
<hansard version="2.2" noNamespaceSchemaLocation="../../hansard.xsd">
  <session.header>
    <date>2016-08-31</date>
    <parliament.no>45</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>1</period.no>
    <chamber>Senate</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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          <span class="HPS-SODJobDate">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;"></span>
            <a type="" href="Chamber">Wednesday, 31 August 2016</a>
          </span>
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        <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-Normal">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The PRESIDENT (Senator the Hon. </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Stephen Parry)</span> took the chair at 9:30, read prayers and made an acknowledgement of country.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Register of Senators' Interests</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Register of Senators' Interests</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—During a television interview last night Senator Bernardi raised questions about a specific matter on my pecuniary interests register. Senator Bernardi requested that I make a statement to this chamber, and I accede to that request. On 12 October 2015 I updated my register of pecuniary interests to include:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Support for settlement of electorate staff travel budget …</para></quote>
<para>The declaration related to the payment of a $1,670.82 bill. The payment was made by Top Education Pty Ltd and was disclosed on the register.</para>
<para>On reflection, I should have paid that amount myself. I take full responsibility, and I have donated that amount to charity. I thank the Senate for its indulgence and I thank Senator Bernardi for giving me the opportunity to clarify that.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Register of Senators' Interests</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Register of Senators' Interests</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to move a motion to take note of Senator Dastyari's statement.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We will grant leave for a one-minute statement, as Senator Dastyari had.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the time that I have allotted I am going to say that Senator Dastyari's statement to this chamber is wholly inadequate. Not only has Senator Dastyari sought to hide behind the fact that he has fulfilled his parliamentary obligations, but he has not detailed how it came to pass that a company with strong links to a foreign country has paid his personal responsibilities and obligations to the Commonwealth. Fulfilling the technical requirements of this parliament is one thing, but the intent and integrity—and the question marks that now hover over Senator Dastyari's head—are things he needs to explain.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong and her ilk may decide to cover up for Senator Dastyari in some sort of protection racket, but it is not good enough for us in this place to have these sorts of things hanging over their heads and undermining the confidence in the politicians in this place.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Wong interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Hang your head in shame, Senator Wong, because you and Senator Dastyari stand condemned.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, on both sides! Senator Bernardi you have had your say. Senator Wong. Senator Brandis. Order! Senator Wong, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I would ask Senator Bernardi to withdraw that. Senator Bernardi just—</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>One moment, Senator Wong. Order on my right and my left!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask Senator Bernardi to withdraw that. He just made an accusation at me. He asked me, 'Who pays my mortgage?' I pay my mortgage—and don't be grubby.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Bernardi interjecting —</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Bernardi, you do not have the call. Senator Wong, have you concluded your point of order? Senator Bernardi, if there was anything unparliamentary that you said—I did not hear it—I would ask you to withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There was nothing unparliamentary that I said. If Senator Wong wants to defend the payment of personal obligations by companies that are associated with foreign entities, we are right to ask: who else on that side of the chamber has their bills paid?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bernardi, we can take an imputation that that was directed adversely at Senator Wong. I would appreciate it if you would withdraw that remark.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. We have concluded this debate for the time being. We will now move on to business.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Days and Hours of Meeting</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the days of meeting of the Senate for the remainder of 2016 be as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Spring sittings:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Thursday, 1 September</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Monday, 12 September to Thursday, 15 September</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Spring sittings (2):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Monday, 10 October to Thursday, 13 October</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Spring sittings (3):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Monday, 7 November to Thursday, 10 November</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Monday, 21 November to Thursday, 24 November</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Monday, 28 November to Thursday, 1 December.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens will support this motion, but we would just like to, once again, express our disappointment that, when it comes to the scheduling of parliamentary sitting weeks, we are again seeing a sitting week scheduled during the school holiday period in South Australia. There has been a long tradition in this place that we avoid scheduling sitting weeks during the school holiday periods. It is really important. It is a tough gig. It is tough on families. It is tough on those people in this chamber who have children. One of the conventions that has quite rightly evolved in the parliament is to ensure that we do not schedule sitting weeks during the school holiday periods. I would just, once again, like to reaffirm our commitment to that convention and that, when the scheduling for the parliament next year is being developed, there is a very keen eye applied to the school holiday periods for those many people in this place, especially women, who have to juggle these commitments. I think it is really critical that we ensure that this environment is as accommodating as possible to those families who often struggle to balance the competing commitments that we have as parliamentarians and also as parents.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I just inquire, in the course of this debate, whether there is a schedule that the senator has that would accommodate what he is talking about. My understanding is that the school holidays are all over the shop right across Australia. I am simply asking the question: is there a proposal that you had put to the manager on the days of sitting?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will just take that as a speech, Senator Macdonald, but I think Senator Di Natale heard that.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</title>
        <page.no>2</page.no>
        <type>PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rotation of Senators</title>
          <page.no>2</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, pursuant to section 13 of the Constitution, the senators chosen for each state be divided into two classes, as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senators listed at positions 7 to 12 on the certificate of election of senators for each state shall be allocated to the first class and receive 3 year terms.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Senators listed at positions 1 to 6 on the certificate of election of senators for each state shall be allocated to the second class and receive 6 year terms.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would just like to draw the Senate's attention to the method of allocating Senate terms that has been applied in this motion. It is not the countback method that this Senate has previously indicated should be the appropriate method for electing senators. The Labor and Liberal parties have both previously supported the much fairer method advocated by the Australian Electoral Commission; yet, disappointingly, but not surprisingly, when it does come to the crunch, they have gone back to a method that really has been adopted out of narrow self-interest.</para>
<para>We know that the countback method is the fairer, more democratic method of the two. We know that the order of election, which is the method that is being used in allocating Senate terms in this case, does create serious anomalies in preferential voting like ours. That is precisely why moving to a countback process was the recommendation of the 1983 Joint Select Committee on Electoral Reform. The Commonwealth Electoral Act was even amended to authorise the AEC to conduct a countback of the Senate vote.</para>
<para>Ultimately, this is a decision which is in our hands. It is a deliberate choice of this Senate to disregard the more democratic process that more closely reflects the will of voters. Senator Button and, indeed, Senator Faulkner, whom I had the pleasure of working with during my early years in this parliament and is somebody for whom I have tremendous respect, were both champions of the countback method. So it is disappointing to see Labor supporting this motion. They are not the only ones; we saw Senator Ronaldson move and successfully pass the motion on behalf of the coalition in 2010. It comes back to something that we have said on a number of occasions: there is nothing that brings the old parties—the Labor Party and the Liberal Party—closer together than ensuring they protect their cosy little duopoly. And here we are again; they are voting together to stop diverse voices in the parliament. It is the Coles and Woolies of politics, as I have said before.</para>
<para>The outcome of this motion has clearly been predetermined by both the Labor Party and the Liberal Party, but we will continue to advocate for the recount method, regardless of who it benefits, because it is the fairer method.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I wish to make some brief remarks in contribution to this debate and in support of the motion. The point to be made is that the motion proposed by Senator Fifield is consistent with every single precedent adopted by this chamber following a double dissolution. After the 1914, 1951, 1974, 1975, 1983 and 1987 double dissolutions—in other words, after all of the double dissolution elections that have occurred since Federation—when the appropriate operation of section 13 of the Constitution, which is the provision that provides for the rotation of senators, had to be considered by this chamber, the order-of-election principle was adopted.</para>
<para>Now, it is true, Senator Di Natale, as you say, that in 1998—not after a double dissolution—Senator Faulkner advocated for the countback method. That is true. That is a matter about which the Labor Party might wish to say something; nevertheless, that was not after a double dissolution. The motion that Senator Fifield has moved is consistent with every single constitutional precedent, and, of course, the relevant section of the Constitution, section 13, remains in the form it has always taken since 1901.</para>
<para>Finally, Senator Di Natale, can I correct something you said. You said that the Australian Electoral Commission advocated for the countback method. The Australian Electoral Commission does not advocate for anything; the Australian Electoral Commission merely conducts the count. The safest course for this chamber to adopt is the course consistent with each of the previous six double dissolutions and the division of the chamber in the subsequent term.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would also like to address this matter. I do not find it at all persuasive that Senator Brandis refers to precedent in this instance. Precedent does not necessarily make it fair or legitimate nor does it avoid injustice. There is a legislated alternative in the Commonwealth Electoral Act which allows for the allocation of terms on the basis of the assumption that they would have been elected under half-Senate results. It seems to me that this motion is based on a certain outcome in terms of who will sit for six years and who will sit for three years, and it has been worked back from that position, and the option envisaged in the motion is the result of that end result that has been chosen.</para>
<para>I want to place on the record my disagreement with the motion. If there is a division on it I will vote against it; nonetheless, I want to record the fact that I do not approve.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HINCH</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This is not my first speech and I have taken my No-Doz. I think it is a dirty stitch-up deal between the government and the Labor Party. The fix was in from the day of the election, and I think that in this deal you have betrayed more than 200,000 voters in Victoria, in my case. In the case of Senator Rhiannon, you have betrayed the voters of New South Wales. Under section 282, former Prime Minister Hawke said was a fair way to reflect what happens after double dissolution—a fair way to do it. I should get six years and Senator Rhiannon should get six years and we are—we are going to get three. The AEC report was tabled last night—282(1) says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Where the scrutiny in an election of Senators for a State held following a dissolution of the Senate under section 57 of the Constitution has been completed, the Australian Electoral Officer for that state shall conduct a re-count of the ballot papers in the election in accordance with subsections 273(7) to (30) …</para></quote>
<para>And:</para>
<quote><para class="block">in subsection 273(8) 'half' were inserted before 'the number of candidates'; …</para></quote>
<para>The whole point of this method was that after a double dissolution the result best resembled a regular half-Senate election. Now, I am told by Liberal Party people in Victoria that with the vote that I got, I actually would have got elected and be in this place if there had been a half Senate instead of a double dissolution.</para>
<para>The AEC in that report say that this is the way you should have elected senators for six-year terms—(1) Mitch Fifield, (2) Kim Carr (3) Richard Di Natale, (4) Bridget McKenzie, (5) Stephen Conroy and (6) Derryn Hinch. That is the way the people of Victoria voted on 2 July. You did this dirty little stitch-up to try and get one more, and said: 'Yeah, let's do a deal here. We'll put one more Labor senator up in New South Wales. We'll put one more Lib up in Victoria. That gives us one more each. Isn't that great.'</para>
<para>It is wrong; it is unfair and, in this place of all places, you should respect democracy in the way that the voters of Victoria said you should. This is not for me personally; this is for somebody who comes after me. I just think it is wrong and I know it is not going to work. I said the stitch-up was done the same way that the government made the deal to try and get rid of the minor parties earlier this year. That worked fine, didn’t it!</para>
<para>I do not want to take up the full 20 minutes. I just want to say it is wrong. If the vote goes against us, okay, I am here for three years. I have been sacked 16 times. If the voters of Victoria want to sack me the 17th time, they will do it. My plan is to go there in three years time—if the vote goes against us—get re-elected and do six years, and leave here after nine years. Thank you very much.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to echo the sentiments of the Leader of the Government in the Senate, Senator Brandis. I think it is one the quirks of this chamber that it is responsible for making these types decisions. Naturally, when we are making these decisions there will be those who will miss out because of the decisions that are made. I want to echo two of the points that were made by Senator Brandis. Firstly, this is the method that has always been used for making these types of determinations in the past. Secondly, there is a test that we have to apply—that is, what is a reasonable and sensible process? The idea that when there are 12 senators elected, the first six would serve for a longer period than the second six is a simple and transparent way of making these decisions. That being said, again, I think it is somewhat quirky that it is the Senate that makes this decision about itself.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to indicate my support for the position set out by Senator Hinch. I will say that in terms of NXT we are not affected either way by this, but there is an important principle in respect of this—that is, we legislated to have a process in place. Of course, the Senate can override it, as is the Senate's right. But I think the litmus test, if you like, the pub test in terms of what is fair, is how would this have played out if it was as though it was a half-Senate election. I think that, clearly, in this case, Senator Hinch would have been elected for a six-year term. We did go through a legislative process many years ago that anticipated this. It can be overridden by the Senate, but I think that this is fundamentally unfair and that is why I support the position of Senator Hinch and other crossbenchers in relation to this. We had a legislative reform. That legislative reform ought to be respected, even though it can be overridden by the Senate.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator Fifield be agreed to. Those of that opinion say aye. Those against say no. I think the ayes have it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Hinch</name>
    <name.id>2O4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We think the noes have it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Hinch. A division has been called, so we will be able to divide. The question is that the motion moved by Senator Fifield concerning the rotation of senators for the purposes of section 13 of the Constitution be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [09:54]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>50</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Back, CJ</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Birmingham, SJ</name>
                <name>Brandis, GH</name>
                <name>Burston, B</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC (teller)</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Carr, KJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Conroy, SM</name>
                <name>Cormann, M</name>
                <name>Culleton, RN</name>
                <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Hanson, P</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Lambie, J</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>Nash, F</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Roberts, M</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Singh, LM</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Smith, D</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>15</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Day, RJ</name>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Xenophon, N</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to. </p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S SPEECH</title>
        <page.no>5</page.no>
        <type>GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S SPEECH</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Address-in-Reply</title>
          <page.no>5</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following address-in-reply be agreed to.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">To His Excellency the Governor–General</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">MAY IT PLEASE YOUR EXCELLENCY—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We, the Senate of the Commonwealth of Australia in Parliament assembled, desire to express our loyalty to our Most Gracious Sovereign and to thank Your Excellency for the speech which you have been pleased to address to Parliament.</para></quote>
<para>I indicate that this is not my first speech, but I wanted to say briefly that it is an honour and a privilege to move this address-in-reply to His Excellency the Governor-General's speech yesterday to the 45th Parliament. I reserve my right to speak in reply at the end of debate on this motion.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RUSTON</name>
    <name.id>243273</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the motion. In doing so, can I congratulate Senator Hume and all other senators who are taking their seat in this chamber for the first time. There can be no greater honour than to serve your country in this place. Can I also take this opportunity, Acting Deputy President Whish-Wilson, to acknowledge the large number and diverse range of crossbenchers that we have in the Senate and to note, with some degree of satisfaction, that it was the people of Australia who elected the Senate crossbench this time, entirely on the strength of their primary vote and not by some sort of backroom preference deal, as has been the case in the past. The crossbench is here because the people of Australia elected them, and I believe that this truly is a Senate of the people.</para>
<para>I also acknowledge the uncontested re-election of Senator Parry as the President. It is a reflection of the extraordinary non-partisan way in which he has conducted this chamber over the two years he has presided over it. I also acknowledge the manner in which the Deputy President of the 44th Parliament, Senator Gavin Marshall, took his role and the impartial way he conducted business in this chamber. I certainly look forward to the new Deputy President, Senator Sue Lines, continuing in that vein.</para>
<para>In 2013, it was my privilege to deliver the address-in-reply to the Governor-General's opening speech in the 44th Parliament, and it is indeed an honour to second the motion in this new parliament. I echo His Excellency's sentiments about the purpose of this parliament. We must be responsible, we must be diligent, but above all we must be sensible as we debate and implement this government's legislative agenda. I acknowledge the comments that have been made by many of the crossbenchers to date indicating that it is their intention to undertake their role in this government in exactly the way that the Governor-General suggested that we should all behave.</para>
<para>There is no senator in this chamber that is under any illusion that this must be a parliament, and a term, of delivery. We are a second-term government, and we intend to start this term ready to deliver on our election agenda. We are not going to shy away from scrutiny. However, the people of Australia rightfully expect that we should be allowed to deliver the promises that we took to the election. I am glad to see that many of those opposite have already indicated that they intend to support us in doing exactly that.</para>
<para>The Turnbull government, of which I am privileged to be a member, stand ready to be judged on what we do and not on what we say. First and foremost, we have to address one of the great moral dilemmas of our time: intergenerational debt. As a generation, we are inflicting on our children and their children excesses of our own making. It is born of our own greed, and we must stop. We are racking up on the federal credit card a debt that we can only pass on to the next generation, if we do not do something about the continued spending that is occurring. Worse still, the ultimate outcome of continuing to spend more and more, year upon year, is eventually you will end up going broke. One day, we are going to wake up and realise that nobody is prepared to lend us any money anymore.</para>
<para>The government of which I am a member stand ready to address this situation through our commitment to responsible fiscal repair and strong and stable leadership. Our policies are all focused on strengthening the economic growth while reducing our spending growth. We need to make Australia more resilient to economic shocks. To achieve this, the Turnbull government have a plan and a detailed method of delivery. We are going to focus entirely on economic growth, both within Australia and in our export markets. Through our trade policy and initiatives, we intend to make sure that Australia is protected, because we are a very trade exposed nation. We are never going to get rich selling to ourselves, so our focus must always be on ensuring that we have adequate and lucrative export markets to which we can export our wonderful Australian produce.</para>
<para>The importance of this cannot be understated for our rural and regional communities—communities like the one that I come from. Some 67 per cent of our exports are generated in our rural and regional communities outside of our capital cities. For this reason, we cannot underestimate the importance of ensuring that we have trade arrangements in place that enable our farmers and our primary producers to sell their products, not just in Australia but at the lucrative prices that we can get in the emerging markets, particularly those that are immediately to our north. That is why the free trade arrangements that were negotiated under the previous government are so terribly important, and we must continue to make sure that these trade arrangements are negotiated in the best interests of Australian producers.</para>
<para>To that end, this government and the previous government of the 44th Parliament have been very focused on the development of agricultural policy. There is no doubt that Australia's competitive advantage in the international marketplace comes on the back of the fact that we are a clean, green and safe producer of primary produce. It is for that reason that we need to continue to maintain our competitive advantage. Our policy, the <inline font-style="italic">Agricultural competitiveness white paper</inline>, focuses very much on a number of initiatives which will deliver that security for our primary producers. We have a very strong focus on research and development and making sure that we continue to be the best producers in the world. We place a very high level of importance on biosecurity and making sure that we are able to continue to protect that clean, green, safe image. We all know that, with the high standards of living and compliance we have in Australia, we are never going to be the cheapest producers in the world, but we certainly can continue to be the best producers in the world.</para>
<para>We also, as part of our agricultural policy, are making sure that we have quick and adequate drought response. We acknowledge the change in climatic conditions that is occurring across Australia and we need, as an agricultural sector, to be ready to respond to this change. We need not only to ensure that we are planting the right crops in the right places but also to make sure that when our farmers go through times of great adversity not of their making we, as a government, are ready to stand by them to help them through some tough times.</para>
<para>Lastly, one of the major platforms of our agricultural policy and, more broadly, our government policy is the provision of infrastructure. We cannot possibly hope to get our farmers, our primary producers or our business sector to realise rewards and opportunities if we do not provide the infrastructure through which they can deliver them. We are very proud, in the agricultural space, of the amount of money that we are putting towards ensuring water security through our dams policies. More broadly, the Turnbull government believe that public infrastructure—economic infrastructure—is a very strong basis and platform on which we need to build the economic growth and prosperity of this country.</para>
<para>To do so we also need to be prepared to deal with issues like taxation reform. There is no doubt that everybody in this country would accept that everybody needs to pay their fair share of tax to make sure that we can continue to provide the level of public amenity that I think we have all become used to. Certainly, one of the areas in the 2016 budget that I think was a very positive one was the addressing of the importance of small business. We all know that every large business was once a small business. The government of which I am a member are very keen to make sure that we support all of our small businesses so that they can prosper and flourish and hopefully one day become medium businesses and large businesses or just successful small businesses in their own right. For that reason we increased the tax threshold for eligibility to qualify as a small business from $2 million to $10 million. We also undertook a number of other taxation measures in support of small businesses and their ongoing prosperity.</para>
<para>One of the other areas that is very, very important and is constantly of concern to the Australian public is the number of multinationals that seem to have the capacity to undertake tax avoidance and not pay the level of tax in Australia that we believe they should. For that reason the Treasurer was very clear about the importance of cracking down on multinational tax avoidance to make sure that everybody pays their fair share and that it is not just the little guy who gets to pay the majority, or the lion's share, of the taxation burden in Australia.</para>
<para>Another platform of the Turnbull government in this 45th Parliament is going to be breaking down the stifling hold of unions on our economy and our society. When I say 'unions', I do not mean every union. There are certainly some very responsible unions. But, if you have a look at the kind of activities that we have seen over the last little while with unions like the CFMEU and the unlawfulness on our building sites, I think every Australian has a right to expect better management and control over the part of our economy that employs over one million people and provides in excess of eight per cent of the gross domestic product of this country. You only have to look at the advertisement that is currently playing on television to realise the length and extent that some of our unions are prepared to go to protect their position. I do not believe anybody in Australia—whether they are a union, whether they are a business or whether they are an individual—should be above the law.</para>
<para>We saw during the election campaign the disgraceful hold on firefighters by their firefighting union in Victoria. We stand ready to support the volunteer firefighters in Victoria by making sure that we pass legislation to protect their interests and to make sure that their interests are not being stifled or quashed by a selfish union that is only interested in looking after its own members and not the safety of the community it is supposed to be protecting.</para>
<para>Another example that occurred during the election campaign was the Road Safety Remuneration Tribunal. We in the government were very pleased to be able to successfully abolish that tribunal, which once again was trying to destroy the mum-and-dad small businesses of the transport industry—owner-drivers. So I think that, if we were to bring back into this place the ABCC and registered organisations bills and introduce the emergency services volunteers bill, those bills, along with the abolition of the Road Safety Remuneration Tribunal, would all go towards making sure that unions are held to account to the same level as everybody else in Australia is held to account.</para>
<para>Nothing can be as important as national security. Of course, Australians have taken for granted for many, many years that, when they go to bed at night, they will be safe. There was no greater example of that than last year's commemoration of the Anzac centenary and the commemoration of the Battle of Long Tan, amongst many other celebrations or commemorations that we have had this year and last year, which constantly remind us of the extent that those before us have gone to protect our safety.</para>
<para>It is for that reason that this government places a massive level of importance on national security. To that end, my home state of South Australia has been a great beneficiary of the new continuous naval shipbuilding program, including the $50 billion submarine program, which will directly sustain 1,100 jobs and an additional 1,700 jobs in the supply chain. In addition to that, there is the $35 billion frigate program. Both these programs provide not just national security benefits for the country but also long-term economic sustainability benefits for the country. Importantly, they underpin our education system by providing the opportunity and the reason for our education system to focus on educating our young people for the jobs of the future. A nearly $90 billion spend on shipbuilding provides a long-term opportunity for many young Australians who wish to undertake a career in this particularly high-tech industry and these very lucrative jobs. It is a whole-of-government, whole-of-economy initiative which will see Australia, and particularly my home state of South Australia, as great beneficiaries of a great and very important government program that is part of this government's agenda. It also fits in very well with the National Innovation and Science Agenda, which once again underpins the absolute necessity for Australia to continue to be the smartest, the most innovative and the most technologically advanced country in the world, because we are never going to be the cheapest.</para>
<para>We are also, as a government, very focused on the fact that we have not only a large population base in the city but eight million Australians that do not live in our capital cities. As I said before, 67 per cent of our export earnings are generated in rural and regional areas. To this end, the Turnbull government places a huge amount of emphasis on rural, regional and remote Australia. We have announced a $200 million Regional Jobs and Investment Package. We are certainly working towards reducing the number of mobile black spots, the development of northern Australia, one of the most underdeveloped areas of our country, and our $10 billion investment in the Murray-Darling Basin Plan, all of which not only go towards ensuring that rural and regional Australia has the opportunity to have the same benefits and opportunities as our cousins in the city but because the economic and growth opportunities that exist in rural and regional Australia are so great.</para>
<para>Equally, the rollout of the NBN network has been focused to a much greater degree on rural and regional Australia. We saw the launching of the Sky Muster satellites so that people who otherwise would have had no capacity at all to get access to high-speed connectivity are now able to get access at a similar rate to many of those that live in less remote areas.</para>
<para>Can I say in conclusion that I can absolutely assure the parliament that their government always puts the customer first. When it comes to education, it is the children's interests that are primary. In our healthcare system, we focus on delivering the best outcomes for our patients. In agriculture, our policies strive to return better farm gate prices to our farmers.</para>
<para>However, the ability to continue to pay for these much-needed and justifiably expected services is the reason that we have placed budget repair at the front of our economic agenda for the 45th Parliament. I know budget repair is not a particularly sexy thing to put at the front of your agenda, but I can assure you that unless we do something about the continuing increase in the debt and the deficit, and unless we have got a strong budgetary position and have reserves in the bank so that we are able to be more resilient, we are not going to be in a position to stand in this place and talk about all the wonderful things that are on the government's agenda to support the Australian economy and to provide the things that the Australian public want and expect. There is no doubt that we live in a time of great global uncertainty, and we are never quite sure what is around the next corner.</para>
<para>We have certainly seen great unrest on the international front, but we have also seen political uncertainty, the uncertainty of decisions like Brexit. Australia need to make sure that we are prepared so that we are resilient when international shocks come our way. So I would call on those opposite and ask them to please support us in our endeavour as we undertake what we believe is the absolute responsibility of government—that is, to repair the budget and to put us on a sustainable path so that we can continue to afford all of the things that we take for granted in Australia.</para>
<para>We take for granted our high standards of living, and nobody is suggesting for a minute that we should not continue to have those high standards of living, but they come at a price in the budget. We also need to recognise that we marvel at the fact that we have world recognised levels of environmental protections in this country. Equally, they come at a price. We also need to be able to maintain our clean, our green and our safe image, which is our competitive advantage when it comes to exporting our primary produce to the rest of the world. The ability to do that comes at a price. Biosecurity is probably one of the most expensive things that a government needs to deliver.</para>
<para>We are absolutely and completely committed to getting our debt under control for the simple and primary reason that we can no longer continue to spend the money of our children and their grandchildren. No responsible economic manager, whether it be in a business or when you are dealing with your family, would. There is no way that anybody here, as a parent, would be spending money and racking up a debt which they expect their children or their grandchildren to pay. I believe governments should be exactly the same. We should spend within our means and we should never ever think that it is okay to pass on a debt for something that we have consumed in this time to a generation in the future.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak in reply to the Governor-General's speech of yesterday. But before I do that, I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the President on his re-election and Sue Lines on her election as the new Deputy President. I would also like to place on the record my thanks to Gavin Marshall for the leadership that he demonstrated during his tenure as Deputy President of the Senate.</para>
<para>Today I want to reflect on Labor's federal election results in Tasmania, my home state. I urge those opposite to take heed of this result and listen to the people of Tasmania, something which they have failed to do over the previous three years, and I encourage those opposite to deliver in full every election commitment they made to the people of Tasmania.</para>
<para>Firstly, I would like to congratulate Labor's new members elected to the House of Representatives and to the Senate and, in particular, those elected from Tasmania. Congratulations to Ross Hart, the new member for Bass, Justine Keay in Braddon and Brian Mitchell in Lyons. I would like to particularly acknowledge Julie Collins, the federal member for Franklin, on her re-election for the fourth consecutive time. In fact, she increased her margin.</para>
<para>I also acknowledge my Tasmanian Senate colleagues. I congratulate senators Carol Brown, Anne Urquhart, Catryna Bilyk and Lisa Singh and I look forward to continuing to work with them for the people of our home state of Tasmania. I also want to acknowledge Jane Austin, our Labor candidate for the seat of Denison, who put up a great fight but, unfortunately, was not elected. The House of Representatives will miss the contribution that I am sure she would have made. I also thank my colleague John Short, who was on our Labor Senate team. John is a stalwart of the Labor movement, and he would have made a fantastic contribution in this place. He is one of those people who roll up their sleeves and get into it. He is a team player. We sat together on many occasions stuffing envelopes and making phone calls to the electorate, so I will miss the opportunity of serving in this place with John.</para>
<para>I would like to draw your attention to what happened in Bass. I am the duty senator for Bass, which is in northern Tasmania. Labor witnessed a swing of 10.1 per cent—an extraordinary outcome, particularly as there were three fairly new members of the House of Representatives from the government's benches. In Braddon we saw a swing of 4.8 per cent, in Lyons it was 3.5 per cent, and in Franklin there was a swing of 5.6 per cent. This was only possible because of the passion and dedication of our election campaigners, who were fighting for fairness. I thank each and every one of them. They know who they are. They helped elect our candidates who now sit in the House of Representatives, and they helped to ensure that the five Labor senators were returned to this place. We should never forget those people, and we had so many people who came from outside the Labor Party to work on this campaign because they knew of the horror and terror of the policies of this government. Each and every one of them should be immensely proud of their achievements. I would also like to place on record—because sometimes we do not do this enough—my thanks to my own staff for the way they committed themselves not only during the election campaign but for the previous three years. Being in the shadow ministry has been a great honour. There is a lot of work attached to it, and I want to say to them each and every one of them: thank you.</para>
<para>Federal Labor is very well represented here in the Senate and in the House of Representatives, but the reason we were so successful in Tasmania was that we took policies to the people and stood up for the things that they value most: education, saving Medicare, protecting penalty rates and being there for the people. Most importantly, we listened to them and we delivered. The promises and commitments that we made reflected what the Tasmanian community are all about.</para>
<para>Labor has a strong jobs policy. We took that to the last election. I would also like to acknowledge the fact that it was Bill Shorten who instigated our setting up of the Tasmanian task force, where we went out and consulted across the length and breadth of Tasmania and across all sectors to find out what people were looking for from an alternative government. We did that. We went out to the community over a long period of time, and I believe that we came up with really good policies. What the government forget is that we actually do not just live in an economy; we live in communities. I am hoping that the people on the government side of the chamber will take heed of the message that the Tasmanian community has sent to the Turnbull government.</para>
<para>The rejection of this government's agenda by the people of Tasmania could not have been shown more starkly than by this election result. The reason Labor won four House of Representatives seats and five in the Senate is that we had a comprehensive plan for the future. We know that those opposite—and I have said it enough times in this chamber—have no vision. They have no policies and they have no plan for the future.</para>
<para>A good example of this comprehensive plan for the future was borne out by the election campaign. The University of Tasmania wanted to relocate one of its campuses from outer Launceston to the suburb of Inveresk at the edge of the city, and they were going to do the same thing in Burnie. We took to the community a 21st century solution to a very old problem concerning Launceston's sewerage and infrastructure issues. We had major investments in multiple tourism and community building infrastructure initiatives. We had a positive plan for our hospitals: more beds and more staff—not fewer beds, and staff walking out, as they have been at Launceston General Hospital. We had a plan for education, with more investment in our teachers and funding for years 5 and 6 of Gonski. Bill Shorten and Labor articulated a strong policy agenda for Tasmania, and I thank Bill for his work, not only in the policy area that he took around the nation but for the fact that he spent time in Tasmania listening to what Tasmanians wanted from their leaders. The Tasmanian task force was a great manifest for us to build our policies and our announcements around.</para>
<para>I was on the polling booth on election day so I know that Tasmanians knew how they were going to vote. They were determined. They knew that this government had let them down for three years already. They knew, because they had firsthand experience of cuts to our schools and our hospitals, the GP tax, an attack on Medicare and the threat of $100,000 degrees, which is still a real threat. There were cuts to pensioners' concessions, the increase in the retirement age to 70 and the cuts to pathology services, although they did manage to do a deal to give the pathologists a little bit of time to themselves, because for the first time we had pathology services around this country out campaigning against a conservative government. This is a government that had GPs—not the most radical people in our community, I would have to say—campaigning against cuts in health and a tax to see their GP.</para>
<para>In Tasmania, we also knew what it would mean if there were going to be an increase in the GST. We know that was their plan and that it is still in their bottom drawer. If they thought they could get it through the states, by starving them of funds, that is exactly what those opposite will do. We have a Prime Minister who goes over to Western Australia and makes a commitment that Western Australia will get more funding out of the GST—they will get a greater share. That share has to come from somewhere, and no doubt it will come from Tasmania, South Australia, the Northern Territory and Queensland. But what he forgets is that we are pretty smart people here in Tasmania. We understand that he will say one thing in Western Australia and then come to Tasmania and the eastern states and say something very different. Well, the Tasmanian community is much smarter than Mr Turnbull is, because they were not hoodwinked again by this government. We know, firsthand, that the Liberal members of Lyons, Bass and Braddon failed to listen to their communities. Those former members and the senators opposite have still failed to accept any responsibility for losing those seats in Tasmania.</para>
<para>We understand, as the Tasmanian people understand, that a $50 billion tax cut to big business and the undermining of our universal health care system—Medicare—were never going to be fair policies. They sent a very strong message to Mr Turnbull, because they understand how out of touch his representatives were in Tasmania and how out of touch he really is. People who voted for Malcolm Turnbull have gotten somebody very different as Prime Minister, because we know he has backed away from so many things. A lot of people in the community—not me—believed very much that he would be a better Prime Minister than Tony Abbott. Well, we have all learnt that they were very wrong about that—very wrong indeed.</para>
<para>We on this side feel very humble for the result that we got at this last federal election. We accept responsibility for the policies that we put forward to the people. But the blame games have already started in Tasmania from those opposite. They are looking around blaming everyone else but themselves. First it was GetUp!'s fault that they lost the seat of Bass. Then they tried to pin the defeat on a Tasmanian Legislative Council member, who is quite conservative and one of them, for holding a press conference and talking about the crisis at our local Launceston General Hospital under the Liberal's watch. They blamed Malcolm Turnbull's national campaign. Those opposite have not for one second taken the time to reflect on their policies to see how unfair they were. It might be the fact that they ignored Tasmanians and took them for granted. There is no greater example of scapegoating on Tasmania's political issues. Own it, Senator. Own the defeat. You owe the Tasmanian people at least that much. How about some self-reflection from those opposite? You may actually learn something about yourselves and your failed campaign.</para>
<para>Professor of Political Science at the University of Tasmania, Richard Eccleston, said of the election campaign in Tasmania that health was clearly an issue. Yes, it was most definitely an issue. Yet the former federal member for Bass kept saying throughout the election campaign that the crisis at the Launceston General Hospital was a 'state issue'. Mr Nikolic denied the fact that the Commonwealth, alongside states and territories, has been funding public hospitals since World War II. On his watch in Bass, Mr Nikolic just ignored the community and ignored the crisis at the Launceston General Hospital.</para>
<para>So what has the Liberal Party learnt from this election result? From the disunity and dysfunction already demonstrated by those since they were elected, I do not believe they have learnt anything at all. I hope that they will look very seriously at the health and education policies that they are putting forward—the threat of $100,000 degrees. I hope that they will listen to the conversations of people in our communities. I hope that they come up with some decent plans for jobs, plans for TAFE graduates to ensure that we have apprentices, plans to ensure that essential funding for schools and hospitals continue and plans to protect penalty rates and Medicare and I hope that they will not pursue any change to the GST.</para>
<para>The Liberals came kicking and screaming to support the University of Tasmania's move to Inveresk in Launceston and Burnie, but it took them seven weeks. Labor came out early because we understand that we have such a low retention rate and that we need something to drive our local economy to create the jobs so that our young people will not leave the state. We had the support of the state Liberal government and we had the Launceston City Council and the five surrounding councils all supporting this. We had the conservative newspaper, <inline font-style="italic">The Examiner</inline>, back this move and we had support within the broader community. But the Liberals were kicking and screaming when they had to come out at the very end of the election campaign and commit. That is not a good message to send to the people of Tasmanian.</para>
<para>Tasmanians will not forget that it was Labor and the community who put the pressure on this government to come forward. That was because Labor understand that the economy will be richer, as long as these people opposite keep their commitment to fund the university. In the north and north-west of Tasmania, this expansion is set to create 430 construction jobs and 230 academic and support jobs, but this government could not really see the writing on the wall of how important this was.</para>
<para>We have also learnt from the last election campaign that those people opposite, like Senator Abetz—who belong to the conservatives, who belong to the Liberal Party—are still about getting GetUp!. After the election Senator Abetz said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What we need to do as a Liberal Party is inoculate against that and expose the money sources of these organisations and what their true agenda is.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Abetz, how can you argue against a third-party organisation campaigning in a democracy during an election campaign? We live in a free society. Making public comment and campaigning during an election campaign is free speech. Those opposite espouse the fundamental principal of free speech and yet when anyone criticises them they cannot handle it. I think that is a great shame. According to the Liberals, free speech is only allowed when you agree with the Liberal Party.</para>
<para>The fact is that those opposite ignored the Tasmanian community. They ignored the crisis in our health system. It is not just in the Launceston General Hospital; it is in the Hobart Mercy Hospital. We do not want to keep going on and on about our health problems there. I always like to talk up my home state. Through this election campaign there was such heavy campaigning and so many ads going on about millions of dollars being spent, but they did not work in Tasmania because they did not reflect the policies that were important to our community—the policies of providing jobs, of enabling young Tasmanians to go on to university, of ensuring that Tasmanians can get a hospital bed when they need it and that they can go to the GP. Labor stood firm and said time and time again that we would never, ever stop fighting to protect Medicare.</para>
<para>We know that the former member for Bass used to block people on Facebook and social media and we know that he used to turn constituents away from his offices and refuse to seem them, but I only just learnt recently that of a morning in his office he and his staff would have a daily chant of 'jobs and growth, jobs and growth'. I truly believe that Mr Nikolic believed that if he kept saying that same slogan—jobs and growth, jobs and growth—that jobs would magically appear. Quite frankly, they did not. But the arrogance does not stop there. The federal members for Bass, Braddon and Lyons were so arrogant and out of touch they actually proclaimed themselves 'the three amigos'. The arrogance of a member of parliament refusing to meet with their constituents and blocking people on social media because they failed to support their views! I have not even begun to talk about aged care and the fact that that was so badly neglected, but I will be speaking later today about aged care. But I do have a message from the Tasmanian community to these three arrogant, out of touch former members of the House of Representatives who called themselves 'the three amigos': adios amigos, get on your horses and ride out of town. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e68</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Polley, as entertaining as that was, I do not think it was quite parliamentary.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I begin by acknowledging the traditional owners of the land that we are meeting on, the Ngunawal people, and I want to pay my respects to their elders past and present. I want to acknowledge that their land was stolen and never ceded, and I look forward to a respectful dialogue in the 45th Parliament to achieve a just settlement with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in this country.</para>
<para>Our Constitution says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the Senate shall have equal power with the House of Representatives in respect of all proposed laws.</para></quote>
<para>It is not just some aspirational statement; it is the law of the country. Our country's future is determined by this chamber as much as it is in the other place across the Marble Foyer. We have the same powers and we are elected to represent the interests of our constituency, our state and the nation. We are not elected to placate the needs of lobbyists in the government's ear and the donors in their pocket.</para>
<para>The government, of course, will argue that it has a mandate to implement its entire election agenda, but it is a facile argument. People cast their vote for a variety of reasons and motivations, and no government can claim to have popular support for each and every issue they hold—especially a government elected with the slimmest of majorities. Let us not forget that those of us elected to this place also have a mandate. We Greens have a mandate to honour and respect the wishes of more than one million Australians who voted Green at this election. They supported us because we believe in tackling dangerous global warming as a matter of urgency. We believe that unless we act now we risk leaving the planet uninhabitable and we will see entire nation states disappear, coastal inundation affect our own homes, our food production threatened and our cities bombarded with heatwaves and storms.</para>
<para>We believe that we are a country that should care for people irrespective of their background and life circumstances and whether they have arrived here by boat or by birthright. We believe that poverty and inequality are corrosive, that trickle-down economics has failed and that if we are to realise this nation's true potential we need to make decisions in this place that narrow the gap between the rich and the poor. We believe in a country that enshrines equality in its national laws, whether it be the right to marry someone you love or to live a life free from hate speech.</para>
<para>Caring for people and for the environment that sustains us is what the Greens believe and that is what we will fight for in this, the 45th Parliament. Yet here we are at a critical juncture not just here in Australia but right around the world, and here we see a government totally unprepared to tackle the challenges that lie ahead of us. It is not mitigating catastrophic global warming, eliminating harmful inequality or ending the needless suffering of those seeking our protection. Instead its No. 1 legislative priority is the abolition of the ABCC, which seems to come out of the Prime Minister's desperation to unite a divided party room through a bit of good old-fashioned union bashing. We have seen the carbon price, described globally as template legislation, scrapped. We have seen the renewable energy target wound back and we are on the cusp of destroying research into renewable energy in this country, with over $1 billion taken away from the Australian Renewable Energy Agency. Australia is on its own in the world. No other country has gone backwards on clean energy policy. We are swimming against the tide of global investment.</para>
<para>Last year's Paris agreement told business and policymakers that we are all heading towards a zero-pollution world. Last year was also the hottest year ever recorded, smashing the previous year's record, which smashed the record before that. We are entering very dangerous territory where any hope of humans curtailing runaway climatic effects and extreme weather is almost out of reach. Yet in the midst of this we have a government whose very own climate policy has little or no chance of achieving its own measly pollution reduction targets. Just look at what is going on in Queensland right now, where the negative impact of tree clearing over the last few years has wiped out the paltry gains made under the government's policies to pay polluters. A staggering one-third of the $6 billion in spending cuts in the government's omnibus bill comes from cutting research, which just makes a mockery of this government's election commitments around innovation.</para>
<para>Under this government poverty is growing, people that need support are falling further behind every year, and regions are becoming more depressed or abandoned in part as a result of trade deals that further concentrate wealth within privileged cliques. We have seen out-of-pocket costs for Australians' medical care on the rise as universal health care is gradually eroded through policies like freezing Medicare indexation and increasing co-payments. Household debt is now the highest in the world, while the astronomical explosion in property prices means that aspiring first home owners can never hope to keep pace with the gains enjoyed by propertied investors, yet the government refuses to tackle negative gearing or capital gains tax reform. We are pricing young people out of the Australian dream.</para>
<para>It seems that Malcolm Turnbull has not learnt the lessons of his predecessor, and he continues to balance the budget off the back of Australia's poorest people. Consider this: he is halting the only real-adjusted improvement in government payments for over 20 years: the clean energy supplement that helps people on low incomes keep the lights on. We like to talk about the great Australian tradition of egalitarianism and the spirit of the fair go, but they are slowly becoming a thing of the past.</para>
<para>We have to note, with disappointment, that Labor appears set to support both the cuts to renewable energy and to the most vulnerable Australians. I just call on them to reconsider their position and to join with us to oppose those cuts.</para>
<para>We are being told that we need to cut support for the vulnerable—that those with limited means are the ones that have to pay so the government can live within its means. Do not believe it. There are other choices.</para>
<para>Of course we understand that there are structural issues within the budget. It cannot continue on its current trajectory. We accept that.</para>
<para>We should also acknowledge that the structural problems we now face are, in part, due to the huge cash giveaways of the Howard-Costello era that could not be sustained once the rivers of gold from the resources boom dried up: giving successive tax cuts for high-income earners, making superannuation earnings tax-free for retirees, taxing capital gains lighter than income and freezing fuel excise. All four of these measures were short-sighted, finely tuned to the electoral cycle and designed to curry favour with their targeted constituencies.</para>
<para>Taxing capital gains as income has been ruled out by the government, despite three-quarters of the benefit going to the top 10 per cent of income earners. And, not content with having inflicted around $40 billion in lost revenue through those massive income-tax cuts of the Howard-Costello era, the Liberals now want to go further in this budget by reducing taxes for the top 25 per cent of taxpayers.</para>
