator STERLE</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>employed on this beautiful cruise ship that travels up and down the coast, except for in the wet season. The decision has been made by the owner, the chairman of the company, to spend $32 million—I hope you lot are listening over there—on another cruise ship to be built in Henderson. Henderson is south of Fremantle. It is a shipbuilding area in WA. There is some defence stuff and a lot of private stuff there.</para>
<para>We are going to have a $32 million spend. Senator Lambie is right over this and will correct me if I am wrong, but I think it is an 18-month build and then there will be another 60-odd Aussies employed. There will be young Australians employed on this ship as the skipper, the master or whatever. Mr Milby is the person who raised this concern. He said: 'Hang on. If we deregister, what about my Aussie crew? I will not be able to compete with international ships coming down from Asia.' He was told by the officials—and they know who they are, from doing this at estimates—'Well just get foreign workers.' But Mr Milby does not want foreign workers. He quite clearly said it is not a case of him sacking his Australian crew. He is not going to sack his Australian crew, but he will be forced out of business.</para>
<para>There are about 20 of these companies that operate out of Broome, between Broome and Darwin. It is not just Mr Milby and North Star, or <inline font-style="italic">True North</inline>. We can see what will happen. They will come down from Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia or wherever, and the rates of pay will be nowhere near what they are here. They will supply the vessels up there with all their food and maintenance and they will head back there. We will farewell 60-odd Aussies from one ship. If this happens, it will be 120 Aussies from two ships—'Get lost. Go away. Bye.' There are another 19 companies out there. This is just stupidity.</para>
<para>It is alright for Mr Truss to start this nonsense. He is off enjoying his parliamentary pension. What makes it worse is that the young ones coming through seem to be just as silly, naive or uneducated—can I say that, Mr Deputy President? They just do not give a damn about Aussie jobs. How can any Australian sit there and say that this is a good idea? They did it on the <inline font-style="italic">Portland</inline>. They got rid of the Aussies from the <inline font-style="italic">Portland</inline>. They got them off in the middle of the night and replaced them with foreign seafarers. I know they are under a bit of pressure and I get all that. So we think this is just fantastic that we are going to get rid of every—</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>103</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Boston Marathon: Ms Kathrine Switzer</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ABETZ</name>
    <name.id>N26</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On 17 April the well-known Boston Marathon will be held yet again. What is not well known is that 50 years ago, in 1967, Kathrine Switzer donned bib No. 261. That of itself may seem unremarkable but for the fact Kathrine Switzer was the first woman to run the marathon and at the two-mile mark the race director tried to remove her from the race. You see, it was considered a men's only event.</para>
<para>Since then bib No. 261 has taken on special significance, with Kathrine Switzer establishing a charity, 261 Fearless, to help empower women globally through communication platforms, clubs, training opportunities, education, ambassadors, merchandising and events. Through these networking opportunities 261 Fearless breaks down barriers of geography and creates a global community for women runners of all abilities to support and talk to each other, encouraging healthy living and a positive sense of self and fearlessness. So from those humble beginnings has grown a celebrated network.</para>
<para>To mark the 50th anniversary of Kathrine Switzer's groundbreaking run, she will take part in this year's Boston Marathon with an extra 100 charity women running alongside her, chosen from around the world, including two from Australia. One of those 100 is our very own Sydney lady Lesley Mason, who will be lining up with Kathrine Switzer on 17 April in Boston. I am sure all Australians wish Lesley safe travels, energy to run the marathon and, above all, success in her fundraising target to contribute over US$7,000 to 261 FEARLESS, a target which Lesley has now well and truly exceeded thanks to her many supporters—in particular, Function Physio, her platinum sponsor, who deal with her aches and pains from her numerous marathon runs, and Fisiocrem, her silver sponsor.</para>
<para>To ensure all funds donated go to the benefit of 261 FEARLESS Lesley and her husband, Kilner, are covering all expenses from their own pockets. Such generosity deserves our support, let alone the commitment to run the Boston Marathon. Just google Lesley Mason 261 FEARLESS to donate—and it is not too late.</para>
<para>Both I and the former Prime Minister the Honourable Tony Abbott, whose presence in the chamber I note, recognise and salute the effort and endeavours of Kilner and, especially, Lesley, both of whom are in the gallery this evening. I also wish all the best to the other participant, Erica King, who is not known to me personally. I wish them safe travels, good running, enjoyable times and God speed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Legal Aid, Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>103</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise tonight to speak on two issues that are very close my heart. Our community legal centres are in a perilous state. On 1 July this year the Turnbull government will implement a harsh and damaging 30 per cent cut to community legal centres right across Australia. Since the middle of last year I have been actively campaigning for the LNP to reverse these measures. I have been to community legal centres across Queensland to hear their concerns and to share their stories. I have heard stories of survival, stories of struggle and stories of success. All thanks go to the staff and volunteers at our wonderful community legal centres. These are the people who strive to ensure that access to justice is not just the right of the privileged few.</para>
<para>The National Association of Community Legal Centres has said that there is significant and rising demand for legal assistance in Australia. As a result of this rising demand, the NACLC estimates that community legal centres turn away 160,000 people nationally, largely due to a lack of resources. The Productivity Commission, a body I do not normally agree with, handed down a very helpful report back in 2015 which explained to the government that the community gets $17 back in benefit for every dollar that is invested in community legal centres.</para>
<para>However, it is clear to me and everyone else in the sector that the Attorney-General has not heeded this advice. I have seen the dramatic number of people seeking legal advice on a very local level. My electorate office is located in Strathpine, just north of Brisbane. Just down the road from my office is one of Brisbane's biggest and busiest community legal centres. The Pine Rivers Community Legal Centre offers a free and effective service for people living in the Moreton Bay region. The service provides legal advice and information to about 5,000 people a year. Currently, without the proposed funding cut, they are unable to meet the demand as they do not have enough solicitors, even with an average of nine volunteer solicitors per week as well as four staff solicitors. Current wait times for people to receive legal advice are an astonishing four to five weeks.</para>
<para>Because there is such a long waiting list for appointments and a high demand for early intervention in legal matters in order to prevent escalation of legal problems, the service offers a walk-in evening once a fortnight; people can walk in the doors on a Thursday night, from about 5.45 onwards, to access a 20-minute legal advice session. Solicitors who work in the community in private practice come after their day at work to give their time. Each Thursday night the service provides advice to the 20 to 30 people who are most in need. Of these people, 57 per cent disclose their income scale as being less than $26,000 per year.</para>
<para>These are the people in our communities who are most in need. However, the concerns of the community legal centre have largely gone ignored by both the member for Dickson and the member for Petrie. I do hope that, in the future, both the member for Dickson and the member for Petrie can find the time to work out a solution for their local communities. This is not a service that the Moreton Bay region can afford to lose and it is not a cut that the community legal centres can afford to cop.</para>
<para>In my remaining time I want to talk about my recent visit to Gladstone. I was on a fact-finding mission to talk about the penalty rates cut and to meet with members of the SDA union in Gladstone who were impacted by the Fair Work Commission's unfair decision to cut Sunday penalty rates. I am indebted to the Queensland Branch Secretary of the SDA, Mr Chris Gazenbeek, for finding members to speak with me about the issue. I heard directly from those members that there was a great deal of concern and confusion in their stores upon the release of the commission's decision. People are very concerned about these cuts not necessarily just in the shorter term but also in the longer term when enterprise agreements come up for renegotiation. There is a great deal of concern that employers will seek to use the impact of the changes to the award to flow through to enterprise agreements which cover many thousands of Queensland workers, many of whom live in regional areas and are the ones who can least afford to lose any of their pay.</para>
<para>I also took the opportunity to travel to Mount Morgan to set up a regional office there. I met with numerous constituents in Mount Morgan. I want to give a special thank you to Leonie Lane and Frank Federick for assisting with the setting up of that regional office and ensuring that we were able to speak to many constituents. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Harmony Day</title>
          <page.no>104</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Each week since November, I have stood up in this place, on Ngunnawal land, to convey to this chamber the personal experiences of many Australians, most of them Muslims, who have experienced racism or bigotry. Sadly, Islamophobia is absolutely rife in Australia right now. You need only look at my Facebook page or my Twitter account, or indeed the comment threads under news and opinion articles on the internet; every day, they are chock full of bile and hatred towards our fellow human beings. We cannot ignore the fact that the people who contribute to these threads are influenced by opinion leaders—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Williams interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>well-paid shock jocks in tabloid papers and political leaders—indeed, some of them making interjections to this speech right now—who are trading on people's fears and insecurities instead of offering real solutions to the problems that we face. And of course it is not just Muslim Australians who are copping it right now in Australia.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, there are certain people who do not like the idea that there are any restrictions on their ability or their capacity to inflict as much racial hatred and abuse as they choose. I have spoken to Australians who have lived through race based conflicts and wars in other countries, and they say to me that they are worried—indeed, terrified—that Australia is at risk of going down a very dark path. I hope they are wrong.</para>
<para>Despite a parliamentary inquiry having just heard overwhelming evidence that current protections against racist abuse and hate speech are a necessary bare minimum, the Turnbull government today has said that they should be weakened. So today, on the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, I want to share with you some of the experiences that were conveyed to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights during its recent inquiry into protections against hate speech.</para>
<para>One person told me that he could not attend Anzac Day celebrations at school because he was 'the enemy'. Another person had racist messages permanently scrawled into the wet concrete in front of their house. Another person, a parent, was walking her children to school, and someone driving past yelled out their window, 'Eff off back to your own country.' Her kids are 10, six, four and two. She is as Australian as you or I. An Aboriginal person told the hearing that she is in her 40s, and she has been listening to racist comments made by other people all her life, but people have not realised that she is Aboriginal, because she has fair skin, so she has had to put up with it and has not called them out. People are telling us that they are afraid to leave their houses. People are saying that they are being attacked on Melbourne's trams and trains.</para>
<para>We know that that racist hate speech causes real harm to real people. Racism is absolutely unacceptable in Australia—indeed, it is unacceptable anywhere. It is not who we are.</para>
<para>The reason we call today Harmony Day in this country is that, compared with other parts of the world, we overwhelmingly live here in peace and harmony with one another. We are rightly proud of our multicultural nation. Today Australians everywhere, from all over the world, went to school together; they worked together; they lived together; and they loved each other—just as we do every day. We are the most successful multicultural nation on the planet because that is who we are. It is what we do better than any other nation. It is what we are most proud of. Multiculturalism is at the absolute core of our social harmony, our peace, our prosperity and our very identity. So racism, when it occurs, is not just an attack on the individual; it is an attack on all of us, and it is up to each of us to take a stand to put an end to it.</para>
<para>Let me finish with the words of 27-year-old engineer Nada Kalam, who also happens to be a young Muslim woman. She told the National Press Club last week:</para>
<quote><para class="block">My right to exist is constantly under fire and … under threat. I am a … victim of casual and impersonal racism, on public transport, in the supermarket … I have been chased down the streets … But this isn't the Australia I have grown up in. It's not the future that I want.</para></quote>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Ikin, Ms Noeline</title>
          <page.no>105</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I want to place on record a tribute to a great Australian who passed away in February this year after a year-long battle with brain cancer. Noeline Ikin in her short life did so much to help others and, had not this insidious disease struck, I have no doubt whatsoever that she would have made a major contribution to this parliament and to the nation. Many parliamentarians would have met Noeline in the good work she did firstly as CEO of the Northern Gulf Natural Resource Management Group, then as an elected councillor on the Etheridge Shire Council, based in Georgetown in the Gulf Country of Queensland, and then in her advocacy role for the people of North West Queensland.</para>
<para>Noeline stood as the LNP candidate in the vast northern and north-western electorate of Kennedy in the 2013 election. This was a David-and-Goliath contest, with Noeline only being endorsed a few months before election day in a contest with a long-serving and well-known idiosyncratic Independent sitting member and with a very modest campaign budget and initially meagre on-ground support. Against all expectations and the opinions of the commentariat, Noeline achieved more than 10,500 first-preference votes more than the incumbent and was only defeated when the preferences of all other candidates flowed to the incumbent, ensuring his narrow victory.</para>
<para>She was again endorsed by the LNP for the 2016 election and had started full-time campaigning 18 months before the expected election date, much of which involved visiting this building on several occasions to persuade and even harass ministers into supporting her submissions on behalf of would-be constituents. In November 2015, while in this building working for others, she suffered an episode that was to be the first sign of a horrible disease that was eventually to take her life in Mareeba on 11 February 2017.</para>