<para>The Greens stand unequivocally against this failed trickle-down theory that pretends that somehow tax cuts for high-income earners will magically create prosperity for everyone else. The US writer Will Rogers took on the theory when he said of President Hoover: 'President Hoover was an engineer. He knew that water trickles down. Put it uphill and let it go and it will reach the driest little spot. But he didn't know that money trickled up. Give it to the people at the bottom and the people at the top will have it before night. But at least it will have passed through the poor fellow's hands.' That is what we are dealing with right now: a failed ideology that this government continues to pursue.</para>
<para>It comes down to priorities. Tough decisions cannot be made until we get priorities lined up with what the public wants and deserves. How on earth is it possible that we can go to an election campaign with a bipartisan commitment for a two per cent spend on defence spending—an incredible increase in the defence budget—and yet have no targets for spending on health or education? Few everyday Australians would support that nonsense. Yet it is the policy of both of the major parties. How is it that industry policy is only directed at military hardware in marginal states? Again, remarkable—having industry policy dressed up as defence policy.</para>
<para>Why are we not declaring war on runaway greenhouse pollution—something that we know actually threatens us right here right now? We could use industry policy to create jobs and secure a bright future through building clean energy right across the country. We could get investment in the right places through investing in productive infrastructure and investing in people to break entrenched inequality, and pricing harm so that the community no longer has to wear the costs and we put an end to big business and big polluters getting big benefits.</para>
<para>Solid, stable revenue means we can create jobs and prosperity in areas that the private sector simply will not invest in: public education; public health care; Indigenous rangers to care for country; protecting the reefs and forests; preventive health and research into new frontiers that will help us reap benefits into the future. These are all jobs-rich pursuits that enhance the national interest. When the Treasurer says, 'You need to cut taxes for the wealthy to create jobs,' the jobs that he is talking about are jobs like tax advising, financial planning and property conveyancing, and jobs for luxury car salesmen.</para>
<para>The choices that we make today determine the character and quality of our nation. And these choices—let us forget all the posturing and rhetoric—are ultimately made by us. We senators decide who carries the burden of budget decisions. Should it be single parents or multinational tax dodgers, superannuants, polluting industries or workers whose jobs have disappeared? It is our heavy responsibility, because it is we who will make these decisions.</para>
<para>We senators also have to choose whether we want to unite this nation or to divide it. This country will be watching some new senators' first speeches very closely in the coming days to see whether it is division or unity that is offered to the Australian people. When I had the great privilege of giving my first speech, I said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Multiculturalism is one of this country's enduring successes. Rather than dividing us it compels us to be clear about those things that unite us as a community: respect for our democratic institutions, for universal human rights and for equality of opportunity. The real value of multiculturalism lies … in the fact that relationships with people from different cultures offer important insights into our own.</para></quote>
<para>We often hear about newly arrived migrants having to adopt our values—to share our values. But let us remember: we also learn from theirs. And I stand here today as the proud son of an immigrant family. It was national leadership, embodied in the courage and vision of politicians who came before us who made some tough decisions, that enabled my parents to seek out and create a better life for themselves and for their children. But I do fear that we are on the precipice of damaging support for what I think is one of this nation's greatest achievements: our multicultural nation.</para>
<para>Let us always remain united against harmful views that scapegoat one group of people for the problems of another. I understand that people who advocate that division often do so because they feel frustrated or marginalised and left behind. We need to work hard. We need to engage with them. We need to understand people's concerns. We need to address, first and foremost, their social and economic needs. But hurtful and divisive attacks on people from different cultures or religions should be called out, not given a silent nod of approval or used in some proxy war to weaken the Racial Discrimination Act. And make no mistake: the Greens will call them out. There is no place for racism or bigotry in this chamber or indeed in the Australian nation—no place at all. Let's not use mealy-mouthed words to justify actions that have no justification in this parliament. Racism damages people, it harms people, and we have a duty to call it out whenever we see it, wherever we see it.</para>
<para>Thankfully, we know that the overwhelming majority of Australians are with us. They embrace diversity. And we must give strength and support to the positive voices of hope and inclusion in our communities so that they can speak out and shine a light on the path forward that we must take together as a nation. The indifference to the future of First Australians cannot continue as it is. In his 1968 Boyer Lecture, WEH Stanner called out the 'great Australian silence'—that Indigenous voices were completely missing from the Australian story. While our history books may have been corrected somewhat, our statutes and policy books are still part of that great Australian silence. On that note I want to acknowledge Senator Pat Dodson and Senator Malarndirri McCarthy: you will both make this chamber a better place, and we welcome you here.</para>
<para>The First Australians have still not seen any fundamental shift towards involvement in policy development or control over service delivery really since the apology to the stolen generations. I was there as an observer, sitting there on the lawn watching that speech. It was an inspiring gesture to open the parliament almost 10 years ago with the apology to the stolen generations—a rare moment of unity, something that we all should embrace. There were very high expectations that a new dawn had arrived: the First Australians and all Australians with political power, walking on a shared pathway together. But it is with great sadness that I have to say that things in many respects have gone backwards since that moment. The bipartisan approach, with the heavy-handed intervention in the Northern Territory, and the BasicsCard, show that we have so much more work to do. Whitefellas are still making all the decisions.</para>
<para>We remain the only postcolonial country without a treaty, and crucial Closing the Gap indicators are either stubbornly unchanged or going backwards as a result. We Greens stand here ready to offer a brighter future. We offer the Australian community a voice for a long-term vision for this country that does not take the easy way out, that has the courage to take up these difficult challenges and to turn them into national advantages, national prosperity. We do not fear being the lone advocate in this place for the thousands of innocent people who are being locked up in detention centres under laws sanctioned by this chamber. We will never tolerate knowingly and willingly punishing these people to send a message to another group of people. No decent society does that. And we do not fear the political cost for advocating against the damage done to innocent people in this government's name. The Prime Minister talks about the morality of budget repair, but what about the immorality of locking up innocent people—innocent children—indefinitely in those offshore hellholes?</para>
<para>We do not fear arguing forcefully for the opportunities of shifting towards a clean energy economy as the global transition moves forward, with or without us. We do not fear raising debt to build crucial public infrastructure that will enhance our national productivity. We understand that debt is sometimes necessary for the nation to advance and prosper. The outgoing Reserve Bank Governor, Glenn Stevens, told us that monetary policy has reached its limits in our current economic environment and that now it is up to fiscal policy, and particularly infrastructure spending, to carry us through into the new economy. We will carry this message through the parliament.</para>
<para>We do not fear increases in spending on quality health care and education. What is the purpose of having a debate around our budget if we are not talking about the things that advance us as a society? What is the purpose of raising revenue if not to provide for universal essential services to the citizens of this country? We do not fear raising revenue to fix our budget challenges. For years we have advocated that we have a problem with revenue in this nation, and we welcome the reluctant acknowledgement of that, only recently, by the Treasurer. We have options available to us to fund the public services that Australians want and deserve. We can charge mining companies excise on their fuel, like ordinary, everyday Australians pay, and charge the big four banks for the huge advantages they get from being too big to fail. We can put a price back on pollution and crack down on tax avoidance by companies and wealthy individuals and redirect the wasteful private health insurance rebate into prevention and dental care.</para>
<para>The election platform that the Greens took to this most recent election shows that we can create a fairer society—one that protects the environment, one that cares for people, one that invests in public infrastructure—while reducing the budget deficit. We can re-create the Australia of the fair go, and this is the vision the Australian Greens put forward to the 45th Parliament.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>From the outset, I congratulate all my colleagues in the Senate on their election. We have a lot of work to do as a collective team. We have differences of opinion and differences of views, but I think that if we act and work towards getting outcomes for the people of Australia we can have a productive parliament.</para>
<para>But to say that is not to hide the fact that we do have what I would perceive to be a crisis of confidence in politics around the world and also here in Australia. Successive elections have seen the growing rise of minor parties, a growing crossbench in this place and in the other place, as Australians have taken their primary votes away from the major parties. Of course, I accept and I welcome the will of the Australian people in this regard, and once again I congratulate all my colleagues on their election to this place. They have been rightfully endorsed by the Australian people. But what the minor parties are actually doing is tapping in to a wide cross-section of community concerns about the direction in which our country is headed.</para>
<para>The government, quite rightly so, is concerned about debt and deficits and is about getting the budget back on track not just for our benefit today but also for the benefit of future generations. We also, quite frankly, have to restore faith in politicians and in the political process. If we do not, we risk losing something that is truly significant. I will not say that it is unique to Australia but it is a very special part of Australia's body politic. As I said in my 2014 address to the National Press Club, broken promises, politicians' perks, spin over substance, scandals, little perceived difference between the major parties and a lack of focus on the issues that truly matter all add to the gaping chasm between politicians and the people.</para>
<para>We have just had a double dissolution election. Many of us were optimistic that this would enable the country and the body politic to embark upon a fresh start. I regret to say that that fresh start has not occurred. One of the most damning things that has already condemned aspects of this parliament is the stench of possible improper use of and requests for money by a member of the ALP—that is, Senator Sam Dastyari. Senator Dastyari declared in October of last year that he had received compensation from a Chinese linked company for a personal debt that he owed to the Commonwealth caused by his own mismanagement of his office resources. This is a personal debt owed by a senator being paid by a third party that is linked to a foreign country.</para>
<para>Senator Dastyari overspent the relatively modest amount of $1,670.82 on his staff travel budget. This was a debt that he was required to pay. Yet Senator Sam Dastyari—one of the highest paid officials in the country; in the top one per cent of income earners—could not find it within his own resources to pay back $1,670.82 to the Commonwealth. For some reason, which he has not explained to this chamber or to the Australian people, he got the Top Education Institute to pay his bills. This education institute has made donations to both sides of politics. Making a political contribution to a political party is legitimate conduct that has been accepted as appropriate. But never in my recollection, never in my memory, has it been appropriate for an entity linked to a foreign government to pay the personal debts of a member of parliament.</para>
<para>I invite anyone who thinks that can be justified in any way, shape or form to come into this chamber and explain it today. I invited Senator Dastyari to come in and explain it, and he gave a statement saying that, yes, he did the wrong thing. But let me tell you: it is not just about accepting our responsibilities and requirements under the parliamentary act to disclose benefits or various other support mechanisms that we may have received in the course of our duties; we owe the people of Australia our good judgement. How can the Manager of Opposition Business in the Senate stand up in this chamber and say that his judgement should be relied on by his colleagues, by the people of Australia or by the ALP nationally when he does not see it as wrong to get reimbursed for a personal expense by a company linked to the Chinese government? This is absolutely wrong.</para>
<para>Senator Dastyari needs to come in here and provide a full disclosure of how the circumstances came to be. It is simply not credible that the Top Education Institute just discovered that Senator Dastyari had a debt to the Commonwealth and thought, 'I'll pay those bills for him.' Did Senator Dastyari write to them and ask them? Did he go and visit them? Did he call them in one of his extravagant phone calls—which clocked up $15,000 to the taxpayers? This is an organisation with very close links to the Chinese government—the head of this organisation has had photos taken with both a Chinese premier and the education minister of China—which received a special sanction from the Chinese government as the only approved nonspecialist education provider in 2013. How did Senator Sam Dastyari have his expenses reimbursed by this organisation?</para>
<para>We are right to question this. This is a question of judgement; this is not a question of political ideology. This is a question about anyone in this place who thinks it is okay to go and ask a company linked to a third entity, another country, a sovereign nation, to pay their personal bills. It has the stench of corruption. How deep and how widespread this is is the question that needs to be asked. If you go through Senator Dastyari's statement of interests, it all seems linked to the Chinese government. Typical Labor: they leave others to pick up the tab—such as the catering for an afternoon tea sponsored by the Australia China Relations Institute. For goodness sake, can't a senator—a highly paid senator and a good political operator—pay for the afternoon tea himself?</para>
<para>The links between Senator Dastyari and the Communist Party of China are extraordinary. Yes, they have been disclosed in his register of interests, but there is a pattern here. We are right to question what influence, if any, a foreign power has over Senator Dastyari when they are not only sponsoring his travel and his hospitality bills but also paying or supporting, in one way, shape or form, his personal bills.</para>
<para>I do not know the truth about Senator Dastyari's involvement. I do not know the truth about whether Senator Dastyari has disclosed everything he should. But I do know that under no circumstances could any person that is fit and proper to hold the position of Manager of Opposition Business in this place think it is okay to have his personal expenses paid by a company linked to a foreign government. As I said, this is not about political donations per se. This is about a personal benefit, a benefit that has been paid by a foreign linked corporation to cover someone's personal expenses, which were incurred in the course of their political duties.</para>
<para>Earlier today, as she was defending Senator Dastyari, Senator Wong took me to task—quite rightly so—for asking a rhetorical question about who pays her mortgage, and I withdrew that. But the rhetorical nature of the question was simply because Senator Wong pays her own mortgage, as we all do. So how can she defend the fact that Senator Dastyari has a debt to the Commonwealth that was paid by people linked to the Chinese government? That is a judgement issue, and if Senator Wong or anyone else on the other side wants to defend that, then they have judgement issues too.</para>
<para>The only answer is for Senator Dastyari to stand aside from his position as Manager of Opposition Business, for the ALP to conduct a full inquiry, for Senator Dastyari to be asked to fully disclose to this place all the dealings he has had and what other remuneration or benefits he may have received and not disclosed, and for Senator Dastyari to explain the nature of the benefits more fully than he has disclosed. We are quite right to question whether we should undermine the integrity of this parliament and the confidence of the Australian people in the incorruptibility of those that are here, for a seemingly minor amount of $1,600. The amount does not matter. It does not matter if it is $1,600 or $16,000; what matters is the principle applied here.</para>
<para>The Manager of Opposition Business could not manage his own office budgets. He could not manage his own office budgets and he had a debt to the Commonwealth. That in itself is not unknown in this place, but what is unknown in this place is expecting a foreign entity to pick up your personal bills. Other senators—and I do not have to name them—have worked out debt repayment plans, because mistakes can happen. This is not a mistake. This is a grievous error of judgement that brings into question the influence of foreign entities on our body politic.</para>
<para>Just yesterday the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline><inline font-style="italic">Financial Review</inline> reported that one of the significant donors to both major parties was complaining, in a Chinese language paper, that they were not getting enough value for money out of their donations. This individual, who, as I say, has donated to both major parties through their company, is the same individual who also bailed out Senator Dastyari from legal obligations he had, and that was fully disclosed as well. But the fact is that it comes back to this: how does it come to pass that a foreign controlled entity with close ties to another sovereign government is paying the legal bills of a senator? It has got the stench that should inflame the nostrils of every single person in this place and every single person outside this place. The only conclusion I can draw, in the absence of any other information coming to hand, is that Senator Dastyari is not fit for his current position and he should question whether he is suitable and appropriate to remain as a senator in this place.</para>
<para>We clearly have a problem. Personal benefits have been given to a senator by people associated with foreign entities, and one of those people has complained in recent days about not getting enough value for their money. Just what did they expect? Is it okay for individuals to travel at other governments' expense? Yes, it is, because in this place we go on delegations and we cooperate in official functions all the time. Maybe on occasions it is right for some of us to avail ourselves of information by going to other lands to attend formal sponsored events. But when there is a historical pattern of largesse, personal benefit, that has been directed to a senator, we are right to ask: do we have a bigger problem?</para>
<para>One of the stories doing the rounds is from an ALP member who was going to Hong Kong to meet with someone. They received a phone call from a close associate of the Chinese embassy suggesting that they do not meet with that individual. Quite rightly so, they said, 'No, I'm going ahead with it.' Yet, when they were in Hong Kong about to meet with this individual, one of their colleagues from the ALP rang them up and begged them not to go, because it would upset the Chinese embassy. Who do you think that person was? I would like them to come in here and explain the circumstances. I would like them to explain why our own members of parliament are being warned off, by their own colleagues, from meeting with individuals because it might upset the local embassy.</para>
<para>Do we have a problem in this country? I do not know. If I keep tugging this thread, I do not know how deep and wide and far it is going to unravel. But what I can tell you is that the aroma, the scent, that is emanating from just this one small, seemingly innocuous payment of $1,600 and the pattern to which it is attached make Senator Dastyari's position as Manager of Opposition Business entirely untenable. He needs to come in here and he needs to provide a more full explanation than he provided this morning, when he said: 'I disclosed it; I'm within the parliamentary requirements. It was just an error of judgement.' There is much more to this than that. How did it come to pass that another company paid his legal bills? How did it come to pass that the Top Education Institute was made aware of Senator Dastyari's obligations and debts to the Commonwealth? What sort of member of parliament thinks that it is okay to take the fat salary and all the benefits and perks that go with it but not repay the $1,600 themself? That person is not fit to occupy the position he currently occupies and, until a full explanation can be brought forward, I think it is incumbent upon the ALP to ask Senator Dastyari to stand aside. If he will not do that, then we need to have a much broader investigation into what is going on with the body politic in this country.</para>
<para>I make no bones about it: I have been on the record for years saying that we need donation reform. We need donation reform and we need to start thinking about how hospitality and donations to individuals are influencing parliamentary behaviour. As I said, I do not know of any other circumstance—and I am happy to stand corrected on this—where the personal debts of an individual senator, where they are owed to the Commonwealth of Australia, have been paid by what is effectively a very close entity of another sovereign government. This is not a case of raising a legal fund and crowdfunding it, or staving off bankruptcy or anything else like that; this is a case of a seemingly minor debt. All giant scandals begin with the tugging of just one thread, and I suspect that there is a giant scandal here. Until we can get to the bottom of it and until Senator Dastyari fully discloses and can assure the people of Australia, the people of this chamber and the parliament that there is nothing untoward in this, or in anything else that he has done, he needs to stand aside.</para>
<para>It gives me no pleasure to do that and to say that, but it is the integrity of this place that is more important in the eyes of the people than anything else. We can have our disagreements on policy views, we can call each other names, we can do a whole range of other things; but the fact that there is even a whiff, a hint, that there may be some corrupt practices going on is enough to justify our concern. The crisis of confidence in politics is universal because people are in it, seemingly, for themselves rather than for the people they are meant to represent. We need to change that. We need to change it, and we can start changing it by getting to the bottom of exactly what has transpired here.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to participate in the address-in-reply to the Governor-General, and I will take up some of the issues that Senator Bernardi has raised in his contribution. For those who are listening in, bear with me; I have had the flu. A lot of people will understand how bad it has been for some people, so I hope my voice will last for the full 20 minutes.</para>
<para>This is the 45th parliament. It is a parliament where we see a weakened government and a weak Prime Minister for this country. I think that is the biggest threat to this country—not what Senator Bernardi has been talking about, but the threat of a weak Prime Minister; a Prime Minister who would stand up to Senator Bernardi. It is a bit rich for Senator Bernardi to be talking about outside influence when he has been influenced by the United States Tea Party and by some of the most right-wing groups ever in the US, and he brings that type of political culture—a culture of dividing the community—back into this country. It is a culture of destroying multiculturalism, a culture of denying that climate change is a serious issue in this country. So I will not be lectured by Senator Bernardi on anything to do with morality or the right thing. Senator Bernardi is the last person who should be standing up here lecturing anyone about people's judgement in this place.</para>
<para>If you had proper judgement you would not be taking the position Senator Bernardi is taking in leading the coalition on. He leads the right wing of the coalition in this place, and he is about destroying the leadership of Malcolm Turnbull. When I use the term 'leadership' I use it lightly, as the current Prime Minister has not demonstrated much leadership at all. He is completely at the mercy of people like Senator Bernardi; he is completely at the mercy of people like the right wing of the coalition, who hold the most extreme views in this country. You only have to look at the press over the last few days to see who is leading this Prime Minister by the nose. I will come back to the issue that Senator Bernardi raised a bit further down the track, but first let me get to the key issues I want to get on the record here today.</para>
<para>As I have said, we have a weak Prime Minister, a vacillating Prime Minister, a Prime Minister who owes his job to the right-wing extremists in the Liberal Party. We have a Prime Minister who said he had a plan for the economy during the last election, but let's remember what the plans for the economy were that the Prime Minister was backing. You cannot simply say that conservatism and liberalism in this country started afresh when Mr Turnbull became Prime Minister. It started under Tony Abbott, the former Prime Minister, with the lifters and leaners argument when he tried to divide the community by attacking those who were at the bottom of society in this country—attacking unemployed youth, attacking pensioners, attacking the working poor—while defending the big end of town and defending the banking industry in this country. We see that thread go straight from Prime Minister Abbott to Prime Minister Turnbull—a clear position—where they will defend the big end of town, where they will defend those who are rich and powerful against the working poor in this country. That is why we see Senator Bernardi so determined to attack Senator Dastyari, because Senator Dastyari has been exposing day in, day out this linkage between the right wing of the Liberal Party and the big end of town, and between the Liberal Party in general and the big end of town.</para>
<para>So what did we get from the Prime Minister before the election? He indicated that he supported every aspect of that 2014-15 budget: young unemployed people with no money for six months; cuts to pensions; cuts to family tax benefits; cuts to the poorest in this country; attacks on penalty rates; attacks on the trade union movement—all designed to diminish the living standards of ordinary people in this country so that the money can flow back to the big end of town. That is what the current Prime Minister stood for. He stood for every aspect of that 2014-15 budget that increased inequality in this country and made this country a poorer country, because we would not stand up and look after the poorest people in the economy.</para>
<para>So then we had Mr Turnbull stab Mr Abbott in the back. We had Mr Turnbull take over the leadership on the basis that he was going to articulate the issues that were required for the economy. He had a plan while the former Prime Minister, Mr Abbott, did not have the capacity to articulate the issues that were important for the economy. Well, Mr Turnbull has been an abject failure. It is not just Labor people who are saying that; the press are saying it and his own party members are saying it when you talk to them. They say: 'This guy is not delivering. He's weak. He won't stand up for anything. He's got no values. He's got no principles.' You have only got to look at how he performs every day. Having a deep baritone voice and presenting your case as if you are a Queen's Counsel does not make up for the fact that your case is wrong, that your case is bad, that your case is just not resonating with the Australian community.</para>
<para>This guy squeaked into power. If the election had probably gone another week, we would be sitting over there and the Liberals would be sitting on this side, because he was so incompetent. He just would not put the hours in. He was just lazy, incompetent, and had no vision, no policies and no priorities for ordinary working people in this country. That is the Prime Minister that we have at the moment in this country—a Prime Minister who cannot be trusted. Worse still, we have a Prime Minister who is incompetent. So he just gives up his values and his principles, if it means that he will personally benefit.</para>
<para>Let's talk about people who personally benefit. Let's talk about Prime Minister Turnbull: he personally benefited by knifing the former Prime Minister Tony Abbott—the biggest personal benefit anybody would have: you knife the Prime Minister and you become the Prime Minister. You say you have a great plan for the economy, so what is the first plan you come up with? The first plan you come up with is a goods and services tax—a tax that will put more strain on working-class families' budgets, more strain on their standard of living and increase inequality in this country.</para>
<para>That was the first economic plan from the Prime Minister, and the states said: 'No way. This is not fair. It's not good for our constituents.' Both Liberal and Labor premiers said: 'You've got it wrong. We're not going to accept this. This is not a plan that is fair. It's not a plan that is equitable. It's not a plan we're prepared to accept.' So the Prime Minister's first plan for the economy lasted a few weeks and then it just died. Then the Prime Minister, this incompetent Prime Minister, moved on.</para>
<para>So what was the next big plan? The next big plan was reforming the Federation: the federal government would fund the private school system and the state governments would fund the state system. We all know what that would mean. It would mean that private schools would continue to get access to funding that would give them an opportunity to have wealthy families have their kids looked after in private schools while public schools would absolutely struggle to get more funding into the schools. So that was the second proposition: we would give taxing powers to the states, and the federal government would opt out of these areas.</para>
<para>This is classical conservatism—that you want small government. But I have to alert you to the fact that small government means nothing for Kerry Packer, for the billionaires in this country. It is not a problem. But if you are a working class family, if you are an Aboriginal person, if you are sick or if you are trying to get your child educated and you do not have a lot of money, small government means that you will never get a fair go in this country. You will never get a fair go. So, when you hear them talk about cutting taxes, when you hear them talking from the other side about small government, realise what that means. That means that working-class families in this country will get screwed by the conservatives. That is what it means.</para>
<para>That was his second big economic plan, and it was torpedoed. It did not last long. I think it lasted one day. I do not know why. I will tell you what. I do not think any Leader of the Liberal Party should ever go to the Panthers stadium in Penrith again, because every time they go out there they stuff it up so badly. You know that the former Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, went out to the Panthers stadium and talked about no cuts to tax, no cuts to health, no cuts to education, no cuts to the SBS and no cuts to the ABC, and in the next budget they did all of those things. And then we had Prime Minister Turnbull going out and, in the morning, announcing this great change, the reform of Federation; the next day it was off the agenda.</para>
<para>Prime Minister Turnbull is simply incompetent. Prime Minister Turnbull just has not got it. I cannot think of a better analogy than Paul Keating's analogy: he is all tip and no iceberg—absolutely all tip and no iceberg, this guy. His own people do not believe he is competent, because they sacked him when he was the leader. They do not believe he can take this government through the full term, because he is incompetent. We know he is incompetent. Look at the two economic plans, and look at the third economic plan. This is his third economic plan in 12 months.</para>
<para>His third economic plan was jobs and growth, innovation, $50 billion of tax cuts to the big end of town, and what he describes as export trade agreements. Well, I do not see the jobs and growth. All I see is, in places like Elizabeth, in South Australia, jobs disappearing as the coalition—which Malcolm Turnbull was part of—chased GM and Toyota out of this country and destroyed high-skilled, high-paid jobs in this country. I do not see the jobs and growth there. On innovation, they were setting out to destroy the CSIRO. They had no care about innovation until the public said, 'We want to keep our scientists.' And tax cuts: $50 billion of tax cuts, including $8 billion of tax cuts to the banks that are ripping people off, day in, day out—$8 billion of tax cuts to the banks. Where is the economic sense and credibility in that? Again, the Prime Minister and his team are incompetent—absolutely incompetent.</para>
<para>Trickle-down economics has failed. Look at the United States. You can draw a graph in the United States from when Ronald Reagan slashed the taxes in the United States. If you put another line up against it which is inequality in the United States, you see taxes coming down for corporations, taxes coming down for the wealthy, and inequality shooting up. Well, this is Australia, Mr Turnbull; this is not the United States. Trickle-down economics has failed, and we will fight trickle-down economics. We would rather spend $50 billion on health, on education, on infrastructure, than hand it over on tax cuts on a failed economic theory.</para>
<para>Let me just go back. I just want to say quickly that I am very pleased to have been appointed shadow minister for skills and apprenticeships and shadow minister for housing and homelessness. We had Homelessness Week, and not one minister in this government thought it was important enough to make one statement about homelessness in this country—not one minister. I think that says everything about this government. It will look after its mates in Collins Street and at the big end of town, but if you are a rough sleeper, if you are living in overcrowded accommodation, if you cannot afford to buy a house, that is just bad luck. You are collateral damage to this mob's economic theories. This is a bad government. This is a weak, incompetent Prime Minister. I do not think they will see the three years out.</para>
<para>I just want to finish up on this. I have not known Sam Dastyari for that long, but I do know Sam Dastyari, Senator Dastyari, and I am convinced that Senator Dastyari is honest and capable and a good politician. Senator Dastyari himself, I think, has conceded that he made a mistake, and he has come in and he has indicated that here this morning. I think that what has been put forward by Senator Bernardi today is a big overstep in terms of the coalition. If you want to talk about corruption, let us talk about Stuart Robert. If you want to talk about corruption, let us talk about Senator Sinodinos and his appearances at ICAC. If you want to talk about corruption, let us talk about the Millennium Forum and the money that gets poured in by the big end of town, into the Liberals' pockets, day in, day out. Let us talk about the brown paper bags getting handed over in the back seats of the Bentleys in Newcastle. Do not come here and try to come after a decent politician, a good politician, on the basis of one mistake, when there have been systematic breaches of the law by the Liberal Party in New South Wales.</para>
<para>Do not tell me that if you are getting handed a brown paper bag in the back of a Bentley by a property developer, as a Liberal politician, you do not know there is a problem. Well, there is a problem. There should be a forensic examination of every Liberal politicians' election fund in this country, and then we will see where the Chinese money is going, then we will see where the money is coming from—the big end of town—and then we will see where the property developers' money is going.</para>
<para>Sam Dastyari is a decent human being. Senator Dastyari has stood this mob up on their ears. He has exposed their link to the big banks; they do not like it. Senator Dastyari will continue to do that. He will be a great politician in this place, and I support Sam Dastyari.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, what a difference a year makes. This time last year, Mr Turnbull's challenge to Prime Minister Tony Abbott's cringe-worthy prime ministership was actually still on the horizon and the coalition were still locked into the pretence that everything was going to work out fine for them. A year on, with 2016 election now receding fast into the political rear-view mirror, it is a good time to think about what has happened in the intervening year and what role this chamber is going to play as we enter more complex times.</para>
<para>I have on occasion seen the Hon. Sir Peter Cosgrove's ability to hold a room. He can be an excellent public speaker so none of what I am about to say is intended with any disrespect to him because obviously he has to deal with the material that he is given. What was presented to the parliament yesterday when we were all in here, I suppose, was meant to stand in for some kind of manifesto of the point of the Turnbull government for the next couple of years. The government were meant to really be establishing for the benefit of this chamber and for anybody watching outside of this room what their purpose is, why we would bother with them for the years to come. It felt to me as though he had been handed a bunch of crumpled notes, this weird laundry list of thoroughly mediocre incoherent talking points that were almost entirely indifferent to the actual challenges that face the country. With no disrespect to the Governor-General, whose role it was quite rightly to deliver this address to the parliament while we were all in here, but of those who wrote that material, you can only imagine a handful of people sealed into a room with their eyes glazed over.</para>
<para>What kind of agenda was presented to us yesterday? Where was the housing affordability crisis or the fact that $40 million was ripped from homeless services' capital budgets in the 2014 budget and not returned? Where was housing stress? Where was rental affordability? Where was the self-inflicted humanitarian catastrophe unfolding inside our immigration detention centres—many of them established by the Labor Party, the offshore islands in particular, when they were in government and retained and entrenched by those who hold office now? Where was the climate? Where was the single most important economic, humanitarian, environmental and security threat facing this country in that speech yesterday? Where was it?</para>
<para>A large fraction of the world is decarbonising, phasing out fossil fuel combustion. The agreement signed in Paris, imperfect as it was, sets a rough pathway forward for phasing out the fossil underpinnings of the crisis that is beginning to overwhelm the world. The coal industry is hitting the wall, one bankruptcy after another, including here in Australia. The international oil price is approaching historic postwar lows. The fracking industry has been fought to a standstill across large parts of the country. Where was all of that in yesterday's speech?</para>
<para>I have discovered in these addresses that only happen reasonably infrequently that it is important to listen for what is not in the speech. What is the government seeking not to highlight? What is it less proud of? What is it choosing to ignore? What is being deprioritised or subordinated in these infrequent and rare addresses to the nation? There was certainly talk of innovation. If I can recall anything from the turnover between former Prime Minister Abbott and Minister Turnbull, which ignited a small spark of hope—it did not last long but was there—for myself and probably for many others in the country, was this talk of innovation. It was the talk of somebody who was digitally literate, who did not have his head stuck in a vanishing coal industry but who knew something about the telecommunications sector, by way of one single example, and recognised that we needed to transition to a more diversified economy. Where has all that talk of innovation gone? The words are still used.</para>
<para>In the meantime, a bill is shortly to be presented to this parliament which would cut $1 billion from ARENA, which does the essential R&D and early commercialisation work for innovative clean energy technologies that will buy us a bit of time in the clean energy transition. The extraordinarily reckless attacks on CSIRO and the rest of the research community, and the unfolding debacle of the National Broadband Network will be revisited again within this parliament. These are the entities and the enabling infrastructure that can actually carry us into that more diversified and resilient economy. So the government can read all the buzzwords it likes into the parliamentary record or deliver impressive sounding headland speeches about agility and innovation, but we do not even really have to look under the bonnet to see what is going on here. It is a government that is desperately in hock to the fading fortunes of the extractive industries that have bordered with government on more than one occasion and have played backstop during debates like on the mining tax, for example, which completely skittled a Prime Minister and put the country fiscally on the backfoot for years. It is a government that is wedded to these industries. Instead of talking transition on behalf of the workforce in towns like Collie in the south-west of Western Australia, which has a very narrow economic base because it has provided the underpinnings of the power system—no pun intended—in Western Australia, or at least in the south-west, for a century, and instead of talking measured, realistic transitions for those workers, the government is simply burying its head in the sand and undercutting the very industries that could provide a pathway forward.</para>
<para>I want to quote briefly from Admiral Samuel J. Locklear III, a former US Pacific Commander of the US Navy. He has retired now. This is what he said in November 2015:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Today we find ourselves in a period of unprecedented global change – change that is … introducing significant emerging challenges to the global security environment. Foremost among these emerging challenges are the long-term security implications of climate change …</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">These changes are prompting U.S. policymakers, decision-makers, and military planners … reevaluate and adjust our long-term ‘whole of government’ strategic priorities and approaches in the region.</para></quote>
<para>We can critique all we like the way that the climate debate has played out in the United States—and, if anything, it has been uglier than what has unfolded here. But that is a very clear and precise statement from a very senior US military commander who is seeing the climate imperative roll through every dimension of his work. I—and no doubt Senator Whish-Wilson and my other Greens colleagues—will have more to say in this parliament about what security means in the 21st century, in a world where this energy transition is well underway, where the old priorities of protecting oil pipelines and shipping lanes out of the Persian Gulf may change quite rapidly in an energy transition where we are finally reaping the benefits of the near infinite supplies of solar energy, wind energy, wave energy and other renewable sources. Where was any of that in yesterday's speech? If this Prime Minister, who professes to understand the urgency of climate change and the importance of diversifying our economy away from low-value extractive industries toward value-adding, toward true green economics, uses the buzzwords—and what we saw yesterday was something completely different—where in the speech was the optimism?</para>
<para>In my home town at the moment there is a proposal afoot from Mr Turnbull's Liberal-National colleagues for the Perth Freight Link, a 19th-century piece of infrastructure—or we could be generous and say at least a mid-20th century piece of infrastructure. It has four to six lanes of tarmac through precious wetlands, through areas of great significance to the Whadjuk and Noongar people who have traversed and camped in that area for 40,000 years. The Barnett government is proposing to smash a freeway through that area to take trucks not all the way to Fremantle port but, actually, to several kilometres short of the port of Fremantle, where there will be a huge traffic pile-up.</para>
<para>Where were the 21st-century priorities for our settlements, for our cities? Where was the talk of rapid telecommunications, of rapid transit, of clean energy, of innovative fast-build housing to solve our housing supply crisis, of rebuilding biodiversity and, perhaps, most importantly, of becoming reunited with the concept of country by entering into treaty and measured negotiations that recognise sovereignty with the people who occupied this country for tens of thousands of years before the colonists arrived from over the horizon? These are the issues that the Australian Greens believe should be brought into the frame in the kind of speech that we heard yesterday. If the government had any vision to present for this country beyond the almost macabre political self-destruction that appears to be occurring behind the scenes on the first and second days in parliament, surely yesterday was the day to put it to us. There is nothing there but a kind of fevered emptiness.</para>
<para>I think there is a reason why media oligarchs beam 24/7 race hate and paranoia into outer metropolitan suburbs—and I gather we will be discussing media reform in this parliament before too long, because the government has a proposition to put to us to consolidate and entrench media ownership even more tightly than it already is. I think there is a reason why that race hate and that fear and that division is such a preoccupation of certain corners of the press—the beaming of those messages of division into outer metro suburbs and regional towns hit very hard by the slow-motion collapse of the commodities boom. There is a reason why people facing intergenerational unemployment and privatisation of basic health and education services are being offered Syrian refugees as convenient targets of their discontent. I would suggest that it is an old bait-and-switch trick that is probably as old as politics itself. If you are focusing your grievances on people even less fortunate than yourselves—Aboriginal mob, people fleeing Aleppo, people in cages on prison islands—then it is a lot less likely that you will end up on the barricades going up against the one per cent?</para>
<para>So our commitment and our priorities in this parliament and in those to come, as we link arms with those in our region and further afield who are doing it a lot tougher than ourselves, as we combine our numbers to support those here at home fighting for sovereignty, treaty and to get kids out of prison, and as we work every single day for the kind of economy that serves people and planet rather than treating both as disposable assets to be stripped and discarded, I cannot help but recall the words of Arundhati Roy, who said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Another world is not only possible, she is on her way. On a quiet day, I can hear her breathing.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support my colleague Senator Hume's motion on the address-in-reply to the address by the Hon. Governor-General of Australia in this place yesterday. Madam Deputy President, I firstly congratulate you on your election to the position of Deputy President of the Senate. I also congratulate those who have been elected or re-elected to this place and to the other place for the 45th Parliament. I place on record my acknowledgement of the excellence of colleagues who in the 44th Parliament were in this chamber with me and, to my disappointment, were not re-elected: David Johnston, from Western Australia; Sean Edwards, from South Australia; Richard Colbeck, from Tasmania; and Jo Lindgren, from Queensland. The place will be poorer for their absence. I also note that Luke Simpkins, the previous member for Cowan, was unsuccessful. I congratulate his successor, Ms Anne Aly, who is now the new member for Cowan.</para>
<para>What the Governor-General yesterday highlighted for this country was the awesome responsibility that the 226 of us—150 in the other place and 76 in this place—have in the 45th Parliament, and beyond, and our responsibility to the people of Australia. Each of us is accountable to the wider community for how we manage the Australian economy in the immediate future, and beyond, and for the signals that we will give to the business community and the welfare community, pensioners and those with disabilities, those who will be relying on the decisions of this parliament to guide their future. I say that in the context of contrasting 2007-08 with 2016. I do so because in 2008-09 we faced a global financial crisis, and, from my experience of many years in business and my contacts both here in Australia and overseas, I can say without any doubt or contradiction that there are black clouds over the world economy and, whilst Australia is strong, with a AAA rating, we are by no means immune from the impact of the world economy.</para>
<para>I want to explain that in some more detail, but let me give you these figures by way of setting the scene, Deputy President. In 2007 this country had no net debt. It was debt free. By 2013 it had $317 billion of debt. Now we have $430 billion and we are racing to $667 billion. I turn to deficit. For those of you in the public gallery perhaps not so familiar with it, deficit is the difference between what you earn and what you spend. If you spend more than you earn, then you have a deficit. There was no deficit in this country in 2007. By 2013, when the Abbott government assumed power, the accumulated deficit was $240 billion, and of course it is now even higher. In 2007, facing what was to become a global financial crisis, we had money in the bank. We had some $30 billion to $40 billion earning interest. Today the bickie barrel is empty. We have no cash in the bank.</para>
<para>Reserve Bank Governor Stevens in 2008, at the commencement of the global financial crisis, had a cash rate of some 7.25 per cent with which he could manipulate monetary policy, at a time when other advanced economies around the world—the UK, the US, Canada, France, Italy, countries with whom we are often compared—were already down at 1½ per cent in their cash rates. Our cash rate was 7.25 per cent in 2007-08. As we know today, in one of his last acts as Governor of the Reserve Bank, Mr Stevens—and I congratulate him as he moves towards his retirement—brought the cash rate down to a historic level of 1.5 per cent. Effectively there is nowhere else to go. He cannot use that as a manipulative tool anymore. Why? Because generally one of the effects of reducing the cash rate is to also bring down the value of the Australian dollar, which makes our exports more competitive, but, as we all know, the other day, following the reduction in the cash rate from 1.75 to 1.5 per cent, the Australian dollar actually went up. So clearly that manipulative tool has now ceased to work.</para>
<para>In 2007-08 China was wanting to buy everything that Australia had—iron ore, coking coal, thermal coal, gas, you name it. Today the Chinese economy is looking very, very subdued. In 2007-08 the value, the price, of iron ore—and, for that matter, LNG—was up over $150 a tonne. Today they are both scratching at around $45 and $50 a tonne. I say these things because there are those who do not understand that, if this country is to move, as the rest of the world is moving, towards stark economic times, we have got very little fat left in our system. I urge people to be well aware of it. If ever there was a time to help your generation—through you, Deputy President, to the young people in the gallery—and indeed your children's generation, when and if you have them, it is now, by returning the budget to balance.</para>
<para>What is the impact of those figures I just gave you? Just reflect on this for a moment. This country is borrowing $1.2 billion a month not to repay the debt, just to pay the interest. We are borrowing offshore against your futures just to pay the interest on the debt. What does that translate to? It translates to two to three new primary schools per day, seven days a week, that this country is not building because we are borrowing $1.2 billion a month. In the Deputy President's and my home city of Perth, we are just concluding the construction of a new children's hospital. One point two billion dollars, one month's interest on the debt, would pay for that hospital in its entirety. Those are the sorts of figures that we are talking about.</para>
<para>I then ask you to reflect on what is happening in the world and what happened in Britain recently, where they voted to leave the European Economic Community, and all of the impacts that is having. The United States would have the two least popular candidates in history leading up to their presidential election in November, and who knows what the impact will be on the United States. Russia will technically be in recession today and Eastern Europe is looking very, very shaky. I am pleased that a person with much more economic background than me is in the chamber, Senator Whish-Wilson. Japan and Switzerland, both First World countries, at the moment have negative interest rates. If somebody puts money in the bank in Tokyo or in Bern, they are actually paying the bank to have those funds in the bank with them. China, as I mentioned, has some significant difficulties and its growth rate has declined. As my predecessor speaking before me mentioned, there is a downturn in the oil and gas industry. Have a look at those countries in the world that produce oil and gas—the Middle East region, Eastern Europe, Africa. With the exception of the United States, most of those countries have difficult economies.</para>
<para>The Australian community expects us to have money for homelessness, for affordable housing, for health and for education, but as we all know in our own homes, in our small businesses—if we have been or are in small business—and indeed as it is in the nation, it is the case that if we are spending more than we are earning then we are in deficit, then we accumulate debt and then we must pay the interest on the debt. As the Minister for Employment comes into the room, I remind you all again that the $1.2 billion a month interest that we are paying on the debt is at the low rate of 1.5 per cent. Imagine if and when interest rates go up to three or four per cent where we are going to be in that space.</para>
<para>Where are our income taxes being spent? I received my own tax return only the other day and printed on it for me was an indicator of where my tax goes, and it would be similar for those who pay tax in this country. Thirty-nine per cent of my tax goes on welfare and, within that 39 per cent, 40 per cent on the aged, just 25 per cent on families and 24 per cent on disability. Eighteen and a half per cent of my tax goes on health, 8.7 per cent on education and 8.7 per cent on defence. My contribution to the interest on that government debt is absorbing four per cent of my tax that I pay and it is more than our transport and communications cost of 2.3 per cent. I say to my colleagues in this place that we have an awesome responsibility to the people of Australia to see that we return this budget to surplus so that we will have the adequate cash necessary to maintain the services across our community at the highest level that we all enjoy.</para>
<para>In the time available I want to speak a little about legislative issues. The first one I want to speak about is the legislation that will come, I think, before the chamber associated with Country Fire Authority of Victoria volunteers. The minister, much more eloquently than I, will be able to share with the parliament what the objectives are in this space, but they are largely directed at ensuring that volunteers in our emergency services—fire, rescue, marine rescue, the State Emergency Service et cetera—will enjoy the continued protection that all of our volunteers must have. I declare my interest here, as a past chief executive of the Bush Fires Board of Western Australia—a proud organisation which, when it existed, and I was its last chief executive, had 58 staff and 19,000 volunteers. Why do I make that point? I make it because it is not just about the CFA at all; it is a national issue and everybody in Australia is watching what is happening.</para>
<para>I am disappointed that my colleague, Senator Gavin Marshall, is not in the chamber at the moment because it has been put to me that in some way I am opposed to the United Firefighters Union. Let me place on the record that I have no such opposition. If the head of the United Firefighters Union of Australia, Mr Peter Marshall, was in the chamber now, I am sure he would acknowledge that. And why would he? He would acknowledge it because he sat in the public gallery of this very chamber in November 2011 when this place unanimously passed legislation which would ensure that firefighters who had picked up carcinogens and now have cancers due to their firefighting activities would be covered by workers compensation. Prior to that, they would not have been covered. If they could not prove which fire it was in the past, what the carcinogen was or where they were and when they were there, they did not have a workers comp claim.</para>
<para>Mr Peter Marshall came to a committee of the Senate and he asked for seven cancers to be recognised as those that would be supported in terms of cancers which firefighters in Australia now have. I say with a high degree of pride that, by the end of that process, we did not accept Mr Peter Marshall's request for seven such cancers; we widened it to 13 cancers, because international evidence from the Canadians, the Americans, the British and others was that there were 14 cancers that could be ascribed through medical epidemiology to be due to their jobs as firefighters. The one that I was not willing to accept was that of melanomas and skin cancers. Why? Because Australians have such a propensity for them.</para>
<para>I know Senator Marshall had a task in his caucus, as indeed I did, but I acknowledge fully the support I got from the now foreign minister, Ms Julie Bishop, from my then leader, Senator Abetz, and from my then Leader of the Opposition, Mr Tony Abbott, for that contention by the union to allow us to pass that legislation. I give you that background simply because, as Mr Peter Marshall was right in 2011, he is wrong in 2016 to pick volunteers. The CFA is the senior fire organisation in this country, and I believe it probably has the highest number of paid and volunteer officers of any fire service in the world.</para>
<para>I will make this point for the first time ever. My mentor, when I ran the Bush Fires Board, was a gentleman by the name of Mr Len Foster, who at the time was the head of the Country Fire Authority in Victoria. He is now in his retirement. In 2011, I rang him up, I got him off a golf course and I said: 'Len, the firefighters union and Slater & Gordon, the legal firm representing them, have come before us with a request for seven cancers to be recognised. Do you think the case is valid?' He said: 'Chris, this is something we should have dealt with years ago. If you can achieve this for firefighters, you will have done the right thing.' So it is now known publicly for the first time ever that the advice that I took was from none other Len Foster.</para>
<para>I will tell you the other thing that Len Foster taught me. He said to me, 'Do not ever make the mistake of equating volunteerism to amateurism.' He said, 'If I have appropriately trained, equipped, skilled and resourced paid officers and volunteers in the CFA, each of them will do the exactly equivalent job.' Unfortunately, Mr Marshall is trying to arrange a situation in which, for example, volunteers would never have to give orders to a paid officer and in which if a scale of operation got to a certain level, only paid officers would be eligible to go ahead and do that work. In other words, volunteers would be downgraded and belittled. I have even heard this in our home state of Western Australia following the bushfires that occurred in the summertime at Esperance, Yarloop and Waroona. That is why I say that this is not confined to the CFA; it is linked nationally. The representative of the firefighters union in Perth mentioned, 'We have the professionals who are the paid officers and we have the volunteers,' meaning the well-meaning amateurs. That is a fundamental error. It is an insult.</para>
<para>Of course, in our home state of WA, with its one million square miles of land mass, it is volunteers who have the skill, the equipment, the interest, the devotion and the availability to actually handle the fires and the incidents of the type about which I speak. So if and when this legislation comes before this chamber, I will speak in far greater detail and I will urge this place to ensure the passage of the legislation that Minister Cash will be proposing.</para>
<para>In the few minutes left available to me I will stay on the theme of fire, because we are coming up to another bushfire season.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You're on fire!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Of course, around Australia we know that there are going to be significant bushfires even in New South Wales. Through you, Deputy President: I understand, Senator Williams, for once you are having a decent cropping season.</para>
<para>I say this following a Senate inquiry chaired by my old colleague Senator Bill Heffernan, who we also miss dearly. We had an inquiry following the Black Saturday fires in Victoria in February 2009. Amongst other things, the recommendation of that inquiry was that the Productivity Commission be tasked to see where the Commonwealth government's funds could best be spent in mitigation and reduction of fires, which ultimately are a state and territory responsibility. The Productivity Commission indicated that if the Commonwealth spent its money in prevention and preparation there was a $9 to $1 return to the Australian community, but if the Commonwealth did nothing but wait around for what we call the response and recovery—in other words, waiting for the fires to occur and then trying to be involved in combating them and in recovery afterwards—there was scarcely a $1 for $1 value. The message I want to leave you on that theme is there needs to be far more expenditure in prevention and in preparation rather than in response and recovery.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>10000</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Back, and thank you for your congratulations.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Governor-General's speech on behalf of the Turnbull government failed on many counts. It failed on one of the most critical issues that this government should be grappling with: how we protect our democracy. The word democracy did not actually appear in the speech at all. There was a vague mention of democracies in general but not Australian democracy and the urgent reforms that are needed.</para>
<para>We know that critical issues bedevil our society. Democracy—that is, the involvement of people in every way possible, in a most democratic way—will be critical to solving those issues, particularly around climate change but also in addressing inequality, environmental issues and social justice issues. People have a right to have a say and a right to be involved. It is particularly critical for this parliament, where corporate power dominates. It is so hard to get reforms in around lobbyists, around political donations and around how parliament itself works. This new parliament has just kicked off, but again you can bet your bottom dollar that corporate power will be the core problem in how this parliament works.</para>
<para>The Greens have a suite of measures to deal with this, and I hope I have time to get to them. But right now what I think is particularly relevant—and it is relevant because it comes from the Prime Minister's home state—is the New South Wales Independent Commission Against Corruption, ICAC. It is also very relevant because Malcolm Turnbull is the Prime Minister and he needs to be learning those lessons in New South Wales and ensuring that we improve and safeguard our democracy at a federal level. Yesterday, in New South Wales, the Spicer report was handed down. Now what is centre stage of so many of the problems that have come out through the work of ICAC and through the Spicer report is the Free Enterprise Foundation, and it rears its head time and time again. Essentially, it is a slush fund for the Liberal Party, and it should be wound up by the Prime Minister as a first step in a major overhaul of political donations. That should have happened before the election. We went through a whole election where, again, the Prime Minister was not addressing this, and neither was the Leader of the Opposition. At the very least, they should have disclosed the donations they were taking. It is long overdue to have donations disclosed in real time. But I will come to the changes that are needed shortly.</para>
<para>The New South Wales Electoral Commission has confirmed what many have suspected for a long time: that the Free Enterprise Foundation has been used by senior Liberal officials as a way to offer anonymity to donors. The New South Wales ICAC has received evidence that the Free Enterprise Foundation was used to wash prohibited donations. So it sits there as a major problem, and a problem at the heart of the Liberal Party and this very government.</para>
<para>But let us look at the Spicer report itself. It probably was a bit unfortunate that it came out on the first day of parliament. Maybe some of my colleagues here did not have time to give it the attention that it deserved. But I certainly urge that they really tune in to what is going on here. The statements I have heard previously from members, in the numerous debates we have had about political donations, and particularly about corruption, that, 'We don't need a national ICAC because we don't have corruption here,' are just sounding more and more ludicrous. How do you know what goes on if you do not have a body to investigate it?</para>
<para>But back to the Spicer report: the findings are damning. It is an explosive report of prohibited donations, funds and non-disclosures leading up to the Liberal Party state election campaign in 2011. The report found that groups associated with the Liberal Party funnelled political donations through the Free Enterprise Foundation to avoid scrutiny. There it is again—more evidence, clearly set out in the findings. Clearly, the intent of senior Liberals here was to accept money from developers, who are prohibited donors in New South Wales—and they knew it. They knew it. This was clearly meant, once those laws came in in New South Wales, to get around them. The great irony here is that, coming into that election in 2011, the Liberals and Nationals were clearly going to win—Labor was so on the nose. But they were so locked in to taking political donations that they were actually breaking the law to do it.</para>
<para>Going back to the report: former Liberal MPs also sought to evade the law around the disclosure of donations and a ban on property donors in New South Wales. They included former police minister Michael Gallacher, former energy minister Chris Hartcher, and former Liberal MPs Garry Edwards, Tim Owen, Andrew Cornwell and Chris Spence. How embarrassing—all those Liberals caught up in these scams, in this breaking of the law. Another two former Liberal MPs, Craig Baumann and Darren Webber, evaded the disclosure of developer donations.</para>
<para>But it does not stop with the Liberals. Former Labor MP Joe Tripodi engaged in serious corruption.</para>
<para>And, while there were no adverse findings against Senator Sinodinos by the New South Wales ICAC, the Australian Electoral Commission found that he had been involved in what they called 'arrangements'—again, in their words—that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… provided the factual and legal matrix upon which non-disclosure was made by the Party.</para></quote>
<para>It is quite delightful, the way that was expressed! But I will come back to Senator Sinodinos shortly.</para>
<para>The Free Enterprise Foundation, as I have said, was used to channel donations to the Liberal Party for its state election campaign in New South Wales, again—and it needs to be repeated time and time again—to disguise the true identity of donors. That means that you are getting around the law; that is what is going on here. There are all these people who get up and say they want to uphold the law, and who abuse people who try and improve society. This is about undermining democracy and thwarting attempts to ensure that the public knows who is donating to political parties. What it really highlights is that we need to bring in bans and caps on political donations.</para>
<para>To go back to the report: there was an example of a cheque sent to the Free Enterprise Foundation from Lindsay Partridge, the managing director of Brickworks Limited. The cheque was to the value of $125,000. It came with a letter that said: 'We trust this donation will provide assistance with the 2011 New South Wales state election campaign.' Brickworks received government grants totalling $17 million, including $14.6 million of grants relating to the Clean Technology Investment Program.</para>
<para>The relationship between the government and Brickworks Limited does warrant federal investigation, and I pay tribute to the former Greens parliamentary leader, Christine Milne, who requested that Operation Spicer investigate the grants in 2014. She was told that the New South Wales ICAC does not have the jurisdiction to do that, and I would again say that that is further evidence of why we need a national ICAC.</para>
<para>The Operation Spicer report has shone a light on the deep web of lies, dishonesty and corruption in New South Wales, but it does not stop at borders. Nobody can argue that any further.</para>
<para>Some of the findings of the report, including the commentary on Brickworks, warrant investigation at a federal level. This really does put the spotlight on the need, as I have said—and we will say it more often and more loudly: there is a need for a national ICAC.</para>
<para>It is no wonder that the Liberal, Labor and Nationals parties do not want to back the Greens' call for such a commission or our call for far-reaching reforms around political donations, because they are just locked in. Just as we saw Labor, Liberal and Nationals voting together today on the terms of parliament, doing a deal there to benefit themselves, here we are seeing them backing each other up and not bringing in the reforms that are so needed.</para>
<para>I saw it in New South Wales: the scandals get to a point where you cannot but bring in the reforms. Mr Turnbull and Mr Shorten should really move before their parties get caught up in the scandals that inevitably will flow.</para>
<para>What is happening with the New South Wales ICAC is getting us closer. It is starting to open up this Free Enterprise Foundation. But we have not heard the whole story by any means.</para>
<para>In April this year, Labor and the coalition voted down a Greens Senate motion for an equivalent of a federal corruption watchdog, and in May they voted down a motion calling for political donation reform. So it is on the record—how Liberals, Nationals and Labor are working together on these issues.</para>
<para>I will just say a little bit, which is obviously relevant to this discussion, about Senator Sinodinos. Senator Sinodinos had both a relationship with Australian Water Holdings and his role as treasurer of the Liberal Party. This issue has been canvassed considerably, and I acknowledge that the Liberal Party is out there saying that he has been cleared of any wrongdoing. But, again, I would urge people to read much of the evidence as well as the final report, because while there were no adverse findings against Senator Sinodinos the Electoral Commission did find it necessary to report, as I said, on the so-called arrangements he was engaged with.</para>
<para>What we do know is that Senator Sinodinos in 2009 signed a letter as finance director of the New South Wales Liberal Party to MPs and senators, warning that the changes that occurred in the law in New South Wales with regard to donations would have a significant adverse impact on the party's fundraising ability. Now, I acknowledge that the fact that that was said could be interpreted as the now senator doing his job. What is interesting is that in three days the Liberal Party received $629,000 from one donor, but no-one on the finance committee, including Senator Sinodinos, admitted to knowing anything about this. What is significant—and remember the figure, $629,000, which is obviously a lot of money—is that the records show that in the year before the prohibition on donations from property developers the Free Enterprise Foundation donated only $50,000 to the New South Wales Liberal Party. So is it a fair assumption that there were those working in the Liberal Party who realised that once the law came in they needed a way to launder donations, and that is why we saw such a huge increase in the amount of money coming from the Free Enterprise Foundation once the ban on developer donations came in? And I do want to put on the record that the Greens, in the early 2000s, moved a bill for a ban on developer donations, something that we were ridiculed about in the New South Wales parliament.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I bet you didn't ban Wotif.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am happy to acknowledge the interjection from the senator. What we saw, and why eventually Labor brought in the change to the law, is that it became so onerous, so smelly in terms of how developers were interacting with the Labor government, that Labor, at the death knell of their time in government, brought in this legislation. We now know that people who were connected with the Liberal Party then came up with ways to accept the money.</para>
<para>When Senator Sinodinos was questioned by ICAC, when he gave evidence, his replies regularly were, 'I cannot recollect one way or the other'. Another response from him was, 'It was not a process I involved myself in.' He certainly had many phrases that would trip off his tongue to say that he was unaware of these things going on. Again, when you read the evidence, when you read the reports, you are left with the impression that when it comes to Senator Sinodinos we have not heard the full story. There are now more and more voices coming out talking about the need for political donation reform. And, while I have expressed concern at the failure of the Leader of the Opposition and the Prime Minister to take this up during the election period, people associated with their parties have taken it up. I pay tribute to former senator Mr Faulkner, because it is something that I know he really did try to advance. And I was very interested that just recently former Treasurer Mr Wayne Swan spoke about the possible adverse influence of overseas donations. So the voices are starting to build up, and the momentum is there for change. This is where we need leadership from both sides, for the opposition and government to actually act.</para>
<para>What is also very relevant when considering the momentum that is occurring around the need for reforms regarding political donations is a High Court case last year that was precisely about developer donations. Again, I have spoken about this before, and I will continue to use this case in this debate, because it is very significant in that the court analysed the very nature of corruption, the nature of political donations and the impact they are having. The case makes the point that corruption in Australia has largely moved beyond quid pro quo corruption to what the High Court describes as a more subtle kind of corruption known as 'clientelism'. This kind of patron-client corruption comes about when a politician or a political party becomes so dependent on the financial support of a wealthy patron that they—and these are the words of the High Court—'compromise the expectation, fundamental to representative democracy, that public power will be exercised in the public interest'. The essence of the problem we have here—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just like the CFMEU.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>and I again acknowledge that we have a Nationals senator keen to interject on this issue—is that we are starting to have a really serious breakdown in MPs who come into this place with the commitment to work for the public good. And it has been set out so clearly by the High Court. The High Court also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Unlike straight cash-for-votes transactions, such corruption is neither easily detected nor practical to criminalise. The best means of prevention is to identify and to remove the temptation.</para></quote>
<para>That is precisely why the Greens have brought forward a series of private member's bills on this issue, and we will take it up in the JSCEM in great detail and do everything we can to advance the need for reform here.</para>
<para>I also want to acknowledge the words of the former Leader of the Opposition, when the Liberals and Nationals were in opposition, John Hewson. He wrote yesterday that 'the major parties know exactly what needs to be done' but they do not act because they 'each believe that they can better exploit' the current system, where political donations can be taken, 'to their electoral advantage'. It is really disturbing that you can have a former opposition leader identifying that the self-interest of the major parties in this parliament is absolutely undermining democracy because they are so hooked on taking political donations. Effectively, I would argue that Mr Hewson endorses the Greens position to cap donations and to have them declared in real time and online. Today, <inline font-style="italic">The</inline><inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline> editorial echoes these calls. It concludes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Money should not buy access to, or influence with, public officials. The intention to evade the law relating to donations is unacceptable, even if the ICAC cannot legally call it corruption any more.</para></quote>
<para>So there is momentum for change here.</para>
<para>As I said in my opening remarks, it is incredibly disappointing that the word 'democracy' did not figure in this major speech that supposedly is to outline the priorities of the current Turnbull government. That is why I have given over my whole speech to this issue of democracy and to the need for reform around political donations. It really goes to the heart of how we work as senators. Are we able to represent the public good or are we going to be compromised by the corporate interests who continue to attempt to—and so often do—dominate this place?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to contribute to this debate. It is always good to follow Senator Rhiannon when we talk about political donations. It is very interesting that $1.58 million, I believe, was donated by Wotif founder, Graeme Wood, to the Greens for the 2010 election. I wonder about the loyalties there.</para>
<para>The election we just had was about the ABCC, the Australian Building and Construction Commission. Who is voting against it? The Labor Party are and, of course, the Greens are. What is this policy that we want to introduce—which we went to a double dissolution on—about? It is about corruption in the building industry. Deloittes say it costs $6 billion a year through loss of production, rorting and overcharging, whether it be for private buildings or for public sector buildings like hospitals et cetera. Of course, the CFMEU vehemently oppose this. And who donates to the Greens and to the Labor Party? Madam Acting Deputy President Polley, you would be aware of how many hundreds of thousands of dollars the CFMEU have given to the Greens and to the Labor Party. That is just part of the contribution of some $100 million over the last 20 years from the union movement to the Australian Labor Party. We talk about political donations and influence. I wonder why the Greens so vehemently oppose cleaning up corruption in the building industry. Why is that? Do they condone the behaviour? Do they condone the $6 billion worth of rorts?</para>
<para>It was quite amazing to read in the <inline font-style="italic">Guardian</inline> that, in a recent interview with former Senator Bob Brown on the ABC's <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> program, former Senator Bob Brown 'intensified his attack on sitting NSW Greens senator Lee Rhiannon, accusing her of holding the party back, not hitting a chord with voters and introducing factionalism to the party'. Those are pretty powerful words from a former leader, aren't they, Madam Acting Deputy President? The article went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The power struggle between elements of the NSW party and the other states has long been a feature of internal Green politics but it is increasingly spilling into the public arena—this time ahead of a NSW preselection.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Brown said the NSW Greens party was a 'long term disappointment' which 'lags right behind' and had consistently opposed simple party reforms which the public expected.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'The incumbents in New South Wales—certainly that’s Lee in the Senate—have given great service, but are not hitting a chord with the voters at the moment and we need to move on,' he told the ABC’s 7.30 program.</para></quote>
<para>That is what he told the ABC's <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> program.</para>
<para>Following on from Senator Back's comments here in relation to fires and the CFA, the dispute in Victoria and the union bullying by the Victorian government as we went to the federal election, I have said for years that the biggest problem we have with bushfires in Australia is actually controlling the vegetation, the fuel, in national parks. The Greens, with their great friends the National Parks Association, pursue this policy of locking up and leaving country. When it rains this leads to the fuel level getting higher and higher as the grass grows and then of course it gets struck with lightning and away it goes. We cannot control the heat—although some think we might—and we cannot control the wind, but, to a certain extent, we can control the level of fuel on the ground by allowing grazing and reducing the fuel. Once you get to five or 10 tonnes per hectare of fuel, on a 40 degree day with 50 kilometre winds the fire is uncontrollable—as we saw on Black Saturday, with all that country, a lot of it in national parks, burned and, sadly, with so many lives and houses lost. I remember seeing the story of one bloke who cleared the country around his house and his sheds. I think he faced a $50,000 fine under vegetation laws in Victoria. His house was the only house not burned down. The insurance company should have paid his fine, because they did not have to rebuild his house. He used a common-sense approach to reduce the fuel levels around his house and its surroundings and his house was saved—but, of course, it is wrong to disturb the native vegetation, according to some of the greenies and their policies.</para>
<para>I will go back to the Governor-General's speech yesterday. I am glad the election is over. It was a filthy election campaign. Madam Acting Deputy President, you would have heard things like, 'The coalition government is going to privatise Medicare.' What a load of rot!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Rhiannon</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You would if you could.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take the interjection, Senator Rhiannon. How are you going to privatise a business—that is, Medicare—that earns $10 billion a year and spends $20 billion a year? Who is going to be the foolish investor that would buy that company? Perhaps the Greens would be foolish enough to buy it. It would be like having a coffee business that collects $10,000 a week in business and spends $20,000 a week. Who is going to buy that? It was just a political scare campaign.</para>
<para>But it got worse as you went north in New South Wales to the seat of New England, where former member Tony Windsor came out of retirement to take on the agriculture minister and Nationals leader, Barnaby Joyce. We had the CFMEU, the MUA, the nurses union, the Teachers Federation—all the unions. We had GetUp! All the lefties lined up behind Mr Windsor, putting in their resources and manning the booths. They came from everywhere. I was even speaking to a bloke from Canberra who travelled up to Tamworth to hand out in a pre-poll. The left-wing alignment had a big orchestrated campaign to oust Minister Barnaby Joyce. Of course, it did not happen. The result was almost 60-40 two-party preferred. It was an outstanding win for Minister Joyce, and he deserved it, because he works hard and he has good policies. But it was a grubby campaign, the grubbiest I have seen—tearing down corflutes, removing corflutes, putting paintwork on corflutes and signs. It was just disgusting and it was getting worse.</para>
<para>From the Governor-General's words yesterday, there is certainly a lot to be very optimistic about. I refer to agricultural industries. We have record beef prices. In fact, they are so high I am getting very worried they might be too high in some regards. If they become too high, our processors would find it very hard to compete overseas. They would probably lose money. I have been around long enough to know what happens when markets get too high—we often have a crash. I hope that does not happen to the beef industry. The lamb industry is looking brilliant, with good demand even though sheep numbers are down. Lamb prices and mutton prices are very good. There are record prices for chickpeas. The cotton industry is doing very well. The wool industry is going great. There are certain concerns in relation to the grain industry, and of course the dairy industry is having a very tough time. I am pleased that the ACCC is having a good look at that industry and at some of the contracts that the milk producers have had to face. I does make it tough when the world price of milk products falls. We produce around nine billion litres of milk a year in Australia and we consume around 4½ billion litres, so about half our milk production relies on the world price and the Australian dollar. It is good to see that the situation is improving. Milk powder, having dropped to around $1,500 a tonne, is now back up to $2,300 a tonne. It had been over $5,000 a tonne. In tough times it is good to see that Minister Joyce and the government are out there supporting dairy farmers and giving them all the help they can.</para>
<para>Manufacturing has been a tough industry in Australia. Can I say proudly that we have a company in Inverell, where I live now, called Boss Engineering. Seven years ago when they kicked off they employed seven people. They build air seeders, tillage machinery. They now employ 90 people, so they have gone from seven employees to 90 employees in seven years. They build a great product—I would say the best in the world. They have a great future. If we can do it with agricultural machinery, we can do it with other things.</para>
<para>The big discussion at the moment is the backpackers tax. I said in my maiden speech in this place on 15 September 2008 that some of our unemployed needed a touch on the backside with a cattle prod to get them off their backside to go and get a job. I stand by that. We have some 735,000 people unemployed, but they cannot pick our fruit and they cannot work in our abattoirs. We are relying on backpackers to do that work. What is wrong? When I was a young fellow, it was an absolute shame to be unemployed. That is why I picked up a handpiece and learnt to shear sheep. Once I could shear sheep, I was never out of a job—never. I was shearing during the shearing season and crutching during the autumn season et cetera.</para>
<para>We have a problem with labour, with people doing basic work. It might not be the highest paid job in the world, but it is an important job to pick our fruit, to get our harvest done, to actually feed people—and much of the product is exported. But, with 735,000 people unemployed, we cannot do it; we are relying on backpackers. I think the backpackers tax should be reduced to a 15 per cent flat rate. I think 32½ per cent is far too high. Sadly, so many businesses rely on backpackers to come and do that important work when it needs to be done, at harvest time especially. The government is reviewing this, and, no doubt, I hope, it will be sorted out very soon.</para>
<para>As far as the debt goes, are we just going to be a selfish generation? Are we just going to borrow and borrow and borrow each and every day, build government debt and make our children and grandchildren pay for it? All senators in this chamber, when it comes to budget savings, must think about the future generations of Australians. Look what our forebears did for us—built the nation, fought the wars, developed a great country. We need to preserve that for future generations. But, of course, politics will be played. In the last parliament we saw the Labor Party propose some $5 billion of savings in their budget, and then they oppose their own savings in here, just to play politics, to add more debt, to add more to the interest bill. That is bad policy. My greatest concern is the debt we are growing up—now some $435 billion of gross debt and growing. We cannot touch the Future Fund. We cannot demand that the $25 billion or so of HECS-HELP fees be paid up tomorrow. That cannot happen. I think we all have to take a bit of pain.</para>
<para>Under the proposed superannuation changes, I am going to be paying about $9,000 extra a year. I do not have a lot of super. I came into this place eight years ago with virtually no super and I will be retiring in three years time—I have made no secret of that. I am here for a three-year term and then I am off to spend some time with my wife, my children and my grandchildren. I am looking forward to my fourth grandchild being born in early October. The due date is 4 October; it might be a bit earlier. Becky, all the best to you and your husband, Pat, for the safe arrival of your second child.</para>
<para>I will wind up, because in the matter of a minute or so we will move on to senators statements, and you have a very interesting speaker first up, Madam Acting Deputy President.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I noted that you will be called very promptly, Senator Williams.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In this parliament, let us hope that we work together to see that we get the budget in order, that we get our businesses growing, that we get jobs out there and that we get exports growing. We do rely a lot on exports in this country, especially agriculture. It is good to see the agricultural industry looking good and the future looking very bright.</para>
<para>I am worried about the grain industry: $205 a tonne for wheat is a very disappointing price. I remember back in 2002 that it was $330 a tonne, and it is now back to $205 a tonne. I wonder if any workers out there were working on $330 a day back in those days and are on $200 a day now, but that is what the wheat growers are facing. There are some tough times with oversupply around the world. I hope they hang in there and look after their industries well and market the wheat well. I would be very happy if the Australian dollar fell another 5c or 6c and went back to 70c.</para>
<para>But the future is looking good. I do hope that everyone in the Senate makes a good contribution to the future of our nation in this upcoming 45th Parliament.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much for your contribution, Senator Williams.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</title>
        <page.no>29</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY SENATORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Banking and Financial Services, Insurance Industry</title>
          <page.no>29</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to talk about white-collar crime, which I have pursued in this place, basically, since day one. In 2009 I launched the inquiry into the liquidators industry. We went through the liquidators industry, where many wrongdoings and corruption were highlighted. One liquidator went to jail for six years with a non-parole period of three years and is now out. There were other wrongdoings there. It was a good report. We produced a unanimous bipartisan report, but, sadly, the Labor Party in government did absolutely nothing with the insolvency practitioners industry—nothing at all. They did not even introduce the recommendations. We got nowhere until this government came in, and now we have cleaned that industry up. Most importantly, come 1 January next year, liquidators doing a job liquidating a business can be sacked by a majority vote of the creditors. That is going to keep them right on their toes.</para>
<para>We had a situation where Stuart Ariff, who was jailed, was liquidating a business called CarLovers. It cost CarLovers—a Malaysian car wash company—$1.8 million, from memory, in legal fees to have their liquidator removed. From now on, that will cost nothing but a vote of the creditors. Liquidators should be working for the creditors, and I am very pleased to say that we have made great steps forward to clean the industry up.</para>
<para>In relation to ABCC, as I said in my previous speech in this place today, Labor and the Greens will not support cleaning up the building industry. Why? It is probably because of the huge donations that the unions, especially the CFMEU, make to those political parties. It is amazing that Senator Rhiannon always talks about doing the right thing here with donations, et cetera. Perhaps Senator Rhiannon would like to come into this chamber and give us a speech on the Greens and their donations from the CFMEU and other unions, and on why they will not support the cleaning up of the building industry.</para>
<para>In 2011 I launched an inquiry into banks here in Australia. It was a very good inquiry. It was amazing—we came across a lot of problems. I remember one very clearly: a bank manager had given a 30-year loan to a 97-year-old lady who was in an aged-care facility. I remember Senator Cameron saying in the inquiry: 'How old did you say she was, Senator Williams?' I said: 'Ninety-seven, Senator Cameron, and she's in an aged-care facility.' Senator Cameron's response was: 'It must be a bloody good aged-care facility!' A 30-year-loan was given to a 97-year-old lady! The investment, of course, went bad; it was a Ponzi scheme. We cleaned it up. I am not mentioning the bank; it was an institution. There were about 12 of those cases, and we cleaned them up. We made good steps to see that their processes are much more transparent and much more honest. I believe that bank manager is now facing criminal charges.</para>
<para>I, along with others in this place, launched an inquiry into ASIC. We brought out the wrongdoings in the financial planning industry. We saw the treatment of whistleblowers. We saw some 650,000 Australians written to to have their financial advice reviewed from Commonwealth Bank financial planning, from Macquarie Private Wealth and others.</para>
<para>In the very near future I am going to launch an inquiry into the life insurance industry. I am very annoyed about the program on <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline><inline font-style="italic">,</inline> with Fairfax and with my friend Adele Ferguson, about the treatment of people who would not have their life insurance paid, their TPD paid, and the crazy excuses these insurance companies use to avoid payment—especially in relation to one with an industry super fund, REST Industry Super fund. I have spoken to the boss, Mr Damian Hill, about a young fellow who, sadly, committed suicide at the age of 22, I think. The young fellow had life insurance with his superannuation. His policy was paid up, his premiums were paid up, but his estate was not paid because he did not have $1,200 in his superannuation—he only had $1,110. The policy was: we will not pay you unless you have $1,200 in your super. I asked: then why did you take the premium? Why did you take the person's money? Why did you give them the policy knowing you would not pay it under those conditions? I believe those conditions have now changed. That infuriates me, Madam Acting Deputy President O'Neill, and it probably infuriates you, as well, when you hear things like that. So I will be launching an inquiry into the life insurance industry as soon as the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services is re-established. I have the terms of reference drawn up. I hope that many in the chamber will support me.</para>
<para>What has the Labor Party done in relation to all of this corruption? Let me give you a few facts. The notable scandals and collapses within the financial services sector occurred under Labor's watch, when the Leader of the Opposition was the minister responsible for financial services. That is a fact. The Leader of the Opposition in the Senate, as the then minister responsible for financial services, neither initiated a royal commission into the banking sector nor took meaningful action against the banks. When the Murray inquiry came along—it was a promise by the Abbott government when we were elected in 2013—the Murray inquiry was opposed by Labor with the then Treasurer, Chris Bowen, stating:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The financial system is strong, well-regulated and well managed and I have not seen a case for a full-blown inquiry.</para></quote>
<para>The Labor Party actually opposed the Murray inquiry. It is unbelievable that the Labor Party is now grandstanding about a royal commission when I pursued a royal commission into white-collar crime for years.</para>
<para>I am very pleased to see that we now have the Ramsay review to see that a proper tribunal is established where those who have been done over, or think they have been done over and treated badly, can seek justice; where it is not a case that they simply have to have so much money.</para>
<para>It is amazing to see that Senator Dastyari is in the headlines today:</para>
<quote><para class="block">High-profile New South Wales Labor senator Sam Dastyari is facing mounting calls to explain why a company with links to the Chinese government repaid a debt on his behalf. Sydney-based Top Education Institute paid the bill of around $1,600.</para></quote>
<para>I agree with my colleague Senator Bernardi: a senator who owes a debt to the Commonwealth for mismanaging his electorate budget is now being bailed out by a company that is closely linked to the Chinese government—the director of it has very close links to the Chinese government. That is cause for a Senate inquiry, I agree. It was not long ago that Senator Dastyari was saying that we need to get right into white-collar crime. Perhaps a good look in the mirror might be my advice to Senator Dastyari.</para>
<para>On 24 June last year Senator Whish-Wilson moved a motion that called for a royal commission into misconduct within the financial services sector. I crossed the floor—I sat over there and voted with the Greens. Senator Conroy, Senator Dastyari—all those over there—Senator Polley and Senator Urquhart all sat there opposing an inquiry into the banking sector. They did not have the courage to stand up. Now of course they are holier than thou, saying: 'We've got to do this and do that.' I crossed the floor as I have done probably nine times before.</para>
<para>It is amazing that David Murray on 24 August in a report in the Australian newspaper said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Over the past two years, industry super funds have paid more than $5.4 million to unions and the ACTU, with a handy portion flowing upstream to Labor.</para></quote>
<para>This is incredible. When you are pursuing a royal commission, can you please add in white-collar crime and look at industry super funds, insurance payments and what they are doing? In 2014-15 construction industry fund CBUS gave $927,940 to the CFMEU. I wonder where that ended up—probably in the Labor Party coffers to help them with their election.</para>
<para>I will be moving amendments to Senator Wong's motion No. 12 today, to see that we get a proper inquiry into white-collar crime, not just the banks but those unregistered managed investment schemes, industry super funds and where their moneys flow, their superannuation, their life insurance and those who do not hold an Australian Financial Services licence. Let's clean the place right up through the financial sector, which I have pursued for seven years, then we may progress with a far more appropriate system where people can have total faith and confidence in this sector in Australia. At the moment, you are only half doing the job over there in the Labor Party. Do the job properly, do it once and do it right through the financial sector. Clean up the Ponzi schemes et cetera.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>AIDS, TB and Malaria, Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to discuss the issue of AIDS, TB, and malaria and to update this chamber regarding the Turnbull government's lack of leadership in the aged-care sector.</para>
<para>AIDS, TB and malaria are amongst the world's most debilitating illnesses and were identified by the World Health Organization and the G8 as the three leading infectious and parasitic diseases across the world.</para>
<para>Last week I met with RESULTS International in my electorate office in Launceston, where we discussed the work of the Global Fund and its targets moving forward. I would like to thank the team of volunteers who came to meet with me. They are passionate campaigners from our local communities who are determined to see an end to these illnesses and hold the government to our normal commitment to funding this organisation.</para>
<para>We know how important it is that this work is carried out in our region and internationally to eradicate these diseases. These volunteers are doing some very important work educating not only politicians but also people in the wider community about the importance and relevance of the Global Fund.</para>
<para>Thanks to the Global Fund's work, since 2002,    17 million lives have been saved, and targets project it will save 22 million lives by the end of 2016.    The work of the fund has also ensured a decline of one-third in the number of people dying from HIV, TB and malaria.</para>
<para>The Global Fund's work has been supported by continuous federal governments, because the work they do across the world to fund the fight against these diseases is paramount to global health and international security. We must do more to address inequality in our society and internationally. It is in our economic, social and security interests to ensure that we do more to alleviate poverty, wherever it may be, and treat illness and disease with the most advanced medical techniques available.</para>
<para>Despite the good work of the Global Fund and its presence in the global community, there is still much misinformation within the community about AIDS, TB and malaria. As stated in the other place earlier in the year, most Australians actually believe that TB was eradicated in the 20th century. This is far from the truth, which is why it is fundamental that the Global Fund be supported to continue its work. TB remains a major threat to public health within developing countries, with over 100 million people infected on an annual basis. Out of that number, 1.5 million people die every year. This is too high and it must be eradicated. We have a responsibility to our neighbouring communities and South-East Asia to do what we can to ensure that this money is forthcoming.</para>
<para>RESULTS is calling on the Australian government to contribute $300 million to the Global Fund for 2017-19. Our percentage share is normally about 1.7 per cent, so I think it is a very shrewd investment. It is important internationally and because we need to be good neighbours. The work that the Global Fund has been doing and will continue to do is in Australia's interest.</para>
<para>I want to turn to the Turnbull government's lack of leadership in the area of ageing and the aged-care sector. We heard in the election campaign very few words about aged care or our ageing population in this country. In this 45th Parliament—it is only two days old—we have seen nothing that indicates that there is any change. In fact, in the Governor-General's address in this very place yesterday, which one might say was an inspiring speech—I am not sure I agree with that, but I think many people were trying to stay awake during that speech, and it was not just Senator Hinch—you would have thought that the government would outline clearly their plan for aged-care policy and address the issues of our ageing population. But, no, there was no real detail, as usual. All the Governor-General said was—and I quote—that the government would address Australia's ageing population and the needs of older Australians. Those opposite need to do far more. You need to do a lot more.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Williams interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is just a shame, Senator Williams, that you are not more passionate and ensuring that your minister and your government deliver to older Australians and develop a backbone, actually show some leadership, have some good policy, have a plan and have a vision, because these people, our ageing population, are not going to go away. In fact, they are just going to increase. We heard nothing, as I said, through the election campaign. There was $3 million, I think it was, that was pledged as part of their policy for dementia research, but there is still so much more that needs to be done.</para>
<para>The reality is that, over the 44th Parliament, in every budget from this government there were cuts to aged care. In fact, this government is renowned throughout the aged-care sector for using aged care as an ATM. What did it do? It kept making withdrawals. In every budget that it brought down, it just cut. 'How much?' you would ask. How much did it cut from the aged-care sector? $3 billion. That was just in its last term of government: $3 billion.</para>
<para>I and the former shadow minister for ageing, Shayne Neumann, toured the country during the last term of parliament. Now we have a new shadow minister for ageing, Julie Collins MP, the great member for Franklin, and I am her assistant minister. We have already been out talking and listening to the aged-care sector. They do not know where to turn. They have had no response. The recent cut to ACFI—that is, the Aged Care Funding Instrument—of $1.2 billion during the election campaign was made without any consultation. The sector and the opposition have always said that we want to have a bipartisan approach to this policy area. This is too important. My state, I am afraid, has the biggest ageing population, and the oldest population in this country is in my home state of Tasmania, so I take this very personally.</para>
<para>The government do not even have a minister for ageing. They have a Minister for Health and Aged Care, which is Sussan Ley. And what have we seen from her since she has been the minister responsible? Vacant land. Nothing. The only thing that she has been able to do as a minister is use the aged-care sector as an ATM. It is a disgrace in a country as wealthy as we are. The government say they are active, agile, grown-up and all these other three-word slogans that they use during their campaigns and while they are in government. They have done nothing. They really have done nothing.</para>
<para>When we were in government last time, we developed the Living Longer, Living Better policy. That was a platform for the next decade or so to go forward. They could not even roll that out. They could not even manage to roll that out, because they are incompetent. What we have asked for, and what the sector has asked for, is to release the modelling on which you based your decisions to cut the $1.2 billion out of ACFI. Why do we need to put in a freedom-of-information request to get this information? If the minister and Malcolm Turnbull have nothing to hide, release that information. Release it publicly. Let the sector understand why you have made this cut. That is what we did when we were in government. We consulted, and we advised them of the issues that needed to be addressed. They will come with you. So will the opposition.</para>
<para>But what we have seen demonstrated is that this government, not only during the 44th Parliament but in the 45th Parliament, is again keeping those things secret. Why do you hide away? Why do you run away from making this public? You obviously have something to hide. The minister responsible, Sussan Ley, should come out in the House this afternoon in question time, if not before that, and explain why this government has chosen to cut the $1.2 billion. Why has she done that? Let the sector know why, and we can work together. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Nuclear Weapons</title>
          <page.no>32</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On 18 September 1985, just shy of 31 years ago, Senator Jo Vallentine stood and addressed the parliament for the first time. It is quite instructive reading to look back at Senator Vallentine's inaugural speech. She speaks of cuts to education budgets harming the prospects of Australian children. She speaks of cuts to the international development aid budget falling behind global targets and of some of the aid that we do give going to authoritarian regimes. She speaks of rapidly rising defence spending, particularly on overseas procurement of high-tech weapons platforms. It is actually eerily familiar.</para>
<para>And then, most significantly for our present circumstance, she says the following:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A very important concept escapes many Australians, including some politicians. It is that our country, knowingly or unknowingly, is engaged in preparations for fighting a nuclear war. There can be no mistake, no delusions and no cover-up about this very disturbing fact.</para></quote>
<para>The preparations that Senator Vallentine spoke of are the same in 2016 as they were on that morning nearly 31 years ago. We still host signals intelligence and targeting facilities at Pine Gap, North West Cape and elsewhere that are directly implicated in preparations for a war that must never be fought. We host warships and strategic bombers that are nuclear capable. Our defence white papers consistently express support for the so-called nuclear weapons umbrella. Just to be very clear about what this posture means, it is official Australian defence policy to endorse: the indiscriminate mass murder of millions or tens of millions of people, the contamination of the global food chain and gene pool, the disruption of global weather patterns and the ruination of entire countries. It is government policy to endorse that as a possibility. It will be too late to change the policy if the worst comes to pass; we have to change it now.</para>
<para>At the time Senator Vallentine delivered her speech, she pointed out the major shift in strategic doctrine that had taken place in the late 1970s, at least in the US. Defence planners there were moving from a doctrine of mutually assured destruction to a posture of tactical use of smaller nuclear weapons, the so-called battlefield weapons. Mutually assured destruction is a formal suicide pact in which an attack is presumed unlikely because the counter strike would reduce the aggressor's cities to radioactive ash. Both actors have to stay rational for the decades or centuries during which this hideous arrangement has to endure. There can be no accidents, no slipups, no malfunctions, no strategic miscalculations and nobody like Donald Trump within 1,000 miles of the launch codes. But what happens when this doctrine finally slips? What happens when it escalates beyond a suicide pact between the United States and the then USSR and spills into the subcontinent between India and Pakistan, between Israel and its enemies—the states it considers hostile to it—in the Middle East or East Asia? What happens then, when this doctrine finally slips? What happens when non-state actors, who no defence planner in their right mind would consider remotely rational or subject to arguments of counter strike, acquire this technology?</para>
<para>We know a little bit about what happens because these weapons were used in anger in August 1945. It has been 71 years since these weapons were detonated on largely civilian populations. There have been hundreds of atmospheric and underground nuclear tests, including in my home state of Western Australia and across outback South Australia, but nuclear weapons have been used in warfare on just those two occasions. For 71 years, some geopolitical survival instinct has kept the finger off the trigger. But we should not assume that this will prevail, and we should not rely on good luck or necessarily good will in the increasingly uncertain security environment that we face.</para>
<para>So it is with a measure of optimism that I bring to the chamber today word of the most important and hopeful progress in nuclear disarmament diplomacy in decades—that is, it is actually happening. We know what happens if one of these weapons is used, based on the experience in Japan in which a bomb was exploded over Hiroshima with the energy between 12,000 and 18,000 tonnes of TNT. Just one modern nuclear weapon can have the equivalent force of close to one million tonnes. These are weapons hundreds or thousands of times more powerful than those which obliterated the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. If a single megaton nuclear weapon was detonated over a major city such as New York, a million people would die in 11 seconds, up to 2¼ million people would die over the duration. The bomb would cause a firestorm 100 times the size of Sydney's central business district—one bomb and one city is taken off the map.</para>
<para>At the United Nations, an overwhelming majority of states have just voted to press ahead with the measures to rid the world of more than 15,000 of these weapons that still remain deployed. Most of these countries want negotiations for a ban treaty to start next year, and Australia must back this move. This is a turning point and Australia has to be on the right side of it. We actually have in past decades acquired a decent reputation for disarmament diplomacy, for bridging the gap, for having hard conversations with allies and with those that we would not consider allies, yet Australian diplomats have substantially been required by this present government to try and sabotage and block this incredibly hopeful move.</para>
<para>The proposal afoot is taking place through an open-ended working group which emerged out of a conference that occurred a couple of years ago to investigate the humanitarian consequences of the use of nuclear weapons. It did not come from a military or strategic perspective; it came from the perspective of what happens if these devices are used one day. When they are used one day, what happens? Out of that conference has come a proposal for the General Assembly of the United Nations to commence negotiations on a ban treaty in 2017 without waiting for the nuclear weapon states to sign up. They have held up progress for 71 years and patience has started to run out. This was how the Chemical Weapons Convention was brought into being. It was how landmines, cluster munitions and biological weapons were finally banned at an international level. Nuclear weapons are the only category of weapons of mass destruction not subject yet to such an instrument. It does not eliminate them on the day on which such an agreement is signed; it stigmatises them. It shows that there is progress that the overwhelming majority of the world's people in democracies and otherwise, when polled, want these weapons abolished.</para>
<para>What the agreement actually says is 'that additional efforts can and should be pursued to elaborate concrete effective legal measures, legal provisions and norms that will need to be concluded to attain and maintain a world without nuclear weapons'. It also affirms the central importance of the nuclear non-proliferation treaty in these efforts. What has happened? This is what Richard Lennane said in a piece in <inline font-style="italic">The Interpreter</inline> earlier this month:</para>
<quote><para class="block">On Friday at the United Nations in Geneva, Australian diplomats called a vote they knew they would lose, split their already modest support base in half, and enraged more than 100 other countries that had been ready to agree to a painstakingly negotiated compromise. For its trouble, Australia gained precisely nothing, and seriously damaged its credibility and influence. If it sounds like a diplomatic train wreck, it was. What on earth was going on?</para></quote>
<para>I am going to make it my business in this 45th Parliament not only to find out what is going on but to work with others of goodwill across the political divide—from the crossbench, from the government, from the opposition—to change that diplomatic stand to make sure that Australia is on the right side of history. As this incredibly important and hopeful change in the international disarmament diplomacy space occurs, we have to back it and we have to make these weapons obsolete. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Goods and Services Tax</title>
          <page.no>34</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a story to tell you in the chamber today. It is about a family called Australia, and the members of that family are the people of the states and territories of Australia, throughout this landmass. And the glue that should be holding that family together is called the Australian Federation. I am here to tell you that it is flawed and that it is in danger of fracturing. I speak, of course, of the goods and services tax distribution to each of the states and territories of this nation.</para>
<para>We have now achieved a situation—I am sure never intended by the parliament, the Prime Minister, or the Treasurer of the time—in which the relativity, based on population, of the return of GST to each of the states and territories is at a ludicrous level of imbalance. It would be laughable if it was not so serious. On the basis of per capita return for GST on the basis of population, Territorians are receiving 530c per dollar—that is, $13,200 for each person. Tasmanians—you would be interested on the other side—are receiving $4,444 per capita. That is, 178c per dollar invested. South Australians are receiving a bit less—$3,950 per head at 140c. Queenslanders—and it is going down—are receiving $2,900. They are getting $1.20. The ACT, through you, Madam Acting Deputy President, to Senator Seselja, is receiving $2,890. That is 115c. The Victorians and the New South Welshmen are faring a bit worse at $2,278-65, just under the 1 to 1.9. Contrasting the $13,205 for Territorians, for Western Australians the per capita is $760—a mere six per cent of the per capita share of Territorians. It is 30c in the dollar. It cannot be sustained. It cannot be handled into the future. I am here to tell you about the impact it is having on my home state of Western Australia. I am also here to tell you, incidentally, that Western Australian senators and members are sick to death of it. I am very pleased that my colleague Senator Dean Smith is here because he remains, and has been, a champion in trying to put this point before the parliament.</para>
<para>In addition to the inequity that Western Australians face, I should point out to you, although it is not central to the argument, that Western Australian contributions to company taxes in this nation are disproportionately high. The two largest taxpayers in the nation are Rio Tinto and BHP Billiton. Income taxes per capita contribute more. We are fortunate in the sense that the reliance on welfare on a per capita basis is less. But what is the impact of this in 2016-17? It could not be more starkly outlined than by looking at either the budget surplus or the deficit of each of the states of Australia. It is obvious why, in many cases, the surplus that I am about to describe to you is underwritten by borrowed money from Western Australians trying to pay their GST share when we are receiving 30c.</para>
<para>With Tasmania—my colleagues, again, on the other side will be interested to know—the prediction this year from the Treasurer was a $77 million surplus; for South Australia, a $254 million surplus; for Queensland, an $867 million surplus; for Victoria, just under a $3 billion surplus; for New South Wales, a $3.7 surplus. These contrast with a deficit in 2016 in WA of $3.9 billion. You might say, 'Well, that's poor economic management.' When I say to you that the share that Western Australians have forsaken to assist with the surpluses I have just mentioned is $4.7 billion against what is actually a deficit of $3.9 billion, it more than wipes out the budget deficit. Also, it would have put Western Australia into surplus.</para>
<para>How did this come about? Before expanding on that, I just want to make one point, if I can, because so often it is put to us in Western Australia: 'Well, you were a recipient state for so many years; now you're just redressing the balance.' Let me make the point very, very carefully to you, and to those who might be listening: yes, Western Australia was a recipient state for many years. Why was it? It was not because of a subsidy or a handout of the kind we are seeing at the moment; it was compensation for the fact that, at that time, there were very high tariffs on manufacturing, particularly in your home state of New South Wales, Madam Acting Deputy President O'Neill, and in Victoria. The compensation to WA and, to some extent, to South Australia, also, was compensation for the fact that our states were not manufacturing states and, therefore, were not receiving high-tariff protection. Therefore, the recipient status was as a result, largely, of compensation for that fact.</para>