<para>I had the honour and the privilege to be asked by Noeline's family to deliver the eulogy at her memorial service, which was attended by hundreds of friends and supporters from all over the state. By kind agreement of other parties in this chamber, I ask to incorporate in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> that eulogy, which contains only a few highlights of a very full and wonderful life spent helping others, and I seek leave to table the document.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The document read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Eulogy — Noeline I kin</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">21st February 2017 — International Club Mareeba</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As delivered: Senator Ian Macdonald</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On behalf of everyone here and the hundreds who couldn't be, can I offer personal and very heartfelt condolences to Noeline's Family — to Noeline's wonderful daughters Kirralee, Gabriella and Tabitha, Mitch & Jay and to Harper, to her best friend and devoted husband, Trevor to her mother Julie and brother Warren who have suffered so much is these last couple of years, and Mickey.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our condolences also to Noeline's very extensive extended family who have supported her so much. You know, Noeline always would joke with me in an electoral context and say if all of her and Trevor's families voted for her she would win by a country mile - and they did — and she did! I know there are many of them here today and our thoughts are with you</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The family particularly, and all of us, have lost a wonderful and caring person who has touched us all in different ways. Noeline also had other families who knew, respected and indeed loved her as much as her own family and I will return to mention these shortly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But, for the moment, can I share a brief snapshot of Noeline's life that her family have helped me put together.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noeline was born on the 18th of May 1969. A beloved daughter of Noel and Julie Ikin, and a precious sister for Warren Ikin.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Her early childhood was spent in Mareeba, where her passion for animals evolved. Her dogs wore human clothes, the horse's manes were always decorated, and all the poultry had names.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In her teenage years she met her best friends Jayne Hogarth and Jill Cowie, at Mareeba State School. At school Noeline loved her sports. She represented Mareeba high school in softball, indoor cricket and vigoro.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Whilst at high school Noeline was keen to become a vetinary nurse, and volunteered with Dr David Gilchrist. It was he, who encouraged her to gain a university degree, which she completed at James Cook University. Whilst at university, she did volunteer work for a wild-life sanctuary, and would sneak orphan possums into her campus dorm to care for them.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After finishing her bachelors of science degree, she married Peter Gross, and had Tabitha in 1991. When Tabitha was 5 months old, they relocated to Adelaide where Noeline worked at the Cudlee Creek Wildlife Park and Zoo.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But, the bush called her back, and they returned to Mareeba, where she became the curator of the Kuranda Noctarium. She then gave birth to Gabriella in 1993. Mossman was their next abode, where Noeline was employed at the Habitat in Port Douglas. After Kiralee was born in 1996, Noeline moved on to her next big project, which cultivated her enduring passion for landcare/management, the Mareeba Wetlands. There she met many lifetime friends through the Savannah Guides.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After sometime, her first marriage ended, and she relocated to Georgetown, where she worked for the Northern Gulf Resource Management Group. This career choice, exemplified her passion for conservation, and her care for community. She was involved in a great number of projects, including the ghost nets project, wild river legislation, natural disaster response and recovery arrangements, farm management deposits, rural debt reduction, business improvement packages, grass roots innovations, uranium mining, and the gulf horizons foundation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">During this time, she lived for her children. She was a mother, a teacher, a handyman, a best friend, a mentor, a landscaper, a chef (though according to her daughters some nights this one is debatable), a nurse, and she was their biggest role model and inspiration. During her time in Georgetown she met her current husband Trevor Arnett. After some attempts at courting her, with roses in shoe boxes, they were married in October 2010. It was a marriage filled with love and devotion. Their wedding cake stated 'today I marry my best friend'. That is a true reflection of what their marriage has been.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through Noeline's hard work ethic, she became the CEO of the Northern Gulf Resource Management Group. But over time, the frustration of red tape, and a desire to do more, led her to new pursuits. She began as a councillor for the Etheridge Shire. Then she ran for the seat of Kennedy in 2013. This was a whirlwind campaign filled with lots of laughter, some drunk dancing on pool tables, relationships with a significant number of people she admired (including many of you here today) and some of her fondest memories. Whilst she won the election on primary votes, the secondaries unfortunately just put her under the line.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This did not dampen her desire to help her community. Despite not being elected, she continued to work hard for her community. She became involved in a number of projects such as crazy ants, and the Mission Beach Aquatic Centre.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the 2016 election, she was predicted to win. But, her campaign was cut short, as she was diagnosed with a stage four brain tumour. After her diagnosis, she decided to fight, as Noeline does best. Whatever obstacle was sent her way, she thwarted them with her never-ending positivity. She spent this time with her family, and they have assured me that not one day went past that she didn't have a laugh. Not a day went by that she wasn't filled with love.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">On the 11th of February, Noeline passed away, but she passed, with the knowledge that she was loved, by her family, and by each and every one of you.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through this Eulogy, we have heard her story, but through her heart, we will remember who she was.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Can I seek your indulgence to add a few personal reflections.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rarely have I met a person so dedicated to her family - and her community in the wider sense.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I only came across Noeline in the latter part of her all too short life when she was leading the Northern Gulf NRM group. And from my very first encounter I knew I was with a true leader who was destined to make an impact on public life.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Northern Gulf, NRM, the people of Georgetown , and the wider Gulf/Northern community was indeed her second family</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Her leadership across the Gulf with all stratas of society was legend and this extended to the natural resource management industry across Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Hers was a tough job with limited resources but she achieved so much and encouraged so many people - in work, in play, and in need. I know parents in Canberra whose son had gone off the rails and who was really lost to this world but Noeline and Trevor took him in and changed his life completely. Those parents will never forget Noeline and Trevor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Listing her achievements is an impossible task although we did mention a few previously. I still continue to be amazed at the way she convinced the Federal Government that Exceptional Circumstances Benefits (which everyone knew to be to help drought affected properties), should be paid out to those in the Gulf who were not affected by drought but inundated by flood waters for months. Her powerful advocacy, with the benefit of her science and research skills, saved many enterprises at that difficult time for many. She had her sights set on the problems of debt ratios in the bush when her illness stuck.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And on that fateful day in my office in Canberra when she had the seizure that was the first sign of the horrors to come, she was in Parliament at her own expense working on a number of issues including her informed advocacy on the yellow crazy ants infestation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet another of Noeline's families was the political party that she and I, and Warren Entsch, Andrew Cripps, James McGrath, State President Gary Spence, Teresa Craig, Michael Trout, Ewen Jones, Dennis and Robyn Quick, those close to her in my office, and many in this room, share. And it always amazed me of the very high regard in which she was held by many in that family who had only met, or even seen her, once. It was incredible how this little girl from way up there in the bush, captured the hearts and admiration of so many in the hard faced cynical circle of politics.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">They could see her role in life.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In my early encounters with Noeline, she shared the common disdain that many hold for politicians and she assured me she was not political and had never followed or even bothered with apparent political machinations. But on what was perhaps the only occasion when I knew more than Noeline, I would tell her that she was a born representative of the people, and would one day lead the Country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Through frustration with the system and what she saw as the opportunities to make her magnificent vision reality, and chance to really help people and communities, she finally agreed to run for Parliament in the classic contest of David and Goliath. But first we had to counter the entrenched view of party elders that to beat Goliath you needed another big, loud, male who could wear big hats! I knew I had what we really needed —the exact opposite — a sensible, intelligent, caring person who would listen to people and who would fight for their causes without any consideration for herself.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It wasn't an easy campaign as she rolled the swag and took off to talk to people. But once voters talked to her they knew she was what was needed. We didn't have a lot of resources but we had a lot of determination to succeed. And along the way we had a lot of fun - and learnt the home and personality of every dog and those 5:00am Mc Muffins at Maccas in Mt Isa were something not to be missed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But she was an inspiration to be with — always positive, always cheerful and always determined, always helping and always making friends.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The result in that election confounded all of the political pundits with the biggest swing in that election and one of the biggest in federal political history.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I have absolutely no doubt that had not fate intervened, Noeline would have been a leading light in the Federal parliament for many years to come.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noeline's passing is a tragedy for her families — all of them — but it also a real tragedy for the bush and indeed for the nation. She would have made such a difference to parliament, to the Nation and perhaps most importantly, to the people she represented. It will be up to one of her daughters to carry on her vison and determination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We will all have our own memories of this wonderful person. But those of us who had the privilege of meeting with her in recent times, would have seen the courage and determination and thought for others that was the hallmark of her life. Although she knew she had a battle she couldn't win she wouldn't let others know of her pain and sadness in what was her typical regard for others before herself. A truly remarkable woman that we have been privileged to know.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Rest in Peace Noeline.</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Definium Technologies</title>
          <page.no>107</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to speak about the partnership between manufacturing business Definium Technologies and the University of Tasmania's Sense-T project. Last Friday, I had the pleasure of attending the launch of the new advanced sensor manufacturing facility in Launceston, which has come about as a result of a strategic partnership between Definium Technologies and the University of Tasmania. This partnership is a stellar example of the type of advanced manufacturing that will define the future capabilities that can be achieved in Tasmania. I have spoken in this place before about the success of Definium Technologies, but it is this new partnership which proves that the sky is the limit for technology and manufacturing in Tasmania.</para>
<para>National and local manufacturing has taken a bit of a battering over the last few years, but things in Tasmania are starting to look brighter thanks to the mastermind behind Definium Technologies, Mike Cruse. Definium Technologies is a Launceston based company that produces IT motherboards, which can be programmed to be used in any computing or technological product. This local company started in the back of Mr Cruse's garage and is going from strength to strength and putting Tasmania on the world stage. It truly is an exciting time. The digital revolution in Australia is certainly here and the opportunities it presents are endless.</para>
<para>There is a load of exciting things coming up for Launceston around IT and this company typifies the success that can be achieved. At the moment, Definium Technologies is working on motherboards that will be used for temperature control in taxis in Las Vegas and in audio therapeutic systems in Texas. So as you can see, they are really putting Tasmania and, more broadly, Australia on the map. But it is the partnership between Definium Technologies and the University of Tasmania's Sense-T program that I am really looking forward to. This partnership has paved the way for the new advanced manufacturing facility in Launceston which was launched last Friday. This facility will support the production of digital sensors, which would have previously been sourced from global high-tech giants such as Japan and China.</para>
<para>This new facility was born out of both opportunity and demand created by the growing Sense-T research program, a collaboration between the Australian government—started initially by the former Labor government—CSIRO, the University of Tasmania, and with bipartisan support from both governments. Even the state government is involved. This collaboration is the finest: funding provided by the Sense-T program, equipment provided by the University of Tasmania and the wealth of knowledge provided by Definium Technologies. This really is smart, forward-thinking manufacturing and innovation. This partnership is a testament to what can be achieved and is going to open up new opportunities for students studying in Tasmania. We have a small university compared to other campuses. I believe that the relationship between business and the university is a doorway to a stronger economy and a brighter future for everyone.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge Mike Cruse for his creativity, for the birth of Definium Technologies and for proving that the glass is always half full rather than looking at any negatives. Mr Cruse typifies vision, creativity, hard work and entrepreneurship. What started as a one-man operation now has three full-time employees and two casuals, and there are plans to expand and employ more in the future. Mr Cruse is and will be a great mentor to others coming through with creative ideas, regardless of their age.</para>
<para>I also want to pay tribute to Professor Brigid Heywood, a Deputy Vice-Chancellor at the University of Tasmania. She is a driving force at the university. It is so great to have the opportunity to work alongside her and to see the innovation that she brings to our state. And lastly, I pay tribute to the director of Sense-T, Dr Stephen Cahoon. His wealth of knowledge and experience in this field is going be so beneficial in moving forward. This really is about the digital revolution. This is showing what can be done from Tasmania and that where you are located is no barrier to success. I commend all of those in this partnership. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Disability Insurance Scheme: Western Australia</title>
          <page.no>108</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak about the NDIS in Western Australia. The Greens are deeply concerned that the agreement signed between the WA and the federal governments on the NDIS, as it will operate in Western Australia, was rushed through. It was rushed through by the Barnett government on the day they went into caretaker mode. People with disability, their families and carers were not adequately consulted and many people in Western Australia are deeply concerned about the agreement that was signed on the day that the WA government went into caretaker mode. The former WA government politicised the future of the NDIS in WA when they made the announcement on that day.</para>
<para>People with disability have been calling for months for a resolution to the issues around the future of the NDIS in WA. But, now, they are apparently stuck with the situation where people with disability in WA may be worse off and that the state may end up paying more as a result of this rushed agreement. The WA government's justification for their approach was based on a flawed report released during the election campaign. Just after the release of the report, fortunately, it was Senate estimates and the department was scathing in its analysis of the report. Even the Minister for Social Services, Minister Porter, felt compelled to distance himself from it.</para>
<para>It is vital that people with disability living in WA are guaranteed that they will not be worse off than other Australians. Bruce Bonyhady, often referred to as the father of the NDIS, has described the WA NDIS as a deeply flawed agreement that will impose unnecessary financial costs on all Western Australians. This so-called WA NDIS is not the NDIS; firstly, because the 'N' in NDIS stands for national, and for WA this is not national. The NDIS is supposed to be equitable for all Australians and portable across the country. A separate bureaucracy in WA run by WA is a waste of vital funds that could be spent on delivering services to people with disability—and it may not deliver equity.</para>
<para>This intergovernmental agreement was made without consulting people with disability, their families and carers. Given that the NDIS was designed to provide self-determination, choice and control to people with disability, this decision directly contradicts a key principle of the NDIS. It does not bode well for the future of the WA NDIS.</para>
<para>It is very concerning that the WA NDIS is supposedly based on 39,097 Western Australians being eligible. The most reliable estimate—I understand from the actuary report—is that there may be as many as 50,000 WA people eligible. Compounding this uncertainty will be the significant delay in bringing Western Australians into the scheme. All eligible participants across Australia will have joined the NDIS by mid-2019. Over 12,000 people in WA will still be waiting to join the scheme then, not to mention the additional 11,000 people who have potentially not been counted.</para>
<para>This deal commits the WA government to administration costs which are being met by the Commonwealth in all other jurisdictions. This unnecessary and unfair cost on all Western Australians will rise to $140 million per annum. In addition, WA has agreed to pay at least 75 per cent of any cost overruns, while the risk is capped at 25 per cent for all other jurisdictions. If we have more than what is budgeted for, it will mean that WA will bear a large cost.</para>
<para>We are deeply concerned about the future of the WA NDIS. We think it is an urgent priority that the new McGowan government seek to review this deal. We understand that, while they have signed the agreement, it is not binding. In other words, the new government gets an opportunity to redraw this so it is more equitable and to consult Western Australians with disabilities, their families and their carers. Let us develop one that truly delivers for people in Western Australia so that we have a truly national NDIS and people in Western Australia are potentially not left worse off. I urge the McGowan government to review this flawed agreement.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Care</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Liberal Party, in a combined federal-state fiasco, has overseen the disintegration of health care on the New South Wales Central Coast. No matter what this government says, it cannot walk away from the plain hard facts and figures that are mounting up to a massive community cost that the Liberals continue to inflict with their cuts to the health system. Let me start with the Gosford Hospital in the seat of Robertson, held by the Liberals' Lucy Wicks. What a disaster of her own making she has overseen in the period since she was elected!</para>
<para>Let me be clear at the start of my remarks that I want to commend the heroic acts of care that have endeavoured to meet the needs of the community. Our nurses, doctors and practitioners at the hospital are working under absolutely extraordinary and demanding conditions constructed by the state and federal Liberal governments. Gosford is a growing community and its hospital is under enormous pressure. The evidence is in—31.5 per cent of Gosford Hospital patients waited longer than four hours in the emergency department, where four hours represents the national benchmark for time waiting in EDs. Gosford is one of the state's busiest emergency departments outside of Sydney, with more than 65,000 patients a year visiting the ED. These figures come from the Bureau of Health Information, which is an organisation that publishes independent reports about the performance of the New South Wales public health-care system, and they are damning.</para>
<para>There are now more than 3,200 patients waiting for elective surgery on the Central Coast, with 2,022 of them on the list at Gosford Hospital. The median wait for non-urgent surgery at Gosford Hospital was 278 days and one in 10 patients waited 364 days—that is almost a year. Think of a whole year in your life and imagine that you are in pain and suffering while waiting for a service for that entire year. That is what the member for Robertson is overseeing and helping construct.</para>
<para>As at 31 December 2016 there were 868 patients waiting for ear, nose and throat surgery, 437 patients waiting for orthopaedic surgery and 404 patients waiting for tonsillectomies. You can only imagine the impact this incredibly inappropriate delay in service has on them, their families and their capacity to work. There were 232 patients waiting up to 304 days for a total knee replacement and 228 days for a hip replacement. I see Senator Williams. I know that he had the benefit of a change in his capacity to do what he wants to do with his life because he was able to access surgery when he needed it. These are mainly elderly people.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Canavan interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He probably had private health insurance—I will just take the interjection from the minister—and he was able to afford to get part of the two-tier services in health that this government is constructing and embedding. More than 400 children are waiting almost 345 days to have their tonsils out.</para>
<para>All of these failures are on the record and they are a revelation of the situation only getting worse under this Liberal government's attack on Medicare through the freeze on rebates for GPs. According to the Bureau of Health Information, 43 per cent of patients who presented at Gosford Hospital's emergency department were known to be in triage levels 4 or 5 categories. They presented with small cuts, earaches and abrasions. These are ailments that can be treated by a GP, but lower levels of bulk-billing by GPs brought on by the Liberals' Medicare freeze mean that patients are forced to resort to visiting emergency departments. They cannot get access to a GP and they cannot afford it. The knock-on pressure that the Liberals' GP rebate freeze is putting on hospitals is writ large in the alarming Bureau of Health Information figures. The Turnbull government continues to make noises about lifting the freeze, which is due to be in place until 1 July 2020. I notice that this government is still not taking responsibility. It has been in for a term and a bit now and it is still not accepting the responsibility of its decision.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Williams interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para> All the noise has not translated into positive action for the Central Coast. Even if they are eventually shamed into action, the damage has been done. The small businesses that are our GP surgeries across this country have been terribly damaged by the decision making of this government. Woy Woy peninsula in the Gosford region is in the middle of a GP shortage. It is chronic and it was constructed by Lucy Wicks with her colleagues here in the Liberal Party voting for legislation that has brought about this crisis in health care on the Central Coast. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Natural Disaster Relief and Recovery Arrangements</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CHISHOLM</name>
    <name.id>39801</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Sadly, I have to follow a speech by Senator O'Neill highlighting the neglect of health by those opposite by focusing on another issue which those opposite have also been neglecting, and that is the matter of the Natural Disaster Relief and Recovery Arrangements, which are having a large impact, particularly on regional and rural councils in Queensland. I acknowledge the advocacy of the President of the Local Government Association of Queensland, the Mayor of the Sunshine Coast, Mr Jamieson, who has been in Canberra and has been meeting with Queensland senators and encouraging them to put pressure on the government to take action on an area where they have been neglectful. This is something that is very important to many small councils in Queensland, and many people in this chamber know that those councils have been severely affected by natural disasters over the last couple of years. It really has been a failure from this government to act and work with those councils to ensure that those councils can go about their clean-up, maintenance and recovery as quickly as possible.</para>
<para>How this impacts on the decentralised state that is Queensland, and on regional communities, is a very important point that the Labor Party, when we were last in government, had a very good record on, considering the number of natural disasters that we had to deal with. But what we are seeing from the Turnbull government is continued cost cutting and continued moving of the goalposts for the Natural Disaster Relief and Recovery Arrangements, which makes it so galling for Queenslanders to deal with.</para>
<para>Firstly, the government moved to prevent councils from hiring their own staff to do the reconstruction work. How silly is that? It is those local workers that understand their local communities and their local roads and are the people best placed to do that recovery work. This means that councils were forced to engage with outside contractors to do the work that council officers would normally do. My own union, the AWU, ran a very strong campaign of this on behalf of their members to ensure that that work was done by local councils. For remote and regional councils, this is obviously a ludicrous proposition, with few available contractors in many small communities to do the work on a cost-effective basis. This led to councils bizarrely contemplating whether they should swap workforces with other councils following disasters just to meet the guidelines that the government had implemented.</para>
<para>Luckily, common sense prevailed—albeit temporarily, and this is one of the problems that we have at the moment—with a trial model announced to allow councils to actually employ their own staff, with a new model apparently due to come into force from July 2018. However, the government's extension of this day labour trial is set to run out this year, so we have a whole 12 months before the new arrangements come in, which is just causing further uncertainty for those affected councils. This is on top of the Turnbull government's decision in their budget in 2016 to delay the billion dollars in recovery payments to the Queensland government, without warning, just to try to make their own balance sheet stack up better.</para>
<para>So what does this mean for some of those affected councils? This is something that is important, and I have a letter that I received from Rob Chandler, who is the Mayor of Barcaldine, but it is in his capacity as the chair of RAPAD, the Remote Area Planning and Development Board, which covers, amongst other areas, Longreach, Winton, Diamantina, Barcoo, Boulia, Barcaldine and Blackall-Tambo. The letter says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The seven RAPAD councils … are reeling from the Government's failure to repay councils under the Natural Disaster Relief and Recovery Arrangements (NDRRA) for these plant and equipment costs, which they incurred in good faith. Some RAPAD councils are owed more than their annual general rates revenue, in one case more than 150% of their rates base.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Government's refusal to repay councils is particularly distressing when the Government has called on councils to contribute to budget repair and then a value-for-money solution is rejected in favour of using more expensive contractors.</para></quote>
<para>This is how ridiculous the situation is. We hear a lot in this chamber from the National Party, who come here and claim to speak for regional Queensland, but on this issue they have been found wanting. It is very disappointing, and I call on the government to act urgently to fix this problem.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>111</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para><inline font-style="italic">The Manchurian Candidate</inline>, the story of a cunning foreign power pulling the strings of domestic political affairs, is a work of fiction. But there seem to be a lot of people who have watched the movie and thought it was a documentary. They imagine foreign bad guys seeking to control Australian politics through their political donations. The truth is a whole lot more boring. There is no reason to believe any problem will be solved by prohibiting foreign donations. It is pretty unlikely there is even a problem. A ban on foreign donations is a solution in search of a problem. Regulating just because something sounds bad, without knowing whether it is, is profoundly wrong.</para>
<para>The Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters recently recommended banning foreign donations. However, it left some key questions unanswered. For example, how should a foreign donation be defined? Is it a donation from a foreign entity—that is, a person or organisation that is not Australian? What about permanent residents? What about domestic branches of foreign entities? International environmental groups have local branches and local members. International businesses have local subsidiaries and local shareholders. Then there is compliance. How could an independent candidate or minor party possibly know whether their small donors are Australian citizens or companies? And what about an Aussie who sources funds from overseas before donating them to an Australian political party?</para>
<para>The fact is also that foreign donations are insignificant. To the extent there is any data, it shows that foreign donations typically account for only about one per cent of all the funds Australian political parties receive. The committee heard no evidence to validate its claim that there was any significant community concern about foreign donations. Not a single instance of a foreign player using donations to influence domestic policy was heard. No witness even outlined how foreign donations could influence domestic policy.</para>
<para>The committee heard from an organisation called International IDEA, a group that monitors political transparency issues internationally. It explained that there are many countries that do restrict or prohibit foreign donations. However, the group acknowledged there is a lack of correlation between political corruption and regulation of foreign donations. Quite simply, the evidence does not show that restricting foreign donations reduces corruption.</para>
<para>Most of those seeking to prohibit political donations prefer public funding of political parties. Support for increased public funding is inherent in arguments to restrict avenues for private donations. However, the committee heard neither a theoretical argument for suggesting democracy is enhanced by public funding nor empirical evidence confirming such an outcome is achieved.</para>
<para>There is a better way. What is needed is for voters to be aware of donations before they vote, so they can take them into account when deciding how to vote. If voters are indifferent to donations, voting outcomes will not be affected and the fact of the donation is irrelevant. If voters disapprove of any particular source or type of donations, they can take this into account when they vote. It is supremely patronising, and reflects nanny-state thinking, for governments to assume voters are incapable of deciding for themselves whether a recipient of a donation deserves their support.</para>
<para>It is also inherently antidemocratic. If voters are assumed to lack the competence to form a judgement about foreign donations, it follows that they must also lack the competence to form a judgement about party policies generally. Democracy simply requires voters to be adequately informed. Disclosure of donations should occur in an appropriate time prior to voters casting their vote. The only regulation that would assist this is to prohibit donations made so close to the poll that they cannot be disclosed in time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Forestry Industry, Seafood Industry Australia</title>
          <page.no>112</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I stand to inform the house of two very positive things that are happening in the areas of which I have responsibility. One is in forestry and one is in fisheries. Today is International Day of Forests, or more commonly referred to around the world as forestry day.</para>
<para>Today is a day when I think that we can celebrate with great sincerity the role that the Australian forestry industry plays in our lives and the role that trees play it our lives. Certainly, if you were looking for a product that was one of the most multiskilled resources on the planet, you would have to say that trees are it. This is a renewable, recyclable and sustainable resource, and it is also carbon positive, for much carbon is sequestered in our trees.</para>
<para>The really great thing about our forestry sector is the fact that it is very much a sunrise industry. The future of forestry is certainly going to be based around the bioeconomy. The old image of forestry with lumberjacks wandering around in their tank tops and axes is certainly an image of the past. We are now talking about a tremendously sophisticated, technologically advanced industry. You have only got to look at some of the amazing things that come from wood, which many of us probably do not even realise do so, to see it. There are things like carbon fibre, solvents made out of wood and cross-laminated timber. We have seen buildings completely constructed of timber, and, I have to say, after having had the pleasure of being in a couple of these buildings, they are amazing buildings to be in. For those of us who believe in things like feng shui, we can certainly understand why buildings made of wood are great things for the social amenity of the future. I would highly recommend anyone who has not been into a building made entirely of wood to do so. Then you will decide that I am actually not crazy.</para>
<para>We are very, very proud of our industry in Australia. We are proud of it because it has over the years evolved into an industry for which we can stand up proudly on the world stage and say, 'It is a state-of-the-art industry, it is sustainable and it is world's best practice.' But the very important thing about our forestry sector is the massive contribution it makes to our rural and regional sectors around Australia. It is a massive employer in many, many rural and regional areas. Today the topic of the 2017 International Day of Forestry is forests and energy. Mr Acting Deputy President Gallacher, the irony of that will not be lost on you, coming from South Australia, when we are having this massive debate in relation to our energy security into the future and the fact that forestry provides one of the most abundant renewable resources for energy that you can imagine—that is, from wood waste.</para>
<para>There is also another irony, as we proudly stand here and celebrate our forestry sector in Australia, and that is the irony that this morning we saw a number of members of the CFMEU and our truck drivers from Victoria boycotting the steps of the state parliament in Victoria in protest against the actions which are seeing the threat to ASH—Australian Sustainable Hardwoods—mill in Heywood, and consequently, the massive impact on the community. I think that really draws to attention the theme of the forests and energy.</para>
<para>It is really interesting when you read what the UN has got to say about forestry and about this particular celebration. According to the UN, wood provides the world with more energy than solar, hydroelectric or wind power. I think that is a very salient fact. It accounts for roughly 45 per cent of current global renewable energy supply. Modernising the wood energy sector can help revitalise rural communities. Trees contribute to optimal urban living and lower energy bills. Sustainably managed forests can provide renewable and carbon-neutral energy for a greener future. Greater investment in technology and innovation and in sustainably managed forests is key to increasing the forest's role as a major source of renewable energy. They are the messages of today, International Day of Forests. I think they are some very, very strong and powerful messages for Australia there. One of those messages is that the Turnbull government recognises this expanding opportunity to utilise wood energy, and we support our Australian forestry industry. The introduction of wood waste into the renewable energy target is but one way we have recognised the importance of that.</para>
<para>The future of Australia's forestry sector needs to be reaffirmed and reassured so that we can get some certainty and so that we can get investment back into this industry, because it is nature's way of telling us that it is the greatest renewable resource there is. We need to stop being scared of cutting down a tree because, contrary to what some would have you believe, if you cut a tree down, it will actually grow again. You can plant more trees. If we come up with a sensible and sustainable rotation of our trees, then we can maintain a strong, prosperous and very valuable forestry sector for Australia. My message today, on International Day of Forests, is that instead of demonising our forestry industry and the forestry sector we should be celebrating our forestry industries. I call on everybody in this place, and I call on everybody who might be listening to this, to celebrate our forestry industries not just today, but into the future.</para>
<para>The second area I have pleasure in speaking about tonight is in relation to another one of my portfolio areas, which is fisheries. Today we saw the announcement of Seafood Industry Australia, which is the new peak body for the commercial fishing sector in Australia. Today they announced the appointment of their inaugural board. This is a fantastic announcement, because, as I have often said in this place, speaking with one voice makes things much easier. When governments are making decisions about major policy areas, it makes it easier for them if they are actually able to speak to one body. This $2.8 billion industry is very important for Australia, so I am delighted at the announcement of the new board. I am very much looking forward to working with them over the coming years. It is also with great pride that we can say this also fulfils one of our election commitments. We said that we would support the formation of this body, and we provided the initial seed funding, which has meant this has been able to occur.</para>