<para>So where do we go to try and resolve these issues? We have the Commonwealth Grants Commission. It was, in fact, in a Senate inquiry headed by then Senator Trood—in which I remember participating, and I think Senator Claire Moore may have been the deputy chair—where we made the point that, of the formula used by the Commonwealth Grants Commission, there was not a clause in the formula that speaks of the capacity of a state or territory to earn revenue and achieve it, or to contain expenditure and ensure it. So, therefore, where is the incentive for a state or territory to actually achieve parity, or as close as they can to it? Having been in Tasmania in business and having resided there, I accept the fact that it is unlikely, for example, that Tasmania is going to achieve that status. But there is nothing to stop Tasmania actively trying to maximise its revenue. I congratulate the Hodgman government for their efforts to do so and indeed for achieving their budget surplus.</para>
<para>But, as I look back at the industries with which I was closely associated in the 1990s, up to 2000, in Tasmania, most of them now either are not there or are severely depressed—the forestry industry, for example. The other ones that I thought were of tremendous potential value and benefit were industries like oil and gas. It is a very, very rich state—its land and its waters. But the decision of the time was to not explore those options. Woodchips, obviously, were not acceptable to the Tasmanian government. Hydro Tasmania was a very, very proud organisation until the government of the day decided to fleece it, and we see where it is today.</para>
<para>Only in the last few hours have I learnt, to my immense annoyance, that the new Northern Territory government have decided to put a moratorium on LNG exploration and extraction, as indeed yesterday did the Victorian government. So is that another circumstance in which the rest of Australia now is going to put its hand in its pocket even deeper? We learn that the Northern Territory apparently need their $13,000 per head because of the large Aboriginal community in the Territory. Haven't we got a large Aboriginal community in Western Australia? Have we not had immense costs associated with developing and maintaining the North of Australia, largely to provide royalties income back to the Commonwealth of Australia?</para>
<para>Only the other night did Senator Reynolds and I have the privilege of attending Rio Tinto's 50th anniversary of the export of their first-ever shipment of iron ore, in August 1966. Let me tell you a little bit about the excellence of that company. At a time when the Pilbara would have had nothing other than bush tracks, in the space of 18 months—and remember we cannot get legislation through this place in three years—in virgin bush, they built the towns of Tom Price and Pannawonica, they built the mines, they built the railroad to the coast, they built the port and they exported the first-ever tonnage. That is the sort of vision that we see out of Western Australia.</para>
<para>But until the Grants Commission process is changed, until states and territories have a strong incentive to actually earn revenue and to contain expenditure, we will not see a change. Yes, Western Australia's share will go up. No state should ever go down to 30c in the dollar. The impact it has had, not just on our state and our citizens but nationally, has been and will continue to be catastrophic. The Prime Minister announced the other night that, as our share goes up, there should be an inclining floor so that we get to the stage that no state ever is in the circumstance of getting 30c in the dollar. We recognise that in a Federation there must be support for all states and territories. I am here to tell you that it is fractured at this time. Western Australia is unfairly dealt with, and the Federation is at risk.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>The Global Fund</title>
          <page.no>35</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BILYK</name>
    <name.id>HZB</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak about the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, also known simply as the Global Fund in the international community. I notice a group of young schoolchildren up in the gallery, so welcome. I think this might be of great interest to those children up there. What I am going to talk about is the importance of the Global Fund both to the international community and to Australia. I am also going to tell a true story which illustrates what a profound impact the fund has had on one family in particular.</para>
<para>Anyone who has followed my speeches in this place will know that overseas development assistance is a topic that is quite dear to my heart. I have spoken before about my own personal journey to Vietnam, where my husband and I have done volunteer work in several orphanages on a few occasions. My husband also visits Kenya quite regularly to assist local organisation Bethlehem Community Centre with their work supporting orphans and vulnerable children and families in Africa. In fact, he has just come back from three weeks away doing that. I also support Bethlehem Community Centre at every opportunity that I can.</para>
<para>While we know that there are people doing it tough in Australia, we are also a very wealthy and prosperous country. When you visit and volunteer in a developing country, your concept of poverty gets turned completely on its head. The idea of extreme property becomes more than a theoretical concept or just a set of statistics. You meet real people who experience real poverty—people with heartbreaking struggles yet amazing spirit and determination. It is a profound and life-changing experience. I hope that the students in the gallery today, when they are older, get to experience some work or some volunteering overseas or get to visit some of these countries, because it is something that I would recommend to anybody—not just to those children and the senators in this place but to anybody who wants to broaden their perspective on the struggles facing the world.</para>
<para>Let me tell you about the experience of someone who is a friend of mine and of my Tasmanian Senate colleague Senator Carol Brown. Our friend Jeremy in 2007 volunteered in the Nyanza Province of Kenya, in the country's rural west. Because he was away from his own family for three months, his neighbours in the village of Katolo adopted him as a son and asked him to call them his family. As such, Jeremy gained a second loving mother and father, four brothers and five sisters. The 'sister' who Jeremy spent most of his time with, Mary, taught him how to speak the local language and how to cook and oriented him towards the village and nearest towns.</para>
<para>She and her family were also actively involved in efforts to alleviate poverty in their community, and Jeremy worked side by side with them. Mary and Jeremy have remained close friends ever since, and Jeremy returned in 2014 with his then fiancee, now wife, to spend Christmas with the family. Earlier this year, after celebrating Mary's 37th birthday, Jeremy received the scary news that her persistent cough had been diagnosed as active TB—scary because TB is the fourth-leading cause of mortality in Kenya and drug-resistant cases are present, scary because it spreads as easily as the common cold and scary because Mary is very involved in the care of her family, particularly two of her younger brothers.</para>
<para>Nyanza Province also has the highest HIV prevalence in Kenya, and the compromised immune systems of people who are HIV positive makes them especially susceptible to active TB. So this was, understandably, a very frightening time for Mary and her family and of concern to Jeremy and his family back in Tasmania. A nurse at the clinic had put Mary on a treatment regime where she had to take pills every day for six months. Had she lapsed in her treatment, Mary would have risked developing drug-resistant TB and facing an even deadlier battle. The treatment was unpleasant and it was difficult to travel regularly to the clinic on her tight budget. One thing that took the financial pressure off Mary and her family was that her medicines were free.</para>
<para>Ten years ago Kenya developed a national TB program based on the World Health Organization's Stop TB Strategy. Part of the gap in financing the program was covered by a grant from the Global Fund, complementing increased domestic financing. The current grant has so far disbursed US$36.8 million in pooled funds to Kenya, including funds donated by the Australian government. This has enabled procurement of TB pharmaceuticals and health products, such as GeneXpert diagnostic machines, and increasing the number of health staff trained in management of multidrug-resistant TB and TB-HIV co-infection.</para>
<para>The Global Fund is a vital weapon in the fight against three of the world's deadliest epidemics: HIV-AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. It was founded in 2002 and through its actions the Global Fund saved 17 million lives. That is roughly three-quarters of the population of Australia. It is on track to saving 22 million lives by the end of this year, with a one-third decline in the number of people dying from HIV, TB and malaria since 2002. Of the 15.8 million people on antiretroviral treatment for HIV worldwide, 9.2 million of them are receiving their treatment thanks to the Global Fund. In addition, 15.1 million people have received TB treatment in the countries where the Global Fund operates and 659 million insecticide-treated mosquito nets have been distributed to help prevent malaria.</para>
<para>Recently I met with representatives of RESULTS Australia in my office to discuss the Global Fund and the Fifth Replenishment Conference in Montreal on 16 September. As I have mentioned in previous speeches in this place, RESULTS is an organisation which campaigns for government action to bring an end to extreme poverty. Jeremy, whom I mentioned earlier, was one of the three RESULTS representatives I met with, and it was in this meeting that he recounted the story of Mary and her family. RESULTS representatives have met with a number of other senators in this place and I know that several, if not all, of my Tasmanian colleagues have written to the Minister for Foreign Affairs urging her to make a fair commitment to the Global Fund.</para>
<para>The Fifth Replenishment Conference aims to raise US$13 billion for the next three years or roughly A$17 billion. This will generate US$41 billion in additional domestic investments for health, which is expected to avert 300 million new infections across the three diseases, saving around eight million lives. For the countries affected, the investment in saving lives will lead to US$290 billion in long-term economic gains. A fair share from Australia is estimated to be A$300 million and it is imperative that we deliver on this commitment. As a prosperous nation, not only does Australia have a moral responsibility to do so but it is also in our domestic and national interest to make a strong commitment to the Global Fund. Having a healthy world population not only leads to strong economic growth for our trading partners but also, by preventing and treating deadly diseases in other countries, makes it easier to stop them from entering Australia.</para>
<para>I must confess to being profoundly disappointed with this Liberal government's record on foreign aid. It is unfortunate that Australia's share of aid as a proportion of gross national income has gone backwards. In 2012-13, Australia spent 0.35 per cent of gross national income, or 35c in every $100, on foreign aid. Labor at the time had committed to increasing aid spending to 0.5 per cent of GNI. In the government's latest budget, Australia's aid spending is at just 0.22 per cent of GNI and on a trajectory to fall to 0.17 per cent by 2025-26. A strong commitment of Australia's fair share or greater to the Global Fund at next month's replenishment conference would be a good start in redeeming the Abbott-Turnbull government's poor record on foreign aid.</para>
<para>You cannot underestimate the impact that our previous investment in the Global Fund has had. Mary, whose story I recounted earlier, finished her six-month TB treatment just last week. I am pleased to report that her treatment was successful, as have the treatments of another 137,000 Kenyans whose lives have been restored by this one grant from the Global Fund. Kenya's TB Grant Performance Report shows that the country has received ratings of B1 or higher from the Global Fund for its TB grant, meaning it has either adequately met or exceeded its expectations during every review period. These results show exceptional value for our investment in the Global Fund.</para>
<para>Through the Global Fund the world is seeing millions of people being restored to health, or even avoiding infections in the first place. And we are actually seeing the tide being turned against some of the world's most widespread and deadly epidemics. The gains already made by the Global Fund demonstrate that we can win the fight against deadly diseases like AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. All it takes is the political will to do so. So let's make it happen.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Iron Ore Industry</title>
          <page.no>37</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator REYNOLDS</name>
    <name.id>250216</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In my first contribution in the 45th Parliament, I mark the 50th anniversary of iron ore shipments from Western Australia and I also share the remarkable impact that this industry has had, and continues to have, on Western Australia and our nation. It is a story that showcases the true pioneering and entrepreneurial spirit of our wonderful state. This extraordinary story of vision, enterprise and nation building should be a source of great pride not just to Western Australians but also to all Australians. It is an absolutely amazing achievement that far exceeds any other nation-building program in Australia's history. It is exponentially larger in size and scope than the Snowy River project.</para>
<para>Fifty years ago, in March 1966, the Premier, Sir David Brand, despatched the first commercial shipment of iron ore from Western Australia. Last week, I had the great privilege of attending a Rio Tinto event marking their own first international shipment of iron ore from the port of Dampier. It was an extraordinary achievement in 1966 that the first shipments occurred at all, given there was an iron ore embargo from Australia in place until 1961, there were no contracts and, indeed, as Senator Back has just said, there was absolutely no infrastructure in the Pilbara to support this new industry.</para>
<para>In 1938, the Lyons government placed an embargo as they had been advised that Australia had just 350 million tonnes of accessible ore deposits, so they needed to be conserved for domestic and wartime use. The partial relaxation of the iron ore embargo by the Menzies government in 1961 heralded in a new era of exploration, enterprise and innovation in one of the harshest and most remote and undeveloped regions in the world. As a result of this exploration, Australia's accessible reserves today are estimated at 54 billion tonnes, placing our nation as No. 1 in the world, with 29 per cent of known global deposits.</para>
<para>The history of this remarkable industry is not well understood by many Australians but it should be. Not only is it a wonderful story to be proud of, it generates the critically important national wealth that pays for our schools, our hospitals, our pensions, our Defence Force and our family supports. In a wonderful book released by the Minerals Council of Australia last year, author David Lee observes that there was nothing inevitable about the Pilbara becoming 'the jewel in the crown of Australia's mining industry'. Thanks to the leadership of Sir David Brand, Sir Charles Court and Sir Robert Menzies, working together with pioneers of the industry and supported by the blood, sweat and tears of thousands of West Australians, we built our own luck.</para>
<para>On Friday night I had the real privilege of meeting some of the early pioneers of this industry. I heard the stories of how they not only built the infrastructure—roads, rail and ports—but also delivered the first shipment, as Senator Back said, in 18 months. Just think about trying to achieve that all in 18 months today! Sadly, it is inconceivable. Guess how many pages the contract for this first shipment of Hamersley Iron was? It was eight pages, including two pages of signatures! The contract for over 52,000 tonnes of iron ore was eight pages long. Sadly, that is no longer the case.</para>
<para>In this 50th anniversary year it is important to ensure that this vital industry to Australia's economy remains sustainable into the future. With other nations having 70 per cent of the world's known iron ore reserves, it is indeed a highly competitive future. So to remain competitive in a depressed market, with major competitors like Brazil nipping at our heels, the iron ore industry is undergoing a significant efficiency drive to lower production costs, so that we can keep exporting. It is also essential in this environment that Western Australia remains a stable and reliable place to invest and do business in and that the state and Commonwealth governments are not seen as sovereign risks.</para>
<para>Confidence in Australia as a stable and reliable place to invest in is easily shaken and incredibly hard to regain. Sadly, that confidence has already been shaken a couple of times to the point where Australia, in international iron ore markets, is being seen as a potential sovereign risk. The first were the ridiculous Minerals Resource Rent Tax and the carbon tax implemented by the previous government. The Minerals Resource Rent Tax was so poorly designed that not only did it not raise the money it was designed to but for the first time we were seriously discussed internationally as a sovereign risk. Sadly, today, the Western Australian Nationals of all people, under the leadership of their new leader, are kicking what I would call another highly politically expedient economic own goal, which is again shaking confidence in the security of our mining sector in Australia and in Western Australia as a safe place to invest.</para>
<para>The policy of the National Party in Western Australia is to increase the iron ore rental fee from 25 cents per tonne to $5 per tonne just for two of the biggest contributors to the WA and national economies. So this is specifically BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto. This is a 1,900 per cent increase to these two companies at a time the sector is struggling with low iron ore prices. It is simply utter madness. There are few ideas that are more anti-West Australian, anti-Australian and anticompetitive. So let us look at the impact of this tax if it were ever implemented. It would equate to an additional $5 a tonne on top of the 7.5 per cent royalty that BHP and Rio Tinto now pay. This would mean that both companies would pay nearly $10 a tonne in royalties and tax. The implication of that for our economy is frightening. This would bring the cost of production for both of them above our major international competitors exactly at the wrong time and when our nation and our economy can least afford it. Not only are billions of dollars in taxation revenue at risk but thousands of Australian jobs. The kicker of it all for me as a Western Australian senator is that, even if this were implemented and the tax were raised from both of these companies, over 70 per cent of that money would go to the Commonwealth coffers—it would not be staying in the Western Australian coffers. It is outrageously ridiculous.</para>
<para>So let us have a look briefly at these two companies and their contribution to our country and our state. BHP and Rio Tinto are actually the two largest taxpayers in Australia today. Between 2005 and 2013 they paid $54.5 billion and $38.9 billion respectively to the Australian Taxation Office—more than any of the four big banks. In the 2014-15 financial year alone, 33 companies in the Western Australian resources sector themselves payed over 33,000 employees $5.2 billion in wages and contributed 11.6 per cent of the entire gross state product for Western Australia, supporting well over 7,000 local second tier companies through the supply chain. But it does not stop there. Their contribution to the Australian economy was $50 billion directly in that year alone. This includes over $5 billion in direct wages and salaries to workers in 8,000 companies and direct community grants to over 1,000 organisations, and those 33 Western Australian companies alone also paid over $10 billion in Commonwealth taxes.</para>
<para>The WA Chamber of Minerals and Energy reports also that 90 per cent of the $1.1 billion Barnett government Royalties for Regions program was paid for by the iron ore sector. These funds have supported more than 3,600 projects in regional Western Australian communities. Recently, the resources sector made a $350 million voluntary contribution to the new Perth children's hospital.</para>
<para>Sir Charles Court said in 1971:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We seek to do more than just develop a number of iron ore deposits. Our objective is to develop a great region with all the complex infrastructure and associated developments that are necessary to have a permanent, contented, well housed, well‐educated and well cared for community.</para></quote>
<para>It is time we stopped demonising our resources sector and had a sensible national discussion about how to support it. Business is not a stakeholder in the economy—it is the economy. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>South Australia: Renewable Energy</title>
          <page.no>38</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLACHER</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make a statement on a very pertinent issue relating to the state of South Australia. In recent times, South Australia has had an inordinate amount of discussion about renewable energy and the cost of electricity—the cost to business and to consumers. To sum up my position: I am in favour of all renewable energy and all energy supply that makes it cheaper for a pensioner; I am not in favour of an impost on a low income earner or of a pensioner's bill going up.</para>
<para>We have come through a situation in South Australia, over many years, where we had brownouts and blackouts, and periods in hot summers with no electricity. This was very, very distressing for the community, for business and the like. We seem to have moved away from that. Now we have a situation where we do not have brownouts or blackouts; we have an inordinate spike in the cost of our electricity. It is so bad that, on the cost of generation, large companies approached the South Australian energy minister and Treasurer and said: 'We need to do something about this or we are going to have to close down our operation. We just can't afford the cost of electricity through the National Electricity Market.'</para>
<para>Over the last couple of parliaments I have had the opportunity to travel to look at energy in Japan, Korea and a number of other places. Basically, their baseload power generation is nuclear, which is probably not going to happen in Australia in the short term, hydro-electric and coal.</para>
<para>What has happened in South Australia is that we have lost our baseload power. The Leigh Creek mine has shut down; the Port Augusta generation facility has shut down. We are totally reliant on renewable energy and gas.</para>
<para>A constituent said to me, 'We have a hydro-electric scheme in Australia.' I said, 'Certainly we do.' The Snowy Hydro is well known and well loved. It has the status of an icon. It is deep in Australia's psyche. Hundreds of thousands of migrants built the place. So we had a bit of a look at that and just did a cursory examination of the Snowy Hydro scheme. And you would think: 'It's clean; it's renewable; there are no emissions; it's cheap; it's paid for.' Thirteen per cent is owned by the Commonwealth government, 58 per cent by the New South Wales government and the balance by Victoria. So you have a bit of dig in, and you say, 'Okay, we've got this community asset, paid for by taxpayers' dollars; it's clean, green and cheap to run. Let's have a look and see what it actually does.'</para>
<para>Normally we know the scheme consists of power generation of 3,950 megawatts. If this was running at full capacity year round then the power produced would be 34,602,000 megawatt hours or 34,602 gigawatt hours. According to Snowy Hydro, they produce, on average, 4,000 gigawatts of electricity per year, which means they are running at a capacity factor of 13 per cent—13 per cent! Normally, you would expect a clean, green, renewable asset, capable of producing enormous amounts of electricity, to actually be contributing at full bore. It does not make sense—it is counterintuitive—that a totally renewable source of energy, constrained only by the water in the dams, under this current system, in the National Electricity Market, only operates at 13 per cent capacity a year.</para>
<para>I read that in Canberra they want to be 100 per cent renewable and they are building wind farms. Well, I would have thought they would have just needed to look up the road and have one of those nine turbines power the half a million people or thereabouts who are seeking to use electricity in Canberra.</para>
<para>So it seems to me that there is something not quite right in this. We have a fully-paid-for asset operating at 13 per cent of capacity. And we know, through examination of the accounts of the corporation, that it pays a respectable dividend—it makes money. But, once again, if we are in favour of cleaner, greener, renewable energy, how is it possible that one of these nationally owned assets can be just ticking along at 13 per cent of capacity? Why are we building wind farms or other renewable energy sources when we have a fully-paid-for, remarkable asset, which, its own publicity will say, can turn a power station on in 90 seconds and connect to the national grid—which excludes the Northern Territory and Western Australia; that is my information—and can push power out to all of the connected parts of the national grid? How is this possible?</para>
<para>When you go and dig a bit deeper, you find they have other power stations. They own gas plants. They own energy retailing companies. They have about 650 employees, a proper professional board and all of the things that go with that. But what you find, if you dig into this subject matter, which I find absolutely intriguing, is this. There is a baseload power supply capacity—clean, green hydro; renewable; paid for; cheap to run—only operating at 13 per cent of capacity.</para>
<para>Then, to add insult to injury, you find this: <inline font-style="italic">Failure to comply with generator dispatch instructions: the case of Australian Energy Regulator v Snowy Hydro</inline>. The Australian Energy Regulator took a Commonwealth, New South Wales and Victoria owned entity to court and prosecuted them for what appears to be an attempt to profit out of the national electricity market. We know that Snowy Hydro would pay penalties of $400,000, that it would appoint an independent compliance expert to review the accuracy of Snowy Hydro's internal documents relating to complex dispatch instructions and that Snowy Hydro would make a $100,000 contribution to the Australian Energy Regulator's legal costs.</para>
<para>Now, to the person who in South Australia gets an electricity bill that they cannot pay—that they in fact might have to ask for time to pay, while most of us in this place are pretty fortunate in that a bill comes in and the bill goes out—or people in the Riverland struggling with a high cost of electricity for their production facilities, where there are genuine businesses struggling to pay people on the job and their energy costs, and they have a thing like the Snowy Hydro, clean, green and renewable, operating at 13 per cent of capacity, and then are being fined by the Energy Regulator for playing the game of profiteering, that is quite extraordinary. It is extraordinary, and worthy of much more scrutiny in this place than perhaps it has had in the past, because most of this information was an absolute revelation to me. When a constituent said to me that the Snowy Hydro does no work and probably operates for only 30 or 40 days a year, I thought they did not know what they were talking about. But when the annual report of the Snowy Hydro says that they operate at 13 per cent of capacity and that they have made a provision to pay a fine imposed by the Energy Regulator, things are not right.</para>
<para>We all seek cheap, green, renewable energy. We have it in spades in the Snowy Hydro, and somehow or other it has gone completely awry. That national asset is working at 13 per cent of its capacity. People are suffering in South Australia and other parts of Australia from extraordinarily high generating costs. The spikes go up to $10,000, from $20 to $40 a megawatt—and I am not totally familiar with these terms. From $20 to $40, the spike can be as high as $10,000. Why isn't this asset brought in to mitigate those things? Why isn't this asset—a government owned asset, an asset owned by the Australian people—mitigating the effects of these energy price spikes? The reverse seems to be true: it is alleged that they are actually taking advantage of those price spikes to maximise their profits. It is quite a conundrum, and I will have further to say on it.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Manager of Opposition Business in the Senate</title>
          <page.no>40</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I recognise that there are a few more minutes before the time for this debate expires, and I was prompted to rise and speak today because Senator Gallacher, in his address, talked about the inability of some people to pay their bills. This brings me back to the topic du jour, which is the responsibility of individual senators to pay the bills themselves. I am of course referring to Senator Dastyari, who is in the chamber. I am hopeful that Senator Dastyari is going to make a statement at the beginning of question time to announce that he is no longer Manager of Opposition Business in the Senate, because not only can he not manage his office budgets but he cannot manage to pay his own bills, despite his healthy, hefty salary. The question Senator Dastyari has to answer is how it came to pass that a Chinese government backed company managed to pay his obligations to the Commonwealth.</para>
<para>Moreover, Senator Dastyari has a history of this—of going to those who have very close links to the Chinese government to bail him out of his own financial trouble. He has had legal bills paid, he has had his parliamentary office obligations paid, and he needs to account for how this has come to pass. He might also like to explain how Craig Thomson's legal bills were paid under his stewardship of the ALP in New South Wales. The New South Wales ALP of course has a very unhealthy and unenviable record when it comes to management of financial affairs. But there is one other pressing thing that I am hoping Senator Dastyari will be able to detail for us today, and that is the fact that this debt was incurred to the Commonwealth through the mismanagement by Senator Dastyari and his office and the overspending of taxpayers' money on his staff travel entitlements in April of 2015. That debt was due to the Department of Finance within about 30 days, so that would take it to May. Somehow Senator Dastyari has clearly paid for that overspend on entitlements, but then some months later, on 12 October, declared that he had been compensated by the Top Education Institute—the institute that is very closely backed by and linked to the Chinese government.</para>
<para>How has it occurred that Senator Dastyari paid for his overspend out of his hefty salary the $1,600 but then some months later declared that he had been compensated and paid for it? There are some things that do not add up in this. Has he paid it and then sent a letter to the Top Education Institute asking them to reimburse him and subsidise his lifestyle commitments? Has he written a letter to them before? Has he rung them? Has he sent them text messages? Has he just bumped into them in the street and said, 'Look, mate, I'm impoverished here; can you help me, can you pay the bills which I've incurred to the Australian parliament?' There is a lot more to this than meets the eye, and Senator Dastyari has not done justice to this parliament or to the people of Australia with his vapid and shallow statement this morning that he has complied with his parliamentary obligations.</para>
<para>We have a responsibility to uphold the utmost integrity of the parliament as a whole and the fact that all of us should be above even any suggestions that our personal expenses are being subsidised by foreign governments. There is a lot more to this than meets the eye, and what I am finding extraordinary is the defence by those on the Labor side. Have they not a modicum of integrity when it comes to upholding the values and principles upon which this parliament was founded? Have any of them? Or has the New South Wales disease crept all the way through the ALP? That is the only reason they would be defending this. The challenge now is for the Labor Party and the opposition benches, and Senator Dastyari himself, to provide a full explanation to the parliament or for Senator Dastyari to offer his resignation.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I advise the Senate that Senator the Hon. Scott Ryan will be absent from question time for the remainder of this week for personal reasons. In Senator Ryan's absence, Senator Cormann will represent the Special Minister of State portfolio, Senator Sinodinos will represent Senator Ryan in his capacity as Minister Assisting the Cabinet Secretary, Senator Birmingham will represent the Minister for Social Services and Senator Payne will represent the Minister for Human Services.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>41</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DODSON</name>
    <name.id>SR5</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Senator Brandis, the Attorney-General. I refer to the Racial Discrimination Act and to the Attorney-General's statement last year that an amended section 18C was off the table and that that position had not changed. Is this still the position of the Turnbull government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Dodson, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DODSON</name>
    <name.id>SR5</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I note that all government Senate backbenchers bar one support a proposal to amend section 18. Will the Attorney-General rule out any changes to section 18 of the Racial Discrimination Act in this term of the parliament or is this another example of the coalition backbench determining government policy?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My answer to your primary question could hardly have been more unambiguous. Senator Dodson, we respect the right of members of our party to express their views. We express the right, in particular, of members of our backbench to express their views. Senator Bernardi and several members of the crossbench have put down a notice of motion expressing a view about section 18C. They are perfectly entitled to express that view, but I can tell you, Senator Dodson, that the position of the government is as I have outlined.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DODSON</name>
    <name.id>SR5</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a further supplementary question. I refer to the Attorney-General's statement that 'people do have a right to be bigots'. Given the Attorney-General's view, did he consider signing up to support Senator Bernardi's move to amend section 18C?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Dodson, when are people on your side of the chamber going to wake up to the fact that, in a liberal democracy, people have a right to express whatever views they like on social and political issues—whatever views they like. If you look at the rich variety of views that have come to us with the new Senate crossbench, that is the best manifestation you will see, Senator Dodson, of the Australian people asserting that they like to see represented in this parliament a rich and diverse variety of views, from Senator Lee Rhiannon to Senator Pauline Hanson and all points in between. That is what a liberal democracy is about, Senator Dodson—people having the right to express views that other people might find unpalatable, affronting or shocking. That is the way a liberal democracy works. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>41</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Attorney–General representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Can the Attorney-General outline the government's plan to build a strong, prosperous and secure Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much indeed, Senator Smith, for giving me the opportunity on this first business day of the new parliament to outline the government's plans to build a strong, prosperous and secure Australia—a plan, I might say, Senator Smith, that was endorsed by the Australian people on 7 July. We took to that election a clear plan which set out a roadmap to boost investment, to generate jobs, to grow the economy and to keep Australia safe. It is a plan to provide opportunities for the enterprising men and women of Australia, a plan that will enable our children and our grandchildren to inherit a more prosperous Australia, built on fairness and opportunity.</para>
<para>As I said to you, Senator Smith, we took that plan to the people and the people decided to return us to government. We have a mandate to give effect to that plan and we intend to deliver on our commitments to repay the trust the Australian people have placed in us. By returning us to government, the people endorsed our economic plan, and it is now the responsibility of those who sit in this parliament to respect that mandate. Under our plan, we will be delivering on, for example, the most significant reforms in disability care that Australia has ever seen—but, unlike the Labor Party, we will also be funding it. Under our plan, we will negotiate with the states on school funding and improve the quality of education and, unlike the Labor Party, we will fund it. We will be delivering on reforms across hospital funding, aged care and mental health and introducing structural reform to the welfare payment system—and, unlike the Labor Party, in our plan we are telling the Australian people how we will fund it. And we will continue, as well, our successful roll out of the NBN—<inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the Attorney-General advise the Senate how the government is progressing its plan for jobs, growth and investment?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, I spoke in response to your primary question primarily about social policy, but, of course, the heart of our plan is the plan for jobs, growth and investment.</para>
<para>This morning the Treasurer took an important step along the road to budget repair, which Senator Cameron over there mocks so much, by introducing into the House an omnibus savings bill, because only a strong economy and a strong budget position can ensure that we will be able to deliver to generations in the future the hospitals, the medical care and the welfare provisions that we enjoy in this generation. As well, this morning the Prime Minister introduced into the lower house vital pieces of workplace relations reform, because only by reinstating the ABCC will we be able to restore the rule of law to the construction industry and address the kind of thuggery and illegal activity for which those opposite are apologists. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the Attorney-General aware of any threats to Australia's future prosperity?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Smith, I am sorry to say that I am aware of threats to Australia's future prosperity from those who stand in the way of this necessary reform so that we can get the budget under control, so that we can afford schools and hospitals and good social welfare provision not just for this generation but for future generations. That is why the Prime Minister has said that this is not merely an economic plan but the fulfilment of a moral duty.</para>
<para>Might I, at this first question time of the new parliament, address myself in particular through you, Mr President, to the crossbench. We see the Australian Labor Party as the primary obstacle in this chamber, but we do see among the fresh faces of the new crossbenchers and re-elected crossbenchers men and women who have come into this parliament with the right sentiments, with an intention to play their constructive role for the future of our country. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Turnbull Government</title>
          <page.no>42</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Leader of the Government in the Senate and the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Can the minister confirm that the Prime Minister and the Treasurer proposed the tightening of negative gearing concessions but were rolled by members of cabinet, including Abbott supporters Ministers Dutton, Frydenberg and Porter?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>You know, Mr President, I just tried to explain to the Senate why it is important that this parliament do the big things, starting with budget repair, which will make all else possible, which will make possible the good schools, the good hospitals, the good health system, the good welfare system for the next generation and for generations beyond. That is what I was trying to explain to the Senate. What does Senator Wong do in her very first question to me as the re-elected Leader of the Opposition in the Senate? She goes the low road. She goes the low road into the petty politics, because the Australian Labor Party love the petty politics. But when it comes to the big policy choices, that is beyond them. That is well beyond them.</para>
<para>Senator Wong, I assume that you were referring to reports in this morning's <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> newspaper concerning an alleged discussion in cabinet. I, of course, would never disclose what is said in cabinet, but I can tell you, Senator Wong, that that report is completely wrong.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Have these very serious leaks about economic policy from cabinet been referred to the Australian Federal Police for investigation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, I think when you used the word 'leaks' you should have used the word 'reports' or indeed perhaps the word 'assertions', because, as I explained to you in answer to your primary question, the report to which you refer is wrong. It is incorrect.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Wong, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Doesn't this latest cabinet leak confirm that Mr Abbott is right when he says the reality is that this government has been in office, not in power?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, Senator Wong, you should really get off to a better start than indulging in mythology and mendacity. Senator Wong, the report to which you refer—let me say this once again, and for the third time: the report to which you refer is incorrect.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is for the Minister representing and Special Minister of State, Minister Cormann. Minister Cormann, today there are some reports that a senator's parliamentary entitlements were subsidised by a Chinese government entity. Australia is one of the only countries in the Asia-Pacific that allow donations from foreign citizens or entities. Former Treasurer Wayne Swan recently said that foreign donations are potentially skewing the decision making in favour of donors, and many Australians would agree with the former Treasurer, Mr Swan. When will the government introduce a ban on foreign donations for political and parliamentary purposes?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I raise a point of order. I can barely hear Senator Di Natale. The Leader of the Opposition in the Senate spent the whole of his question yelling at him and everyone else. I ask you at this early stage in the history of this parliament to bring the opposition leader to account and ask her to shut up.</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left! Your leader is on her feet, seeking the call.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Wong</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the point of order, I do apologise, Mr President. I was just overcome by the extraordinary chutzpah of the Leader of the Greens, who voted against banning foreign donations and now asks a question about it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Wong. This is an appropriate time to remind all senators that interjections are disorderly. We need to hear the questioner and the minister giving the answer. A point of order, Senator Whish-Wilson?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Whish-Wilson</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>With all due respect, President, I could not hear the question either, and I am sitting behind him. Could I ask that he gets the chance to ask it again, please.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! There was a lot of noise in the chamber. I have had now two requests because the question was not heard. Senator Di Natale, would you repeat the main portion of your question?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know I am in a bit of strife when Senator Macdonald is defending me! My question is to the Minister representing the Special Minister of State, Minister Cormann. As I said, there are reports today that a senator's parliamentary entitlements were subsidised by a Chinese government entity. We know that Australia is one of only a few countries in the Asia-Pacific that allows donations from foreign citizens or, indeed, foreign entities. We heard from former Treasurer Wayne Swan who said recently that donations from foreign entities are potentially skewing the decision-making in favour of donors. Many Australians right around the country would agree with that proposition. The question is this: when will this government introduce a ban on foreign donations for political and parliamentary purposes?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The first point I would make in response to that question is that the matter addressed by Senator Dastyari this morning did not, by my understanding, relate to campaign donations. That is the first point. The second point is that there is a well-established process whereby, after every election, the cross-party Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters reviews the election that has just taken place. If Senator Di Natale is serious about wanting to pursue these matters, then that would be the appropriate forum to explore these issues.</para>
<para>As a general point, what I would say is that the coalition believes that, when it comes to campaign donation disclosure, current arrangements reflect the appropriate balance between transparency and enabling Australians to participate in the political process. Where a donation is over the threshold, it is required to be disclosed to the Australian Electoral Commission by both the donor and the recipient, and that is a system that everyone is expected to comply with.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left! And my right!</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Bernardi interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Jacinta Collins interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bernardi and Senator Collins, if you want to have this discussion, go outside and have it. Senator Di Natale, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I take it from the minister's answer that we struck the appropriate balance. Does that relate to the fact that we have seen the foreign minister praise four major Chinese donors who also happened to donate half a million dollars to the Western Australian division of the Liberal Party? Is that the appropriate balance you are talking about, Minister?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That is obviously a political debating point. The electoral laws, including disclosure laws, are there for all to see. They are, obviously, openly and transparently on the books, so to speak. Everyone in Australia who participates in the democratic process is expected to comply with relevant laws of the land. That is what the Liberal Party does, and I would expect every other party in Australia to do the same.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Di Natale, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister said during the election that, in an ideal world, donations could only be made by individuals on the Australian electoral roll, and those donations would be capped. This parliament can turn this ideal world into a reality. Will this policy proposition put forward by the Prime Minister himself inform the basis from which the government will proceed?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Di Natale for that final supplementary question. I would refer him to part of my initial answer: there is a routine process through the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, which, I believe, will be chaired by a distinguished senator from the great state of Western Australia in Senator Reynolds. I would encourage Senator Di Natale to constructively and proactively participate in the processes of that committee.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Finance, representing the Treasurer, Senator Cormann. Can the minister provide an update on the government's plan for a stronger economy, more jobs and budget repair?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Bushby for that question. In this parliament the Turnbull government will work to build on the progress that we have made when it comes to strengthening the economy, creating more jobs and repairing the budget that we made in the last parliament. Today, the Australian economy is growing more strongly than it was when we came into government. It is growing more strongly than any of the G7 economies and, indeed, it is growing more strongly than the OECD average. Employment growth today is stronger—much stronger than what it was when we came into government. I am sure that Senator Cash will have more to say about that over the next few hours and days.</para>
<para>More than 440,000 new jobs were created in our first term of government, including nearly 220,000 over this past year. That is despite the additional pressures on our economy from slower global economic growth and from significantly lower global prices for our key commodity exports. Our economy continues to transition from record resource investment-driven growth to broader drivers of growth, and that comes with challenges for families and businesses in some parts of our economy. We have to continue to work as a government and as a parliament to ensure that Australia is as competitive, as productive, as innovative and as resilient as possible to deal with external shocks and to take advantage of the opportunities that are coming our way.</para>
<para>That is why the government will continue to implement our national economic plan for jobs and growth, with our focus on promoting innovation and supporting start-up businesses to employ more Australians, with our focus on supporting local high-end manufacturing and shipbuilding, with our focus on signing more export trade deals to boost the export of Australian products and services to markets around the world, and, indeed, by implementing our 10-year Enterprise Tax Plan. We will be looking for the support of the parliament to give effect to that very important plan. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bushby, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why is the timely implementation of the government's plan for jobs and growth and for budget repair so important?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>A stronger and more prosperous economy with more and better jobs helps families across Australia to get ahead. It gives families across Australia the best possible opportunity to get ahead. Continuing the effort on budget repair is important to ensure that important government services and benefits continue to be affordable, sustainable and available over the long term. It is of course also important to ensure that we maintain our AAA credit rating. If we do not make decisions now as a parliament to improve our budget position, then ratings agencies have made it quite plain that our AAA credit rating would be at risk. Any downgrade would have flow-on consequences on the whole economy, because our AAA credit rating helps us to keep borrowing for businesses and consumers across the economy and it also helps to ensure Australia is in a much stronger position in the event of any future external economic shocks.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Bushby, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of any alternative policies; and what will be their implications for our economy and for jobs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, I am aware of alternative policy approaches, because Australia of course is still digesting the consequences for our country of the unsustainable and unaffordable spending growth under the previous Labor government. Of course during the election campaign, Labor was at it again: promising more spending, more unfunded spending promises, and even admitting to the Australian people that Labor in government would deliver bigger deficits, higher debt and more taxes—about $16.5 billion in higher deficits, and that is assuming that the omnibus savings bill measures will all be passed.</para>
<para>Now we are getting the wibble-wobble-jelly-on-a-plate approach on the omnibus savings bill. During the campaign, Mr Shorten said he would support all these savings. Now he is not so certain anymore, because no doubt he is under pressure from a section of the Labor Party that is not wanting to let him deliver on the promises on savings that he made to the Australian people. The Australian people expect better than that. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Procurement</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Defence representing the Minister for Defence Industry. What percentage of the Future Submarine build will take place in Australia and also what percentage of the value of this multibillion dollar contract will be spent in Australia—this being a key determinant of Australian industry participation and jobs? Further, what direction has the Minister for Defence Industry given to the Department of Defence to ensure the contract maximises Australian industry participation and jobs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Xenophon for his question and for some early indication that he would be pursuing this question. This is a very important question, because the objectives of the CEP that we put in place for the Future Submarine program were in particular to maximise Australian industry involvement. That is exactly what we intend to do as a government: we are going to maximise Australian industry involvement, engagement and capability throughout the entire Future Submarine program which, as you know, has been announced will be constructed in Australia—in fact, in Adelaide.</para>
<para>I am not going to stand here today—and I have had this discussion with our colleague Senator Conroy before—and put a percentage and, most particularly, put a floor on any particular level of Australian industry involvement because, frankly, it is my view, it is the government's view, that that would be a reckless thing to do during the Commonwealth's most important commercial negotiations ever. We just do not believe it is the right approach to this important negotiation. What we will do though is adopt a very ambitious, very positive approach in relation to the engagement of Australian industry and Australian content in order to maximise it.</para>
<para>Senator Xenophon, you have asked about directions to Defence in relation to this—let me be very clear: the entire National Security Committee of Cabinet, the Minister for Defence Industry and I have been absolutely explicit in our directions to Defence that their job in relation to these commercial negotiations is to maximise Australian industry involvement while obtaining the submarine capability that Australia needs, the regionally superior submarine capability that Australia needs.</para>
<para>These are not just words or promises; these have actually been backed up by this government. We have backed them up with the development of the Centre for Defence Industry Capability. We have backed them up with the other initiatives set out in our Defence industry policy statement, as you know, Senator Xenophon. (<inline font-style="italic">Time expired</inline>)</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Xenophon, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given that French unions have been agitating to maximise French industry participation and jobs at the expense of Australian industry participation and jobs, can the government at least provide an assurance here and now that the contract will ensure no less than 70 per cent of the value of the project being spent in Australia on an Australian builder and supply chain using the Collins class project as a benchmark? Surely the very ambitious approach of the government must include some minimum baseline of Australian content.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Notwithstanding the attractiveness of the proposition, I am not going to comment on agitating unions—I might leave that to my colleague Senator Cash. But, as I have just said, I am not going to stand here and set a floor or a particular percentage on Australia's detailed commercial negotiating position, and that is a consistent position which I have taken since the announcement of the Future Submarine program, as you know, and the decision in that regard.</para>
<para>What we will do—and what we have instructed the Department of Defence to do—is maximise that involvement, engagement and capability right throughout the Future Submarine process, and perhaps for the first time ever we have actually set up the necessary initiatives to do that in helping Australian industry become involved. We are not going to leave those SMEs out there on their own trying work it out for themselves in terms of winning those contracts. We have established the new Centre for Defence Industry Capability, which is going to help them right across the country to engage with DCNS and other major defence contractors to help them secure those contracts and create Australian jobs. In fact—<inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Xenophon, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>So is the minister saying the local content could be as low as 40 per cent, 30 per cent, 20 per cent or less? Will the minister at least agree to establish a round table involving local industry, DCNS, state governments and unions to ensure maximum local industry participation, transparency of supplier, benchmarks and explicit project clauses maximising local industry participation and jobs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>M56</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Even in recent months, Senator Xenophon, I have spent many hours involved in round tables, square tables and rectangular tables on these exact discussions with industry right across this nation in relation to the Future Submarine program. But I acknowledge and thank you for your suggestion. I recognise your interest in local industry and jobs but, again, I am not going to put a floor on the Australian level of engagement. It is all about absolutely maximising that but maximising our position in commercial negotiations at the same time.</para>
<para>This process will include the finalisation of a comprehensive naval shipbuilding plan, a plan which will help secure Australia's naval future and our national security. It will articulate how governments, state and federal, and key stakeholders interact and engage in this truly national endeavour. It is our intention to finalise that plan by late 2016, as you know, Senator Xenophon. It will be a truly national endeavour.</para>
<para>If there are any other issues in your questions that I have not responded to, I will take those up with the Minister for Defence Industry. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Employment, Senator Cash. Can the minister update the Senate on action the government is taking to protect Victoria's Country Fire Authority and its 60,000 volunteers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator Paterson, a very passionate senator from Victoria, for the question. I can confirm that earlier today the Prime Minister introduced this government's legislation to honour our election commitment to the people of Australia and, more particularly, the 60,000 volunteer firefighters in Victoria that we will protect them from this hostile union takeover. The Turnbull government is taking decisive action to protect the Victorian CFA from Labor's takeover by the United Firefighters Union through a new enterprise bargaining agreement. Our legislation will amend the Fair Work Act to protect the CFA.</para>
<para>What the Victorian government and those opposite are trying to do is a misuse of the Fair Work Act and, further, is actually contrary to the legislation that governs the CFA in Victoria. The Fair Work Act should never, ever have been used or been able to be misused quite deliberately for the purpose of undermining the 60,000 volunteers in Victoria. The proposed CFA agreement contains a number of clauses that are discriminatory against volunteers and provide the United Firefighters Union with an unreasonable, unwarranted degree of control over volunteer operations, including a veto over management decisions.</para>