<para>It is also great to see that the board that has been chosen is representative of a very wide range of skills and a wide range of areas within the commercial fishing sector, including: wild catch, the aquaculture and post-harvest sectors, and retailers and exporters. This board has sought to cover off on the entire supply chain for our commercial fishing sector within Australia. Speaking with one voice means industry has a much greater impact, and that is exactly what Seafood Industry Australia is going to be able to do.</para>
<para>It has also already demonstrated wide support across the whole of the industry sector, with more than 100 organisations having made pledges of financial support. I commend and thank those organisations for their foresight, for seeing fit to jump on board this organisation at its fledgling stage. That support will only serve to give all power to the hand of this new organisation. I also want to put on the record my sincere thanks for the extraordinary efforts of Veronica Papacosta, who was the driving force behind the establishment of this particular industry association. I also want to acknowledge the huge amount of work done by the National Seafood Industry Alliance. They backed this proposal right the way in and stand ready to support it into the future.</para>
<para>There are a huge amount of people who have supported this initiative—way too many for me to mention tonight—and it is an absolute credit to the commercial seafood sector that they have been able to achieve this particular goal. They are about to choose a chairman from those who have been selected to go on the board, and it will be up to them to build close relationships with the other stakeholders—most particularly, from the Commonwealth perspective, working with the Commonwealth Fisheries Association as well as with state fisheries and industry bodies that reside in each of the states.</para>
<para>There was a huge amount of interest shown by people putting their hands up for the board, and the seven board members that were chosen, as I said, have a great range of different skills and experiences. I look forward to working with them on an array of different issues in both our state and our Commonwealth fisheries interests, working with them on issues such as: the finalisation of the zoning for Commonwealth marine parks; working on resource-sharing and biosecurity issues across all of our waters; dealing with the very major issue of aquatic animal health—once again, the biosecurity plays into that; talking to them and getting input in relation to country-of-origin labelling, not just at a supermarket level but also at a food service level; and, most importantly, generating pride in the Australian community so that the sustainable management of our Commonwealth fisheries and all of our fisheries is something that every Australian can be proud of into the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bendigo Health</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to speak about my recent visit to the newly opened Bendigo hospital. I was lucky enough to meet and speak with Mr Peter Faulkner, Bendigo Health's Acting Chief Executive Officer and the Executive Director of the Bendigo Hospital Project.</para>
<para>In a life before politics, I served for five years on the board of the Royal Children's Hospital in Melbourne. During that time the entire hospital moved to a new state-of-the-art building that completely transformed its service delivery model, so I was particularly interested to speak with Peter about the transition from the old traditional facilities to the new Bendigo hospital, with its cutting edge facilities. The enormous logistical task of moving patients, staff and equipment from one space to another is incredibly complicated. Bendigo Health had put in considerable time and effort in advance of this project, and, as it was during my time at the RCH, it went without a hitch and was completed in a single day. Only weeks in, and it is clear that the new Bendigo hospital is firing on all cylinders.</para>
<para>The new facility itself is truly extraordinary. A $630 million commitment by the then Napthine state government in Victoria has allowed for the creation of a state-of-the-art health centre capable of meeting the rising demand created by our ever-increasing population in one of Australia's most vibrant regional cities. The new Bendigo hospital has the capacity for 372 inpatient beds, 72 same-day beds, 11 operating theatres, an integrated cancer centre, a 25-bed maternity unit and an 80-bed mental health unit.</para>
<para>Importantly, Bendigo Health have demonstrated real foresight in their ability to future-proof the hospital by including the construction of additional wards, which in the coming years can be filled to significantly expand the total capacity of Bendigo Health. This will ensure that the significant financial contribution of the Victorian state government for the construction of this hospital will be able to provide real value for many years and generations to come.</para>
<para>As I know well from my role with the Royal Children's Hospital, it is not merely the functional capability of a new hospital that is important, but also the design and the aesthetic of the place. There are many academic and empirical studies that demonstrate a link between the hospital environment and health outcomes. The architecture of Bendigo Hospital is truly remarkable. The main foyer comprises an enormous, light-filled space. It has retail outlets. It has a cafe. As Peter showed me around this new, state-of-the-art facility, it was lovely to see multiple internal courtyards and balconies, comfortable family-friendly spaces for patients' loved ones, and thoughtful landscaping and gardening across the hospital precinct.</para>
<para>As truly impressed as I was with beauty of the space, I could not help but share a joke with Peter about the conspicuous lack of a meerkat enclosure, such as we were fortunate enough to have at the Royal Children's Hospital. It was quite the drawcard.</para>
<para>While the new hospital is now operational, with all staff and patients migrated from the old facility, the work does not end here. Stage 1, which is essentially the new hospital itself, was completed in January of this year. But Stage 2, which adds further capability to the region's health network, is due to be completed in June of 2018. Stage 2 will include further retail outlets, a large conference facility, short-stay accommodation units, and a multi-deck carpark. Perhaps most importantly though, Stage 2 will include a helipad on top of this carpark, with a bridge directly into the hospital, which will significantly expand Bendigo's ability to respond to time-critical trauma patients, who previously would have had to be flown to Melbourne or Geelong.</para>
<para>As those living in remote locations in regional Victoria know only too well, the time it takes for aero-medical evacuation to Melbourne can be much too long. I am extremely pleased to hear that, with the completion of Stage 2 of the Bendigo Hospital project next year, my state will have taken an important step towards ensuring world-class and timely treatment for all Victorians.</para>
<para>I would also like to speak on the particular manner in which service-delivery was pursued for the construction and running of this hospital by the Napthine government. As then-Minister for Health the Hon. David Davis, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Coalition Government, through the Public Private Partnership and Best and Final Offer tender process, has driven a better deal, better value for money and additional amenities for the community of Bendigo and north west Victoria.</para></quote>
<para>The Bendigo Hospital Project has and will continue to be delivered as a public-private partnership. The government's partner in this project is Exemplar Health, which is a consortium made up of four market leaders; Lendlease, Spotless, Siemens and Capella Capital. By entering into a public-private partnership with private sector specialists, just as the Royal Children's Hospital has done, Bendigo Health can get back to the important business of providing medical care to patients.</para>
<para>Spotless, for example, is doing a wonderful job managing the hospital's non-clinical services. For the duration of the 25-year contract, Bendigo Health will be able to focus on healthcare while Spotless delivers food provision, building maintenance, cleaning and security. On my tour with Peter, I was even able to see some of the cutting-edge delivery robots that are being utilised to assist the hospital's non-clinical services. The robots are quite incredible. They push around trolleys which carry anything from meal trays and fresh bed linen, to medical resupplies for nurses' stations. It was really wonderful to see a concrete example of how technology and innovation is being used to ensure that Victorians are receiving the very best care in the new Bendigo Hospital.</para>
<para>I am extremely grateful to Mr Faulkner and the rest of the team at Bendigo Health for my opportunity to tour the new Bendigo Hospital. As I made clear in my first speech in this place, I have a particular interest in seeing how private sector stakeholders can better engage with government to ensure that citizens receive the very best service delivery. In the case of the new Bendigo Hospital, I am confident that the healthcare capabilities delivered by the new centre are phenomenal, and will only continue to grow, as the project further develops the hospital precinct. I look forward to returning to Bendigo soon, to see the opening of further state-of-the-art health facilities as part of this project. I thank the chamber.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cycling Infrastructure, International Day of Forests</title>
          <page.no>115</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On a Friday night, just 10 days ago, in the suburbs of Melbourne, a young woman by the name of Arzu was riding her bike from her home in Moonee Ponds to Williamstown to visit a friend. While riding through Yarraville, just around the corner from my home in Footscray, Arzu was struck by a truck and died. She left behind two children, aged six and two. It hit many in our community hard, including my family and myself. Two days after Arzu's death I rode my bike with around 200 other Melburnians to finish her ride. It was an emotional event. For those of us who ride regularly it was a moment of, 'It could have been me'; for our friends and families, 'It could have been our loved ones'. Indeed, my family quite often ride along the very same route that Arzu was on. And for those who would like to ride more, it was another reminder of what puts them off.</para>
<para>Her death was preventable, but we can act in this place to make sure that it was not for nothing. While this government is still suffering from the hangover of the Abbott era, and only wants to plough money into great big polluting toll roads, we can make a commitment right here to end this needless division. We can make a commitment to start building the infrastructure that will mean people riding their bikes do not need to put themselves at risk on the roads. Around 50 people a year in Australia die while riding their bikes. But with investment into proper infrastructure at local, state and federal level, we can give many more people the freedom to ride safely.</para>
<para>Arzu's death shows that people who ride are not that tabloid image of middle-aged men in lycra, ridiculed in Melbourne's <inline font-style="italic">Herald Sun</inline> this morning as:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… encased in their ridiculous Lycra condoms, propelled around city streets by a moral and environmental superiority.</para></quote>
<para>In contrast to this caricature, people who ride cut across every section of the community. We are young and old, fast and slow, rich and poor, And even though there is a gap between the number of women and men riding, the better the infrastructure, the closer to equality we get.</para>
<para>Tonight I want to share the stories of just a couple of people who ride, like 15-year-old Max from Yarraville. Max rides to school and back every day. And good on him! We hear a lot about childhood obesity and what we could be doing about it. We certainly hear a lot of accusations from some of the more conservative politicians and commentators about the so-called 'nanny state'. So it is great that Max has the freedom and the independence to be riding to and from school. Max's dad, Simon, approached me after Arzu's death. He described Max as a very responsible and experienced rider. But last November, Max was struck by a truck on the corner of Geelong Road and Williamstown Road. He was able to take last-second evasive action, but still he was injured and he was taken by ambulance to the Royal Children's Hospital.</para>
<para>Simon sent me an email with a photo of his son's bike. It was completely mangled. It is a complete miracle that Max was not killed. Simon said, 'I was just so grateful that he was alive, that I thought less about the wider issue of safety for all cyclists. Arzu's tragic death brought home this issue to me. I don't want another family to suffer as her family must be suffering right now. My son's story is an example of the dangers that face cyclists and the need to advocate for better infrastructure so that cyclists can use the roads safely.'</para>
<para>Then there is Jera, whose injuries were much worse. Jera was involved in a horrific crash with a truck on the corner of Sunshine Road and Geelong Road. Jera explained: 'I was going around the corner and the truck came around the same corner, a fully-loaded B-double. It turned way too sharp and the wheels actually went up over the curb. It hit me in the shoulder, caught my bike and I fell sideways and got sucked under the truck. The truck didn't stop, it just kept going, but got stopped a couple of kilometres up the road with my bike still attached to it.'</para>
<para>Describing his injuries, Jera said, 'My leg was totally messed up. It was a full leg de-gloving and I broke my tibia, fibula and femur. I was in intensive care for a week, and in hospital for five months. I had a lot of operations; it's hard to count how many. Every time they did dressing changes they had to knock me out because it was so painful.' Jera will need ongoing medical treatment.</para>
<para>And as if this trauma is not enough, people who ride bikes are constantly subject to vitriolic attack. But it does not need to be this way. None of these crashes would have happened if we had world-class infrastructure that separates people on their bikes from cars and trucks. As someone who rides to work every day, I know that there is no better feeling than being on a bike, wind in your hair, free of the constraints of traffic and pollution. But the only way we are going give that opportunity to more people is by giving them the freedom to ride safely.</para>
<para>There are legislative changes we can make, like requiring side underrun-protection rails on all heavy vehicles to stop bike riders and pedestrians from being thrown under the wheels. But, critically, we need serious investment. The Greens want to see $250 million invested each year for bike infrastructure. It is cost-effective and healthier, and would ease congestion and pollution. I urge all other parties to commit to similar levels of funding. For the sake of Max and Jera, and for Arzu and her family, we must work together in this place and with our state and our local counterparts to give people the freedom to ride.</para>
<para>I also want to speak briefly tonight about the International Day of Forests, which is today. Forests are Australia's hidden treasure. Entering our forests, it is invigorating to breathe in the fresh air and hear cascades of clear water, clean enough to drink straight out of the creeks and rivers. Plus, they are some of the most carbon-rich forests in the world.</para>
<para>But Australians have been failed by the way our forests have been managed. Over the past 20 years, areas designated for logging have been exempted from Australia's environment laws. Even open-cut mines do not get that level of exemption. These logging laws, known as Regional Forest Agreements, were meant to protect jobs and protect the environment, and they have failed on both counts. They are wrecking communities.</para>
<para>Take Heyfield in Victoria. My thoughts are with the people whose lives are changed by the decision to close the Heyfield mill. The Heyfield mill crisis has come from mismanagement by successive governments at both the state and federal levels, and calls into question the entire native forest logging industry across Australia. This unsustainable business is failing communities and failing our environment, our water supplies and our climate. We do not need to be in native forest logging any more. We already have 85 per cent of the wood products industry in plantations. We just need that little extra push to get it to 100 per cent.</para>
<para>The Greens have a vision for Australia's wood products industry, for our wood product needs to be met through sustainable plantations. This will future-proof jobs and ensure that our native forests are protected. The first step is to scrap the failed Regional Forest Agreements in favour of a 21st century forest management plan, with wood products coming from plantations. Then our native forests will continue to be there for all to enjoy. Happy International Day of Forests!</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Western Australian State Election</title>
          <page.no>116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to congratulate my state Labor colleagues, the Western Australian Premier, Mark McGowan, and the whole of the WA Labor team on their election. I rise to thank so many of the volunteers who played a part in the election, including WA Labor's Community Action Network, who had activists from Derby to Albany to Joondalup to Serpentine and right around the state. Their efforts were relentless: knocking on doors, calling households, staffing prepolls and polling booths, and letterboxing.</para>
<para>The election we just had in Western Australia was historic in a great many ways. WA elected over 41 Labor members to the Legislative Assembly, the largest majority ever elected. We have also elected a historic seven regional members and 30 women to the parliament as a whole. So the outcome of this election shows that Western Australians do not want to see Western Power privatised, Roe 8 constructed or a range of broken promises, and all of those issues have federal implications. The national power debate is playing out over here, and WA has had many similar themes with state based power because it is not part of the national electricity network. Indeed, Roe 8, where the Commonwealth is refusing currently to give that funding to Western Australia for public transport, is something that will come back to haunt this federal government.</para>
<para>What Western Australians want at both state and federal levels are governments with a fresh approach and a real plan for jobs. We want a leader, and we have that in Mark McGowan, who understands the state's needs, and not what we had in Colin Barnett, who has proven to be arrogant and out of touch. WA Labor at this election ran on a comprehensive policy platform. Systematically, we went about highlighting the importance of local jobs, quality health care, education, keeping public goods in public hands and the need for a dynamic public transport system.</para>
<para>At the cornerstone of this policy platform was our Plan for Jobs, which captured the minds of Western Australians right around the state. Currently, we have the highest unemployment in the nation. We are the only party that brought a comprehensive plan to the WA public: a commitment to invest in our economy in order to tackle Western Australia's climbing unemployment rate. As part of our Plan for Jobs, WA Labor committed to building the Ellenbrook train line and extending the current lines to Yanchep and Byford under METRONET. This will create thousands of construction jobs and apprenticeships. The McGowan Labor government will increase local content requirements on government contracts, including more apprenticeships.</para>
<para>This election also saw the rejection of the Barnett Liberal government's plan for the Roe 8 project and the privatisation of Western Power. Thankfully, the deeply flawed Perth Freight Link project will now not go ahead. The Beeliar Wetlands, I am very overjoyed to say, will be restored and saved under a Labor government. The Mark McGowan government is ready to renegotiate the recently signed Roe 8 contract and to allocate the funds for Perth Freight Link to other worthy projects that will relieve traffic congestion and create jobs. This should be a warning to the likes of Christian Porter because, currently, they are denying funding that would contribute to public transport to his electorate. Something that I would call upon this Liberal government to consider is that there is no point in building a road to nowhere when there are roads and highways right around the state that need to be relieved of heavy congestion. The Turnbull government needs a commitment to working in good faith with the Mark McGowan Labor government. It is time to deliver infrastructure and transport, because Western Australia desperately needs it, and we should not be deprived of those opportunities.</para>
<para>Under a Mark McGowan Labor government, it is really important that Western Power remain in public hands. As I went about talking to people during the election, people were dumbfounded by the decision to privatise a public good. Everyone knows—and the eastern states electricity market is as sign of this—that when you privatise services get worse, prices go up and jobs go overseas.</para>
<para>Whilst the election platform and values of WA Labor are integral to explaining the party's success at the election, my favourite part of the state election success is the stories of the surprise candidates who were elected. I would like to highlight some of their stories to the Senate tonight. We had candidates and small campaign teams working behind the scenes with few resources who have seen success because they have been really passionate about their communities.</para>
<para>There are three candidates I want to highlight the stories of tonight: Yaz Mubarakai, Jessica Stojkovski and Robyn Clarke. Yaz Mubarakai ran for the seat of Jandakot in the South Metropolitan region and had a massive swing of some 18.3 per cent. He is a local businessman and a father and has been a local councillor in the area before. He runs a range of franchises and is an Indian migrant who has been in Australia for more than 20 years. He has lived in the local area for 20 years and over that time he has built up his small businesses, including the Success post office along with the Majestic India restaurant and Cafe Royal, all in the heartland of Cockburn Central. As a candidate, his primary focus was on developing a real plan for congestion along local roads such as Jandakot Road. Like a number of candidates in seats with large margins, he was focused on running a quality campaign and never focused on the consequences nor anticipated winning.</para>
<para>On 11 March, Labor was very successful in the hotly contested northern suburbs of the state. Whilst we knew we would pick up a number of seats, it was not expected that we would pick up Kingsley. Our candidate, a good friend of mine, Jessica Stojkovski, has always been a tireless fighter for her community. She has held various roles, including president of the Landsdale Residents Association, chair of the Perth Rose of Tralee and a member of her family's school P&F and now the school board. Like many mothers, she made the decision to return to university as a mature-age student with a young daughter, where she completed a Bachelor of Planning (Policy & Governance) and started working as a town planner at the City of Wanneroo. Jess is tenacious and energetic, and whilst it may have been a surprise for some, it was not a surprise to all of us that she was elected. It was no surprise to me.</para>
<para>Arguably the biggest surprise of all was Robyn Clarke. She was an exuberant candidate for the seat of Murray-Wellington. It is a regional electorate stretching from Mandurah all the way up to Australind and across three local councils. Robyn made thousands of phone calls and campaigned every weekend despite working in her job right up to the election, apart from the two weeks before it. She has proven her passion for standing up for local needs. Apparently, she was equally as shocked to learn of her win, because she had a holiday to Bali which, needless to say, she has postponed.</para>
<para>I want to give a special mention to Kevin Michel, the Labor candidate and now member for Pilbara who knocked off the Nationals Leader Brendon Grylls in another historic win. Kevin's passion for the community shone through as well as his willingness to tackle high unemployment in the previously booming mining region.</para>
<para>Tonight it is a really wonderful thing for me to be able to take the time to congratulate the McGowan Labor government, its ministers and members on their election. I am very much looking forward to working with you on the challenges that confront our state and to further the interests of Western Australia and the people we represent together.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Defence Force</title>
          <page.no>117</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BURSTON</name>
    <name.id>207807</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We often hear the acknowledgement of country whenever we go to an official engagement. We acknowledge the Aboriginal elders past and present. I have my own acknowledgement based on the historic nation of Australia. I think this is more reasonable and less biased towards one particular group of Australians. It goes like this: I acknowledge Australia's historic nation, forged by Christian explorers and pioneers from Britain and other European lands. It was created a federal Commonwealth under the Crown. I acknowledge Australia's first inhabitants, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, as part of our nation.</para>
<para>I am proud to make that declaration because it acknowledges the origins of the whole nation—not only our British forerunners but all who have joined, including migrants of many backgrounds and Indigenous people. Our warriors have been willing to fight and die for the nation, and only the nation. That is what they give their lives for, so we should acknowledge the nation even above the Commonwealth and other identity groups.</para>
<para>The Australian Defence Force was formed to defend Australia and to protect its people and its interests. The service men and women who make up the ADF are Australian citizens who, whilst serving, must forgo basic human rights enjoyed by other citizens. They must comply with the additional legal and disciplinary requirements of military employment. When necessary, this will include taking up arms against Australia's enemies and defeating them in battle using lethal force. They will be called upon to make personal sacrifices, including the possibility of the ultimate sacrifice, and in every sense to act honourably in the service of the Australian people.</para>
<para>In return, members of the Australian Defence Force must always be able to expect, from the Commonwealth government on behalf of their fellow Australians, fair treatment, to be valued and respected as individuals, and that they and their families will be sustained and rewarded by commensurate terms and conditions of service. They further expect that those who are injured in service to the nation and the families of those who die as a result of their service will be suitably cared for and sustained. This mutual obligation forms the covenant between the nation, the ADF and each individual member of the ADF. It forms an unbreakable common bond of identity, loyalty and responsibility from which the Anzac spirit has emerged that has sustained the ADF in conflicts throughout its history.</para>
<para>There is no greater threat to our freedom than a lack of gratitude towards those who provide it. How often do we see people from this place and the other place hurry to be photographed with members of the ADF in uniform when they want to strike a patriotic pose to curry favour with the electorate or improve their public image? Similarly, how many former politicians did we see in this year's Australia Day honours list, and for doing what? We call it service to our country, but we do not really know what service to this country means unless we have pulled on a uniform and picked up a weapon to truly defend what is near and dear to every Australian. That includes police, fire and ambulance workers in the broader community, but today I want to focus on the ADF.</para>
<para>Imagine, if you will, Mr Acting Deputy Speaker, signing on the dotted line, undertaking months of extremely rigorous training—training that could cost you your life if you are not on the ball—and then, at the completion of training, being sent to a unit that is warned for deployment on war service or on active service. It does not matter if that unit is an Army unit, an RAAF unit, or an RAN ship; it does not matter if you are an experienced soldier, sailor or airman; it does not matter if you are male or female because when someone signs that document, he is willing to do whatever is asked of him, up to and including laying down his life for his comrades, his flag and his nation.</para>
<para>What would you expect in return? At the very least you would expect to be treated decently by those who sent you. Surely all here would agree with that. At the very least Australia should give service men and women what it promised them in return for doing what the nation asked. That is only fair.</para>
<para>If part of the deal of serving on war service or on active service is receiving a medal and financial benefits appropriate to those endeavours, surely it is incumbent upon us, via the ADF, to provide those soldiers, sailors and airmen who we put in harm's way with the recognition, benefits and rewards befitting their contribution, sacrifice and service. It may surprise some to learn that since the Korean War there have been a large number of servicemen who put their lives on the line for us and for the nation but have been denied the recognition they deserve.</para>
<para>Imagine if you worked for a company and your manager told you: 'We're opening an office in Singapore. We'd like to send you to manage that process. For doing so, all your accommodation, airfares and incidental expenses will be paid. You'll get additional leave entitlements and, if it goes well, a letter of commendation from the board of directors'—never mind any risk you will lose a limb or your life. So you go and do the job and perform as expected. Then you return to Australia on completion, only to have your manager say: 'We've decided that you don't get your expenses reimbursed. There's no additional leave and no letter of commendation.'</para>
<para>Most rational, reasonable people would conclude that they had been dudded by their employer, and they would be right. Most people would agree that they had legitimate grounds for complaint and redress. For a lot of people it would be a deal-breaker and they would leave their employment. To my way of thinking, in that situation the employer would have breached the employment contract.</para>
<para>It gets worse. In 2014 Defence directed its legal teams to go into the records and edit them to deny some of those servicemen their benefits and recognition. It was not enough that these men went and served their country with distinction. They then had to come back and fight their employer for the recognition they so rightly deserved, all the time watching while that employer moved the goalposts. In other cases, following committees of inquiry, recommendations were made to provide recognition but those recommendations were ignored by the government.</para>
<para>What does it say about us as a society that we mistreat in such a manner those who provide us the safety and security to enjoy our freedoms? We need to have a good hard look at ourselves. We need to step up to the plate and do the right thing. If the government does not want to provide the benefits and recognition earned by these brave people, the solutions are quite simple: change the terms of their employment before they are put in harm's way or do not send them in the first place. They are not seeking anything that was not promised to them up front. We owe it to them. Sadly, in a lot of cases we owe it to their memory because a lot of these men have passed away while waiting for successive governments to meet their legal and moral obligations to them. Why do the public have such a low opinion of politicians? Here is a news flash: we keep letting them down on basic issues of morality like this.</para>
<para>To the best of my knowledge, since the Korean War the number of servicemen who are yet to be recognised for being on active service or on war service totals in excess of 20,000. The numbers include but are not limited to: Navy personnel who served on HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Sydney</inline> taking troops to or from Vietnam; soldiers from 1RAR, 2RAR, 4RAR and 8RAR who served in peninsular Malaysia between 1966 and 1969; soldiers who served at Rifle Company Butterworth from 1970 to 1989; and soldiers, sailors and airmen who served in East Timor. There may be more.</para>
<para>To highlight the discrepancies allow me to provide some comparison with RAAF Ubon in Thailand, Diego Garcia in the middle of the Indian Ocean, and Rifle Company Butterworth in Malaysia. I use these three examples because they are ostensibly similar in that the primary role of the ground troops was to protect an air base in an allied nation. The major differences were that Thailand was then at peace, Diego Garcia was in the middle of nowhere and Malaysia was embroiled in an internal conflict known as either the second Malayan emergency or the counterinsurgency war. The RAAF Airfield Defence Guard at Ubon never fired a shot in anger and neither did the troops on Diego Garcia, where the nearest enemy was nearly 1,700 kilometres away. They were never attacked and no-one lost his life or was seriously injured. They have been awarded full recognition by way of medals and financial benefits consistent with service in a war zone—the medal being the Australian Active Service Medal.</para>
<para>The Army troops who served at Rifle Company Butterworth engaged in a number of activities, including outside the wire, base defence and the like. They carried full front-line ammunition and a number of them lost their lives in non-combat incidents while serving there. Despite all that they have been denied recognition of the hazardous nature of their employment, receiving the lesser Australian Service Medal and no financial benefits. We owe them. We are better than this.</para>
<para>We owe it to all our service people who are deployed on war service or on active service not to play grubby, pedantic games with terminology, ducking and weaving to dud them out of their entitlements as if they were asking for something they did not earn. Think about this as we head towards another Anzac Day: are our veterans worthy of honourable treatment? Justice delayed is justice denied.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Community Legal Centres</title>
          <page.no>119</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week in Hobart I joined the shadow Attorney-General, Mark Dreyfus, on visits to community legal centres, where we heard first-hand about the devastating impact of the government's cuts to their funding. Among our meetings we met with the Women's Legal Service and the Hobart Community Legal Service, and Mr Dreyfus also met with the Environmental Defenders Office. The federal member for Franklin, Julie Collins, accompanied us to the Hobart CLS.</para>
<para>Community legal centres across Australia are facing a 30 per cent cut to their Commonwealth funding from 1 July this year. These are services which help some of the most vulnerable people in our community, people who are facing issues such as family violence, tenancy issues and termination of employment. People rely on these services for such things as fighting unfair dismissal, seeking family violence orders, gaining access to their children during a separation and having incorrect decisions reversed by Centrelink.</para>
<para>This has come at possibly the worst time ever, as the welfare rights cases of the Hobart Community Legal Service have doubled due to this government's robo-debt disaster. We know that at least 20 per cent of those debt notices have been sent to people who do not owe any money, and we have recent admissions from the government that it could be as high as 40 per cent. I suspect it is probably a lot higher. The truth is we do not actually know how many of these debts are legitimate.</para>
<para>A number of people have reported to my office and those of all my colleagues and to the CLCs that, despite not owing anything, they have gone ahead and paid the money because it is easier than taking the fight up to Centrelink. The very people who take a key role in defending these people from the injustice of this robo-debt debacle are facing a massive funding cut—$200,000 a year in the case of the Hobart Community Legal Service. Imagine the impact of that massive cut to a legal centre that has already lost one solicitor due to previous budget cuts.</para>
<para>The Women's Legal Service is experiencing an increase in its core business, which is family violence cases. It expects that this is due to an increase in women coming forward and seeking help. Of course more victims seeking help is a good thing, but we need to think seriously about the kind of message we are sending if we have to turn away women in desperate and dangerous situations.</para>
<para>The Women's Legal Service estimates that the government's cut would result in them losing a majority of their legal staff and see up to 1,000 women lose access to legal advice, representation, advocacy, information and education. It would also mean an end to mentoring law students and legal volunteers, which would be very unfortunate.</para>
<para>The staff recounted to us the story of a woman on a bridging visa who had experienced family violence and likely faced retribution on return to her home country. With the help of a barrister, acting pro bono, the Women's Legal Service were able to secure a guarantee in the Family Court that the woman's children could stay with her until her visa outcome is determined. If her children were forced to return, it is likely she would never see them again. While this is obviously one of the more complex cases they have had to deal with, the government's funding cut would lead to some tough decisions about whether they can afford to put resources into such cases. Just imagine the consequences for vulnerable women if the Women's Legal Service could not take on cases such as the one I have just mentioned. When many CLCs across the country, like the Women's Legal Service, are at the front line when it comes to helping victims of family violence, cutting their funding is a very bad move.</para>
<para>The Hobart Community Legal Service also handles family violence matters and often deals with perpetrators of family violence. And while we may not be so sympathetic to the perpetrators, experience shows that they are more likely to adhere to family violence orders if they have legal representation—which is a good outcome for their victims.</para>