<para>We on this side of the chamber make no excuses. We will stand side by side with the 60,000 volunteer firefighters in Victoria who give up everything—including sometimes, if they have to, their lives—to ensure that Victoria always remains firm, to protect it from fires during the fire season. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Paterson, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Why was it important for the Commonwealth government to act in this matter?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As enterprise agreements are governed by federal legislation, the Fair Work Act, this parliament has the power and the responsibility to act to ensure this takeover does not occur. This running debacle has now resulted in the resignation of the Victorian Minister for Emergency Services and the CFA CFO, but, on top of that, it also saw the sacking of the CFA board by the Andrews government. Look at former Minister Garrett. Look at the front pages of the Victorian newspapers today and see what she is alleging against the UFU boss, Peter Marshall. And then have a look at what former Bracks Labor government Minister Haermeyer said in June this year:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I faced a similar situation as Minister … in 2000. It was not until I offered my resignation … that I was able to get people's undivided attention to what was at stake, that a perilous situation was averted and the CFA volunteers were backed …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Those who would put at risk the CFA's massive volunteer base—</para></quote>
<para class="italic"><inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Paterson, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the minister aware of the impact that this long-running dispute has had on 60,000 CFA volunteers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Unlike those on the other side who sit here and insult volunteers in Victoria who would do anything for their state, we on this side—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Pause the clock.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order: the minister should withdraw. There has been not one insult against any volunteer in Victoria from this side, and the minister should withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cameron. The minister did not directly refer to any senator on your side in an unparliamentary way.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. I refer to Don. Don is a veteran volunteer firefighter of over 50 years. For 50 years he has served the people of Victoria, and this is what he had to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We just don't want to be interfered with - we are volunteers …</para></quote>
<para>That is what we on this side of the chamber are going to side with—the people like Don who have stood up for 50 years and served the people of Victoria.</para>
<para>Obviously, the Leader of the Opposition, Bill Shorten, a Victorian MP—where is he in relation to this issue? He did not even go to Victoria during the election campaign, because he did not want to front the 60,000 volunteers and tell them—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Pause the clock. A point of order, Senator Cameron.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, the question to the minister was about impact. I have actually read the agreement. I would like the minister to actually deal with this question and go to the clauses that supposedly impact the volunteers.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, Senator Cameron. That is a debating point, Senator Cameron. There is no point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CASH</name>
    <name.id>I0M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, CFA volunteers do not hesitate to support Victoria and Victorians in their hour of need. This parliament now needs to do the same for them.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Superannuation</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to Senator Cormann as the Minister representing the Minister for Revenue and Financial Services. Given expected investment returns, your policy to increase tax on Australians with super balances over $1.6 million is more punitive than Labor's policy to increase tax on earnings over $75,000. Is the government seeking to outdo Labor at taking other people's money? Do you agree that fewer people will ever reach a super balance of $1.6 million because of your policy to impose marginal tax rates on post-tax contributions over $500,000 since 2007 and to increase tax on annual contributions over $25,000? Do you accept that your attack on the hard work, thrift and caution of Australians who save to avoid reliance on the pension represents class warfare and a betrayal of Liberal values?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In relation to those latter questions, no, I do not accept that. And I also do not accept that the policy the government has put forward in the budget to make tax concessions for superannuation fairer, more sustainable and more fit for purpose is more stringent than Labor's when it comes to the $1.6 million cap. What I would do in the first instance is refer the honourable senator to Labor's own policy document released in, I think, April 2015, where their case study actually pointed to the fact that the $75,000 earnings cap that you refer to actually would apply, by their modelling, to balances of $1.5 million or more.</para>
<para>There are a range of other features that make our approach better. Firstly, earnings in savings of up to $1.6 million would continue to be completely tax free. In relation to earnings from savings above $1.6 million, there would be a concessional tax of 15 per cent applied. That $1.6 million threshold is indexed; the $75,000 is not. You are able, under our policy, to actually retain your earnings and save in your income-tax-free account—under Labor you are not—which means that you are actually able to grow that pie.</para>
<para>Furthermore, under Labor's approach, the unindexed $75,000 earnings amount would attract a 15 per cent tax. In years where you have a 10 per cent return, which actually has happened in years gone by, balances of $750,000 and above would actually be captured by that, whereas under our policy it is absolutely impossible for that to happen. We provide much more certainty to people.</para>
<para>On a more general point, the structural challenge we have is that a growing proportion of income generated in Australia is completely income tax free. That is not sustainable. It means that other Australians have to pay more tax in order to pay for the services provided by government. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Leyonhjelm, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Your tax take is 22 per cent of GDP and rising. How can your reaction to this be an increase in the taxation of retirement savings? Australia's trillion-dollar superannuation pool is a national treasure that is financing Australian business and infrastructure. Why are you attacking high super balances rather than cheering them on?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I have indicated, the government's reforms are designed to ensure that tax concessions made available in the context of superannuation are fair, sustainable and fit for purpose. The purpose of superannuation tax concessions producing a lower tax rate or no tax rate—under certain circumstances—is to encourage people to save, to generate an income in retirement that replaces or supplements the age pension. It was never meant to be a tax effective wealth accumulation or estate-planning vehicle. What we are doing is making sure that, at the higher wealth and higher income end, people pay a more appropriate share of tax. If you have a situation where a growing amount of income generated in Australia, in particular at the higher wealth and higher income end, is generated completely tax free, it means that every other family has to pay more tax to pay for the goods and services provided by government— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Leyonhjelm, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>No other country in the world imposes high marginal tax rates on retirement savings accounts because, if they did, no-one would save in those accounts. Why then do you persist in calling Australia's taxation of superannuation 'concessional'? Should not personal tax rates of 37 per cent and 45 per cent be seen as a national disgrace rather than as a benchmark for all taxation?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CORMANN</name>
    <name.id>HDA</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do not know how to describe a zero per cent tax rate as anything other than highly concessional. Obviously if you generate income and you pay zero per cent tax, that is the ultimate concession. When you have got a growing proportion of Australians at the higher wealth and higher income end that pay absolutely no tax on the income they generate then that means that every other Australian working for a living and saving and investing pays more tax than they might otherwise have to in order to cover the same level of expenditure. What we are seeking to do—and it is not just taxes at the higher end—is reform the superannuation tax arrangements as a whole, including providing better flexibility for low- and middle-income earners, and provide better flexibility, for example, for women, who might have disrupted work patterns, to enable them to come play catch-up when it comes to saving for their retirement using previously underutilised or unutilised concessional contribution caps and the like, providing something— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Superannuation</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. On 3 June, when asked whether the government's superannuation policy as set out in the 3 May budget would change following the election, the Prime Minister said, 'It is absolutely ironclad.' Does the Prime Minister stand by this commitment?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The fact is that we were re-elected on a set of policies by the Australian people. We were re-elected on those policies, and we will put those policies to this chamber, and we will be looking to you. But if the Australian Labor party will not cooperate, will not respect the will of the Australian people, then we will look to the crossbench. We come into this chamber with an ambition to do what is best for the Australian people on all the tasks but most particularly the task of budget repair because this is a new parliament. This is a new parliament with a government returned with a mandate to give effect to the commitments it made during the election.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Cameron</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is the same old government. You have got no mandate.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If you—as your colleague, Senator Cameron, keeps interjecting—refuse to accept that the government was re-elected and therefore has a mandate, we do look—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! A point of order, Senator Dastyari.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Dastyari</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My point of order goes to relevance. There was only one clear question—that was, whether or not it is absolutely ironclad and whether or not the Prime Minister stands by that commitment. A minute has already passed and the minister has made no attempt to answer the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Dastyari. I will remind the Attorney-General of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. I will, of course, abide your ruling and I will come directly to the question of superannuation. The government's reforms to the superannuation system will make the system more flexible and sustainable. It will help more Australians be self-sufficient in their retirement. It is a fair system, as the Minister for Finance, Senator Cormann, outlined in his answer to the previous question from Senator Leyonhjelm. We know, Senator Gallagher, that you have announced that you will oppose the government's plan to adjust the superannuation system to fit modern work patterns. That reduction of the government's flexibility measures will see up to one million Australians—mostly women, carers, contractors and older Australians—worse off. That is your vision, Senator Gallagher. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Since the budget, we have had numerous caps on non-concessional lifetime contributions floated, including the Treasurer's $500,000 cap, a $750,000 cap and a $1 million cap floated by George Christensen on Twitter. And, this week, it was reported that the Prime Minister was considering dropping the cap altogether. What exactly is the government's policy and how is this consistent with the Prime Minister's ironclad guarantee?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, you really must avoid relying upon unsourced gossip you read in newspapers as the basis of your attacks upon the government. The government announced some measures in relation to the superannuation system in the budget. Those measures were clear. It took those measures to the election. It was re-elected on those measures. That is the government's policy, Senator Gallagher.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Gallagher, a final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator GALLAGHER</name>
    <name.id>ING</name.id>
    <electorate>Australian Capital Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Under this Prime Minister, we have had an economic plan for an increase to the GST, double taxation by the states, a percentage floor on GST distributions and, now, four different proposals for lifetime superannuation caps. Is this the type of economic leadership Mr Turnbull had in mind when he deposed Mr Abbott?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There you go again, Senator Gallagher. Every single proposition you asserted in your question was wrong; every single one. So let us go through them, Senator Gallagher. First of all, you assert the government proposed to increase the GST. The government has never proposed to increase the GST. The Labor Premier of South Australia, Mr Weatherill, recommended an increase in the GST. So did Mr Mike Baird, by the way. The government has never proposed an increase in the GST. You assert that the government proposed double taxation. Wrong again, Senator Gallagher. That has never been proposed by this government. And now you say, based on unsourced newspaper gossip, that we are proposing four different caps when only one set of proposals has ever been announced—and that, Senator Gallagher, is the government's policy.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Medicare</title>
          <page.no>50</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Regional Development, representing the Minister for Health, Senator Nash. Can the minister update the Senate on how the coalition government is delivering better health services?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank Senator McKenzie for her question and for all her hard work in improving the health and wellbeing of people right across the country. I am pleased to advise the Senate that this coalition government is delivering record levels of Medicare bulk-billing. In addition, we are investing a record amount in new life-saving medicines, and, through Medicare, we are rolling out a comprehensive chronic disease package through our Health Care Homes program.</para>
<para>When it comes to Medicare, no government has invested as much or has lifted bulk-billing rates as high as this government has. Under the coalition, an extra 17 million GP services were bulk-billed last year compared with Labor's last year in office. Under the coalition, bulk-billing rates hit a record high of 85.1 per cent, up from 84.3 per cent in 2014-15. Under the coalition, last year we invested a record $7.1 billion in general practice via Medicare.</para>
<para>In addition to our record investment in Medicare, we have also made a record investment when it comes to the listing of new life-saving medicines. The coalition has listed $4.5 billion worth of new medicines in three years since coming to office. This includes nearly 1,000 medicines listings on the PBS, which is triple the number Labor listed in their final three years. The coalition has also recently announced $70 million worth of new drugs for diabetes and cervical cancer, making access to medicines easier and cheaper, which is on top of a $1 billion investment to cure hepatitis C.</para>
<para>Our record, when it comes to medicine, stands in stark contrast to those opposite, who not only ripped $6 billion out of Medicare and medicines but also delayed new listings simply because they could not afford them.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, a supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister advise the Senate on how bulk-billing levels under this government show that all Australians are getting access to quality primary health care?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As I referred to previously, we are seeing record levels of bulk-billing under this coalition government. We are a government that is actually delivering for health, which could not be further than the fear and smear campaign we have seen from Labor, sitting on the other side, particularly during the recent election campaign. Last year, a record 123 million out of 145 million GP services were fully funded at no cost to patients.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Cameron interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You might like to listen, Senator Cameron—at no cost to patients, through Medicare. Under the coalition, the number of Australians accessing Medicare-funded GP services increased by nearly half a million to 20.9 million last year, which just shows that what we saw from those opposite in the Labor Party during the election campaign around health was nothing more than a scare campaign designed to put fear into the Australian people.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator McKenzie, final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister update the Senate on any recent government initiatives that will further improve health services, particularly for those living in regional Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator NASH</name>
    <name.id>e5g</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very proud of the record of the coalition government when it comes to delivering health services out into regional areas. I recently announced, when I had responsibility in this area, Australia's first national Rural Health Commissioner, which is going to work to advocate for rural health issues, putting that spotlight fairly and squarely on those regional health issues so important to people out in the bush. It is also going to have, as its first task, putting in place a National Rural Generalist Pathway, which is going to ensure that we get GPs with those higher levels of skills that we need out into the regions, something that this coalition government has done—nothing that was ever even thought of by those opposite. Under the coalition government, we have seen an extra $11 million to the royal flying doctors and $25 million for a cancer centre in western New South Wales. I am so pleased to see that the Rural Doctors Association said: 'Coalition win is a win for rural health.'</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Banking and Financial Services</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister representing the Prime Minister, Senator Brandis. Can the minister confirm that today's announcement of an inquiry into small business lending is the fourth position the government has adopted in order to avoid a royal commission? What is wrong with a royal commission?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What is wrong with a royal commission is that it is entirely unnecessary. One has a royal commission—and this government has established royal commissions, most recently a royal commission into the Don Dale Youth Detention Centre and related issues in the Northern Territory—to identify and get to grips with and make recommendations relating to systemic abuse, just as we saw, for example, the systemic abuse within certain trade unions revealed by the Heydon royal commission. A number of complaints about the banking system do not constitute systemic abuse, but what they do show is that there is an appropriate mechanism to be devised in order to address those complaints, and that is precisely what the government has done. Your proposal, Senator Ketter—and I might say it is charitable even to call it a proposal, because, for all of the months that Mr Shorten and Senator Dastyari campaigned on this issue, not once did they so much as favour us with proposed terms of reference; not once. So it is a thought bubble and a slogan but not a proposal. What is wrong with that proposal is that not only are the complaints better addressed by a more responsive and appropriate mechanism but, as well, if you were to have a royal commission into the banking system, how many years do you think it would take before a single person obtained a single piece of redress out of that process? That is why it is not the right mechanism.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ketter, supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I refer the minister to recent statements by the Prime Minister, who says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… banks don't just operate under a banking licence, they operate under a social licence and that is underwritten by public confidence and trust.</para></quote>
<para>Given that confidence and trust in the financial services industry have been shaken by ongoing revelations of scandals which have resulted in tens of thousands of Australians being ripped off, why does the government continue to stand in the way of a royal commission?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ketter, I explained that to you in the answer to your primary question, but might I caution you in being so reckless as to suggest that the public does not have confidence in the financial services system. That is a very, very reckless thing to say, and it is not true. Australia has some of the strongest and best and most appropriately prudentially regulated banks and financial institutions in the world, and I would warn you, Senator Ketter, against being so reckless as to suggest that we should not have confidence in our banks, that we should not have confidence in our financial system. Nor, Senator Ketter, is it the case that because, in a system in which there are literally tens of millions of accounts conducted, there are complaints that constitutes a systemic problem or a basis for the public to lack confidence in that system. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Ketter, final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Minister, just this month the Prime Minister acknowledged the need for cultural change in the banking sector. If the government knows that cultural change is required, why is it prioritising protecting the banks over protecting consumers?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is in the interests of all Australians, including all Australian consumers, that we have a strong financial system underpinned by strong, well-capitalised banks, well regulated, in particular through strong prudential regulation—and we do. That is absolutely in the national interest. But, as I said a moment ago, in a system in which there are literally millions upon millions of accounts and account holders, of course there will be complaints from time to time, and those complaints should be investigated, and, when mistakes have been made, those mistakes should be exposed. But it is one thing to say that and it is another thing to recklessly suggest, as your question does, that Australians should lack confidence in our financial system. We should have confidence in our financial system, and where there are problems they should be addressed by the appropriate mechanism. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>51</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I acknowledge in the public gallery the presence of former senator Grant Chapman.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Broadband</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Communications, Senator Fifield. Can the minister update the Senate on the progress of the NBN rollout across Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I acknowledge that this is Senator Duniam's first question in this place and how well qualified he is to serve the interests of the people of Tasmania. I know that Senator Duniam will be pleased to know that the great cities of Hobart and Launceston are very close to completion for the NBN.</para>
<para>Mr President, good news: the 2016 full-year results for the NBN show that NBN has hit its operational and financial targets for nine consecutive quarters. That is an unbroken two-year period of NBN hitting its marks. NBN did have financial year targets of 2.63 million homes ready for service. Mr President, I am very pleased to tell you that NBN beat those targets by over a quarter of a million premises. NBN also had financial year targets of 955,000 premises having active NBN services, and again there is good news: NBN beat that target by over 100,000 premises.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Conroy</name>
    <name.id>3L6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>How many to the node?</para>
<para class="italic">Senator O'Neill interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my left!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, NBN's weekly progress report shows that there are 3,052,000 homes in Australia that can now order an NBN service and that there are now 1.265 million paying customers on the NBN network. In just the last four weeks alone 90,000 customers have hooked up to the NBN. That represents 4½ thousand customers each and every working day. The NBN is on track, on target and on budget.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I overlooked that there is a former senator, Senator Lightfoot, in the President's gallery.</para>
<para>Honourable senators: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>52</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Broadband</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister compare these results with alternative approaches?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, as you know, we have not taken Senator Conroy's theological approach to the NBN. We have taken a technology-agnostic approach, which means that we pursue what is known as a multi-technology mix of whatever is the technology that will see NBN rolled out fastest and at lowest cost.</para>
<para>Mr President, I know you will be interested in something recently from <inline font-style="italic">The Wall Street Journal</inline>. It recorded that Google's high-speed web arm, Google Fiber, which has been rolling out an all-fibre network in 12 cities across the US, is planning to cut its staff in half and turn its attention from fibre to wireless technologies. The journal reported that Google's parent company, Alphabet, is rethinking its high-speed internet business after initial rollouts of fibre proved to be too expensive, and digging up people's front yards—<inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para class="italic">Senator Conroy interjecting—</para>
<para class="italic">Senator O'Neill interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Conroy and Senator O'Neill, you have both been constant interjectors during this question. Senator Duniam, your final supplementary question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DUNIAM</name>
    <name.id>263418</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can the minister inform the Senate of the project's scheduled completion date and whether the NBN is on track to meet this target?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator FIFIELD</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last year's NBN corporate plan envisaged a doubling of the network footprint year on year through financial years 2016-17 and 2017-18. One year on, I am very pleased to say that NBN has achieved that first doubling while at the same time introducing three new technologies, as I said before. NBN has nailed its marks in terms of rollout and financial targets for nine consecutive quarters. And the great news is that the NBN is on track for completion by 2020.</para>
<para>Mr President, you can take two approaches to looking at the policy of those opposite. If you are feeling particularly ungenerous you can see that their plan might take an extra six to eight years longer. If you are feeling generous and you take Labor's own policy from the election at face value, their approach would take two years longer. Whichever way you look, our plan is sooner, cheaper—<inline font-style="italic"> (Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</title>
        <page.no>53</page.no>
        <type>PARTY OFFICE HOLDERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Party of Australia</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SCULLION</name>
    <name.id>00AOM</name.id>
    <electorate>Northern Territory</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I wish to advise that I am the Leader of the Nationals in the Senate and Senator Fiona Nash is my deputy leader. I also wish to advise that Senator Williams is now the Nationals whip in the Senate. I would like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the excellent work of Senator O'Sullivan as the previous Nationals whip.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>53</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: TAKE NOTE OF ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DODSON</name>
    <name.id>SR5</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<para>That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Attorney-General (Senator Brandis) to a question without notice asked by Senator Dodson today relating to section 18C of the <inline font-style="italic">Racial Discrimination Act 1975.</inline></para>
<para>As others today have noted, this is not my first speech. The Racial Discrimination Act 1975 came into effect just over 40 years ago. The legislation has been one important pillar of our success as a multicultural and diverse nation, where people of many cultures have come to this country and built our national success—both our physical and our social infrastructure.</para>
<para>This law was made in response to an agreed international consensus in the form of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The convention is included in section 7 of the Racial Discrimination Act, which gives approval to the ratification of the convention, and appears as a schedule of the act.</para>
<para>It is important legislation. It was, I understand, our first national human rights law, and it has given each of us as Australians some sense of assurance that under the law every Australian can be treated fairly, regardless of our colour or background. It signalled a point of maturity for us as a good global citizen. This law is of special importance to those of us who, because of our colour, our culture and our language, have been subjected to racial slurs or racial violence and to discrimination when we have sought a place at a school, at a job, at the local supermarket, to rent a house or to enter a cinema.</para>
<para>It has helped us in our collective task of nation-building. In 1975, Prime Minister Gough Whitlam said that the Racial Discrimination Act would help to 'entrench new attitudes of tolerance and understanding in the hearts and minds of the people'. It can be said that the act has done so for the nation as a whole and for those who have sought to escape the scourges of racism and racist speech.</para>
<para>We now see rejuvenated attempts to repeal section 18C of this important but quite succinct act, which makes it unlawful to 'offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate' someone because of their race. But in response we have seen widespread community support for the legislation as it exists. The vast majority recognise that we should not give people the social licence to inflict racial bigotry onto others. The proposed repeal of section 18C was rightly abandoned by the Turnbull government. It puzzles me that government members here have reawakened this supposedly dead debate. The Prime Minister indicated that it was not a national priority at this stage. He should now be unequivocal in his opposition to this proposal, and get his house in order.</para>
<para>But the protection of legislation that prevents discrimination is a national priority for those of us who are opposed to discrimination, to violence and to hate speech in all its multiheaded forms. It shapes our nation, showing that we are committed in our society to mutual respect and to racial tolerance. We know that this act is there not just to protect all Australians from discrimination but to build and maintain our harmony as a modern, tolerant cosmopolitan community—a national community built from many nations and many cultures, with a growing sense of our common humanity.</para>
<para>We know, especially those of us with lived experience of racism, that racism at the end of the day is about power and hurt. My late friend David Ervine was an Irish politician and good friend who hosted me at Stormont, in Belfast. He was a militant unionist who became a champion for tolerance. In a speech he gave while visiting Australia he said, 'I can smell racism. It does not grow wild in the field. It is tended in a window box.'</para>
<para>It can be seen clearly in the colonial history of Western Australia that a misguided sense of moral and social superiority historically legitimated the prolonged and violent dispossession of people. But the colonial notion of racial superiority was just an ideological mask for greed. It placed a small fig leaf— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Congratulations to Senator Dodson on what is not his 'first speech' but it is his first speech! It was obviously a thoughtful contribution to the chamber. But if I could suggest to the senator it is important that in speeches to the chamber he actually is factual in some of the things he says. Can I assure Senator Dodson—and I think I can say this on behalf of almost every Australian—that every Australian abhors racial discrimination or any other form of discrimination. That is a given in our country of Australia. It is what makes us all so proud to be Australians. But the comments that the senator mentioned are simply not accurate.</para>
<para>First of all, can I repeat the response of the Leader of the Government in the Senate to Senator Dodson's question, and that is that as far as the government is concerned this is not a priority and it will not be introduced by the government. That is the government's official line and I make it clear at the start of my contribution that that is what the executive government has a view of.</para>
<para>Having said that, as an individual member of the coalition government and a proud member of the Liberal Party and Liberal National Party of Queensland I have the right in this parliament to exercise not only my view on what is correct or not correct but also to represent the views of my constituents, who are the people of Queensland. I am again fairly confident in saying that most people in Queensland, whilst abhorring any form of discrimination, particularly racial discrimination, are offended and insulted by the fact that these words 'offend' and 'insult' are in section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. Senator Dodson said that the proposal was to delete the paragraph or to amend it to remove two other words. This is plainly incorrect. We are not proposing to remove from 18C the words 'humiliate' and 'intimidate'. So I proudly am one of those on our side, as an individual member of this parliament, not directed by my party and not directed by the government, who choose to support this private member's bill to amend section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act to remove the words 'offend' and 'insult'. The words 'humiliate' and 'intimidate' will remain and should remain. But when Australians have to legislate against offence and insult, I think it is a sad day for a country as free and open as Australia.</para>
<para>Most Australians who understand what happened at the Queensland University of Technology, in a celebrated case that is still before the courts, will appreciate how absolutely awful this legislation is that it would cause those young students, who, on anyone's standard, could not possibly have offended or insulted anyone, to be hauled before the courts under the provisions of this particular piece of legislation. The fact that the Human Rights Commission, which I almost think at times is poorly named, is taking that particular case on with the gusto that it is really brings into question the relevance and the approach of the Human Rights Commission.</para>
<para>Now, I repeat that I and most other Australians—and certainly all of those on this side of the chamber—abhor any form of discrimination, racial or otherwise. But removing the words 'offend' and 'insult' from section 18C is, I think, a step in the right direction and ensures that Australia is a free, open country that abhors and rejects any form of discrimination but encourages and celebrates free speech and the ability to say things that some others might not like. If 'offence' and 'insult' were an offence in this chamber, Senator Cameron, for some of the things that he says to me, would be out on his ear, and I would be a quivering mess. But we put up with those things in Australia— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PRATT</name>
    <name.id>I0T</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also rise to take note of answers given by Senator Brandis. It is incredibly important and quite reasonable that those of us on this side of the chamber should be seeking reassurance from the government that they have no intention of amending the Racial Discrimination Act. I find it quite extraordinary that all but one of the Liberal-National coalition backbenchers in this place have in fact signed up to support Senator Bernardi's private member's bill. This is an extraordinary act to be taking place that goes completely against the government's stated agenda.</para>
<para>Indeed, the Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, appears to continue to change his mind on this issue. We know that in early 2015, before he became Prime Minister, he said that he was not opposed to changes that would water down protections in 18C. Indeed, the Prime Minister said he was comfortable with the amendments and did not think they would cause any harm. It was only when he became leader that he ruled out making any changes.</para>
<para>So, yes, I am pleased that Senator Brandis was able to give such an unequivocal 'no' this afternoon, given that so many of the others on his side of the chamber are not of this view. So many of those on whom you rely to govern, be they in your own party or others you look to to pass legislation in this place, are also of this view. I look forward to Senator Brandis saying, 'No, no, no', every time this question comes up, because, given the level of activity and momentum around this question that is gathering from those on the other side, we will need to keep seeking those reassurances.</para>
<para>I think there is a real question before this place as to whether we can indeed trust the Prime Minister or Senator Brandis on this issue. It is clear from events of recent days that there is no cohesion in the coalition on this issue. When we see the entire backbench—almost, bar one—signing up to radical changes to 18C, it is clear that the Prime Minister has no control over his own government. So how are the people of our nation supposed to trust a government that cannot even agree internally on fundamental questions of protecting the minorities in our own community?</para>
<para>Much like the Prime Minister, I am concerned that Senator Brandis himself has had contradictory views on this matter. His views, which have been stated loud and clear in the past, are that he believes people do have a right to be bigots. Make no mistake: we on this side of the chamber will keep this issue on the table and keep holding the government to account. We know that there are those of you on that side of chamber who want to create rights for bigots in this country who think it is reasonable to expose Australians to racist and insulting acts. This, in my view, is an extraordinary thing. It seems pretty clear to me that those on the other side would not ever have been exposed to such racist attacks, because they do not have the same diversity on their side of the chamber.</para>
<para>Today in this place, even though the coalition has had their agenda of wanting to see 18C amended rejected many times by the Australian people and even though Tony Abbott also recognised the folly of amending 18C, we continue to see this issue bubble away on the other side. On that basis it is critical that this side of the chamber keeps holding them to account. We do not want to see amendments to 18C, and we will keep asking those questions in this place. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is arguable whether it was the French philosopher Voltaire who made the comment—from the French translation to English it is even more obscure—but the words were along the lines of: I disagree with you on what you say but I will die to defend your right to say it. In this place, of all places in Australia, we must surely be free to be able to debate without fear or favour.</para>
<para>I recall once, when I was on the other side, Senator Wong reminding me that the whole question of 'take note' relates directly to taking note, and, with deep respect, I say to my good colleague Senator Dodson: the motion was to take note of what Senator Brandis said. It is not for me to correct him, except to say that, whilst I was particularly interested in the content of what he had to say, he was not in fact speaking to the motion, which was to take note of the leader of the government's comments.</para>
<para>Can I also draw, with respect, Senator Dodson to his statement that this effort is to repeal section 18C. With respect, it is not; it is to amend 18C, to leave in terms related to 'intimidate, humiliate or vilify', but simply to remove the words 'offend or insult'. Surely in a country in which we pride ourselves for our freedom of speech, we must feel free for people to make comments which might in fact be insulting or offensive to another.</para>
<para>As Senator Macdonald correctly said, probably Senator Cameron and I over the years have offended and insulted each other on many occasions. But it allows me to make the point that one cannot predict whether or not a statement is likely to insult or be offensive. The point was made in this place a few minutes ago with the Queensland University of Technology incident that has exercised the minds of so many recently, when three young people went up to a computer lab and were told that it was a laboratory to be used only by Indigenous students. One of those students subsequently put, I think, on social media—Facebook—words to the effect of, 'I didn't know I wasn't able to enter that laboratory'.</para>
<para>We know that the young person who was the attendant in that laboratory must have taken offence or felt insulted, because she came out and said so, and we know that Professor Triggs has subsequently taken action against that student. It simply makes the point that you cannot predict whether a person is likely to be insulted or offended. But I do join with Senator Macdonald in his comments, and I join with Senator Brandis on the statements he has made on many occasions in this place when same-sex marriage has been debated—the fact that it is illegal in this country to discriminate against another person.</para>
<para>But I am going to give you an example where an offence and an insult took place against myself. I was in mass in Applecross, and the priest in his homily gave, as part of a joke, a comment about a blind mouse and a blind snake. I will not tell you the details of it except to say that it was about politicians. It was something on which I took deep offence—you can imagine it was the analogy of the snake—but I have no right to feel insulted or offended by the comments or to actually bring an action in the court against that priest.</para>
<para>What I did do was go up to him and do two things. I suggested, firstly, he finds out who is in his congregation—and, secondly, the fact that I was not happy with that event. I only use that analogy because I do not want to belittle in any way the comments made by Senator Dodson except to say that 'insult' and 'offend' do not have a place in 18C, because he could not predict the likely effect on me as a result of his comments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I also rise to take note of answers given by Senator Brandis to Senator Dodson's questions relating to section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. In doing so, I have to say I am completely perplexed. Yesterday was the opening of parliament, and the best that the Liberal backbench could run around and do was to get enough signatures on a motion by Senator Bernardi, to ensure that they could introduce legislation to amend our Racial Discrimination Act and, in doing so, water down the protections provided to ethnic communities across Australia.</para>
<para>Now, how on earth are they representing their constituency? This is a multicultural country. Every part of our community has people from different ethnic backgrounds living amongst us. It makes us such a diverse and strong society that we are so proud of living in. And yet, including my own Tasmanian senators—the Liberal senators Senator Bushby, Senator Duniam, Senator Abetz—were all part of leading that charge of signing on to that motion, rather than of course standing up to the issues and interests important to the people of Tasmania. They were completely ignoring the people of Tasmania and putting their extremist views within the Liberal Party and ahead of their own constituents.</para>
<para>I asked Senator Bushby and I asked Senator Abetz and I asked Senator Duniam: 'What is it that you want to say to those ethnic communities in your electorate in Tasmania that you currently cannot say under the current Racial Discrimination Act?' Answer me that question, because I cannot understand where you are coming from if it is not from the basis of racism and of bigotry. You have questions to answer if you are going to sign your name onto a motion to water down race-hate protections.</para>
<para>Quite rightly, Senator Brandis abandoned the government's attempts to water down or change section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act in 2014, and for good reason. We remember at the time—and I will remind Senator Brandis of the response to the changes the government wanted to make from a number of ethnic communities. For example, Kirstie Parker the National Congress of Australia's First Peoples, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We are horrified to consider the kind of Australia that could grow out of what is now being proposed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We know intimately the impact that racist abuse has on our peoples. It undermines our sense of personal security and safety, can disenfranchise us even further from the rest of society, and literally makes us sick.</para></quote>
<para>That is just one response from the time in which the government tried to water down the protections provided in this particular piece of law.</para>
<para>As Senator Dodson said, we should not give people the social licence to show bigotry to others. That is exactly what a few backbenchers within the Liberal Party are trying to do in bringing forward this motion. I also ask the Prime Minister: what are you doing? Who is leading this country? Is it led by you, or is it led by the backbench of the Liberal Party? Is it led by the extreme right-wing backbench of the Liberal Party? Why will he not rein in Cory Bernardi? Why will he not rein in the senators who have come to sign this motion and who are getting away with the open rebellion that they are displaying within the Liberal Party? There is division going on within the Liberal Party. It seems to me—and I think it seems to many in the public—that the coalition backbench are determining government policy instead of the leadership or the executive of the government. I think that is something that the Australian people should really question.</para>
<para>I have never understood why it is that so many people in the Liberal Party think it so important to be able to insult and offend other Australians on the basis of their race and their ethnicity. Why is it okay, and why are you so fixated on wanting to offend and insult other people on the basis of their race? Is it something that you have ever experienced, because I have the feeling you do not know what you are talking about. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the answer given by the Minister for Finance (Senator Cormann) to a question without notice asked by the Leader of the Australian Greens (Senator Di Natale) today relating to political donations reform.</para></quote>
<para>The Greens are taking up the call for political donation reform in the current ACT Legislative Assembly election. We have a clear example here of why we need national, uniform electoral funding laws.</para>
<para>With respect to the ACT, we know that corruption does not stop at state and territory borders. At the moment, developers are bypassing the New South Wales electoral funding laws and avoiding disclosure obligations by donating to other branches. The Canberra Liberals have had three donations amounting to $255,000 from the federal Liberal Party. We also know that the New South Wales corruption watchdog, ICAC, have found that different branches of the Liberal Party are laundering illegal donations and getting them back to the New South Wales Liberals.</para>
<para>There is one New South Wales developer who has developed quite a bad name for himself: Tony Merhi. He only recently made a major donation to the Canberra Liberals through his company Merc Shoppingtown. He does not live or trade in the ACT. In the light of these findings, the ACT Greens are calling on the Canberra Liberals to return this donation. That is just a small step to cleaning up what is a huge problem when it comes to the corrupting influence political donations are having on our democratic process, particularly when it comes time for elections. We also know that the Canberra Liberals have taken over $100,000 from property developers since the last election.</para>
<para>It is very interesting to look at the returns on the Elections ACT site. They show that the ACT Liberals are taking donations from New South Wales developers and that they are regularly making transfers to the federal Liberals and the New South Wales Liberals. It appears that this is not illegal. However, it shows again the problems that we have with the funnelling of money, and it adds to the public cynicism about how our electoral processes are working and where the money comes from.</para>
<para>There is also a local government election underway in New South Wales at the present time. Again, we are seeing really serious problems in the way the Baird government has failed to clean up the electoral funding process for local government. First off, they have allowed real estate agents and developers to run for council. This has been called out time and time again as more communities become frustrated about how they are being done over by this. Business people who are well cashed up are able to use their contacts and use their money to get onto council, and then communities are effectively locked out.</para>
<para>But there is also the need here to limit political donations and limit the role that money, particularly developer donations, is having. We know that under the New South Wales Premier, Mr Baird, the donation caps that were put in place did not kick in until 1 July this year. That means there have been huge amounts of money with no limits at all, because the very fine laws that were originally brought in in New South Wales were never applied to the local government area. In some ways, some would argue—and I know they do—that this is where they are needed most. So there has been a huge rush of developer money into the local government elections that are playing out in New South Wales. If we had had expenditure caps as well as donation caps, it would be a very easy way to bring back a more level playing field. We know that when it comes to local government elections, many people want to stand, and that is a welcome part of our democracy. It would be a much fairer electoral process if we had those caps in place. It certainly would make it much easier in having an accountable system to ensure there is a measure of equity in how our local government elections are run.</para>
<para>So the Greens will continue our work, and I thought that the question from my colleague Senator Di Natale was really spot on today—really taking it up to the government. There has been a commitment—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Conroy</name>
    <name.id>3L6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Except you voted against it!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am happy to take that interjection because what the senator is referring to is just some wedge tactics that have gone on. He is not acknowledging that Labor voted against it when there was a clear proposal. It was nothing to do with Senate voting reform, it was not linked to anything, and they had the opportunity to vote for political donation reform. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PRIVILEGE</title>
        <page.no>57</page.no>
        <type>PRIVILEGE</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Senators, I wish to address a matter of privilege that has been raised by Senator Conroy. By letter dated 30 August 2016, Senator Conroy has raised as a matter of privilege aspects of the execution of search warrants by the Australian Federal Police on his Melbourne office and the home of an opposition staff member on 19 and 20 May 2016, and on the Department of Parliamentary Services at Parliament House, Canberra, on 24 August 2016, and related actions allegedly undertaken by the AFP and NBN Co Limited.</para>
<para>In his letter, Senator Conroy claims that various actions of the AFP and NBN Co staff may have constituted an improper interference with his capacity as a senator to carry out his functions. These include:</para>
<list>the possibility that the AFP intercepted and made use of his telecommunications and associated data or those of Opposition staff members;</list>
<list>the alleged capture and dissemination by an NBN Co officer accompanying the AFP on 19-20 May 2016 of images of material over which Senator Conroy had claimed parliamentary privilege, contrary to the Memorandum of Understanding on the Execution of Search Warrants in the Premises of Members of Parliament and associated AFP Guideline;</list>
<list>the possibility that NBN Co may have acted on information obtained during the execution of the warrants, over which parliamentary privilege had been claimed, to penalise NBN CO staff alleged to have been connected to the provision of information to enable him to carry out his functions as a senator.</list>
<para>Additionally, the alleged penalisation of NBN CO staff alleged to have been connected to the provision of information to enable Senator Conroy to carry out his functions as a senator is raised as a separate potential contempt.</para>
<para>In determining whether to give precedence to a motion to refer a matter to the Privileges Committee I am required to have regard only to the criteria listed in Privilege Resolution 4 (Criteria to be taken into account by the President in determining whether a motion arising from a matter of privilege should be given precedence of other business). These are as follows:</para>
<para>(a) the principle that the Senate's power to adjudge and deal with contempts should be used only where it is necessary to provide reasonable protection for the Senate and its committees and for senators against improper acts tending substantially to obstruct them in the performance of their functions, and should not be used in respect of matters which appear to be of a trivial nature or unworthy of the attention of the Senate; and</para>
<para>(b) the existence of any remedy other than that power for any act which may be held to be a contempt.</para>
<para>The purpose of these criteria is to ensure that a matter which meets them is given an appropriate opportunity to be dealt with as an item of business so that the Senate may then make a decision on the merits of the case. The decision by the President to grant precedence is not a recommendation that the matter <inline font-style="italic">should</inline> be referred to the Privileges Committee for inquiry, simply that the Senate <inline font-style="italic">should</inline> be given the earliest opportunity to make that decision for itself.</para>
<para>In this case, the Senate has declared in Privilege Resolution 6(1) that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A person shall not improperly interfere with … the free performance by a senator of the senator's duties as a senator.</para></quote>
<para>The Senate has also in the past regarded the penalisation of persons who provide information to senators as warranting the contempt jurisdiction of the Senate, although the protection of persons who provide information to members of parliament to assist them in carrying out their functions is not absolute. Parliamentary privilege will only protect such transactions when there is a clear connection to the use of the information by senators in the course of proceedings in parliament.</para>
<para>I am satisfied, therefore, that the matters raised by Senator Conroy fall into that category of matters to which precedence has been granted in the past. I therefore grant precedence to a motion to refer the matters to the Privileges Committee. I table the correspondence and now invite Senator Conroy to give notice of such a motion.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CONROY</name>
    <name.id>3L6</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I give notice that, on the next sitting day, I shall move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matters be referred to the Committee of Privileges for inquiry and report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In relation to the execution of search warrants by the Australian Federal Police on the Melbourne office of Senator Conroy and the home of an opposition staff member on 19-20 May 2016 and on the Department of Parliamentary Services at Parliament House, Canberra, on 24 August 2016 or subsequent actions allegedly undertaken by the AFP and NBN Co Limited, as specified in Senator Conroy's letter to the President of the Senate of 30 August 2016 raising a matter of privilege:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) whether there was any improper interference or attempted improper interference with the free performance by Senator Conroy of his duties as a senator;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) whether disciplinary or other adverse action was taken against any person in connection with the alleged provision of information to Senator Conroy; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) if so, whether any contempts were committed in respect of those matters.</para></quote>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>PETITIONS</title>
        <page.no>58</page.no>
        <type>PETITIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Act 1975</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I know Senator Rhiannon was intending to lodge a notice of motion and I think she went out of the chamber to try to organise it. So I will give notice on her behalf just in case she has not had yet the opportunity to sign her notice.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you very much, Senator Siewert. We will take that in general terms as a notice of motion that Senator Rhiannon will lodge.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The following notices were presented—</inline></para>
<para>Senators Brown and Conroy to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the 2016 Paralympics will take place in Rio from 7 September to 18 September,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">around 4,350 athletes from more than 160 countries will travel to Rio to compete in 528 medal events in 22 different sports,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia will be represented by 169 athletes competing across 15 sports, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia has a proud history of success at the Paralympic Games, competing at every Games since the first one in Rome in 1960 and finishing in the top five at every summer Games since the Barcelona Games in 1992, including at the London 2012 Paralympic Games where Australia placed fifth on the gold medal tally with 32 gold, 23 silver and 30 bronze medals;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">recognises that the Paralympic Games play an important role in:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">putting a spotlight on inclusion in our society,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">highlighting the need for greater support for people living with disability in Australia and around the world,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">shaping community attitudes towards disability, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">promoting sport for all Australians;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">recognises the dedication and hard work of the athletes who have been named as part of the Australian Paralympic Team;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">wishes our athletes well in Rio; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">calls on all parliamentarians to support the Australian Paralympic Team at the Rio 2016 Paralympic Games.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Singh to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">a large cache of documents has been made public regarding the treatment of asylum seekers including children on Nauru, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">these documents contain concerning reports of alleged abuse; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">call upon the Australian Government:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">to reveal whether these serious and disturbing allegations of abuse have been investigated and the outcomes of those investigations, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">to appoint an Independent Children’s Advocate backed by adequate resources and statutory powers to ensure the rights and interests of children are protected.</para></quote>