<para>Another group of people who we may not have a lot of sympathy for are those who engage in petty crime. But often petty criminals rely on CLCs for help, and having proper legal representation could make the difference between getting an outcome that helps their rehabilitation or going down a pathway that leads to a more serious criminal career. What becomes of these clients when CLCs have to turn them away? If someone is in desperate need of legal help and has been denied legal aid and pro bono representation, the local community legal centre is usually their last resort. I remind those opposite, once again, that we are talking about the most vulnerable people in our community, people who are desperate for help and advice, where safety, livelihoods and sometimes even lives are at stake.</para>
<para>I know this is unusual but I would like to acknowledge the Tasmanian government, who have stepped in with funding of $1.2 million to make up for the Turnbull government's cuts to CLCs in Tasmania. While this intervention is welcome, the Tasmanian government should not have to step in to make up the shortfall from these cruel and savage cuts. This is $1.2 million that could go to providing other essential services for Tasmanians. Essentially, we have seen a cost-shifting exercise where some of the CLC funding has been shifted from the federal government to the Tasmanian government. This will result in cuts in other parts of the Tasmanian budget, which will likely impact on vulnerable Tasmanians.</para>
<para>This is a short-term stop-gap measure that has not solved the problem for CLCs because the state government's funding is only guaranteed for the 2017-18 financial year—and, the cynical part of me could say, in the build-up to the next Tasmanian state election. It offers no funding certainty for Tasmanian CLCs beyond 30 June 2018, and it is impossible for CLCs to plan for the long term with this 30 per cent cut continuing to hang over their heads. This puts paid to the bizarre claim by the Attorney-General, Senator Brandis, that the federal government's cuts worked because the Tasmanian government has stepped in to make up the shortfall. I remind Senator Brandis that they have not worked for the CLCs in all the other states and they will not work for Tasmanian CLCs after 30 June 2018.</para>
<para>To reverse this cut, CLCs only need additional funding of $30 million. That is $30 million in a budget of over $300 billion. It equates to a few kilometres of highway or a small fraction of the $50 billion tax gift that this government wants to dole out to big business. I would like to remind those listening that a Productivity Commission report that Labor commissioned when we were in government found that every dollar invested in CLCs returns $17 in other benefits—that's right, $17. In other words, reversing the $30 million cut that starts from 1 July would net a half-a-billion-dollar return! It is an indictment on the performance of Senator Brandis, the worst Attorney-General in Australia's history and previously the worst arts minister, that he cannot win the argument with his government—or, even worse, fails to prosecute the argument—to secure a mere $30 million to help protect the most vulnerable people in Australia.</para>
<para>Is it any surprise that we see such failure from an Attorney-General who throughout his time in office has been so inept and so ineffective? He might have a big book collection but that does not mean he is smart. I say he is the worst Attorney-General because the highest law officer in the land is charged with protecting the rule of law, yet Senator Brandis spends most of his time trying to undermine it. He has argued publicly with statutory officers—for example, the Solicitor-General and the President of the Human Rights Commission—and admonished them for simply doing their jobs. He has defended the so-called right of Australians to be bigots and to engage in racist hate-speech. He has spent time and resources fighting a fairly benign freedom-of-information request through the courts and only recently complied with the court's ruling—after about three years of shadow minister Dreyfus trying to get access to his diary.</para>
<para>This is all coming from the man who has ministerial responsibility for the FOI Act. Just think of what an example he is setting for the rest of the government! When it comes to the electoral prospects of this government, Senator Brandis is an anvil chained to their ankles—an anvil that, no doubt, the Prime Minister will be only too eager to cut loose in the coming months if he has even the vaguest sense of self-preservation. And now Senator Brandis is cutting funding to services which help get access to justice for some of the most desperate, vulnerable people in Australia. Not only is that incompetent; it is downright cruel. Denying access to legal advice and representation means denying justice. This cut to CLCs is, no doubt, one of the most mean-spirited, cruel acts of a government that plumbs new depths of cruelty every day—and it must be reversed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania: Economy, Tasmania: Tarkine Region</title>
          <page.no>121</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Very recently, I spoke at a rally in north-west Tasmania to stop bulldozers and to stop the Tarkine being trashed and logged. The story I told—and it occurred to me just prior to my speaking at the rally—was about standing in my cellar door in Tasmania, in the Tamar Valley, nearly 10 years ago. I spoke to a gentleman who was a friend of my father's. This was a gentleman who grew up with my father in north-east Tasmania around Scottsdale. He went on to be a Liberal Party minister. In fact, he was the forestry minister in Tasmania for a long period of time. He came in to my cellar door because he knew that I was an active campaigner against one of the world's biggest pulp mills being built in the Tamar Valley. He said to me, 'Peter, I know why you want to defend your valley and why you don't want to see this place industrialised, but you've got to understand that there's towns across Tasmania, especially in rural Tasmania, that need this project.' He said: 'Look at where I live now. The town's got absolutely nothing going for it. It's an ex-mining town. It's a forestry town. The forestry industry's collapsed. It's got high unemployment. It's got absolutely no future without a pulp mill.'</para>
<para>I reflected on this, looking back 10 years to when we had this discussion. It was quite ironic that, when I found myself talking in the north-west of Tasmania, I reflected on this town where this gentleman lived. It was called Derby, in north-east Tasmania. Derby is a fascinating story, and it is a really positive story for us to tell about the potential of a future for Tasmania. Derby now is on the international map for international mountain biking. In fact, very shortly, next month, the Enduro World Series challenge race, which also goes to Aspen, in Colorado, and of course Whistler, in Canada, and a number of other places around the world is coming to Derby.</para>
<para>What started this was federal funding delivered by the Greens and Labor under the Tasmanian forest agreement. The planning started back in the mid-2000s, but it was not until 2012, until the forestry industry collapsed and Gunns went into liquidation, that the forestry agreement process was negotiated and $100 million was put into Tasmania's economy to diversify the economy, to retrain workers from the forestry industry and to build new futures. A chunk of that money, not that much, went into developing some world-class mountain bike tracks in this old town of Derby.</para>
<para>Let me call it a once-forgotten town. It definitely was a forgotten town. But now you cannot buy any real estate there. Every business in the town has been bought up. Investors have gone in there. They have done up all the pubs. All the shops have been done up. And there is still a massive demand for more people to invest in Derby because thousands of people are now going there to experience one of the world's best mountain bike tracks. The Enduro challenge lands next month. Two thousand riders and their crews will be descending on this small town in north-east Tasmania—2,000 riders and a hundred journalists.</para>
<para>This area was also saved, shall I say, by the Greens and communities from being logged only 18 months ago, even while it was being developed as a mountain bike track. I am planning to go there with my wife over Easter for what is called the Blue Derby Pods tour, which is an ecotour where you sleep in tree houses that they have made; you ride all day; they feed you; they give you a bit of grog; and hopefully it is an all-round fantastic experience.</para>
<para>There are some really awesome things going on in north-east Tasmania. I see the hipsters getting off the plane from Melbourne on Friday night when I arrive back from Canberra. They all have their laptops. They are doing stuff. They go and pick up their mountain bikes off the racks. They go to stay in Launceston. They visit other parts in the north-east. There is a big tourism boom going on around this.</para>
<para>When I was standing in the north-west, I thought of a still-forgotten town, a place called Waratah, which is almost a mirror image of what Derby used to be. It is also a forgotten town, ex mining, ex forestry, with not much going for it, but it is on the edge of one of the world's last wilderness areas of temperate rainforest—unspoilt temperate rainforest—which is the Tarkine. It is an area that has been recognised for its heritage values. It got emergency national heritage listing, and it has been recognised officially for its World Heritage values, but it is still unprotected—500,000 hectares of rainforest which unfortunately, any day now, is going to see the bulldozers go in. Virgin rainforest, trees hundreds of years old that have seen the times and breathed in the air during the reign of Napoleon, during the discoveries of the Americas, during the discovery of Australia—these hundreds-of-years-old trees—are going to be bulldozed and chipped for no reason at all except that the Liberal government in Tasmania is looking for political conflict going into a state election.</para>
<para>Of these forests, two coupes are on the Franklin River—and I have been out to the Tarkine nearly every month in the last six months. I was there with my daughter on the weekend. We went to the Franklin coupes. I was there only months before that collecting—Acting Deputy President Back, you will be pleased to know—with a wildlife expert, a blue lobster, a massive, giant, freshwater crayfish, <inline font-style="italic">Astacopsis gouldi</inline>. The only place in the world where these male blue lobsters are found is in the Franklin River catchment where we are about to see the trees and the old forests logged. As you know, Acting Deputy President, that species is endangered; it is listed because of disruption to its habitat right across Northern Tasmania. Once these forests go, the catchment area gets ruined; you get a large amount of debris and disturbance in the water; they cannot feed, and they die. And they are under significant pressure.</para>
<para>Not only that but these rainforests, these magnificent old trees, are homes to masked owls, to wedge-tailed eagles and to a whole range of species. Most importantly, the area is the last area left in Tasmania, in the world, where we have healthy, disease-free populations of the Tasmanian devil. This is the last bastion of the Tasmanian devil.</para>
<para>These coupes which have been sitting there idle for four years because there has been no mass clear-felling or logging in Tasmania since the forest agreement are being accessed because the Liberal government this week in Tasmania ripped up the Tasmanian forest agreement. The legislation passed the lower house. It has gone to the MLCs. This is not supported by the forest industry. The Tasmanian forest industry, the loggers and even the unions are saying they do not support ripping up this peace agreement. The environmentalists, who sat down with the unions and the forestry industry for four excruciating years, came up with this deal. It did not suit anyone. No-one was happy with it. Not enough area was protected for environmentalists in Tasmania and the loggers did not get as much as they wanted; nevertheless, the deal was signed. Now it has been ripped up.</para>
<para>These forests and hundreds of thousands of hectares of World Heritage value forests—rainforest, old-growth forest that has never seen human activity that are the heart and soul of Tasmania, and the reason why thousands of tourists flock to Tasmania—are going to be sacrificed on the altar of one man's political ambition: Guy Barnett, the Liberal minister in Tasmania. He knows he is up for a hard fight in his state election. The Robson rotation can be a cruel thing. He knows that in every different polling booth he is not necessarily going to be on the top of the ticket for the Liberals; it is rotated. So he is doing this to get his name out there. He is deliberately inciting conflict in these forests for no good economic reasons. They cannot sell the trees. The forestry industry do not want these areas logged. He wants a fight going into the election. Then we have the rest of the forest agreement—another 152 coups in the Tarkine which will be up for grabs if we do not make a stand in the next few weeks and defend these forests.</para>
<para>I would urge all Tasmanians listening and who care about the forests—and there are tens of thousands of them—to contact their MLCs in Tasmania and make sure they let them know that ripping up this forest agreement is not good enough. These forests should be protected. They are there for future generations. They are worth more in the ground. They are worth more for jobs. They are worth more for the environment and the creatures that live in these forests. Let's find a better way forward. Remember Blue Derby; it is a success. Tasmania has so much more potential if we think outside the box.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>United States Administration: Family Planning Aid</title>
          <page.no>123</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator MOORE</name>
    <name.id>00AOQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>President Donald Trump's presidential memorandum of 23 January 2017 stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I hereby revoke the Presidential Memorandum of January 23, 2009, for the Secretary of State and the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development (Mexico City Policy and Assistance for Voluntary Population Planning), and reinstate the Presidential Memorandum of January 22, 2001, for the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development (Restoration of the Mexico City Policy).</para></quote>
<para>In effect, this memorandum reinstates what has become known as the global gag on abortion for family planning using any kind of US aid.</para>
<para>The reaction from the world was not surprise. In fact, this was something that Donald Trump talked about a little during his presidential campaign—not of course in the years before; he actually talked about his support for women's right to choose at that time. When he ran for President, he was clear that he was actually going to revert to the standard Republican policy of ensuring that there would be restriction on US international funding for any aid program that was linked in any way to abortion funding.</para>
<para>When he signed his presidential memorandum, he was surrounded at the time by a group of male advisers. He was overriding the presidential memorandum of 2009, which was signed by then newly elected President Obama. Those of us who are interested in this issue were excited and relieved at that stage to see then President Obama signing this declaration which reinstated USA aid to organisations who were fulfilling their role to look at women's reproductive rights across the world—one element of which was access to abortion or information about abortion around the world. The stark contrast between the images of those two presidential signings was that when President Obama made his decision in 2009, he was surrounded by women. For those of us who are interested in this topic, that iconic image remains with us for hope and also for concern about what the impact will be of the Trump memorandum.</para>
<para>To be clear, no-one at this stage is completely sure of what the impact is going to be of this change of policy. There is information about what could occur, but it will not be clear until we see the rollout and until we see the decisions by a range of organisations that work in this field about whether they will sign on. If they do, the expectation from the US government is that they will cease having any information about abortion in their family planning or in their information on women's reproductive health. Unless they sign a declaration stating that, they will lose any access to US aid funding. We are watching as the organisations are making their decisions and talking to their members, and assessing what the impact will be on their services.</para>
<para>It is clear that what we are seeing now is a reversion to previous policy. The Mexico City policy to which President Trump refers goes to a 1984 decision at a population conference that was held in Mexico City, when the then Reagan administration brought domestic abortion politics into the arena of international aid for the first time. The administration declared:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The United States does not consider abortion an acceptable element of family planning programs and will no longer contribute to those of which it is a part.</para></quote>
<para>The process there was to work with organisations to see what occurred. Since then, we have been able to see the impact on women, the impact on families and the impact on economic survival and poverty across the world by this decision about family planning across the world.</para>
<para>We are not sure how the Trump process will operate because there is a clear expansion of the terms of the Mexico City definition to include 'all health assistance furnished by all departments or agencies' not just family planning assistance. This will include programs ranging from HIV aids, to malaria and children's health. So we will see organisations that have effectively been providing real assistance to families' health and to programs across the world being restricted in the kinds of services that they provide under their commitment to the world. Remember, this declaration was been made at exactly the same time as we, as an international community, have signed up to the Sustainable Development Goals.</para>
<para>President Trump has now taken on the responsibility that his nation signed onto only two years ago in terms of the commitment to a world that is facing issues of poverty and disadvantage. Sustainable development goal No. 5 is actually determined to end all forms of discrimination against women and girls everywhere, eliminating all forms of violence. Element 5.6 clearly states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights as agreed in accordance with the Programme of Action of the International Conference on Population and Development and the Beijing Platform for Action and the outcome documents of their review conferences.</para></quote>
<para>This is a clear international statement. The United States and all other nations of the world have agreed to that process. When you look at the program of action, which I always keep by my side, you will see that this wonderful document dated 5-13 September 1994 gives a quite clear indication of ensuring that there will be effective family-planning processes across the world. It states clearly that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In no case should abortion be promoted as a method of family planning—</para></quote>
<para>and no-one pretends that abortion is an effective method of family planning. However, it goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Prevention of unwanted pregnancies must always be given the highest priority and every attempt should be made to eliminate the need for abortion. Women who have unwanted pregnancies should have ready access to reliable information and compassionate counselling. Any measures or changes related to abortion within the health system can only be determined at the national or local level according to the national legislative process. In circumstances where abortion is not against the law—</para></quote>
<para>and this is the local law—</para>
<quote><para class="block">such abortion should be safe. In all cases, women should have access to quality services for the management of complications arising from abortion. Post-abortion counselling, education and family-planning services should be offered promptly, which will also help to avoid repeat abortions.</para></quote>
<para>That is the environment in which these decisions have been made since 1994, but the presidential direction, which the new president has just signed, raises concerns about any of the programs offered to look at safe access, family counselling and the devastating needs of women who have taken up the option of abortion and are now suffering from complications. All of those services could be impacted by this presidential declaration because no agency which offers any of those services will now be allowed to get USAID funding. We know that the consequences will be devastating.</para>
<para>The International Planned Parenthood Federation, the IPPF, was founded in 1952 and has a global network of local partners that deliver more than 300 services every minute of every day. The IPPF have clearly said that, during President Trump's term, they will not sign any declaration that limits the numbers of services and types of services that they provide for women and families across the world. They have said that they will not sign, so they will lose over $100 million in US government funding during this term. In practical terms, that funding could prevent in this time 20,000 maternal deaths, 4.8 million unintended pregnancies and 1.7 million unsafe abortions. It could also provide treatment to 275,000 pregnant women living with HIV to protect their health and help prevent transmission of HIV to their infants; 70 million condoms to prevent unintended pregnancies, HIV and other STIs; and 725,000 HIV tests to enable people to know their HIV status. This funding, which they will lose under this decision, could also treat 525,000 sexually transmitted infections.</para>
<para>I am using those figures to show the real impact of this decision. Since 1984, when this Mexico gag was first introduced, there has been no evidence to prove that the global gag rule actually reduces women making the decision to terminate their pregnancy; however, we do know, by those figures I have just read into the record, that the lost funding, which allows access to contraception for more than 225 million women globally, greatly increases the need or the probability of women making the choice to abort. It would also increase pregnancy-related deaths by about 289,000. Marie Stopes International, another international organisation that does provide a full range of women's reproductive information and services, including access to safe medical abortions in nations where abortion is legal, has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">All the medical evidence, as well as everything we know from our daily interactions with women, is unequivocal: if you take safe abortion services out of the reproductive healthcare package, it exposes women to risk.</para></quote>
<para>We are not prepared to do that. Marie Stopes International, along with IPPF, have refused to sign the statement that they will limit their services, so by nature of the declaration signed by President Trump they will lose all access to USAID.</para>
<para>As I pointed out, this philosophical political approach changes according to the president of the day. We have had over the years from the time of Reagan a series of Republican presidents who have instituted similar programs. With Democratic presidents Clinton and Obama we saw revisions, so the USAID limitation was no longer in place. But through that process there has been significant research done about the impact of the reductions. I will concentrate on Africa, because the data from the African countries was most clear.</para>
<para>I was lucky enough to be in Ethiopia a few years ago and to visit some of the facilities that have been funded by Marie Stopes International. Up until this declaration, Marie Stopes International had received funds from USAID that enabled workers to work in Ethiopian villages. For six or seven hours they visit local villages, where they call together local meetings and work with women and their partners to look at the best way of contraception. They also provided services in tubal ligations and vasectomies for those who chose that process. In Ethiopia, Marie Stopes International run extremely well-regarded, professional and welcoming maternity services where they are able to work with families to ensure that they have safe births, particularly for women who come from regional areas and would not have that safety normally. Alongside those services, they run particularly effective clinics which offer practical advice and termination processes in their natural services, and all of these services work cooperatively on providing education services for women and families and, most particularly, providing informed choice for women and their families about what they want to do in their own pregnancies. That will now cause more trouble. There will not be those services through USAID, and they will be looking at trying to find alternative funding or see how they are able to maintain these extraordinarily well-documented services that are in place.</para>
<para>Ms Marjorie Newman-Williams, the vice-president and director of international operations for Marie Stopes International, has said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Every year, 21.6 million women are so desperate to end their pregnancy they put their lives on the line by risking an unsafe abortion. Thousands of them die and millions more are left with life altering injuries. Agreeing to the Mexico City Policy—</para></quote>
<para>which now is the Trump policy—</para>
<quote><para class="block">would mean accepting their fate and turning our backs on the very women who need us most.</para></quote>
<para>She went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Attempts to stop abortion through restrictive laws—or by withholding family planning aid—will never work, because they do not eliminate women's need for abortion. This policy only exacerbates the already significant challenge of ensuring that people in the developing world who want to time and space their children can obtain the contraception they need to do so.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It denies people the right to make choices that could improve their living conditions, from the girl who could have avoided an unwanted pregnancy and continued her education, to the mother of five who could have averted the life-threatening risk of an unsafe abortion. The impact of the Mexico City Policy will be catastrophic and it is women in developing countries who will pay the price.</para></quote>
<para>One of the positive elements of this information that is being shared across the world at the moment is that recently there was a special conference convened in Europe, the Women Deliver conference, where ministers from countries across Europe gathered together to consider what the impact will be from this massive reduction of US aid funding to the people who, as we have said, are most vulnerable. Through that process, there have been commitments by a number of countries. Most particularly, the Dutch government have increased the amount of money that they are putting into an international pool to try to ensure that funding to these areas across the developing world will be able to be maintained. Australia has not taken up the opportunity to increase its funding in this pool, but I know that we are watching and seeing how this is going to develop. Basically, we are watching and waiting to see what the impact will be on these families through international aid and to ensure that these services will be able to continue.</para>
<para>At the same time, there has been a strong advocacy program being run by organisations within Australia who have been writing to our minister, Minister Julie Bishop, stating:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We stand united in opposition to the U.S.-imposed Global Gag Rule, which undermines women's health, rights and autonomy … The Global Gag Rule further hurts an already-dire situation by weakening the effectiveness of U.S. foreign assistance funding by making capable and effective partners ineligible for funds. As you know—</para></quote>
<para>this is directed to Minister Bishop—</para>
<quote><para class="block">complications arising from pregnancy, childbirth and unsafe abortions are leading killers of women and girls in developing countries, killing 830 women a day.</para></quote>
<para>This knowledge is understood, and Australia is talking about what role, if any, our government will play in ensuring that we will have access to safe family planning, including, where legal, abortion services, through our international program. We as a nation have signed up to the Sustainable Development Goals, which clearly indicate that this is an absolutely integral part of looking at women's health and safety and ensuring that all discrimination against women and girls is eliminated, wherever in the world they live.</para>
<para>This is a challenge for all of us. I think it is important that we understand the implications. When a previous national government in the US cut funding to the UNFPA, which is the UN agency that looks at these issues, there was a spontaneous rising up of women across the world, started by a woman in the US who felt that this program should be protected. She called on women of the world to donate $1 for women who could to go into a program. That led to an extraordinary engagement and passion to ensure that our sisters everywhere would have access to effective health programs.</para>
<para>This could well be what we need to do again. I think the challenge is clear. The threat has returned. As I said at the beginning of my contribution, there is no surprise that the government has signed this order. What we have is a challenge to all of us that, again, the most vulnerable women, children and families will not be victims of a President driven by a philosophy which I believe is opposed to women's safety.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Freedom of Religion</title>
          <page.no>126</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am an atheist. I grew up with a strong belief that freedom of religion is fundamental to democracy. In my teenage years, I was fortunate enough to be a member of the Young Humanists. There were some wonderful times that further strengthened my respect for and interest in different beliefs and different viewpoints.</para>
<para>I was growing up when the US, with Australian support, was waging war in South-East Asia. Millions of people in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia were killed. This brutality brought home to me that those who cannot countenance any views at variance with their own create a recipe for civil unrest, oppression and an authoritarian state. These days I am troubled by the intolerance political leaders like Prime Minister Turnbull and US President Donald Trump use to retain power. Today's announcement by the Prime Minister that 18C is on the chopping block is an attack on the tolerance and respect our society is built on. We need to remind ourselves that Australia is a signatory to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. It is worth remembering the exact words of article 18. It states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion…</para></quote>
<para>Everyone has the right—</para>
<quote><para class="block">… to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.</para></quote>
<para>And no-one will be coerced into or prevented from adopting or manifesting a religion or belief.</para>
<para>Belief refers to all personal worldviews, religious or otherwise, that influence our understanding of the universe and everyday behaviour. I certainly believe that is how we should interpret it. It also requires not only freedom of one's own belief but also freedom from the imposition of belief by others. So it would seem that all modern states agree to the requirement that the state itself cannot impose or direct any religious position on its citizens. It must support religious tolerance and respect for minority views and ensure equality of all beliefs before the law. In other words, a secular state defends human rights and remains strictly separate from any religious institution.</para>
<para>However, these universal rights in fact are frequently and seriously eroded in many countries, including Australia. There are some startling examples around the world. Saudi Arabia, a member of the UN Human Rights Council, has recently imposed a new so-called terrorism law which prohibits any atheist thought in any form and any disloyalty to the country's rulers or criticism of Islam. There is a death sentence for apostasy. Similar positions are espoused by Islamic nations wishing a strict form of sharia law. In India Prime Minister Modi and his Hindu fundamentalist BJP party have become associated with book banning and censorship that curtails other religions and viewpoints. The Buddhist government of Sri Lanka has systematically committed cultural genocide towards the Hindu Tamil minority, destroying temples, raping women and confiscating land.</para>
<para>These are just a few examples that arise when nation states are ruled by religion. This too often leads to abuse. Catholic dominated countries such as Poland and Ireland have banned women from accessing abortions, and are causing so much harm, tragedy and death in the course of that very bad policy. Christian and Muslim fundamentalism and all religious fundamentalisms are products of the intolerance, racism and extremism that go hand in hand with religious states.</para>
<para>In Australia, our constitution does not link our society with any religion. However, when it comes to the separation of state and church we are not doing very well. In 2009, J Perkins and F Gomez, in their paper <inline font-style="italic">Taxes and subsidies: the cost of 'advancing religion'</inline>, printed in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Humanist</inline>, estimated that the annual gross cost of religion to the Australian taxpayer is $31 billion. It makes for a fascinating read. The big cost is tax exemption granted to the powerful, big Christian churches. They are extremely wealthy, with enormous land and building resources for which they pay no rates. In by far the majority of cases they were given the land for free. Arguably, the budget deficit could be erased if the big churches paid their fair share of tax. The Catholic Church, in particular, is a powerful political lobby. The church hierarchy believes in the sanctity of marriage between man and woman, the rights of the foetus over the rights of the mother and homosexuality is a sin, as is abortion.</para>
<para>Religious intolerance has been the driver of much discrimination in our society. Until recently, people were jailed for homosexual behaviour. Marriage equality is still not legal. Abortion remains a criminal offence under New South Wales law. All this is despite the fact that the clear majority of Australians believe these bans are undemocratic and a violation of citizens' rights to act on their own beliefs. I certainly acknowledge that there are many religious people who strongly advocate for an end to all these forms of discrimination, but the religious institutions in this country have power that is destructive, undemocratic and not respectful of other views.</para>
<para>Scripture in public schools is a stand-out example of where the power of religious groups needs to be reined in. Growing up in an atheist household, I remember my parents regularly emphasising how important it was for me to respect people of all faiths. I was at primary school in the 1960s. When it came time for scripture most students went to what was then called Church of England scripture. There were also Catholic and Jewish scripture at my school. In the playground, however, religion did not figure at all in how we viewed each other—or anything for that matter. I attended non-scripture classes, but what I quickly found out was that were no actual classes. I was either sat on my own or given jobs while the other students went to scripture classes. When I was given the job of cleaning the toilets during non-scripture time I knew something was wrong. Today I do not hear of students being sent to clean the toilets as an alternative to scripture classes, but we still have a long way to go. Religion inserts itself into public education in Australia where it should not be. If parents wish to have their children instructed in a religious faith, that should not be done within the public education system.</para>
<para>Since 2006 the federal government has funded the National School Chaplaincy Program. The program was brought in by former Prime Minister John Howard. The chaplains are paid to provide general support for students, not specific denomination instruction. They are not qualified to deal with mental health issues, bullying, and relationship or sexual advice.</para>
<para>Most chaplains are sourced from explicitly evangelical organisations, often providing programs that are apparently designed to provide support and friendship, but which in fact aim to—and this comes from their material—'make God's good news known to children'. The employment of chaplains and the teaching of Scripture do not give equal respect to the multitude of other mainstream religions or alternative denominations, nor to the 23 per cent of people in Australia who have no religion. Indeed, the explicit aim of many Christian organisations is to convert children while they are young and impressionable.</para>
<para>Most Australian states do have education acts that specify that government schools will provide a secular education, one that does not promote one set of religious beliefs over another. Sounds good; however, special religious instruction is provided in most schools, usually offered by church volunteers. The New South Wales Department of Education has confirmed it has had Crown Solicitor's advice that a New South Wales education minister:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… does not have the power to control the contents of SRE—</para></quote>
<para>special religious education—</para>
<quote><para class="block">under the current provisions of the Education Act.</para></quote>
<para>That is wrong, deeply wrong.</para>