<para>Senators Leyonhjelm, Day, Xenophon, Lambie, Griff, Kakoschke-Moore, Burston, Culleton and Roberts, the Leader of Pauline Hanson’s One Nation (Senator Hanson) and Senator Hinch to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Senate notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the President’s report to the Senate on government responses outstanding to parliamentary committee reports as at 30 June 2016, listed the report of the Select Committee on Wind Turbines amongst the reports the Government had failed to respond to within the 3 month timeframe, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Government still has not provided a formal response to the committee’s report, although it has been some 12 months since the report was tabled; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">there be laid on the table by no later than 3.30 pm on 21 November 2016 by the Minister representing the Minister for Environment and Energy the Government’s response to the report of the Select Committee on Wind Turbines, dated August 2015.</para></quote>
<para>The Minister for Communications (Senator Fifield) to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That consideration of the business before the Senate on the following days be interrupted at approximately 5 pm, but not so as to interrupt a senator speaking, to enable senators to make their first speeches without any question before the chair, as follows:</para></quote>
<para>Tuesday, 13 September 2016—Senator Roberts; and</para>
<para>Wednesday, 14 September 2016—Senator Hanson.</para>
<para>Senator Watt to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee for inquiry and report by the last sitting day in March 2017:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The serious allegations of abuse, self-harm and neglect of asylum seekers in relation to the Nauru Regional Processing Centre, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the factors that have contributed to the abuse and self-harm alleged to have occurred;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">how notifications of abuse and self-harm are investigated;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the obligations of the Commonwealth Government and contractors relating to the treatment of asylum seekers, including the provision of support, capability and capacity building to Nauruan authorities;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the provision of support services for asylum seekers who have been alleged or been found to have been subject to abuse, neglect or self-harm in the Centre or while residing in Nauru;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the effect of Part 6 of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Border Force Act 2015</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">attempts by the Commonwealth Government to negotiate third country resettlement of asylum seekers and refugees;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">additional measures that could be implemented to expedite third country resettlement of asylum seekers and refugees within the Centre; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">any other related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Lambie to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That the Veterans’ Entitlement Amendment (Expanded Gold Card Access) Bill 2015 be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> and that consideration of the bill be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Dastyari to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate notes that the Prime Minister (Mr Turnbull) has repeatedly said making changes to section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act is “not a priority” but has refused to rule them out.</para></quote>
<para>Senators Lambie, Xenophon, Hinch and Culleton to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Senate notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the number of veterans who have served overseas in war and warlike circumstances since 1999 is some 50,000 personnel over 75,000 deployments which is now approaching the number of Australian veterans who served in Vietnam - 60,000 between 1962 and 1972,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">some reports from ex-service organisations and former Australian Defence Force (ADF) members suggest that the number of veterans in our community who have committed suicide may be more than 280 veterans since 1999,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Turnbull Government must now take steps to acknowledge this crisis among so many ADF veterans, and undertake the necessary research so as to measure the scale of the suicide rate,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">some ex-service organisations and former ADF members believe that the complexity of Australia’s military compensation schemes, together with administrative failures and slow decision-making by the Department of Veterans’ Affairs (DVA), is a contributing factor to imposing financial hardship, stress on families, delays in medical treatment, and even homelessness and suicide; Australian Military Compensation Arrangements must be fair and provide former members of the Defence Force and their families who suffer a service injury or disease with a strong system of compensation and other benefits,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">media reports and discussions with individual veterans, along with feedback from ex-service organisations have revealed a number of serious issues with the administration, governance and processes of DVA was over five years ago and is now outdated and the Turnbull Government must commit to undertaking a thorough review of DVA, addressing the issues above, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the RSL Tasmania State Executive supports the following motion by State President Robert Dick: “As a society, we have an obligation to ensure that we care for those called upon to serve and defend our country. When there is a failure in the system that looks after and cares for these people, it is important to understand why that failure has occurred and to rectify it to ensure that it doesn’t happen again. A Senate inquiry is the most appropriate vehicle to explore these failures and identify the best means to remedy this situation and hold those responsible for the failures to account”; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the above matters be referred to the Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee for inquiry and report by 1 December 2016, with particular reference to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the reasons why Australian veterans are committing suicide at such high rates,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">previous reviews of military compensation arrangements and their failings,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Repatriation Medical Authority’s Statements of Principles, claims administration time limits, claims for detriment caused by defective administration, authorised medical treatment, level of compensation payments, including defence abuse, as contained in all military compensation arrangements,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the performance of DVA, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">any other related matters.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Waters to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia has committed at the Paris climate talks to keep global warming below 2 degrees, and to pursue efforts to keep global warming below 1.5 degrees,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">with only 1 degree of global warming so far, the Great Barrier Reef has already suffered the worst ever mass coral bleaching event,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">if built, the Adani Carmichael coal mine would cancel out Australia’s weak 5 per cent pollution reduction target three times over, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">fourteen major international and domestic banks have ruled out providing finance to the Adani mine or associated infrastructure; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">calls on the Federal Government to rule out giving any public funding to the Adani coal mine or any associated infrastructure, including via the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility.</para></quote>
<para>Senators Ludlam, Moore and Pratt to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">recognises the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">provides an invaluable contribution to the global decline in the numbers of new cases of HIV, tuberculosis and malaria as well as rates of morbidity and mortality in almost every country and region,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">has, as a result of programs since 2002, saved an estimated 22 million lives by the end of 2016, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">requires long term ongoing funding to enable a continuation of this vital and significant improvement in the many countries that face the severe challenges posed by HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that, on 16 and 17 September 2016, leaders of goverments and non-government contributors to the Global Fund will gather in Montreal to commit resources to the Global Fund for 2017-2019; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">acknowledges that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Fifth Replenishment Conference for the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria presents an important opportunity for Australia to increase our contribution to assist countries in our region combat the ongoing burden of AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia’s contribution to the Global Fund has a high return for the Asia Pacific region, with the Global Fund investing $15 in the Asia Pacific for each $1 Australia contributed to the Global Fund.</para></quote>
<para>The Senator Di Natale to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That the Restoring Territory Rights (Dying with Dignity) Bill 2016 be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline> and that consideration of the bill be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Rice to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Transurban now either fully or partially operates 13 of the 15 toll roads in Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Transurban’s role in the construction and future operation of Melbourne’s Western Distributor, a “market-led” proposal,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Transurban’s stated intention to become the ‘natural custodian’ of Australia’s motorways as policy shifts towards greater road pricing,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the New South Wales Government’s stated intention to sell down its stake in the WestConnex project,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the extension of Transurban’s Citylink monopoly as part of the Western Distributor contract, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Productivity Commission’s assessment of the dangers of public private partnerships unless the “risks are transferred efficiently, transparently and credibly, with incentives that align the interests of the private sector with that of the public”; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">supports the approach that all contracts, business cases, transport and economic modelling and other associated documents of governments and between governments and private contractors in the planning, construction and operation of toll roads should be made fully available to the public, unredacted, in a timely manner.</para></quote>
<para>Senator McKim to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matters be referred to the Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee for inquiry and report by 15 March 2017:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Noting the sovereignty of the Republic of Nauru and Papua New Guinea, and within the limits of Australia’s sovereignty:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">conditions and treatment of asylum seekers and refugees at the regional processing centres in the Republic of Nauru and Papua New Guinea;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">transparency and accountability mechanisms that apply to the regional processing centres in the Republic of Nauru and Papua New Guinea;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">implementation of recommendations of the Moss Review in relation to the regional processing centre in the Republic of Nauru;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the extent to which the Australian-funded regional processing centres in the Republic of Nauru and Papua New Guinea are operating in compliance with Australian and international legal obligations;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the extent to which contracts associated with the operation of offshore processing centres are:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">delivering value for money consistent with the definition contained in the Commonwealth procurement rules,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">meeting the terms of their contracts, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">delivering services which meet Australian standards;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the documents known as the ‘Nauru files’; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">any other related matter.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The committee be granted access to all inquiry submissions and documents of the preceding committee relating to its inquiry on a similar matter.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Ludlam to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Senate notes the Turnbull Government intends to provide funding now worth $1.2 billion for the Perth Freight Link and has no social, environmental or economic credibility; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">there be laid on the table no later than 11 am on Monday, 12 September 2016 by the Minister for Finance:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">an estimate of the financial penalties or compensation that the Barnett Government has exposed WA taxpayers to, should the contracts be terminated, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">any correspondence or information (including briefings and meeting notes) relating to penalties or compensation that will be offered to contractors, should the contracts for the Perth Freight Link be terminated upon a change of government, including correspondence between any Australian Government minister, department or agency and the Western Australian Government on this matter.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Xenophon to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Senate notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">on 3 August 2016, the Australian Statistician was interviewed on the ABC television program <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> in relation to the 2016 Census, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">during the interview the Australian Statistician referred to legal advice received from the Australian Government Solicitor; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">there be laid on the table no later than 3 pm on Monday, 12 September 2016 by the Minister representing the Minister for Small Business, the legal advice referred to by the Australian Statistician during his appearance on <inline font-style="italic">7.30</inline> on 3 August 2016.</para></quote>
<para>Senators Xenophon and Rhiannon to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">at least 114 countries have banned foreign political donations, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Australia is not one of the at least 114 countries that ban foreign political donations; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">calls on the Government to support legislative changes to make overseas political donations illegal.</para></quote>
<para>Senators Griff, Kakoschke-Moore and Xenophon to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">more than $800 million was lost by Australians on legal sports betting in the 2014-15 financial year, an increase of more than 30 per cent from 2013-14,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">while some restrictions on gambling advertising exist, there is an exemption that allows gambling advertising during televised sporting events at children’s viewing times,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">research shows that children are especially susceptible to such advertising, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">there is a pressing need to ban gambling advertising particularly during children’s viewing times;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">calls on the Government to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Broadcasting Services Act 1992</inline> to ban gambling advertising during sporting broadcasts during children’s viewing times; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">further notes community concern about the recent increased level of gambling advertising on the Special Broadcasting Service, and calls on the Minister for Communications to issue a directive under section 11 of the <inline font-style="italic">Special Broadcasting Service Act 1991</inline> to limit the amount of such advertising.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Xenophon to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">statistics from Tourism Research Australia show that backpackers spent approximately $3.4 billion in Australia for the year ending December 2015,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">backpackers play a vital role in the Australian economy and perform important work in rural and regional areas,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">while the Government has given a temporary reprieve on the backpacker tax, there is still a threat that it will be implemented in its current form,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">rural and regional communities across Australia will be damaged if the Government does not rule out implementing the backpacker tax in its current form, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">the Queensland Liberal National Party recently passed a motion against the Government’s planned backpacker tax at its state convention; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">calls on the Government to immediately announce that it will not proceed with the implementation of the backpacker tax in its current form.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Conroy to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matters be referred to the Standing Committee of Privileges for inquiry and report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In relation to the execution of search warrants by the Australian Federal Police (AFP) on the Melbourne office of Senator Conroy and the home of an Opposition staff member on 19-20 May 2016, and on the Department of Parliamentary Services at Parliament House, Canberra, on 24 August 2016 or subsequent actions allegedly undertaken by the AFP and NBN Co Limited, as specified in Senator Conroy’s letter to the President of the Senate of 30 August 2016 raising a matter of privilege:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">whether there was any improper interference, or attempted improper interference, with the free performance by Senator Conroy of his duties as a senator;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">whether disciplinary or other adverse action was taken against any person in connection with the alleged provision of information to Senator Conroy; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">if so, whether any contempts were committed in respect of those matters.</para></quote>
<para>Senator Rhiannon to move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">former Treasurer Mr Wayne Swan thinks there should be stronger debate about the role of political donations and how donations are potentially leading to the skewing of political decision-making in favour of foreign countries,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">most political donations are from domestic sources, which carry a similar risk of skewing decision-making in favour of donors, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">in the Australian Government’s 2008 Electoral Reform Green Paper, former Special Minister of State, Senator Faulkner, argued that the perception of undue influence can be as damaging to democracy as undue influence itself; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">calls for a ban on foreign political donations, and domestic donations from property developers, tobacco industry business entities, liquor business entities, gambling industry business entities, mineral resources or mining industry business entities, and industry lobby groups who represent these entities.</para></quote>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>63</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BUSHBY</name>
    <name.id>HLL</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Day today, for personal reasons.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Carr for tomorrow, 1 September 2016, on account of shadow ministerial business.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>64</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Postponement</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>64</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Standing Committee of Privileges and Members' Interests</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>64</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following matter be referred to the Standing Committee of Privileges for inquiry and report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The disposition of the material over which a claim of privilege has been made by Senator the Honourable Stephen Conroy, namely:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the material delivered to the Clerk of the Senate on 20 May 2016 by Australian Federal Police (AFP) following the execution of search warrants on 19-20 May 2016 at the office of Senator Conroy at Treasury Place, Melbourne, and at the Brunswick home of an Opposition staff member;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the material delivered to the Clerk of the Senate on 24 August 2016 by the AFP following the execution of search warrants on that day at the premises of the Department of Parliamentary Services, Parliament House, Canberra; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the material referred to in a letter from Senator Conroy to the Clerk of the Senate, dated 12 August 2016, being copies of material seized from his office and the home of a staff member on 19-20 May 2016 that had been acquired by the AFP in searching any other premises.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) In carrying out its inquiry, the committee shall have regard to the law of parliamentary privilege with reference to the <inline font-style="italic">Parliamentary Privileges Act 1987 </inline>and relevant court judgments relating to the interpretation and application of the Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) The committee shall be provided by the AFP with a list and a description of the seized material but the list and description to be provided by the AFP must not contain any information that could identify any person subject to investigation by the AFP in connection with the execution of the search warrants referred to in paragraph (1).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The committee shall provide to affected parties the opportunity to make submissions on the claim of parliamentary privilege and may seek submissions on the application of the law of parliamentary privilege.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) If the committee is able to determine the matter without examining the material, it shall report accordingly to the Senate, making recommendations for the disposition of the material.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) If the committee is unable to determine the matter without an examination of the material, it may, with the further approval of the Senate, appoint an appropriate person to examine the material and report to it on the claim of parliamentary privilege. The committee shall then report to the Senate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Unless the Senate approves the appointment of a person to examine the material, it shall remain in the custody of the Clerk of the Senate at all times until its disposition is determined by the Senate, and shall not be examined by the committee.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave has been granted for up to five minutes.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to speak for up to 10 minutes.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave has been requested to speak for 10 minutes. Is leave granted?</para>
<para>Opposition senators interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am hearing senators saying five minutes. Any single senator can determine this. I am hearing five minutes from the other end of the chamber and I am hearing up to 10. I do not want to turn this into an auction. Is leave granted for Senator Brandis to speak for five minutes? I need a no if anyone objects. Leave is granted for five minutes, Senator Brandis.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BRANDIS</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government has had discussions with the opposition in relation to this motion. As I foreshadowed yesterday, the government will not be opposing the motion, but I do want to place on the record a serious misgiving we have about the manner in which the motion has been structured. I am told by Senator Wong that it has been prepared on the Clerk's advice. If it has been prepared on the Clerk's advice then I think that advice is poor advice with respect to the clerks.</para>
<para>My particular concern relates to paragraphs (5) and (6) of the motion, which provide for a mechanism whereby the documents that are the subject of this privilege claim may be inspected by a third party, an independent expert, only if the matter is brought back to the chamber by the Privileges Committee and the chamber resolves to appoint an independent assessor. That has not been the practice in the past. The most recent practice, the case of former Senator Winston Crane, was where a reference to the Privileges Committee was made and an independent assessor, Mr Stephen Skehill, was appointed by the motion that referred the matter to the Privileges Committee. That is what should have happened on this occasion.</para>
<para>It seems almost impossible that the Privileges Committee can competently perform the task referred to it without the inspection of the content of the documents, because what we are here concerned with is an investigation into a suspected crime. The search warrant concerned could not have been validly issued unless there was a reasonable suspicion that a crime had been committed. It is not for the Privileges Committee to determine whether or not a crime was committed. It is for the Privileges Committee to determine whether or not the documents concerned relate with sufficient directness to the proceedings of parliament that parliamentary privilege in this case can properly be invoked, because if they do not bear a sufficiently direct relationship to the privilege of parliament then they are not covered by the Parliamentary Privileges Act or, indeed, by section 49 of the Constitution.</para>
<para>The matter has been considered by a number of decisions of courts: in Australia, by a decision of the Court of Appeal in Queensland about 20 years ago called Rowley v O'Chee; and in the United Kingdom some six years ago by a decision of the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom called the Crown v Chaytor. Chaytor's case seems to be the most recent occasion on which a superior court has considered the question. The Supreme Court decided in that case that if a claim of parliamentary privilege is made but the documents do not sufficiently bear upon the proceedings of parliament then the claim is invalid. How, I ask, can the Privileges Committee possibly determine the validity of a claim of parliamentary privilege where the question before it is whether the documents seized contain material relating sufficiently directly to proceedings in parliament without looking at the documents? It is not possible that the Privileges Committee could rationally arrive at that conclusion on the basis merely of a description of the character of the documents. The very issue presented to it depends upon its analysis of the content of the documents to determine whether parliamentary privilege has been sufficiently or validly invoked.</para>
<para>The precedent of a third-party assessor, an experienced silk, has been adopted by this Senate before. It has been somewhat departed from, although anticipated as a contingency by this motion. The observation I make, not in a opposition to the motion but to express concern about the way in which the motion has been structured, is that this provides an additional and unnecessary complication in what could have been, and ought to have been, a relatively straightforward reference.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a statement of no more than three minutes.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In the Leader of the Government in the Senate's contribution a number of matters with which we do not agree were asserted. I simply say to the Senate this: the approach that the opposition is taking is being taken on the advice of the Clerk and officers. We believe it is appropriate, particularly in a matter as sensitive as the privileges matter which we are discussing, that that be undertaken. So we stand by the text of the motion as drafted, upon which we received advice. We ask for your support.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>65</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That, on Thursday, 1 September 2016, consideration of private senators' bills under standing order 57(1)(d)(i) shall not be proceeded with and that government business shall have precedence for 2 hours and 20 minutes.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to ask the mover a question.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This motion will remove private senators' bills time on Thursday, tomorrow, in favour of government business. As far as I am aware, the only government business is the address-in-reply debate. Is that the intention? I draw to the attention of the Senate whether or not that is an appropriate use of time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short response.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is my understanding that it was the opposition's suggestion and it was their time, in relation to this particular matter.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Senate Temporary Orders</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<para>That consideration of the business before the Senate on the following days be interrupted at approximately 5 pm, but not so as to interrupt a senator speaking, to enable senators to make their first speeches without any question before the chair, as follows:</para>
<para>(a)    Wednesday, 31 August 2016 — Senator Hume;</para>
<para>(b)    Thursday, 1 September 2016 — Senators Dodson and Duniam;</para>
<para>(c)    Monday, 12 September 2016 — Senator Hinch; and</para>
<para>(d)    Wednesday, 12 October 2016 — Senator Chisholm.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>66</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Allocation of Departments and Agencies</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That departments and agencies be allocated to legislative and general purpose standing committees as follows:</para></quote>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Community Affairs </inline>Health</para>
<para>Social Services, including Human Services</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">Economics</inline></para>
<para>Industry, Innovation and Science Treasury</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Education and Employment </inline>Education and Training Employment</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Environment and Communications </inline>Communications and the Arts Environment and Energy</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Finance and Public Administration </inline>Finance</para>
<para>Parliament</para>
<para>Prime Minister and Cabinet</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade </inline> Defence, including Veterans’ Affairs Foreign Affairs and Trade</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Legal and Constitutional Affairs </inline>Attorney-General</para>
<para>Immigration and Border Protection</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport </inline>Agriculture and Water Resources</para>
<para>Infrastructure and Regional Development.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUDGET</title>
        <page.no>66</page.no>
        <type>BUDGET</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration by Estimates Committees</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<para>(1)   That the 2016-17 supplementary Budget estimates hearings be scheduled as follows:</para>
<para>Monday, 17 October and Tuesday, 18 October 2016 (<inline font-style="italic">supplementary hearings</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline><inline font-style="italic">Group A</inline>)</para>
<para>Wednesday, 19 October and Thursday, 20 October 2016 (<inline font-style="italic">supplementary hearings</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline><inline font-style="italic">Group B</inline>).</para>
<para>(2)   That, pursuant to the order of the Senate of 26 August 2008 and 23 June 2015, cross portfolio estimates hearings on Indigenous matters be scheduled for Friday, 21 October 2016.</para>
<para>(3)   That the committees consider the proposed expenditure in accordance with the allocation of departments and agencies to committees agreed to by the Senate.</para>
<para>(4)   That committees meet in the following groups:</para>
<para>Group A:</para>
<para>Environment and Communications Finance and Public Administration Legal and Constitutional Affairs Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport</para>
<para>Group B:</para>
<para>Community Affairs</para>
<para>Economics</para>
<para>Education and Employment</para>
<para>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>67</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Senate Temporary Orders</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the temporary order relating to the consideration of ministerial statements that was in effect at the end of the 44th Parliament operate as a temporary order until 30 June 2017.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BACK</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1)   That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2)   That the Criminal Code Amendment (Animal Protection) Bill 2015 be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper </inline>and that consideration of the bill be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>67</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania: Floods</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator POLLEY</name>
    <name.id>e5x</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Urquhart, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i)   the destructive impact of the floods in Tasmania which have had a devastating effect on the people of Tasmania, local communities and the natural environment,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii)   the erosion of prime agricultural farmland, effect on agriculture, destruction of roads and bridges and consequential impact on the local economy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) recognises the unwavering commitment and hard work of the emergency services, SES volunteers, business and community groups and the broader community for their exceptional efforts in responding to this natural disaster; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) expresses its sincere condolences to the families who lost loved ones in the floods.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The June flooding caused extensive damage to communities in Tasmania. The Australian government has provided a range of assistance to help support affected communities during this difficult time. Our thoughts are with the families and friends of those lost, as they grapple not only with the impacts of the flooding but the loss of their loved ones. Events such as this are a tragic reminder of the unforgiving nature of natural disasters, and it will be felt for years to come. On behalf of the government, I would like to thank the hardworking volunteers and other emergency services for their tireless efforts.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>67</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LEYONHJELM</name>
    <name.id>111206</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1)   That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2)   That the following bills be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper </inline>and that consideration of each of the bills be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Fair Work Amendment (Penalty Rates Exemption for Small Businesses) Bill 2015</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Restoring Territory Rights (Assisted Suicide Legislation) Bill 2015.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>68</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Racial Discrimination Amendment Bill 2016</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" style="" background="" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core">
            <a type="Bill" href="s1040">
              <p style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;" class="HPS-SubDebate">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Racial Discrimination Amendment Bill 2016</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>68</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senators Day, Macdonald, Abetz, Duniam, O'Sullivan, Back, Fawcett, Paterson, Burston, Hanson, Reynolds, Bushby, Hinch, Roberts, Culleton, Leyonhjelm, Williams, Smith and McKenzie, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the following bill be introduced: A Bill for an Act to amend the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, and for related purposes—Racial Discrimination Amendment Bill 2016.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the bill and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill may proceed without formalities and be now read a first time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a first time.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>68</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the explanatory memorandum and I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to have the second reading speech incorporated in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The speech read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Freedom of speech has been described as 'the freedom <inline font-style="italic">par excellence</inline>: for without it, no other freedom could survive <inline font-style="italic">(Campbell and Whitmore, 1966)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It allows us to express our beliefs and thoughts.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It acts as a check against abuses of power.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is – as Lord Steyn put it – the 'lifeblood of democracy <inline font-style="italic">(Steyn, 1999)</inline>'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet in this world of heightened communication, where we can exercise our voice in more ways than ever before, this freedom is being eroded.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And one cause of this is section 18C of the <inline font-style="italic">Racial Discrimination Act 1975</inline> (RDA).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Jennifer Oriel described the situation well when she wrote:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'… the world's most humanising principle is that we are each born free and equal, endowed with reason. Under the regime of minority privileges enshrined in the Racial Discrimination Act, however, we are once again unequal and endowed with emotion <inline font-style="italic">(Oriel, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">An Orwellian environment</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's been almost two years since I spoke to the earlier version of this Bill, of which I was a co-sponsor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Within those last two years we've seen, overseas and here in Australia, continued attacks on free speech; on an individual's right to express their beliefs and opinions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Two notable cases in Australia showcase with crystal clarity the problem that exists.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The first relates to three university students in Queensland who continue to fight a three-year battle through the Australian Human Rights Commission and federal courts because they were kicked out of a computer lab due to their skin colour, and complained about it on Facebook.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These students were asked to leave the unsigned computer lab – where computers were not being used – because they were not Indigenous.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After leaving peacefully, one student made the following post on Facebook:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Just got kicked out of the unsigned Indigenous computer room. QUT stopping segregation with segregation.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Frankly, I don't know how any reasonable person can take offence at that.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet the staff member who asked the students to leave was so offended by this post (and others) that she lodged complaints with the university and the Human Rights Commission, and has been unable to return to work for two-and-a-half years because she felt 'at risk of imminent but unpredictable physical or verbal assault <inline font-style="italic">(Thomas, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The claimant is seeking almost $250,000 in damages.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Confidential settlements have been paid by some students who couldn't afford the costs required to defend themselves.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And the remaining students continue to face claims of racial vilification that will have impacts – even if the case is eventually dismissed – on their reputations and future careers.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In fact, the allegations have already caused one student to abandon his teaching career before it's even started.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">All because one person took offence under section 18C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Incredibly, not one of the advocates of the existing provision have – to my knowledge – publicly defended 18C in relation to this Queensland case.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To those who support 18C as it currently stands, it is incumbent on you to justify its use in regard to cases like this.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Surely, if this provision cannot be defended by its supporters, it needs to be reformed or repealed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Then we have Bill Leak's cartoon in <inline font-style="italic">The Australian</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's a cartoonist's job to offer provocative commentary on current issues.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And his cartoon sought to highlight family dysfunction in Aboriginal communities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This should have prompted reasoned debate about this issue and what can be done to improve outcomes for Indigenous families – or indeed, any family of any colour experiencing problems.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Instead, the Race Commissioner encourages the public to lodge complaints if they are offended; prejudging Leak and fuelling a grievance culture.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">How can we even begin to have meaningful discussion when the senior bureaucrat in charge essentially brands someone guilty of vilification from the outset?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is the same Race Commissioner who says it could be racist if you don't pronounce someone's name correctly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's like something out of <inline font-style="italic">Yes, Minister</inline>… except this is the brave new world of the Government-funded grievance industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Same as 2014 bill</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Bill I introduce today is the same in substance as the Bill that Senator Day introduced in 2014, of which I was a co-sponsor.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Section 18C currently states that it is unlawful for someone to 'offend, insult, humiliate or intimidate another person or a group of people' based on their 'race, colour or national or ethnic origin'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill merely seeks to remove two words: 'offend' and 'insult'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is a very modest change, and one that is supported by a wide range of Australians, including Julian Burnside, David Marr, Justice Robert French, Justice Ron Sackville, Paul Howes, Mark Latham; along with other lawyers, academics and commentators across the political spectrum.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We are not talking here of removing section 18C completely.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It would still remain unlawful for someone to humiliate or intimidate another person or group based on their race, colour or ethnicity.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I believe that this is an elegant solution that strikes the right balance.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Offending or insulting someone should not be cause to drag someone before a commission or a court.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'I'm offended therefore you're wrong' – as Jennifer Oriel put it – has no place in a modern legal system and democratic society <inline font-style="italic">(Oriel, 2016)</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This is echoed by the treasurer of the Law Council of Australia and a past President of the Law Society of SA, Morry Bailes, who recently said:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'I neither condone offence nor insult on racial grounds; indeed, I am implacably opposed to it. But I do treasure the right to allow citizens to speak freely.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'We do ourselves a great disservice as a society utilising the Parliament to enforce the niceties of language. If you wish to be a rank racist and offend and insult, let society judge your actions rather than the courts <inline font-style="italic">(Bailes, 2016).</inline>'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Today I wish to acknowledge the co-sponsors of this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is an extraordinary achievement that so many of my colleagues – from so many different political parties – are putting their names to this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It demonstrates how significant free speech is for so many Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And it should give the Australian people confidence that members of this Senate can come together to work for the benefit of the nation and that we will stand up to represent their concerns in this place.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Law Reform Commission conclusions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Even one of this country's most influential legal reform bodies concludes there are valid concerns about the inclusion of the word 'offence' in section 18C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The President of the Australian Law Reform Commission (ALRC) has said that 'by extending to matters only likely to offend, section 18C may go beyond the permissible limitations on freedom of speech' set out in international law <inline font-style="italic">(Croucher, 2016)</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And the Law Reform Commission echoed these concerns in its report:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'… there are arguments that s 18C lacks sufficient precision and clarity, and unjustifiably interferes with freedom of speech by extending to speech that is reasonably likely to 'offend' <inline font-style="italic">(ALRC, 2015)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Equivalent provisions in New Zealand and Great Britain do not cover offensiveness, and Canada recently repealed its broad provision because it conflicted with free speech.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Also, it was found that 18C is broader than article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This led the Commission to conclude that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'In some respects, the provision is broader than is required under international law, broader than similar laws in other jurisdictions, and may be susceptible to constitutional challenge <inline font-style="italic">(ALRC, 2015)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Such conclusions lend significant weight to amending 18C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As does the views of Justice Ron Sackville, a former Federal Court judge, who says that 'the balance at present is not quite what it should be <inline font-style="italic">(Merritt and Martin, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Like this Bill, he proposes removing the words 'offend' and 'insult' – and then goes further in removing 'humiliate' and 'intimidate', replacing them with 'degrade, intimidate or incite hatred or contempt' – a much more stringent standard <inline font-style="italic">(Doig, 2016)</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And he believes an objective test based on community standards should be used instead of the more subjective test in the current Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Given that some of the best minds in our legal system hold serious concerns about section 18C, surely it is time to make a modest change to it in order to better protect free speech.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coalition's position</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Unfortunately, the Abbott Government took a backward step two years ago when it decided not to act on 18C.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But I welcome recent comments by the former Prime Minister, Mr Abbott, who admits he got it wrong.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">He said that in hindsight, he 'should have persisted with a simpler amendment along the lines of Senator Bob Day's … private member's bill <inline font-style="italic">(Abbott, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our current Prime Minister had also indicated his support for what I'm pursuing here today.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Just last year he told Andrew Bolt that he didn't think that removing 'offend' and 'insult' 'would have any negative impact' and that he 'was very comfortable about that <inline font-style="italic">(Breheny, 2015)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">So I am disappointed – along with many Australians - that the Prime Minister and others now say that amending 18C is 'not a priority.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Surely the Government is capable of doing two things at once.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In fact, this Bill makes things even easier for the Government … the hard work has been done: a Bill has been drafted, we've had the negotiations and all that's left for the Government to do is get on board.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Some have said amending 18C isn't a priority because it will not create extra jobs or build more roads or reverse the deficit.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Yet this argument rings hollow when this Government continues to put significant resources and time into Indigenous Constitutional recognition and the homosexual marriage plebiscite.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Removing two words from the RDA is more modest than the policy of reform the Coalition took to the 2013 election; an election they won convincingly.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Coalition policy at the time said:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'Prohibitions on inciting racial hatred or intimidation of particular groups should be focused on offences of incitement and causing fear but not a prohibition on causing offence <inline font-style="italic">(Liberal Party, 2013)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's now time to return to defending this most basic principle - contained in our Party's statement of beliefs – in order to stop the detrimental impact that 18C has on our society.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am pleased that 19 of my Senate colleagues are prepared to stand for what is right and have the courage of their convictions in supporting this Bill.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">18C infantilises us</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Reform of 18C is important.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Laws like 18C infantilise each one of us.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It erodes our ability to challenge ideas in open debate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It assumes that we need the law to protect us when we are offended, rather than trusting Australians to assess and repudiate views.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Brendan O'Neill put it well when he said:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'Hate-speech legislation is not only an attack on the speaker — it is also an attack on the rest of us, the audience. It undermines our right, and our responsibility as citizens, to expose and confront bigotry; to use the tools of freedom and reason to challenge those who say genuinely racist things <inline font-style="italic">(O</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">Neill, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">He continues:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'Censorship … makes us lazy and childish and stupid. It turns us into infants who don't have to worry about what is right and wrong because that has already been decided for us by our good, gracious rulers and betters. It weakens our moral muscles; it retires our moral judgment. It encourages passivity, thoughtlessness, obedience — all of which are anathema to a healthy democratic society <inline font-style="italic">(O</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">Neill, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The remedy for offensive and insulting words is more speech, not less.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In recent years, I have had the following levelled at me:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'… the world will be a better place when you and your ilk of conservative, out of touch, middle-aged white men finally expire.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'You are the lowest common denominator of society, and are the definition of white trash.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'You, as a wealthy, white, Christian male, appear to have a revolting sense of entitlement …'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Under current 18C I could probably take each of these people to the Human Rights Commission.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Their comments are based on the colour of my skin and could be deemed offensive by white people.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">But I won't do that – although I do see the merit in Senator Leyonhjelm taking the Commission to task in order to expose potential double standards in how 18C is applied.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I can counteract these views through debate and discussion – in the battle of ideas.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That is the way to a better society.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Bad ideas can be brought out in the open rather than festering in the shadows, so that they can be challenged and exposed for what they are.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Citizens become more engaged as we entrust ourselves to consider ideas and formulate opinions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">More freedom in the exchange of ideas allows us to develop thoughts, find the truth and foster a more transparent, open and honest society.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Conclusion</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">To conclude, I don't want to see our country turn into a place where someone is arrested for quoting the Bible, or taken to court for calling a religion 'stupid', or sentenced to jail for singing a song at the football.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Sounds fanciful, but these things have happened in Britain and France.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We have an opportunity in this Parliament to make a difference, to fortify one of our most fundamental freedoms from the tyranny of censorship and group think.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am encouraged by the support of the thousands of Australians who have signed my petition, and others who have engaged in the debate.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And I am heartened by the support of my colleagues in this place, from many different parties, who are willing to put principle above all else in pursuit of this 'freedom <inline font-style="italic">par excellence</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline><inline font-style="italic">.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In the coming debate, I urge all involved to remember these words by a young Australian, Matthew Lesh:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'Ultimately, freedom of speech is meaningless if it applies only to those with whom you agree.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">'It works only if you defend the right of people you fundamentally disagree with to express ideas you find deeply offensive <inline font-style="italic">(Lesh, 2016)</inline>.'</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Offending or insulting someone should not be cause for legal action.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The law as it stands can have damaging implications for our freedoms and way of life.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">This Bill seeks to defend a founding principle of our democracy; to maintain a fearless pursuit of truth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The removal of two words. That's all this Bill is asking for.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's a common sense solution for a free and vibrant Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I commend this Bill to the Senate.</para></quote>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>71</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) That the following bills be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper </inline>and that consideration of each of the bills be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Fair Work Amendment (Protecting Australian Workers) Bill 2016</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security Amendment Bill 2015.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) That the following bills be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper </inline>and that consideration of each of the bills be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Commonwealth Electoral Amendment (Donations Reform) Bill 2014</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Commonwealth Electoral Amendment (Political Donations and Other Measures) Bill 2016</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Commonwealth Electoral Amendment (Reducing Barriers for Minor Parties) Bill 2014</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Defence Legislation Amendment (Parliamentary Approval of Overseas Service) Bill 2015</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Amendment (Prohibition of Live Imports of Primates for Research) Bill 2015</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Fair Work Amendment (Gender Pay Gap) Bill 2015 Landholders' Right to Refuse (Gas and Coal) Bill 2015 Marriage Equality Amendment Bill 2013.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) That so much of standing orders be suspended as would prevent this resolution having effect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) That the following bills be restored to the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper </inline>and that consideration of each of the bills be resumed at the stage reached in the last session of the previous Parliament:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Foreign Acquisitions Amendment (Agricultural Land) Bill 2010 [2013] Interactive Gambling Amendment (Sports Betting Reform) Bill 2015.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Banking and Financial Services Industry</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that general business notice of motion No. 12 standing in my name for today, relating to the banking and financial services industry, be taken as a formal motion.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no objection.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WONG</name>