<para>Recent reviews in Queensland and New South Wales have raised concerns about the content of Scripture classes. Members of the New South Wales Department of Education's special religious education committee have stated that the aim of Scripture in New South Wales public schools is 'teaching all to obey Jesus Christ'. Yet, as noted by some senior church leaders and by the Greens' state justice spokesperson, David Shoebridge, much of the material is out of date and inappropriate for children. Worse, it can place children at risk of child abuse. In practice, parents are given little information or alternative options. Students either conform to the standard Christian scripture class, or else they are required to engage in menial, boring, punitive tasks that can create a negative label for those students.</para>
<para>Religious organisations are exploiting out-of-date legislation and flawed education department policies, like those we have in New South Wales, to treat public schools as an open door to promoting their religion. The New South Wales Department of Education's special religious education committee is made up of members of the SRE lobby, which has said that the aim of Scripture, as I said, is about teaching children to obey Jesus Christ. Nearly 90 per cent of the approved SRE providers in New South Wales are Christian. The system does not respect the rights of students, parents or caregivers with nonreligious beliefs, and I would argue that people of other faiths are not being respected either. As I said, I would argue that that should be outside the education department, but at the moment many people's children are being pulled into a Christian Scripture when they may wish their children to be taught otherwise.</para>
<para>Over a year, special religious education takes up 20 to 40 hours of curriculum time while that religious education is taking place. Students not participating in this religious education are not allowed to engage in academic instruction or formal school activities. I really do strongly urge people who are following this—and I hope people do—to look at the reports that have come out of the Queensland Department of Education and Training. They have actually looked at some of the religious education coming out of New South Wales, including Sydney Anglican's Connect program and other materials used in New South Wales. They have found that they have contained material: that is inappropriate for the target age group; that has topics that include murder, prostitution and animal sacrifice; that may encourage undesirable child behaviours, such as keeping of secrets and the formation of special friendships with adults—likened to possible grooming behaviour; that has the potential to affect the social and emotional wellbeing of particular students; that can be seen as aimed at converting students to Christianity. The full title of that report is <inline font-style="italic">Report on the review of the </inline>Connect<inline font-style="italic"> religious </inline><inline font-style="italic">instruction materials</inline> from August 2016. It was put out by the Queensland government's Department of Education and Training.</para>
<para>Coming back to New South Wales: when it comes to religious education and when it comes to our education system with regard to how religion is being handled, the system is just not good enough. The law states that the Minister for Education has no control over what is taught during special religious education. Special religious education is actually not delivered by teachers who are employed by the Department of Education, but is delivered by sometimes paid but usually volunteer representatives of religious organisations. A Department of Education teacher does not even need to be present during SRE. When you consider the standards that I think many people hope and believe our schools follow, particularly with police checks that are run on people who work with children, the lack of standards when it comes to special religious education, at least in New South Wales, is quite extraordinary.</para>
<para>As well as a Department of Education teacher not needing to be present during special religious education, principals can put children into special religious education without consent from parents and caregivers. The department does not even have a policy that makes it clear that those people volunteering, the volunteering SRE instructors, are not to try to convert students to their religious education program, their churches or their religion. That is why I said that you can see why parents are raising their concerns, that it is about capturing children while they are very young and converting them to usually Christian religions. The law requires principals to actually divide students up based on the religious beliefs of their parents and caregivers and send them to special religious education, where they receive instructions in the beliefs and practices of one religion. Special religious education is not inclusive. It is not education about world religions. By far in the main it is about the Christian religion. That is why I made that emphasis before. I think the whole system is wrong, and not just for non-religious people but for people of other faiths. How this system is being run is clearly troubling and certainly undemocratic.</para>
<para>This is quote from a former special religious education teacher at a high school: 'As a scripture teacher there is rarely a day where I do not tell students the message of Acts 4:12, "Salvation is found in no-one else". The message of the Bible is that you will be sent to hell unless you repent of your sin and trust in Jesus for your salvation. You need to do it now.' So the situation is troubling.</para>
<para>What I would argue is that education about religions in state schools should be delivered by teachers employed by the education department. I am certainly not arguing that religion should not be talked about or taught in our schools, but it should be taught by teachers about different religious beliefs not as a belief system where a particular church or a particular belief system, a particular faith, is being promoted to try and capture those students into that particular faith. It should be done in a way that is respectful of the secular nature of our state schools. Religion should be another part of our education, rather than being about promoting a faith.</para>
<para>The Greens support the New South Wales Department of Education statement that: 'Schools are neutral grounds for rational discourse and objective study'. But a lot of work needs to happen to get it back to that point. We also support FIRIS, Fairness In Religions In School. It is a very fine organisation that believes that the education department should apply its policies consistently and fairly throughout every school day.</para>
<para>I would really urge people to acquaint themselves with this issue. Increasingly, education is becoming more and more important. I think that is becoming more widely recognised. It needs to be done in a way that is inclusive, respectful and is not about pushing barrows of certain faiths. I am not arguing that those faiths do not have a place in our society. I respect that. But our education system should not be used to indoctrinate young people. Religion, in terms of promoting faith, should be separate from our education system. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queensland: Rural and Regional Development</title>
          <page.no>128</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>266524</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to share some stories and some experiences about travelling amongst constituents in south-western Queensland a few weeks ago. I can remember coming to the town of Mitchell. That is where we got to with the last update on this for our constituents. In the town of Mitchell, there is a wonderful bakery. It is a little town. We met a man called Rob who is trying, and has tried for many years, to start businesses and has had some success breaking into export markets but nowadays he finds it frustrating with all the red tape, not to mention the blue tape from the UN. He and the others in the town of Mitchell really glorified and appreciated the many benefits of country living.</para>
<para>Then we went on to the station of Bonus Downs, a cattle station, a farmstay—wonderful people, Madonna and Lyle Connolly and their son Grant, working a cattle property. What amazing things I saw there! They were amazing people. Property rights—they have a friend, Sharon Lohse, who has worked on recovering property rights for the last 12 years. Here is what I learned. The property rights are being stolen by governments of the LNP in Queensland and the ALP-Greens, and of course the ALP does it to steal votes from the Greens or to get their preferences. Sharon has been fighting this for 12 years.</para>
<para>We have been told by the people in Brisbane and Canberra that what we need to do is make sure trees grow and stop the grass and let the trees regrow. Of course when you go there what you see is little grass under the trees, the 'woody weeds' as they call these little trees, and no grass and the erosion really accelerating because there is a lack of grass roots to keep the soil bound. So it is actually the opposite of what we are being told. The grasslands stabilise. In fact many of those areas were grass originally. The original vegetation and the trees have been imported and run riot. They are not allowed to clear. They are not allowed to even clear regrowth without someone in Brisbane telling them that they can or cannot do it.</para>
<para>The point there is that it comes home really strongly that farmers are the best for looking after the land, yet they have been burdened with extra costs imposed on them by state governments and the Greens in Brisbane and people who do not really know about the environment. They have been saddled with extra costs and have had their property rights destroyed so they cannot use the land they bought. This is destroying rural areas. So we need to restore the property rights of farmers. Our farmers in Australia are competent, highly innovative. Grant, their son, flies an aircraft to muster the cattle. They use various highly trained dogs, trucks, science—very careful with the use of the science. This property is all family run. Many of the properties are run only by families because regulations are so onerous that they are destroying employment there.</para>
<para>They are a wonderful family. They called the locals in. They had a wonderful barbecue at night. They were very great hosts. The next day they showed us around the property. Bonus Downs farmstay is a wonderful place, a lovely old Queensland property, very well maintained and very friendly—Madonna and Lyle Connolly and their son Grant.</para>
<para>The next day we moved on to Nigel and Rosemary Brumpton's sheep property, where they produce wool and meat. They also found it very difficult to comply with tree-clearing regulations. They actually contradict the stereotype that people are told in the city about farmers. Nigel and Rosemary told us that drought handouts are not the answer, and that proper land management is the answer. And that means leaving farmers to have the rights to do with their property what they need to do to manage their business and their land. They said that drought handouts simply raise the price of land.</para>
<para>I can remember Peter Walsh, a true ALP minister in this parliament, many years ago—from your own state, Mr Acting Deputy President Back. He was highly regarded because he told the truth and stood up to both sides of politics. Nigel Brumpton told me quite clearly, 'This land does not need to be subsidised'. What a refreshing approach from a farmer! It echoed the farmers at Mondure on the same trip. The grassland as far as you could see on his property was good; the grass was in very good shape, with no erosion. It was a wonderful farm and very successful. He also mentioned that tax had been a serious burden to their business.</para>
<para>These were the things that were echoed throughout south-western Queensland: property rights, energy costs, tax and regulations—red tape, green tape, which is pseudo green tape, and also blue tape coming from the UN. Nigel said these words: 'Accountability. Nothing works without accountability.' What we need to do is to get rid of most of the regulations—and I mean most of the regulations—and hand back accountability to the farmers. They are the ones who want to minimise their costs, so they will not waste fertiliser, they will not waste pesticides and they will not waste chemicals. They are the ones who want to preserve their land to hand down to their kids, or to sell when they want to retire. We need to get government out of their business, out of their lives and off their backs. This is especially so when there are so many changes happening in the farming industries because of technology and market changes. The best people to handle changes are the farmers, who keep track of the market and the trends.</para>
<para>Then we moved on to Charleville. It is a lovely, tidy town of about 3½ thousand people in far western Queensland. We went to the large and very lively RSL—as professional as any RSL in the city. We met Annie Liston, the mayor of Murweh Shire and Neil Polglase, the chief executive officer. He was originally born and raised in Brisbane, I think—certainly in one of the large cities. He loves it out there. And that is what we heard all through Charleville—people love the town. The Brisbane girls in the hospital love the town. They love the social life.</para>
<para>Campbell McPhee is the owner and developer of Western Meat Exporters, a sheep and goat abattoir. Here is a business developed by someone in western Queensland, and yet the mayor told us that he is beset with high electricity prices and a lack of supply that is stopping another abattoir from being developed as quickly as it needs to be. They are desperately waiting for more power. And here is Queensland—they are in Queensland!—where we have some of the best black coal in the world. It is the cleanest black coal in the world, with cheap, clean energy—we used to have it. But due to the Greens policies, the ALP's policies and, sadly, the LNP's lack of any courage to address these policies, January prices were 2½ times the average for the last 12 months.</para>
<para>There is a wonderful Vietnamese community there. It is needed because they cannot get Aussie workers with special skills to work in the abattoir. These Vietnamese workers are on 457 visas. The mayor very quickly said to me that these are wonderful people. They have settled in and integrated. As we have said in this chamber, we not only need to discuss the quantity of immigration but the quality of immigration, which we have defined as the willingness and ability to integrate and assimilate. All the way out at Charleville, we saw and heard people talking about the privately-owned Wellcamp Airport at Toowoomba. It is a private initiative, and they are looking at it in Charleville as a way of improving their exports.</para>
<para>We went to Charleville Hospital—sadly, I had an injury. But I was treated very well in this country hospital. It was very clean and it is a very friendly town. Sadly, I learned from the mayor that Charleville Hospital is being run increasingly from Roma. They have lost some of their services at Charleville. It was a health care hub, and now that hub is Roma. That has led to a reduction in services and employment, and a decrease in the quality of care and services—although I was very impressed with the way the nurses and the doctor took care of me. The hospital is now smaller; they have more administration and fewer services. But the services they do have are excellent because of the quality of the people.</para>
<para>It was very interesting for me to learn that the shire council had produced some figures. They are a shire council, not a regional council that was the amalgamation of many shires. The shires out there are large and they cannot be amalgamated because the amalgamated area would be huge and beyond management. So their shire area is too big for amalgamation. They gave me some figures, because they like it the way it is. They do not want amalgamation. They said that before amalgamation there were 126 councils, with some very large councils across the state not viable. After amalgamation there are only 77 councils, with 45 not viable. The larger councils gobbled up the other shires' assets and dragged down the smaller councils.</para>
<para>Amalgamation is something that has not worked in some areas of Queensland, and I believe—I have not done the research so I cannot say it unequivocally—it has not worked in most areas of Queensland. There are serious doubts about it because although people talk about the theory of economies of scale there are the diseconomies of information. By just walking down the street a councillor or a council employee knows what is needed. They do not have to call up to get someone in from 200 or so kilometres away, all adding to the cost.</para>
<para>It is clear that the control of communities and services is more effective within the communities themselves, because there is ownership. As a business manager I have found the same. It is essential to give people authority and to give people responsibility. The economies of scale in these areas are offset—more than offset—by the diseconomies of information flow and the inaccuracies of information flow due to a growing bureaucracy. They are yet again failed state policies of the LNP, and especially of the Beattie and Bligh ALP governments.</para>
<para>What we have seen is that many of these towns and shires are beset with increased bureaucracy, increased interference from the state and increased interference from the Commonwealth government, and that local councils are not able to display the initiative that the West is so famous for. One of the things I have noticed is that the people out west are so amazing. The people in the South West are creative and they have enormous initiative, but they are being choked and stifled by energy prices, taxation, regulations and the destruction of their property rights that have been stolen. Governments—increasingly, sadly, it is Commonwealth governments—of both sides of politics and also the state government are dead weights. They are putting in place severe obstacles to progress for councils and towns.</para>
<para>As I have said, the four big issues are taxation, energy prices, over-regulation and property rights. I note that we cannot make the poor rich by making the rich poor. We have to—as Senator Hanson said today—sort out the tax system in this country. We have got to face up to the inefficiencies and inequities in our tax system that are destroying our country because foreign companies, which dominate our economy, are not being taxed. Both the Labor Party and the Greens—when they were in coalition with Julia Gillard as Prime Minister—and the Liberal-National coalition have ignored these severe issues, the most pressing issues facing our country.</para>
<para>I want to come back to the fact that these people out west are being crippled by regulations and, despite the heavy hand of government, they still have that spark and that desire to help one another, to innovate and to be creative, and they are doing so much. We need to give them all the support we can. So stop the window dressing, get down, roll up our sleeves and help them, because all they want is a fair go. That is all people want right across Queensland: they just want a fair go. And that is particularly important in a world of rapid change. Thank you.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 22:01</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>130</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>130</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>131</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>