    <name.id>00AOU</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Senate notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) confidence and trust in the financial services industry has been shaken by ongoing revelations of scandals, which have resulted in tens of thousands of Australians being ripped off, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(A) retirees who have had their retirement savings gutted,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(B) families who have been rorted out of hundreds of thousands of dollars,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(C) small business owners who have lost everything, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(D) life insurance policy holders who have been denied justice;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) it is clear from the breadth and scope of the allegations that the problems in this industry go beyond any one bank or type of financial institution,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) the Australian Labor Party, the Australian Greens, crossbench, Liberal and Nationals parliamentarians have supported a thorough investigation of the culture and practices within the financial services industry through a Royal Commission, which is the only forum with the coercive powers and broad jurisdiction necessary to properly perform this investigation, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iv) Australia has one of the strongest banking systems in the world,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">but Australians must have confidence in their banks and financial institutions, making it necessary to sweep away doubt and uncover and deal with unethical behaviour that compromises that confidence;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Senate calls on the Prime Minister to request His Excellency the Governor-General of the Commonwealth of Australia issue Letters Patent to establish a Royal Commission to inquire into misconduct in the banking and financial services industry; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) this resolution be communicated to the House of Representatives for concurrence.</para></quote>
<para class="italic">Senator Lambie interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, you did not object to the notice being taken as formal?</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Lambie interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Okay. Senator Williams is on his feet; I understand Senator Williams may be moving an amendment. Are you happy to wait till after that, Senator Lambie?</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Lambie interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is good.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to move an amendment to the motion and make a brief statement.</para>
<para>Leave not granted.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a one-minute statement regarding the notice of motion calling on the establishment of a royal commission into banks.</para>
<para>Honourable senators interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Lambie, because there was a bit of interjection, could you repeat what you are seeking leave to do?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to make a short statement regarding the notice of motion calling on the establishment of a royal commission into the banks.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave has been granted for one minute, Senator Lambie.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I stand to support Senator Wong's motion. But when the major parties are receiving political donations to the tune of a combined $500,000 a year from the big four banks, it raises serious concerns about the level of political influence. The terms of reference for a royal commission into the banking industry must include political donations via the banks.</para>
<para>Government senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my right!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received from a reliable source a list of media reports and ASIC notifications of action taken against Australia's major banks for allegedly illegal and unethical practices or practices that are well below community standards. I seek leave to table this comprehensive list for the benefit of the Senate and the Australian people.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The indication is that no-one has seen it, Senator Lambie, and leave has been denied.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens will be supporting this motion and, had we seen your amendment, Senator Williams, we probably would have supported that, too. We have been pushing for a royal commission into financial services and misconduct now for over two years. We led on this issue. Unfortunately, we could have dealt with this much earlier if the Labor Party had supported the Greens' motion nearly 12 months ago.</para>
<para>I would like to say this: it is really important. Those senators who sat through the Economics Committee's inquiries into financial misconduct would all be supporting this motion had they seen and heard the evidence that we heard. It is trust that holds our financial system together. That trust have been shattered by a series of financial scandals. We need a commission of inquiry with coercive powers with full resources to get to the bottom of this issue. If the government does not act and they do not have a royal commission, then the Greens will be pushing for a parliamentary commission of inquiry. Parliament must step up and hold the executive to account on this issue. Australians want to see this royal commission. It is absolutely necessary. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will take Senator Williams first.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WILLIAMS</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, for seven years I have pursued a royal commission into white-collar crime in this place. With the amendments I put forward and circulated in the chamber, I want to include many things such as industry super funds and life insurance. I do that on the grounds of what Mr David Murray said just recently in the newspaper. And I will make this point: over the past two years, the industry super funds have paid more than $5.4 million to unions and the ACTU, with a fair portion of that flowing to the Labor Party. In 2014-15, construction industry fund CBUS gave nearly $1 million to the CFMEU which, of course, would have passed it onto the Greens and others, and the Labor Party, as well, for their campaigns. If we are going to have a royal commission into white-collar crime and clean-out the crooks with the Ponzi schemes, the unregistered managed investment schemes et cetera, so we have a good clean financial system for the future—that is what I have been chasing for seven years and that is what I have been rejected to do today.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Williams. I will go to Senator Culleton.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Culleton</name>
    <name.id>266482</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, I also seek leave to move amendments to the motion: that the royal commission be widened to include bank agents, including conduct—</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just before you go into the substance: you are seeking leave to amend the motion. Leave is not granted, Senator Culleton. Others are still seeking leave to speak on this matter. I just want to make a statement first.</para>
<para>The Procedure Committee in June 2011 determined that the discovery of formal business was just that: the discovery of formal business, and not a free-range debate. Over a period of time, what has happened is that senators are seeking leave to interrupt formality or the discovery of formal business, where matters are supposed to go through the chamber at a relatively easy pace without debate. We are now getting into a de facto debate, and we are getting other amendments added to this.</para>
<para>Secondly, and it has just been evident in the chamber, it is common practice—and courtesy, but common practice—that if you do have other material that you wish to introduce, such as tabling of other documents, then at least the whips of parties are consulted first, and then you will find that there will be a free flow, and you will have an indication prior. So I will just remind you of those two points, and that might facilitate debate in the chamber and also take us back to what discovery of formal business is all about. There are other places to debate these matters in a more fulsome way.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not support a royal commission into the banking and financial services sector, because a royal commission will not benefit consumers or the Australian economy. A royal commission would go over old ground and would delay well-developed and important reforms that will strengthen consumer protections, ensure that malpractice is detected and punished and provide a one-stop shop for consumer complaints. It would also send the signal internationally that the government believes that there are structural problems with our banking and financial system. This would have significant repercussions for confidence, for international investment and for our AAA credit rating.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to begin by apologising to the new senator from Western Australia and explain that the process is that normally we see amendments and so on beforehand. Our decision not to grant leave was not a passing judgement on the nature of the amendments but rather was based on the process and the fact that we had not had the opportunity to see them. I do want to note that the amendment being moved by Senator Williams is nothing more than an attempt to find a way to not support a position that Senator Williams has held in this place and others.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, a point of order: I do not think it is appropriate that Senator Dastyari can reflect on the motivations of another senator in moving an amendment to a bill.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Fifield</name>
    <name.id>D2I</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On an amendment that he's—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Exactly.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Williams has been a strong advocate in the past, both publicly and privately, for a royal commission. Yet when a royal commission motion is before him in the Senate he finds a way to make an amendment in which proper notice was not given for the sole reason of finding an excuse and reason to vote against the motion.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr President, a point of order against what Senator Dastyari claimed: it was circulated at 3.25 pm through the chamber—the amendments, right throughout here.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is not a point of order; that is a clarification. You have made your point, Senator Williams.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement and perhaps to move an amendment.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I just want to pay tribute to the work Senator Williams has done in this area in terms of people who have been ripped off by financial institutions, by banks, and his fearless advocacy for them. I was aware that he was planning to move an amendment. I was not aware of the extent of the amendment until very recently. I strongly support him in terms of the issues he has raised about the failed managed investment schemes and illegalities in the financial planning industry. I have difficulties with respect to the other matters that seem to go much broader than what I thought they would. It is not a criticism of Senator Williams, but in the circumstances I think there are two courses that the chamber could take. Either we could adjourn this until tomorrow, or, alternatively, I could move an amendment to Senator Wong's motion to include reference to failed managed investment schemes and illegalities in the financial planning industry. I will perhaps get your guidance, Mr President, as to whether I can move that this matter be adjourned until tomorrow, and if the chamber's wish is not to do that then I can simply move an amendment to Senator Wong's motion in terms of managed investment schemes.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Xenophon. You will need to seek leave to take that course of action. So, you are seeking leave to have this matter postponed until tomorrow.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes. I seek leave to move a motion that this matter be postponed until tomorrow.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move that general business notice of motion No. 12 be postponed until the next day of sitting.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will just reiterate again—and I encourage senators to read standing order 66(3) in relation to the taking of formal motions. In short, it says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A formal motion shall be put and determined without amendment or debate.</para></quote>
<para>I have just got clarification from the Clerk. Because we have actually discovered the motion, which has been postponed until tomorrow, can we take it that in that motion the matter be taken at formal business again for the next day of sitting? That way, we are definitely going to rediscover it and deal with it in the same appropriate manner. Thank you.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Estimates Questions on Notice</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) answers be provided by 14 September 2016 to all legislation committees relating to all questions taken on notice by the committees’ predecessor committees with respect to the Additional estimates 2015-16 and the Budget estimates 2016-17, and which remained unanswered at the beginning of the new Parliament; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) for the purposes of standing order 74(5), the day set for answering the question for each of the unanswered questions is 14 September 2016.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aboriginal Deaths in Custody</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senator Lines, move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) acknowledges that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) 4 August 2016 marked two years since the death of Ms Dhu in police custody in Western Australia, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) Ms Dhu's family has repeatedly called for the release of CCTV footage of Ms Dhu in police custody; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) calls for:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) Ms Dhu's family's wishes to be respected, and for the CCTV footage to be publicly released by the Western Australian Government, and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) the Commonwealth Government to work with state and territory counterparts to implement the recommendations of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody in full in order to prevent future deaths in custody.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government acknowledges that any death in custody is tragic and it also acknowledges the anniversary of Ms Dhu's tragic death. The government is committed to delivering better outcomes for our first Australians and is working with state and territory governments, who have responsibility for the criminal justice systems. This government has acted where state governments have not delivered, including by funding the Custody Notification Service in New South Wales—a lifesaving service that would have ceased if not for the action of this government. However, in relation to this motion, I can advise Senators Siewert and Lines that, in 1997, the government ceased reporting on the implementation of the royal commissions' recommendations and stated that it had implemented all the recommendations that it supported.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Immigration Detention</title>
          <page.no>76</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a)   acknowledges the damage done to men, women and children by offshore detention on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea and Nauru as revealed to the Parliament through Senate inquiries, independent government reports and a recent leak of more than 2,000 incident reports from Nauru; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b)   calls on the Government to establish a Royal Commission into Australia’s immigration detention facilities, including those on Manus Island, Papua New Guinea and Nauru.</para></quote>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The response from the Turnbull government to the reporting of the Nauru files shows it is attempting to wipe its hands of responsibility. The government must provide a safe and humane environment for all people seeking asylum who are within Australia's offshore detention network. The number of children involved is very concerning and the allegations of self-harm are very disturbing. Due to the inadequate response from the Turnbull government to these serious reports, Labor will refer allegations in the Nauru files to a Senate committee for inquiry. We do not need a royal commission to tell us that there are real problems here. We need the government to take responsibility for its actions and to adopt a clear set of policies, as the Labor Party has outlined, and we need to investigate the allegations of serious abuse and self-harm reported in the <inline font-style="italic">Guardian</inline>. Therefore, we oppose the senator's motion.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government remains steadfast in our commitment to strong and consistent border protection policies, including regional processing. Labor, with support from the Greens, handed control of our border and migration program to people-smuggling criminals. This government will not repeat the grave mistakes of Labor, which saw our border agencies overrun by 50,000 illegal arrivals that came on more than 800 boats. Sadly, Labor's border chaos resulted in at least 1,200 deaths at sea and saw more than 8,000 children put into detention. Our border protection policies will not change. No-one in regional processing centres will be resettled in Australia.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Within 12 hours of the shocking footage being aired on <inline font-style="italic">Four</inline><inline font-style="italic">Corners </inline>in relation to what is going on at Don Dale, the Prime Minister quite rightly stepped up, did his duty and announced that the government would be moving to a royal commission. Yet during the election campaign we saw the release of thousands of allegations of abuse, just from Nauru alone, in the Nauru files, and what did we get from Labor and Liberal? Nothing; nothing substantive at all. This is a continuation of the veil of secrecy that has been dropped over Australia's immigration detention network by the government, supported in the main by the Labor Party. It is time that we shone the disinfectant of sunlight on what is going on and the terrible abuses that we know are occurring and which the Senate has already heard are occurring through previous Senate inquiries. Finally, Senator McGrath, they are not illegals. It is not illegal to seek asylum.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion moved by Senator McKim be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
          <division.header>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The Senate divided. [16:23]<br />(The President—Senator Parry)</p>
            </body>
          </division.header>
          <division.data>
            <ayes>
              <num.votes>12</num.votes>
              <title>AYES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Di Natale, R</name>
                <name>Griff, S</name>
                <name>Hanson-Young, SC</name>
                <name>Kakoschke-Moore, S</name>
                <name>Ludlam, S</name>
                <name>McKim, NJ</name>
                <name>Rhiannon, L</name>
                <name>Rice, J</name>
                <name>Siewert, R (teller)</name>
                <name>Waters, LJ</name>
                <name>Whish-Wilson, PS</name>
                <name>Xenophon, N</name>
              </names>
            </ayes>
            <noes>
              <num.votes>46</num.votes>
              <title>NOES</title>
              <names>
                <name>Abetz, E</name>
                <name>Back, CJ</name>
                <name>Bernardi, C</name>
                <name>Bushby, DC</name>
                <name>Cameron, DN</name>
                <name>Canavan, MJ</name>
                <name>Cash, MC</name>
                <name>Chisholm, A</name>
                <name>Collins, JMA</name>
                <name>Dastyari, S</name>
                <name>Dodson, P</name>
                <name>Duniam, J</name>
                <name>Farrell, D</name>
                <name>Fawcett, DJ</name>
                <name>Fierravanti-Wells, C</name>
                <name>Fifield, MP</name>
                <name>Gallacher, AM</name>
                <name>Hinch, D</name>
                <name>Hume, J</name>
                <name>Ketter, CR</name>
                <name>Lambie, J</name>
                <name>Leyonhjelm, DE</name>
                <name>Lines, S</name>
                <name>Macdonald, ID</name>
                <name>Marshall, GM</name>
                <name>McAllister, J</name>
                <name>McCarthy, M</name>
                <name>McGrath, J</name>
                <name>McKenzie, B</name>
                <name>Moore, CM</name>
                <name>Nash, F</name>
                <name>O'Neill, DM</name>
                <name>Parry, S</name>
                <name>Paterson, J</name>
                <name>Payne, MA</name>
                <name>Polley, H</name>
                <name>Pratt, LC</name>
                <name>Reynolds, L</name>
                <name>Ruston, A</name>
                <name>Seselja, Z</name>
                <name>Sinodinos, A</name>
                <name>Smith, D</name>
                <name>Sterle, G</name>
                <name>Urquhart, AE (teller)</name>
                <name>Watt, M</name>
                <name>Williams, JR</name>
              </names>
            </noes>
            <pairs>
              <num.votes>0</num.votes>
              <title>PAIRS</title>
              <names></names>
            </pairs>
          </division.data>
          <division.result>
            <body>
              <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
            </body>
          </division.result>
        </division></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>77</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>International Overdose Awareness Day</title>
          <page.no>77</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<para>That the Senate—</para>
<para>(a) notes that:</para>
<para>(i)   today is the 15th annual International Overdose Awareness Day, commemorating all those who have died or been seriously injured due to drug overdose, and</para>
<para>(ii)   six people lose their lives to preventable overdose in Australia each day; and</para>
<para>(b) calls on the Government to address the rising rates of harm associated with drug use by implementing and appropriately resourcing evidence-based harm reduction policies, including:</para>
<para>(i)   greater access to needle and syringe programs across the country with an urgent roll-out of trials inside prisons,</para>
<para>(ii)   expanded access to medically supervised injecting facilities across Australia,</para>
<para>(iii)   promoting awareness of the life-saving opioid reversal drug Naloxone, and highlighting its availability over the counter in pharmacies, and</para>
<para>(iv)   working with state and territory governments to cease the use of drug sniffer dogs at festivals and urgently introduce trials of pill testing for the upcoming festivals season.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a one-minute statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LAMBIE</name>
    <name.id>250026</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Like all members of this chamber, my heart goes out to all families who have been affected by drug overdose. While I agree with the majority of the points in this motion, I will not support it, because of the final call to action found in point (b)(iv), which tries to stop the use of drug sniffer dogs at festivals. More families would feel the heartache of losing loved ones from drug overdoses if we listened to the Greens. The Greens policies on illegal drugs do harm. Their attempt in this motion to make it easier for our younger people to access dangerous drugs is plain reckless. My policy of giving parents the power to involuntarily detox their drug addicted children will truly lessen the chance of harm and overdoses. Getting rid of drug sniffer dogs would cause the same outcome as the Greens policy to decriminalise ice. Both would lead to more addiction, more harm and a hell of a lot more misery.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DI NATALE</name>
    <name.id>53369</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I firstly want to say that I understand that Senator Lambie's comments are made from personal experience, and I want to acknowledge that and acknowledge the harm that comes with the abuse of illicit drugs. It is an area in which I have worked, and my motion here today is informed by evidence. Sadly, we have too many young people dying from overdoses, overdoses that are entirely preventable. That is why we need to have harm reduction framing our response and it is why we need to have some courage in this place to listen to the evidence and to follow the evidence. Sadly, drug sniffer dogs have been shown to encourage more harmful drug use. We have people who take increased quantities of drugs before going to festivals and, when they see a sniffer dog, they often ingest larger, more harmful quantities of drugs in order to escape arrest. That is the consequence of sniffer dogs. We need to be guided by the evidence on this front.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>78</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economics References Committee</title>
          <page.no>78</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference</title>
            <page.no>78</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to amend business of the Senate notice of motion No. 1 standing in my name and in the names of Senators Ludlam and Lambie for today proposing a reference to the Economics References Committee relating to the 2016 census. I also ask that Senator Dastyari's name be added as a co-sponsor of this motion.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I, and also on behalf of Senators Ludlam, Lambie and Dastyari, move the motion as amended:</para>
<para>That the following matters be referred to the Economics References Committee for inquiry and report by 24 November 2016:</para>
<para>The 2016 Census, with particular reference to:</para>
<para>(a) the preparation, administration and management on the part of the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) and the Government in the lead up to the 2016 Census;</para>
<para>(b) the scope, collection, retention, security and use of data obtained in the 2016 Census;</para>
<para>(c) arrangements, including contractual arrangements, in respect of the information technology aspects of the Census;</para>
<para>(d) the shutting down of the Census website on the evening of 9 August 2016, the factors leading to that shutdown and the reasons given, and the support provided by government agencies, including the Australian Signals Directorate;</para>
<para>(e) the response rate to the Census and factors that may have affected the response rate;</para>
<para>(f) privacy concerns in respect of the 2016 Census, including the use of data linking, information security and statistical linkage keys;</para>
<para>(g) Australia's Census of Population and Housing generally, including purpose, scope, regularity and cost and benefits;</para>
<para>(h) the adequacy of funding and resources to the ABS;</para>
<para>   (i) ministerial oversight and responsibility; and</para>
<para>(j) any related matters.</para>
<para>I seek leave to make a short 30-second statement.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for 30 seconds.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator XENOPHON</name>
    <name.id>8IV</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This motion in its proposed amended form is in fact a hybrid of this motion and a motion in very similar terms that was to be moved by Senator Dastyari. We share similar concerns over the census and I am pleased that a consensus was reached with this motion.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McGRATH</name>
    <name.id>217241</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not believe this inquiry is needed given that Alastair MacGibbon, the government's cybersecurity advisor, has been appointed by the Prime Minister to conduct a thorough review. Mr MacGibbon's review team has been formed in the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, with representatives also from the Australian Signals Directorate, the Department of Finance, the Department of the Treasury, the Digital Transformation Office and the Office of the Australian Information Commissioner. The review team is expected to conclude its report by the end of September 2016.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to echo the comments that were made by Senator Xenophon earlier: that this amended motion is now a hybrid motion of two very similar terms of reference that were placed—a terms of reference placed by the Labor Party and a terms of reference placed by another group of senators. Together, we have been able to bring in the differences. I foreshadow then that, hopefully, we will only be having one inquiry, not two. But we will get to that business soon.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a short statement.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leave is granted for one minute.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator LUDLAM</name>
    <name.id>I07</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the chamber. I would also like to acknowledge Senator Xenophon for bringing these terms of reference forward, and for the collaborative way in which the opposition has sought to make sure that one inquiry, rather than two, is set afoot. Also acknowledging Senator McGrath's comments, I think it will be extremely valuable to the Senate inquiry to have the report, as you indicated, that Mr MacGibbon and his colleagues will be putting together into the technical aspects of what happened on Census night. As you will have seen, if you have seen the terms of reference that have been circulated in Senator Xenophon's, Senator Lambie's and my name, the inquiry that has been referred to the economics committee goes significantly further into the lead-up to the Census and into the steps that were put in place that created such scepticism in the run-up that it may, in fact, contaminate the dataset.</para>
<para>Personally, I am interested to know whether the Census is going to be re-run—it is that far-reaching. It is not simply a question of what happened on Census night to blow the process up, but of what happened in the lead-up to take such confidence away from what should have been a completely uncontroversial continuation of the Census process. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the motion, as amended, moved by Senator Xenophon be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>79</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Withdrawal</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator DASTYARI</name>
    <name.id>225099</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That business of the Senate notice of motion No. 2, standing in my name for today and proposing a reference to the Economics References Committee relating to the 2016 Census, be withdrawn from the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>79</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>A letter has been received from Senator Dastyari:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pursuant to standing order 75, I propose that the following matter of public importance be submitted to the Senate for discussion:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Prime Minister's failure of leadership on economic policy.</para></quote>
<para>Is the proposal supported?</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of senators required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand that informal arrangements have been made to allocate specific times to each of the speakers in today’s debate. With the concurrence of the Senate, I shall ask the clerks to set the clock accordingly.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to address the issue of the Prime Minister's failure of leadership on economic policy. It gives me no pleasure to catalogue the various areas in which this Prime Minister has let down our country—particularly in the area of economic policy, which is so critically important for the future of our nation. It is quite clear that a government which is divided upon itself cannot lead the nation. We have an example before us of a government that is warring with itself on a range of policy matters that are extremely significant, and this is holding up the economic development of our country.</para>
<para>The response of the Prime Minister on economic issues and what seems to pose as economic leadership from this Prime Minister is, firstly, to attack the trade union movement. This is the last resort of Liberal governments, and also their first go-to area when seeking to demonstrate that something is happening. Attacking the trade union movement—seeking to demonise the union movement which has done so much for this country—is almost a knee-jerk reaction from this government. We know that the ABCC bill was supposedly one of the most important issues for this government; it was the trigger for the ill-fated double dissolution election we have just been subjected to. So when we are talking about leadership with this government, we are talking about attacking the trade union movement.</para>
<para>The second area where this government pretends to exercise leadership is it is going to look after its mates in the area of big business. The much-discussed $50 billion tax cut for the big business community included, of course, a tax cut for foreign companies and a $7.4 billion bonus for the big banks. These are the things that this government considers to be the priorities for Australia. If you ask the average Australian what the issues are that need to be addressed in our country in terms of addressing the economy and jobs, attacking the trade union movement and giving a tax cut to foreign companies and a bonus for big banks are not going to be the first responses that you will get.</para>
<para>We have recent examples of this government being completely adrift when there is a need today for economic leadership. We have a Prime Minister who assumed the leadership of his party on the premise that he was going to be a superior economic manager, but we have examples of where this government is completely adrift. We have seen that the Treasurer wanted to introduce changes on negative gearing. He had flagged publicly that there were excesses in the system of negative gearing but, when it came to getting that through the cabinet, we have reports today—which I note the government seeks to distance itself from—that both the Prime Minister and the Treasurer were rolled in cabinet on any changes to the negative gearing system. Really that happened for base political reasons rather than on the basis of a proper consideration of what is necessary for our economy.</para>
<para>We have also just found today that not only is this a government that cannot provide leadership for the country in economic matters; we find that they cannot even add up. We found that the omnibus bill, for which the government has sought Labor's support, has a $107 million black hole in its costings. In the area of the student start-up scholarships, the government has pretended that there is a $405.6 million saving when in fact the sum total of the savings in the column set out is $298 million.</para>
<para>This is very embarrassing situation. It is perhaps the final blow to the credibility of not only the Treasurer but to this government. It is an embarrassing shambles that we have had presented to us. We have a government which is not up to the task of budget repair and it is not up to the task of economic leadership.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I begin, let me acknowledge the presence in the gallery of many sound members of the Victorian division of the Liberal Party. I know, like me, they are very much looking forward to the maiden speech of our brand new senator, Senator Hume.</para>
<para>Economic leadership begins with budget repair. There is nothing more important that we can do to restore confidence in our economy and facilitate further growth than to repair our balance sheet. Last financial year, our budget deficit was $37 billion. This financial year it will be about the same again. Our gross debt now stands at $430 billion. The Treasurer told us recently that on the worst trajectory that number could hit $1 trillion in a decade's time, if we do not take the necessary steps now to repair the budget.</para>
<para>There are those who say that government debt does not matter. They point out that, by world standards, Australia's debt is relatively low. That is true in a limited sense. Yes, by modern standards of record indebtedness, Australia's debt is lower than many other countries, but that is not a very inspiring yardstick by which to measure ourselves. I would like to think that we can aspire to be more than just a bit better than most others in the world.</para>
<para>Australia is different for two reasons. Firstly, although our debt levels are relatively low, it is only because we entered the GFC in such a strong fiscal position. Our performance since the GFC is nothing to be proud of: in fact, our increase in debt since the GFC has been amongst the fastest in the developed world. If we continue on this trajectory, we will soon not be as far ahead of our competitors as some complacently like to pretend we are today. Secondly, Australia is more reliant than other nations on foreign borrowings to finance our public debt. This means that we are especially vulnerable to a change in the availability of global credit and it means that retaining our hard-won AAA credit rating is a must.</para>
<para>The ratings agencies have put Australia on notice. They expect the parliament to demonstrate that it can in fact tackle this serious debt and deficit problem that we face but, if we show that we are unable to, we risk losing our AAA credit rating. That means higher interest payments on our debt. Our monthly interest bill is already more than $1 billion. If we lose our AAA credit rating and if our debt continues to grow, that problem will only be worse.</para>
<para>This is not an issue which should be partisan. Whether you favour more spending on pet projects as those on the other side do or whether you favour reducing the tax burden on the Australian people as those of us on this side do, our interest payments stand in the way of both of those objectives. Getting debt down and reducing the interest we have to pay means that there is more money for the other side to spend or more money for those of us on this side to return to taxpayers.</para>
<para>We have not even yet examined the strong moral case for solving this problem. The truth is that this generation is currently living at the expense of future generations. We are not, as some suggest, spending our record annual deficits on investments that will deliver a return for generations in the future. We are borrowing money now to spend it now, largely, on transfer payments. That means we are asking future generations to pay the day-to-day spending that we cannot fund ourselves today. If this generation cannot fix this problem, it is future generations that will bear that load. There is nothing moral about kicking the can down the road and expecting our children to fund our lifestyles today.</para>
<para>On this key question of economic leadership, I humbly submit that those of us on this side of the chamber can be proud of our Prime Minister and our governance to address this problem. Those opposite have much less to be proud of in this department. A legacy of their time in government is today's $430 billion of gross debt. It is their legacy, because in just six short years they threw away the enviable position of a federal government with net assets. It is their legacy, because it is they who stand in the way of this government's efforts to fix the problem.</para>
<para>We have seen the extraordinary situation this week that the Labor Party is equivocating about supporting budget savings that they themselves promised to make only a few weeks ago in the federal election. It is not normal to see a new government immediately seek to legislate promises made by their opponents. You would think that the Leader of the Opposition would be sending the Prime Minister a thank-you note but, instead, they are quibbling and vacillating about whether they will support these savings. We are not talking about an extraordinary sum of money; we are talking about a modest set of savings of approximately $6 billion. It is an important step in the right direction but a small one, and the Labor Party are not even sure if they want to take that.</para>
<para>This parliament will need to do much more if we are to make meaningful headway towards fixing this problem. Sadly, it does not appear that we can expect much assistance from the opposition in this task. They took to the election a series of promises which would have worsened our fiscal position by a further $16 billion over the next four years. There is no evidence that they understand the serious situation that we are in today. The only measures that the Leader of the Opposition appears willing to contemplate to address this problem are tax increases, but, as the budget shows, our fiscal problems are not caused by a lack of revenue; they are caused by excessive spending.</para>
<para>This financial year, the government will spend 25.8 per cent of GDP. That is just 0.2 per cent below the record highs seen in the Rudd-Swan era at the height of the global financial crisis, when we were supposedly spending at emergency levels. That was the time of pink batts, unwanted school halls and $700 cheques. Spending today is far above the long-term historical average. By contrast, the budget shows that, over the next few years, revenue will again return to its long-term historical average. It also shows that, even without policy change, most of the heavy lifting on budget repair will be done on the revenue side.</para>
<para>It is amazing that, given even these facts, the opposition still clamours for higher taxes. Higher taxes may or may not deliver extra revenue, but they will also deliver diminished reward for effort, hamper economic activity and depress growth. Higher taxes are not the best path to budget repair; fiscal prudence is. There is only one side of politics in this country which is showing a lack of economic leadership, and it is not the government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The word 'leadership' might suggest to many Australians something like reform—economic reform. It may suggest good economic management. But it might also suggest some courage and some vision—some economic vision. Now, Acting Deputy President Back, you and I have both sat through three Governor-General's speeches, where a new Prime Minister outlines their vision for this country, in four years. Interestingly, for the very first one, in 2013—because, for those listening, the House of Representatives has to squeeze into the Senate—I sat next to Mr Kevin Rudd, the recently deposed Prime Minister. Throughout Mr Tony Abbott's Governor-General's speech, he kept muttering to himself: 'This man has no vision. He has no vision.' I am not sure I totally agreed with Kevin Rudd at the time, because, to me, he had a very clear vision, and that was to rip up some of the biggest economic reforms we had seen in this nation in a decade, but I followed it very closely.</para>
<para>I actually snuck out to Mr Malcolm Turnbull's press conference the day he took over the economic leadership, and I listened to his comments as well. Firstly, he strongly implied that there would be no more three-word slogans. I think we can say that that has gone out the door. But he also said that the Abbott government essentially were poor economic managers, and that was what required a change in the prime ministership.</para>
<para>Looking at his Governor-General's speech, I still do not see any vision or any leadership for this country. We get a policy for $50 billion worth of tax cuts for big business. The Greens led on tax cuts for small business in the last parliament. We took that to the 2013 election. We were very proud that we got concessions for hardworking small business in Australia. Now we get $50 billion worth of tax cuts from the forward estimates for big business, many of which do not even pay their fair share of tax—and, believe me, I have sat on those committees and heard the evidence. There is the assumption that somehow trickle-down economics is going to stimulate economic activity.</para>
<para>What I think will stimulate economic activity—and this is a dangerous idea, Senator Paterson—is the government actually going out at record low interest rates, borrowing money and investing it in productive infrastructure in this country.</para>
<para class="italic">Senator Williams interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is another article in the paper today by TD Securities talking about our AAA credit rating, and it is worth reading it word for word, Senator Williams—through you, Acting Deputy President. They make it very clear that our AAA credit rating is at risk because of our level of debt, but they also say it is debt not related to expenditure on productive infrastructure. You see, this is where your government is deceptive and misleading in all your spin and rhetoric about the debt problem in this country.</para>
<para>I agree that housing debt is too high in this country, and it is dangerous. I was the one who asked the previous head of the Treasury about the housing bubble and got a two-week reaction during the Mr Hockey period of Treasury. I am also concerned about personal consumption and high levels of household debt on consumption. But where is the debate on what I think is a massive moral challenge of our time, and that is avoiding underinvestment in future generations of this country?</para>
<para>I have collected this evidence in two long-ranging Senate inquiries, a select committee I chaired and the Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee inquiry into regional capitals. We went right around the country and heard evidence of the massive, trillion-dollar infrastructure gap in this country—projects waiting for funding. If we want to stimulate economic demand in this country and get GDP up—which, by the way, would make some of those metrics that Senator Paterson has quoted today not look so bad—if we actually had a policy for stimulating the economy and helping invest in future generations, I could list categories of infrastructure we looked at, from small to big.</para>
<para>The Productivity Commission said, 'Well, bundling lots of small productive infrastructure projects together is a good idea,' as are seeking different ways of financing them: monetising and securitising those infrastructure projects, issuing bonds against projects in regional areas to raise capital and making pools of finance available to local governments, like in Tasmania. We need $900 million to upgrade our water infrastructure in Tasmania. Fifteen communities in my state do not have clean drinking water. They have to boil their water. Why isn't that money available?</para>
<para>Do you know what? The federal government could show leadership on this issue by making capital available for productive and transformative infrastructure projects. It could borrow money at record-low interest rates and make that available to both local governments and state governments. Do you think the Greens are the only people who are calling for government to take an active role in the lives of Australians? Do you think it is the Greens? Well, you would be wrong, Senator Williams—through you, Chair. Dr John Hewson, one of the first people to appear at our inquiry, was the one who put this idea to the select committee. Saul Eslake and the recently departed Mr Glenn Stevens were all up there saying the same thing.</para>
<para>What is wrong with government that it cannot show leadership and invest in the future of this country? It is because of this 'D' word—dirty debt—and it starts here in this chamber with the heightened spin we hear from the conservatives in this parliament. Let's have an honest discussion about debt, about why it can be useful for us and about why it is probably the only alternative we have in the paradigm that we are entering, where monetary policy all around the world has lost its potency. Actually it is fiscal policy that is going to get us through a potential recession. It is fiscal policy that will help give us jobs in our communities all around this country and give us the investment in the infrastructure that we need for future generations. By infrastructure, I tell you, I mean a really broad category of infrastructure. We are not talking about concrete roads; we are talking about public transport, we are talking about telecommunications—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Williams</name>
    <name.id>I0V</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Are you talking about dams?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator WHISH-WILSON</name>
    <name.id>195565</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We are talking about dams actually, Senator Williams. Up in Townsville, I got some excellent proposals for infrastructure investment in dams that were not being financed. And our committee worked out why the private sector was not financing these infrastructure projects, why there is a clear market failure and why there is a role for government in our lives in this country—that is, economic leadership.</para>
<para>It is worth reading the latest <inline font-style="italic">Quarterly Essay</inline>. In it, George Megalogenis talks about our balancing act, about how we are going to get through what is ultimately going to be the doldrums for our country and our economy in the coming years. The conclusion he arrived at also is that we need infrastructure spending to invest in future generations and to stimulate the economy. But he also said we need a new structure around infrastructure financing, around how projects are selected and around how they are depoliticised. Because they are what the private sector is seeing as risk. They are the risk premiums the investors are building into their expectation on infrastructure financing and that is why they do not want to touch a lot of these infrastructure projects that are sitting there waiting to be funded. Government should bloody well fund them, in my opinion, because what we need in this country is economic leadership, not more spin—'leave it to the private sector, leave it to big business and everything will be fine'.</para>
<para>In terms of vision and leadership, it really does disappoint me that over those three Governor-General's speeches, we have gone from the age of entitlement to suddenly the same ideological attack on poor people in this country—the taxed and the taxed-nots—the same rhetoric. This stuff is not flying; people do not care about that. They actually want to see government step in and show leadership and play an active role in their lives. This kind of IPA Young Liberal party politics does not cut it with the people out on the street. Sorry, Senator Paterson—through you, Acting Deputy President—it just does not cut it. People want to see governments playing an active role in their lives.</para>
<para>It is an historic opportunity for us to nation build right now, to select projects we do want to see capital go into—projects that can be financed over time, projects that can be paid off, projects that can be monetised, projects that can create employment for Australians all around this country, projects that lead to a more prosperous country, projects that make us more sustainable, projects that give us a better quality of living, projects that make us happier. These are the things governments need to do. I am proud to say that if you do not think I have the evidence to support this then go and look at the Standing Committee on Infrastructure and Communications inquiry into Planning, Procurement and Funding for Australia's future Infrastructure that we completed a week before the double-dissolution. It was backed by both the Liberal and Labor parties. There was no dissenting report. Have a read of it. Six months of evidence has gone into that from experts including Standard and Poor's—by the way, Senator Paterson, through you, Acting Deputy President—and it deals with the issue of the triple-A credit rating, why this can be done and why $50 billion is not unreasonable for us to go out and borrow now and invest now. Fifty billion dollars; let's borrow it, let's invest it and let's cut the crap about debt.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Whish-Wilson. Before I call you, Senator Cameron, I advise that at the conclusion of your contribution we will suspend the matter of public importance for a first speech.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to participate in this debate about the failure of the leadership of the Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull. I have to say, forgive me if I do not take seriously the lecture from Senator Paterson based on his very narrow experience in life, never mind economics. He was straight out of university into Senator Fifield's office, did a little bit of work with the Victorian Chamber of Commerce and then where did he go? He went to the IPA. What an absolute joy. And he has got the hide to come here and lecture us about economics. The guy has not lived yet, never mind having to worry about economics. He is full of fury, full of pompous bluster, full of nothing but economic analysis that is clearly wrong. What do we get now?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Brandis</name>
    <name.id>008W7</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Where do you get your economics?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order on my right.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I get my economics looking after working people. That is where I get my economics. I get my economics from actually knowing what it is like, unlike Senator Brandis, to actually put food on the table for my family. I get my economics from knowing what it is like to worry about how I pay the mortgage. I get my economics from worrying about can I pay my bills. That is the economics I have got, a working-class economics that you, Senator Brandis, would not have a clue about, that you in your pompous, arrogant demeanour would have a clue about. You would not know what it was about.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Senator Cameron, would you resume your seat for one moment please. There will be silence on the right while Senator Cameron is heard and all comments will be through the chair. Senator Cameron.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I can understand, Mr Acting Deputy President, why they are all getting so uptight about hearing the truth about economics. You are not just laughing; what you are doing is laughing at the plight of working-class people in this country, because you do not understand the issues that they face. You do not understand that it is very difficult for many families to pay the bills, pay the mortgage, clothe their kids, get them off to school. All you want to do—</para>
<para>Government senators interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And that is the theory we get from Senator Paterson—which is simply that microeconomics will fix the problems. 'You don't have to worry one iota about ordinary working people in this country. You don't have to worry about them. The economic theory of the IPA will be there.' Senator Paterson's job was Deputy Executive Director of the IPA—whatever that was. I noticed that the IPA, on the issue that we are debating here—that is, the competence of the current Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull—says, 'Turnbull's policies aren't Liberal, they're incoherent.' This is the IPA that Senator Paterson used to be the deputy director of. This is what Chris Berg from the IPA says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's hard not to conclude that Bill Shorten has the measure of Malcolm Turnbull. Policy after policy the Government is chasing the Opposition, rather than leading it.</para></quote>
<para>This is the IPA. Senator Paterson was a leading light in the IPA. One minute he is criticising the coalition, then he is in here running the party line. What a great job the Prime Minister is doing when the organisation that Senator Paterson has come from is basically saying the Prime Minister is not up to it! 'Malcolm Turnbull ain't up to the job.' That is what your old organisation is saying. No wonder you are smiling—because you agree with that. You are one that would pull Malcolm Turnbull down in a jot. You would pull him down as soon as you could. Chris Berg says that negative gearing is only on the table because Labor announced its negative gearing policy in February. Labor is leading the debate, even according to the IPA.</para>
<para>Reforms to the Australian Securities and Investment Commission were, obviously, only done because Labor called for a royal commission into the banks. Again, the Prime Minister is not up to it. The coalition is not up to it. You are an absolute rabble. Malcolm Turnbull does not have the capacity to lead this country. And it goes on to say the Assistant Treasurer, Kelly O'Dwyer—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, would you resume your seat. On a point of order, Senator Bernardi?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Bernardi</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It is on a point of order. The speaker has repeatedly referred to the Prime Minister by his incorrect title. It is either 'Mr Turnbull', 'the Prime Minister' or 'the member for Wentworth'. I would ask you to draw the member to order—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Senator Bernardi. I do; I accept your point of order. I am sure Senator Cameron will continue in that vein, addressing the Prime Minister as 'Mr Turnbull' or 'the Prime Minister'. Senator Cameron, please resume.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I apologise, and I accept your position. If that is the best that the leader of the rebel group in the coalition can come up with, it is not much good. Senator Bernardi, the leader of the rebels—'call Mr Turnbull by his name, Mr, or call him by Prime Minister'. I know what you would be calling him, and it is none of those two things! It is certainly none of those two things. We hear you in the halls up here. We know what you think of Mr Turnbull. We know what you think of the Prime Minister and we know that you will bring him down as soon as you get the opportunity.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Senator Cameron, resume your seat. Senator Macdonald, on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator Ian Macdonald</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is relevance. I am interested in what Senator Bernardi does, but it is not germane to the debate. The debate is about the economy.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>J7Q</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That is a debating point, Senator Macdonald. Would you resume your seat. Senator Cameron, please resume through the chair, thank you.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator CAMERON</name>
    <name.id>AI6</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>All the Macdonalds I know in Scotland were pretty tough people. I do not know what happened to them when they came to Australia. I think their gene pool was weakened a lot by Senator Macdonald—no toughness in this guy. What a wimp for a Macdonald! I cannot believe it. Anyway, with this Prime Minister, we know what people think of him: he is not up to the job. He is just not up to the job. We know that he is following every move that Senator Bernardi makes, because he knows that Senator Bernardi is determined to bring him down.</para>
<para>Look at what else is happening in Victoria. There is a guy down there called Michael Kroger. All you guys would know Michael Kroger. Is he up there in the gallery? Maybe he is up there. This is what Michael Kroger said about the Prime Minister: a lack of 'economic leadership in the country' is one of the key reasons the party failed at the polls. He knows that you failed. You lot are in absolute disarray. You get no economic policy, you get no leadership. Michael Kroger and the IPA are telling you: 'What a bunch of hopeless, hopeless politicians you are.' He goes on to say, 'There is period of policy confusion.' That is what you have got amongst the Liberals. Here we are seeing more policy confusion from the Liberals—changes to the GST, the ability of the states to raise their own taxes, negative gearing, capital gains tax and superannuation. That was the policy confusion of the Liberals. They are absolutely hopeless. They are pompous in their arrogance and pompous when they are here. No-one is more pompous than Senator Brandis, but even he, I think, is nodding in agreement with Michael Kroger's position. Michael Kroger went on to say there is 'absolute confusion for business and for voters'. He is talking about Liberal policy. He says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">In that period when we were putting things on and off the table and the electorate formed the opinion, 'well if you fellas, if you people, don't know what [you] are doing, that's a problem.</para></quote>
<para>He did say, 'you fellas', because there are not many women over there in the coalition. But he said there was absolute policy confusion. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The electorate got a view that we didn't have a clear idea of where we wanted to take the country in terms of the economy.</para></quote>
<para>This is not Labor saying these things. This is Michael Kroger, one of the key players in the Liberal Party in Victoria. And the IPA are echoing that view.</para>
<para>So the Victorian Liberal Party, Senator Paterson, are not taking the sycophantic position that you are adopting. They are actually calling the Prime Minister out. They are saying he is incompetent; he is not up to the job. And he ain't going to be Prime Minister for too long if the Victorian Liberal Party get their way. That is the reality, so do not come here and give us your speeches with your economic theory from the IPA. Listen to some of the people that understand politics, listen to working-class people that are doing it tough and stop giving us your nonsense economic theory about: 'Everything will be okay if the markets let rip.' <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Pursuant to order, debate is now interrupted for the purpose of the first speech of Senator Hume.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>FIRST SPEECH</title>
        <page.no>85</page.no>
        <type>FIRST SPEECH</type>
      </debateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>e5v</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind senators of the common courtesies that are extended to senators giving their first speech and I call Senator Hume.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator HUME</name>
    <name.id>266499</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr President. I would like to extend my thanks to honourable senators from all over the chamber who have welcomed me with warmth and kindness.</para>
<para>I hail from the great state of Victoria, home of visionaries, luminaries, heroes and larrikins, from Sir John Monash to Barry Humphries, Arthur Boyd to Michael Leunig, Dame Nellie Melba to Kylie Minogue, and of course the great Sir Robert Menzies. Though our state is geographically small, Victoria has always been the vanguard of manufacturing and agriculture, commerce and finance, medicine and education, culture and sports. Victoria has always historically led the nation towards productivity, prosperity and progress.</para>
<para>I intend to continue that tradition. Representing my state in this chamber today is a privilege and an honour I cannot express. But express it I must, for this is my time to communicate to my colleagues and my constituents why I am here. This is the time for philosophical reflection, soaring rhetoric and a heartfelt personal and political narrative years in the crafting. For that, colleagues, I am afraid you may have to wait half an hour to visit the other place, where my dear friend the member for Goldstein will be giving his first speech!</para>
<para>I do not come to this place with political pedigree nor a reputation that precedes me. I have no media profile. I have never worked at a think tank. And, although I am intellectually curious, I am not a philosopher. I come to this place with high hopes—but I am a realist, a pragmatist and a workhorse. Before politics I had a 20-year career in banking, finance, investment, economics and superannuation. I am here to improve the lives of others by implementing practical, commonsense policy and legislation that will reflect the knowledge I have gained from the real, commercial world. Like many of my colleagues, I pride myself on being an economic 'hardhead', never forgetting that every dollar the government spends is the hard-earned product of the labour of its citizens.</para>
<para>I believe that fiscal responsibility is a moral imperative and we have a fiduciary duty to our constituents to ensure that we spend their money wisely. Most important is the intergenerational responsibility of our role in this place. The opportunities for our children depend wholly on how we manage the economy. In a prosperous society, they will have more choices, better choices, more opportunities to succeed and to realise their potential. We must build the infrastructure vital for productivity, but we must pay for it cleverly, taking advantage of the innovative financial markets that we have built and supported. We must encourage new and exciting industries—medical research, cybersecurity, agribusiness and clean energy—to create the high-paid jobs that we want for our children and the global capabilities that we want for our country.</para>
<para>We can never allow borrowed money of any kind to pay for social safety net spending. Such unsustainable profligacy, for the sake of electoral appeal, is simply one generation indulging at the expense of another. My greatest frustration is that, despite a quarter of a century of sustained economic growth, Australia is in its eighth consecutive year of debt and deficit. The answer is not more and higher taxes that sap market efficiency and assault the propriety of those whose labours were expended. Anyone who has worked and invested and employed others in the real, commercial world knows this to be true. So that is why I am here. In 20 years, when I look my children in the eye, I want to assure them that my generation, and I personally, have done all that we can to create a productive and prosperous Australia in which they have every opportunity to thrive and to fly.</para>
<para>While I wear my economic 'hardhead' label with pride, I do not believe that this precludes me from engaging in issues of social justice. Social justice is a concept that has been hijacked by those opposite and has become a handy euphemism for income redistribution. I cannot blame the Left for this. The Right has conceded the ground. All over the world, conservative parties struggle with the perception that, while they are fiscally responsible, they care little, while progressives care significantly. Yet ask anyone on this side of the chamber and they will all agree that our first responsibility as a civilised society is to look after those unable to look after themselves.</para>
<para>I believe my side of politics owes it to our followers and to our most vulnerable to articulate a positive social justice agenda for the Right. It must be tangible, practical and effective. For too long those on my side of politics have identified themselves as fighting against things, perpetually making war on the Left's mistaken priorities. We fight against punitive taxes, creeping overregulation, wasteful spending and ruinous national debt. There is no reason to repudiate the ideology behind these fights. Indeed, they are vital. But they are not intrinsic to a better nation; they are purely instrumental.</para>
<para>What we sometimes forget is that the Liberal Party's central, motivating purpose is not fighting against things; it is fighting for people. Liberal social justice demands individual responsibility, it decries buck-passing and it requires all individuals to make themselves deserving of the freedoms bestowed upon them. We balance individual freedom with moral obligation. Moreover, a Liberal social justice agenda must address entrenched disadvantage with not only relief but also transformative opportunity.</para>
<para>As with all these things, the free market is leading the way in this space. In recent years, social impact investing has become part of the philanthropic and investment community landscape and vernacular. It takes many and varied forms but at its heart is community-driven demand for tailored programs for social change, conceived, delivered and paid for by the private sector, but with a component of government guarantee or return based on measurable outcomes that make the programs themselves commercially appealing and viable.</para>
<para>While still in its infancy, already social impact investing is flourishing in the USA, in Canada and, in particular, in the UK. The New South Wales state government has dipped its toe in the water. And just last week the Victorian state government also flagged an interest. But the opportunities here are endless. Social impact investing has been used around the world to successfully address such diverse issues as prisoner recidivism, literacy and numeracy, drug rehabilitation programs, school truancy, early intervention parenting and Indigenous employment programs—all this without endless government grants for unaccountable programs run on a command and control, nationwide, one-size-fits-all approach; all this while allowing the private sector an opportunity to do what it does best—identify need and address it—and all this while steadily building a market for an alternative investment opportunity available to the public that not only has positive social outcomes but also has no correlation at all to the vagaries of interest rates, equity and property markets.</para>
<para>This is where society is at its best—when government, business and communities work together for the best possible outcomes. As politicians we have our limitations but, as individuals, we are limitless. A well-articulated Liberal social justice agenda, focussed on empowerment, not dependence, can reorient us toward our best selves.</para>
<para>I stand in this chamber the 93rd senator since Federation to serve and represent the people of Victoria. But, with our great state's progressive reputation in mind, it came as some surprise to me to find out that of the 92 Victorian senators to precede me, only 12 were women. I am lucky 13. And from the Victorian Liberal Party, there have been six before me. So I am also lucky seven. I am fortunate to have met all but the first—Dame Ivy Wedgwood. Moreover, I have been truly privileged to receive advice, wisdom and genuine friendship from former Senators Judith Troeth, Kay Patterson and Helen Kroger. Along with the great Dame Margaret Guilfoyle, the legacy left by these Victorian women is humbling. They have blazed the trail and it now falls to me to lay my paving stone on that road for my party, for my state and for my country.</para>
<para>There is one Victorian woman who was the torchbearer for us all. When forming the Liberal Party in 1945, Robert Menzies united a number of different groups under one banner and with a shared cause. One of these groups was the Australian Women's National League and Dame Elizabeth Couchman was its formidable president. In return for the support of her 40,000 members and considerable financial backing, Dame Elizabeth required from Robert Menzies equal gender representation for Liberal Party office-bearers. One can only be in awe at the foresight of such progressive thinking.</para>
<para>So substantial was Dame Elizabeth's influence and contribution to the Liberal Party that Sir Robert Menzies once said of her, 'She was the greatest statesmen of them all.' Despite this, Dame Elizabeth Couchman failed to win preselection for the Senate each of the three times that she stood. So easy would it have been for her to walk away from an ungrateful party that did not recognise all that she had done and all that she was capable of doing. But instead Dame Elizabeth supported her friend Ivy Wedgwood and mentored her protege Margaret Guilfoyle, who in turn mentored Kay Paterson, who in turn mentored me. This is what the best Victorian Liberal women do. We pay it forward.</para>
<para>With this in mind, I want to acknowledge the unwavering support of three great state Victorian parliamentarians: Louise Staley, Margaret Fitzherbert and Mary Wooldridge. Marching in step in the organisational wing have been Judy Snodgrass, Carol Walter, Caroline Elliott, Caroline's late mother Lorraine Elliott, Emma Duffy, Zoe McKenzie, Sue Smethurst, Cate Barresi and the formidable members of the Canterbury Evening Discussion Group. These are the women who have paid it forward to me. In their honour, and in honour of Dame Elizabeth Couchman, I make my first promise in this place. I will not pull the ladder up behind me. I will reach down and offer my hand. I will pay it forward.</para>
<para>In a contemporary, free-thinking democracy such as ours, female representation in federal and state parliaments is still woefully inadequate. We can and we must do more but not to score political points, not to increase our palatability with the electorate, not even to make parliament more reflective of those whom we seek to represent. If these are our reasons for pursuing gender parity, we have missed the point. Study after study has proven what is known as the wisdom of crowds—diverse groups make better decisions. Unique experiences and opinions at the table not only inform decisions, but the mere presence of alternative voices emboldens those who may otherwise be susceptible to uncritical groupthink. Good government, good policy, and good politics demand that more women enter the political fray. We cannot do this unless women stand for and win preselection for safe seats. I urge my colleagues, my party and my constituents to take an active role in addressing the gender gap in all positions of influence in our society. After all, better decisions, better outcomes and a better nation are why we are all here.</para>
<para>There are many people who have made the journey from Melbourne tonight. There are too many to mention by name, but from the bottom of my heart, I thank them and all others who have supported me on this journey. I would like to acknowledge the encouragement I have received from both Victorian state president, Michael Kroger, and immediate past state president, Tony Snell. I would also like to thank two former senators, Michael Ronaldson and Sean Edwards, both of whom encouraged me to be here. My friends outside of politics are the people who keep me sane. They are many and I am grateful to them all, but tonight I will only mention three: Caroline Hunt-Smith, Georgie Williams and Kirstin Follows. They will know why.</para>
<para>All of us know that our family and our loved ones play a part in political life regardless of their will to do so; they are passengers on our rollercoaster. My father, Steve, taught me to think hard about why I believe what I believe, to prosecute my case and to not back down. My mother, Louise, leading by example, has given me the courage to take risks, and an unconditional safety net when I have failed. My sister is my firmest an ally, and I love that we grow closer with age. Mum, Dad and Annie, you three are my anchor and my compass. I thank you for everything.</para>
<para>To Andrew Hume, the best father our children could hope for, thank you for encouragement and support over so many years. To Nick Thodos, the ultimate political secret weapon, thank you for your humour, your incredible intellect, and your faith in me when my stores run dry. My children are also here tonight—Harry, Charlie and Imogen. Thank you for keeping me down to earth, for making life fun and funny, and for reminding me always that I am, first and foremost, a mother who is a senator, not a senator who is a mother.</para>
<para>Kids, it may not look or feel it sometimes, but you and your generation are the reason why all of these people are here. No matter our political hue, we all ascribe to the notion that each citizen is responsible for making this country a better place and that we have a duty to participate in our democracy, and to leave Australia stronger for the next generation—a place where you can grow and thrive and fulfil your dreams, whatever they may be.</para>
<para>Finally to the people of Victoria, I thank you. I thank you from the bottom of my heart. I will work every day for you, I will walk a mile in your shoes, I will be courageous, I will be worthy of the trust you have placed in me, and I will not let you down.</para>
<para>I thank the chamber for its indulgence.</para>
</speech>
</debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>88</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>88</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The ACTING DEPUTY PRESIDENT</name>
    <name.id>204953</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Senate will now return to the matter of public importance.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>From the longest serving parliamentarian in this building to the newest senator, Senator Hume: my very heartiest congratulations on a speech which was intelligent, thoughtful, insightful, warm and caring, and was from a senator who clearly has a very, very big future in this place. My best wishes to you, Senator, and all the very best for the endeavours and the goals you have set yourself.</para>
<para>After that uplifting experience, it is my misfortune to have to return to the debate that was interrupted by that wonderful speech and to try and answer the debating points, in the drivel that came from Senator Cameron, that pass as economic theory and debate from the Labor Party. For the Labor Party to have the hide to criticise the coalition on any economic matter just leaves me breathless. As I mentioned, I have been here for a long time. So perhaps, for newer members, I could give a bit of a history of the Labor Party's management of the economy and money. It is encapsulated in a few short words: you cannot trust Labor with money.</para>
<para>Many people will not believe me when I tell them that, in the days of Hawke and Keating, I was paying interest at the rate of 17½ per cent on my concessional housing loan. The normal interest rate under Hawke and Keating was about 21 per cent, and it was not unknown for businesses to be paying 24 per cent, and even 28 per cent—as I recall, from my days practising law—for some people. And younger people simply do not believe me when I tell them that I was paying 17½ per cent under the Labor Party.</para>
<para>Labor continued on. We had double-digit inflation, double-digit unemployment and almost-two-dozen-ish interest rates on ordinary loans. That was the legacy you got from Labor's mismanagement of the economy.</para>
<para>But Labor always put across a good story. There will be few who remember the 'L-A-W law' tax cuts, as they were called. This was before the '93 election—the election Mr Keating did not expect to win. The Labor Party actually legislated for tax cuts. It was passed through the parliament—with our support, of course, because we like lower taxes. Labor took that to the election—told the people of Australia, 'Look what we've done: tax cuts!' Do you know the first bit of legislation they did when they were unexpectedly returned at that election? They avoided, they reneged on, they cancelled, they reversed that L-A-W law tax cut and simply ripped the money back off Australian workers.</para>
<para>And so it goes on. We saw the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd years. Remember—and Senator Hume spoke about this—when we had $60 billion in the bank, put aside for a rainy day, put aside for future generations, put aside so we could give greater benefits, so we could encourage people to work harder and pay less tax? There was $60 billion put aside. It took two short years for Labor not only to spend the $60 billion but to run up in its first or second budget a deficit of $20 billion. That was horrendous, but in retrospect $20 billion from Labor was child's play. Labor then had six years in government where they spent and spent money that they did not have, borrowed from overseas lenders, and it got to a stage where if something had not intervened, like a change of government, the debt that would have been burdening the Australian people would have reached in the order of $700 billion. I will just repeat that for anyone who might be listening. Labor came into power. They had $60 billion in credit, in the kitty, left to them by the Howard government. And in six short years not only did they spend the $60 billion but they ran up a debt that if not arrested would have reached $700 billion. So, for Labor to bring forward a motion criticising anybody, let alone the coalition government, on economic mismanagement is just ridiculous.</para>
<para>Regarding the commitments made before the recent election—and the Governor-General confirmed those commitments in his wonderful speech to parliament yesterday—this government has a real plan for the Australian economy and a plan to draw in unfunded expenditure to continue the essential services of government and to get Australia back on track. I had pages of comments I wanted to make on the wonderful program this government has planned in an area that I am committed to, and that is the north of Australia. I just do not have time even to mention them by single-syllable identifiers, but the Northern Australia Infrastructure Facility is one. All of the money being spent on roads and rail in the north, all of the money being spent on defence and border protection in the north—these are just a very few projects of the wonderful program that this government has for the next three years for Australia. I look forward to it. It is going to be an exciting time.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator O'NEILL</name>
    <name.id>140651</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am sure there is an echo in the chamber. I know it is a new parliament, but I hear the same old platitudes that we hear over and over and over again from the Liberal Party and in particular from Senator Macdonald, who continues to repeat the myth that is becoming apparent to the Australian community, that the Liberal Party, for all their constant claiming of being good economic managers, are absolutely misrepresenting the reality of Australia's economic history. There is no greater example of how bad they actually are as economic managers than the man they have now allowed to be their Prime Minister, the man who came in to remove Tony Abbott because he said Tony was not doing a good job with the economy. So, Malcolm came in to fix it. I thought it was Mr Pyne who was going to be the fixer, but Malcolm decided that he would be the fixer, and instead of fixing the NBN he decided to turn his hand to the economy of the nation.</para>
<para>Well, what we have seen on his watch and on the Liberals' watch is the lowest jobs growth and the lowest wage growth in Australia's recorded history. And why does that matter so much? Why does wage growth—not cutting wages and cutting penalty rates—matter so much? Because people need that jobs growth. We need inflation to keep the economy moving, and we need people to have enough money to spend and to keep putting that money into the economy. Sadly, this government only talk about debt as a negative; they do not understand the concept of using money as an investment. They myth of good management that I have just articulated continues, though, to be spun by those opposite.</para>
<para>What we have seen from Malcolm Turnbull is a spectacular misrepresentation of an understanding of what good economic management might look like. I know that since September and his rise to the office of Prime Minister we have had a range of economic plans. You could take your pick. It was like a 'choose your own adventure'—wake up any day and you might find that Malcolm has one view of the economy and the next day it will have completely changed. We had the increase in the GST. I have a theory about the discussions around that, particularly with New South Wales Premier Baird, who was absolutely counting on some sort of private deal that I think he thought he had got with Tony Abbott to get the GST funding and be able to fund the necessary health budget for New South Wales. That deal fell over, and Malcolm came in, and instead we have had the discussion that yes, the GST is on the table. And then it is off the table. Malcolm had multiple positions. Then, when that did not look like it was going to fly, he moved to double taxation of the states. Talk about duplication of responsibilities. Talk about increased costs. Talk about red tape and inefficiencies. But that was one of the genius plans that we saw hatched by Malcolm Turnbull, the great economic leader of the nation—absolutely not a reality.</para>
<para>Then there was his great idea of a percentage floor on GST distributions. In addition to that there have been no fewer than four proposals on lifetime superannuation caps. In the course of the election, standing on the side of the road in the main street of Gosford, Mann Street, I watched voter after voter come up and address the people who were handing out pamphlets for the Liberals. They talked about their absolute anger at the retrospectivity of the superannuation proposals from what they thought was their own government. It reveals how out of touch this manager of the economy, which Malcolm claims to be, is.</para>
<para>I would like to make some remarks inside the beltway in terms of the Liberal Party. Senator Cameron made a few remarks referring to an article I am sure that he saw from Neelima Choahan in <inline font-style="italic">The Sydney Morning Herald</inline><inline font-style="italic">. </inline>After the election Michael Kroger indicated that he completely blamed the Prime Minister and the Treasurer for their failure to show economic leadership in this country. He attributed that failure of economic leadership as the main cause of the failure of this government at the polls. The confusion from the period of September to May that I have just spoken was something that he cited, but let us not forget that we also had the confusion about the tax white paper—revealing another characteristic of this government. People forget that the tax white paper was going to be on and then all of a sudden they pulled it. This confusion, which has been a signature of the Abbott-Turnbull period of Liberal governance, is most prominent if you look at the area of the economy.</para>
<para>Malcolm Turnbull promised new economic leadership, but we have seen the deficit blow out. It was registered in the budget last year as $11 billion worse and worse in every year of the forward estimates—blowing out the deficit by $36 billion since the 2015 budget. Under their economic management, which Senator Macdonald was lauding in his most recent comments, we have seen the Liberal Party, under the leadership of Tony Abbott and now Malcolm Turnbull, triple the deficit in three budgets, and that debt is absolutely still going up—$100 billion worth of debt.</para>
<para>The government talk a lot about tax. They keep saying how they are a low-taxing government, but the GDP ratio will rise every single year of the forward estimates, hitting 23.5 per cent by 2020. That is the recipe that we are seeing unfold under the leadership of Malcolm Turnbull and that is why today's debate is so important. Malcolm Turnbull is absolutely failing to come up with any adequate economic policy for this country. It could not have been put better than the way it was put by Ross Gittens, who actually penned an article as recently as 9 July. His article was titled, 'Man with no plan leaves voters with heap of flimflam.' Ross Gittins pointed out the fact that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Malcolm Turnbull went to the election offering a 'national plan for jobs and growth' that was supposed to secure our future.</para></quote>
<para>Ross Gittens then clearly pointed out that Malcolm Turnbull will be very unlikely 'to be able to implement' his plan, which was the 'phased reduction over 10 years of the rate of company tax, from 30 per cent to 25 per cent'. In the structure that Malcolm advanced he not only proposed a tax cut that would be given to great big businesses but also actually redefined small businesses from genuine small businesses, which are vital to the local economies of much of regional Australia, and instead put his mates at the big end of town right in the spot to be able to get all of the cuts.</para>
<para>Clearly Labor have opposed the cut, except for the immediate reduction to 27.5 per cent for genuinely small businesses, because we actually understand the economy. We understand that workers need to get adequate and fair pay for a day's work, that they are a vital part of the economy and that it is not just big business that deserves the attention of the government. Ross Gittens went on to point out that the supposed five-point plan for the economy of Australia is actually 'a muddle of things that will be done, things already done and a point saying what the plan will achieve.' He continued:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Point four is the company tax cut and point five is 'a strong new economy with more than 200,000 jobs to be created in 2016-17'. This is just Treasury's budget forecast for growth in employment. Few of those extra jobs would have been 'created' by anything the government did.</para></quote>
<para>The disingenuousness way this government talks about the economy is an insult to Australia's intelligence.</para>
<para>Worse still for me, as a Labor senator, is the impact of the choices that are being revealed by this terrible economic mismanagement of the federal government. In advancing the choices that they advance, they take away from other parts of the economic reality of this nation. We have seen massive cuts to schools, cuts to Medicare cuts to families which increase the cost of living, cuts to higher education and cuts to veterans hospitals. We have seen a GP tax, cuts that are impacting people's access to doctors, and a big tax break for banks and multinationals. The choices that this government have made and—for want of a better word to describe it—the economic mess that they have inflicted under the leadership of Malcolm Turnbull deserve the derision of the Australian people. The myths that—<inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKENZIE</name>
    <name.id>207825</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It gives me great pleasure today to rise once again to set the record straight, as senator after senator from the ALP strides in here with their fictional assessment of what our economic plan as a government is for our nation. Senator O'Neill does it every time. Senator O'Neill came in here and once again put on the record the lies about our education spend. I am sorry, Senator O'Neill—well, actually, I am quite rapt with it—but right now we have, as a federal government, record spending on schools, despite the economic challenges your government left us with. So, please, pick up the budget and read it. I am sure the minister's office would be very happy to help walk you through it with a special briefing on how much we are investing in Australian schools for Australian taxpayers and for our economic future.</para>
<para>I find it very difficult to be lectured—or should I say hectored—by the Labor Party on our government's economic plan. We have to have good economic management. It is essential. We have a very generous social safety net in this country and we need to have a strong economic plan to be able to invest in infrastructure, both physical and social, to build a strong future. I think it is highly ridiculous that the Labor Party chooses to critique us, when we just want to take a walk through, let's say, the past Treasurer's way. Let us have a look at Wayne Swan's commitment to budget surpluses and to dealing with debt, deficit and spending. In his first budget speech he claimed he would deliver 'a surplus built on disciplined spending'. If only it was so. The result of that promise by the Treasurer was a $27 billion deficit. In 2009-10, Swan's budget night address told Australians that the nation was 'on a path to surplus by 2015-16'. Hallelujah! We should be there. The result was a $54.5 billion deficit. In 2010-11, the final budget under Prime Minister Kevin Rudd mark 1, the Treasurer said that the Labor budget's program would see 'the budget return to surplus in three years time'. Fantastic, former Treasurer Swan: if only you had actually approached your Treasury oversight with any sense of an economic plan and policy which would actually help to achieve that.</para>
<para>I could go on and on and on, but I am short of time and I really want to get the positive story out of today's MPI. Rather than go through the litany of failures under Labor, I want to talk about our strong economic plan and a Prime Minister that is absolutely committed to ensuring that we have at our ready the instruments and the levers to build economic growth, backing hardworking small businesses—that is exactly what we are doing. We know that small business is the engine room of our economy. We are cutting small business tax rates so that they can reinvest in their businesses. Often they are family owned enterprises.</para>
<para>Again, Senator O'Neill, I have to let you know that we are cracking down on tax avoidance. So let us get the little mythology that we are not doing that out of the chamber. We are cracking down on tax avoidance because we want a fair tax system, a tax system where tax is as low as possible and where those who are seeking to avoid paying their fair share are prosecuted and captured. We are investing in social infrastructure—guaranteed funding for hospitals and schools, not promises on a whim. These are things that we can control, where we can say, 'We commit to funding these things going forward so that we can deliver high-quality education and health care to our citizens.'</para>
<para>We are backing our future. We are backing young Australians. We have new jobs pathways so that young Australians who want to get experience in different industries have a pathway to work. That is backing our future by ensuring that young Australians can get useful experience in terms of an intern program. I think it is a great economic plan, and I just do not see why the Labor Party does not support jobs and growth going forward so that we can build a strong Australia, a strong economy, together.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator BERNARDI</name>
    <name.id>G0D</name.id>
    <electorate>South Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have to pick up where Senator McKenzie left off, in the sense that those in the Labor Party do not seem to care about the economic prosperity and welfare of Australia and the responsibility we have to future generations. If they did, they would support a sustainable budget, they would support prudent spending cuts and they would support the redirection of available to dollars to places where they are going to be the most productive. But, no, that is not the method the Labor Party have chosen. Picking up from where Mr Rudd, when he was Prime Minister, took off, they have spent and established programs that have basically robbed, from tomorrow, the generations post us so that we can enjoy some benefits today. That is a serious moral failing.</para>
<para>Until the Labor Party are prepared to acknowledge the path they have set this country on, the path that they insist will not be deviated from by this government, we are sentencing our nation to a massive economic issue in the years ahead. There are those in the Greens party and on the other side who say, 'If we only borrow more and spend more now, we will be better off in the future.' That is not the way works. As Senator McKenzie and others in this debate have highlighted, we were promised again and again and again that the borrowings were only temporary, that we were going to return to surplus, that we were going to get the economic dividend and that growth was going to come. All of that was nonsense, and they knew it was nonsense as they were peddling it. Mr Swan as Treasurer would get his Treasury figures up and he would pick one that suited his economic forecasts, and off we would go. He was going to deliver surplus after surplus after surplus.</para>
<para>Since they have lost office, they have stood in the way of budget reform. They have stood in the way of sustainable savings. Instead, they have adopted Orwell's newspeak, where they say that a tax increase is a saving. Well, a tax increase is not a saving. A tax increase is a new impost on the productive, working income generation of our country, because they are not prepared to do what is necessary. Well, if they are not prepared to do what is necessary, I would invite them, on behalf of the Australian people, to get out of the way of those of us who are committed to looking after our children and our children's children. It is incumbent upon us not just to be stewards of the environment, as I am sure Senator Whish-Wilson and others would like us to be, but to be good stewards of our economy. If you think that catastrophic debt levels do not start somewhere, go and have a look at nations all around the world, where politicians were kicking the can down the road and saying, 'It's okay; it's only temporary.' Then, later on, it became, 'It's okay; it's not going to be our problem.' And then, eventually, it becomes someone's problem, and we see the economic disasters that have happened in Greece, in Spain, in Portugal, in Ireland. We are going to see it in the emerging and developing markets as the US dollar rises and interest rates increase in the US. We are going to see a serious economic problem globally. And Australia hitherto was immune to it, effectively, because we ran budget surpluses, we had savings in the bank and we had no debt. That was all demolished by sending cheques to dead people and people overseas under the Rudd government, by the Pink Batts program, by the school hall building programs, which wasted tens of billions of dollars for next to no long-term benefit.</para>
<para>This is a shameful indictment. And, as I said, if the Labor Party, in their intransigence, are not prepared to be part of the solution, then get out of the way. Stop being so stubborn and bloody-minded about protecting the future of our children. That is what this government is seeking to do; it is seeking to restore the balance to the budget to get it back on the right track so that we can fulfil our moral obligations to our children and their children.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>91</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Leave of Absence</title>
          <page.no>91</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That leave of absence be granted to Senator Day for 1 September 2016 for personal reasons—not today, as indicated earlier during the placing of business.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>92</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration</title>
          <page.no>92</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>95</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity Committee</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity, I present the report of the committee on the Jurisdiction of the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity, together with the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> record of proceedings and documents presented to the committee.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Chair of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade, I present two reports of the committee as listed at item 15 on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order o</inline><inline font-style="italic">f Business</inline>, and move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the reports.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Public Accounts and Audit Committee</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Joint Committee of Public Accounts and Audit, I present three reports of the committee as listed at item 15 on today's <inline font-style="italic">Order of Business</inline>, as well as the executive minutes on report No. 449.</para>
<para>Ordered that the reports be printed.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Migration Committee</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on Migration, I present the report of the committee on Migration on the Seasonal Worker Program.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SMITH</name>
    <name.id>241710</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Disability Insurance Scheme</title>
          <page.no>95</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>95</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Joint Standing Committee on the National Disability Insurance Scheme, I present the report of the committee on accommodation for people with disabilities and the NDIS.</para>
<para>Ordered that the report be printed.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Senator URQUHART</name>
    <name.id>231199</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the Senate take note of the report.</para></quote>
<para>I seek leave to continue my remarks later.</para>
<para>Leave granted; debate adjourned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>96</page.no>
        <type>MINISTERIAL STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Military Commemorations</title>
          <page.no>96</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINODINOS</name>
    <name.id>bv7</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Prime Minister, I table a ministerial statement which updates the House on recent military commemorations.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>96</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Assent</title>
          <page.no>96</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S SPEECH</title>
        <page.no>96</page.no>
        <type>GOVERNOR-GENERAL'S SPEECH</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Address-in-Reply</title>
          <page.no>96</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SIEWERT</name>
    <name.id>e5z</name.id>
    <electorate>Western Australia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before starting, I would like to acknowledge the traditional owners of the land on which are meeting and pay my respects to Ngunawal and Ngambri elders past, present and future. I think it is particularly important that I acknowledge Aboriginal ownership of the land on which we are meeting. It is not only important that we acknowledge their ownership but also addressing the issues of disadvantage and closing gap have to be at the centre of policy development and policy implementation in this country.</para>
<para>The Governor-General said something very important at the start of his speech yesterday. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Electorates across the country have vested in you their trust to deal sensibly, responsibly and diligently with a multitude of policy choices important not only to how Australians live today but to what sort of society we bequeath to future generations.</para></quote>
<para>He went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… my government will work constructively, cooperatively and creatively with each member and senator to focus on policy that improves the wellbeing, and secures the future, of all Australians, their families and their communities.</para></quote>
<para>The Australian Greens take that responsibility very seriously. We know that Australia faces challenges over the course of the 21st century. The choices we make as a country mean a lot to the community and will have far-reaching consequences, which is why I have to say I was disappointed in many of the points that were made yesterday about the direction that the government intends to take.</para>
<para>The choices that were outlined in the speech seemed to rely more on trickle-down economics that in fact do not work and do not float all those boats. The evidence shows that in Western Australia—for example, through the boom—there was no such thing as trickle-down economics. The approaches that have been outlined by the government cut funding, support and programs to some of the poorest and most disadvantaged members of our community and seek to give money to the rich, banking yet again on the flawed approach of trickle-down economics.</para>
<para>We believe we can and must choose a different approach that cares for the most vulnerable, that works for social justice and that acknowledges that we need to be making choices that invest in programs that support the most vulnerable in our community. How as a nation we choose to respond will mean the difference between having a fair, equal and caring society or a society that is increasingly unequal. So when it comes to improving the wellbeing and the future for all, we agree: this is essential. We disagree on the method. We know the impact of inequality, on health outcomes and productivity. Even the IMF acknowledges that inequality is harmful to productivity. So, if in fact people do not care about the wellbeing and fairness in our community, which we Greens do, and believe that the way to achieving fairness and equality is increased productivity, and even if they do believe in the trickle-down effect, inequality means that productivity will be harmed. So we in fact disagree with some of the measures that were outlined yesterday.</para>
<para>The Governor-General spoke about supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The commitment to do things with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, rather than doing things to communities, remains steadfast.</para></quote>
<para>The Australian Greens believe that this commitment is incredibly important. I only wish that the coalition's approach matched their rhetoric. Not long before that in that speech were comments around the government's approach to the healthy welfare card—that is not working with communities. It is a top-down, paternalistic harmful policy.</para>
<para>We have seen the Northern Territory intervention, which was then followed up by the ALP's Stronger Futures policy, entrenching income management. We have seen reports that show that income management has failed, that it is top-down, paternalistic and did not achieve any of its objectives. Again, it is not working with communities.</para>
<para>The Community Development Program is not working with communities. It is imposing, yet again, a punitive, destructive, paternalistic and discriminatory approach to policies, because the programs that apply there do not apply to the rest of Australia. So it simply is not working with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians—it is doing things with them rather than to them. It is simply not doing it.</para>
<para>The healthy welfare card is a policy that is being imposed on communities. The only reason the government is not seeking to impose it in Geraldton is because, fortunately, the federal election got in the way. It is not very popular, and the government did not do the consultation in that community; we, the Greens, did the consultation in that community and Aboriginal organisations did the consultation in the Geraldton community. Quite clearly, it was opposed by the community, and Aboriginal organisations in Geraldton have come out very strongly and rejected a healthy welfare card. The broader community at the public meeting we had clearly rejected the healthy welfare card. That is not working with the community; it is doing things to the community.</para>
<para>So are programs like the Community Development Program. It is punitive and harmful. Clearly already the harm is being felt in communities with the government's approach to the Community Development Program, because we have seen nearly 50,000 extra sanctions through that process in Aboriginal communities. Aboriginal people in communities talk to me about not being able to get back on once they are sanctioned off and about the system purposely being made so complex as to stop people going back onto income support. It is not helping develop employment in the communities.</para>
<para>I will acknowledge that the government has now said that it will extend funding to the Indigenous Rangers program, the program that has been evaluated and shown really clearly to have benefits to employment, to health and to land management—an overwhelmingly positive response. I am glad to see that the government has now at least said it will extend funding to 2020. Unfortunately, there are very strong rumours—more than rumours, because I know that there is an overhead presentation circulating that shows—that the government wants to change it and wants to make it an employment program like the CDP. So here we have a program which works, which the government wants to come along and fiddle with to reduce its effectiveness, when the community is asking for a doubling of funding and for the ensuring of certainty for 15 years. That is a position that the Greens strongly support.</para>
<para>The Greens have a different vision from the government's vision in this area. To the 2016 election we took a platform of supporting Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities. We want to work with Aboriginal communities. We have listened to Aboriginal communities, Aboriginal peak organisations and Aboriginal community organisations. We want to make sure that the National Congress of Australia's First Peoples, the representative body of first peoples, is properly funded and can do its work representing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. We want to re-form the Indigenous Advancement Strategy because that has been chaotic. You cannot go anywhere in any communities without hearing concern about the flawed approach in the Indigenous Advancement Strategy. We want to restore the funding of over half a billion dollars that was taken out of Aboriginal programs. We want to see genuine consultation that supports Aboriginal communities, and we want to genuinely work with Aboriginal communities, not do things to Aboriginal communities.</para>
<para>There is an inherent contradiction in the government's approach when they are talking about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander issues, because, on one hand, they are supposed to be talking to and working with Aboriginal communities; at the same time, they are imposing top down, punitive approaches. We will continue to oppose programs that are punitive, that are harsh and that are imposed top down. We want to get rid of the contradiction, within government policy, that they want to, on one hand, work with and, on the other hand, do to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.</para>
<para>The same goes for justice targets. In Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities, peak bodies and people in communities have been crying out for justice targets to address the appalling incarceration rates in this country, but that takes genuine reform, genuine change and, again, working with communities, not continuing to support the states and territories that apply mandatory detention and not seeing states and territories put in place punitive approaches instead of working for justice reinvestment. I would have liked to have seen a more supportive approach to justice reinvestment, for example. All these measures have been worked on and promoted by Aboriginal communities. Please listen and work with Aboriginal communities to address these issues.</para>
<para>One of our central pillars for the Australian Greens is social justice. We are deeply concerned about poverty in this country. We are deeply concerned about the government's agenda on what they call welfare—we call it our social security system—with the constant claims that the numbers are rising and that we have to keep cutting income support. We have a flawed approach to income support in this country if the government think they can fix things by just continuing to cut funding—the energy supplement, for example. If you are living in poverty on Newstart, every dollar counts. Taking away the energy supplement basically cuts Newstart, plunging people further into poverty.</para>
<para>The government want to continue their policy of chucking people off the disability support pension and dumping people with disability onto Newstart. That does not increase the wellbeing of our community. It is punitive. It is mean. And it is self-defeating because people living in poverty find it even harder to find work.</para>
<para>This takes us back to the issue that this country is always proud of its approach of a fair go. That is not a fair go. People should not be limited in a fair Australia by where they are born or how much their parents earn or the colour of their skin. We believe that everybody has the right to access adequate resources to allow them to fully participate in society. Australians as a country believe that fairness is an important issue. We have staked our reputation on fairness. But the approach that the government outlined in the address yesterday is not fair. We believe that people should be given and deserve a fair chance. We talk about mateship. We are quite proud of that. That is about helping one another. That is what we used to define mateship as and see mateship as: helping one another. We do not believe that that is the approach that the address outlined yesterday.</para>
<para>We know that in Australia today not everybody gets a fair go. The Prime Minister said it himself. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don’t believe my wealth, or frankly most people’s wealth, is entirely a function of hard work. Of course hard work is important but, you know, there are taxi drivers that work harder than I ever have and they don’t have much money. There are cleaners that worked harder than I ever have or you ever have and they don’t have much money.</para></quote>
<para>That is an acknowledgement by the Prime Minister that we do not have an equal society and this is where the coalition's policy falls down, because its policies do not deliver a fairer or more equal society. We need a social security system that is fit for the 21st century. Instead of that, the government is continuing to talk about cuts to our income support system, is ripping big holes in our social security net and is making the most vulnerable members of our community pay for the largesse of the coalition. It was the coalition that introduced tax cuts, that introduced payments for those that are doing very well thank you very much. The coalition thinks it can put in place more tax cuts and all of a sudden they are going to trickle down and help the most vulnerable members of our community. That is in fact not proven in economic analysis. Inequality is going to damage our community. We know, from the social determinants of health, that people will end up less healthy thereby making it even harder for them to participate in the workforce.</para>
<para>We are not envisaging an economy that is fit for the 21st century. Just the same, we do not have a social services system that is fit for the 21st century. But instead of a vision of how we are going to develop a social services system, of how we are going to develop an economy that is fit, that addresses renewable energies and that ensures we are in fact the clever country, we are taking money out of ARENA when that should be a key investment because that is the future. That is where the future jobs are.</para>
<para>People are often lucky because of where they were born, in which community they were born into, in which postcard their parents lived in. That was demonstrated again and again by the <inline font-style="italic">Dropping Off the Edge: Persistent Communal Disadvantage in Australia</inline> report from the Jesuit Social Services and Catholic Social Services Australia. <inline font-style="italic">Dropping Off the Edge</inline> clearly articulates that where you were born and what postcode you live in can determine your future outcomes. That is not an Australia that we should be proud of. We should make sure we are helping people in those postcodes and making sure that we are not increasing inequality in our society.</para>
<para>I chaired the Community Affairs References Committee inquiry into the extent of income inequality in Australia last year. The committee heard significant evidence about the impact of inequality, about measures to address it and about how we need to be addressing unemployment of our young and our older Australians, who are dropping out of employment and not able to regain it. We have a job service system that is failing the unemployed, that is failing people who are not able to access work. There is increasing homelessness, and a failing of many people to be to get access to services in the places they live.</para>
<para>We would put in place a series of measures to address this inequality, to make sure we are building a strong social safety net, to make sure we do have universal access to social services—social services that we can be proud of. We would build a strong health system and education system in this country to ensure inequality is addressed, to ensure for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples that we can meet the promises we made to close the gap by 2030. As Senator Di Natale outlined earlier this morning, we are not on track to meet the Closing the Gap targets that we currently have and we are not putting in place the justice targets that we need such as the ones we outlined.</para>
<para>Where is the vision where we move to an economy based on the 100 per cent renewable energy? We know we can do it. As they say, we have the technology. We can rebuild our energy system to be 100 per cent renewable. Where was the outline and the vision for that? Nowhere, of course, because the government is so beholden to fossil fuels and to the dinosaurs that cling on to coal. The government lacks the vision to make sure we move there. The government will be responsible when places like Collie in Western Australia are left to die because the government did not have the foresight to put in place those transformational plans. There was no vision in that statement. We need to have a vision in this country and that statement failed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator IAN MACDONALD</name>
    <name.id>YW4</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to thank his Excellency the Governor-General of Australia for the speech he delivered yesterday, which sets out a wonderful and exciting future for our country over the next three years. I congratulate the Prime Minister, the honourable Malcolm Turnbull, on his election as Prime Minister and on leading the coalition to victory at the election on 2 July. It was not the convincing victory we had hoped for but a victory is a victory and I congratulate the Prime Minister. I know that in the next three years he will lead Australia to bigger and better things.</para>
<para>I also thank the people of Queensland for returning me as a senator representing that state for the sixth time. I commit myself to work as hard as I can in their interests over the term of the next parliament. It is clear that, as the longest serving parliamentarian now, I am of an age where many people will say to me, 'You are now at an age where you should be thinking about retiring.' Of course, age of itself is not the criteria. I think that older people everywhere in Australia are undervalued. As long as older people can do the work, can commit to the goals they set and the achievements that they espouse, then age should not be a barrier. And for as long as I can continue to do the work that I have been doing for the last 26 years, I will do that with the help of my fellow Queenslanders and in their interests.</para>
<para>I want to take this opportunity to congratulate the new members of the Liberal-National Party of Queensland, the LNP, who have come to this chamber following the election. I specifically mention the new members for Groom, Maranoa, Brisbane, Fairfax, Fisher and Wide Bay. I should also mention in that election context the wonderful result achieved by the members for Petrie, Brisbane and Capricornia, all of whom, according to the commentariat, were going to lose their seats in the 2 July election. All of them did remarkably well. I add to that the member for Flynn, who, after being written off by the commentariat, had quite a comfortable win in his electorate.</para>
<para>I pay my highest regards and respect to Mr Wyatt Roy and Mr Ewen Jones who, at this stage, have lost their seats. Mr Wyatt Roy is a wonderful young person, and I am confident he will be back in public life in the future. As for my friend and colleague Ewen Jones in Herbert, I might say that this is still work in progress. I would hope to see a challenge to the Court of Disputed Returns as I am confident that it would lead to a return of Mr Jones to the other place. I also pay tribute to former senator Jo Lindgren, who, in the short time she was in this chamber, did a wonderful job and became a very close friend of mine. Again, she is the sort of person who has so much to contribute, and I am confident that she will return to public life at some time in the future. I must say that the election campaign and how it was discharged from the coalition's point of view was not as I would have hoped. There were a lot of problems with it, as I saw it, but I do acknowledge the difficulty that the LNP in Queensland had in running a campaign at the instruction of someone else while having to deal with particular local issues.</para>
<para>I highlight my pride at being a member of the coalition and being a member of the LNP, which is the second of the three parties which comprise the federal coalition. There are three parties in the federal coalition: the Liberal Party, which has 45 members in the lower house; the LNP, which has 21 members in the lower house; and the National Party, which has 10 members in the lower house—a total of 76 in the coalition. If you add to that 30 senators, you have a coalition of 106 members and senators of which 27 come from the LNP, making it clearly the second biggest party in the federal coalition. Compare this, of course, with my friends and colleagues from Victoria, who only have 22 senators and members in the coalition in this parliament. My congratulations go to Gary Spence and the executive of the LNP in Queensland on leading the party to quite a remarkable result—a result which, I might say, has been achieved in the last several elections, as the Queensland LNP always punches well above its weight when it comes to returning a coalition government.</para>
<para>The election that just passed was remarkable for a couple of reasons. The Mediscare campaign, which had a real impact in Queensland, was one of the most disgraceful campaigning programs that I have ever seen in my long involvement with politics. Southern unionists who were there supporting the Labor Party at the pre-polls at the two Townsville booths were actively telling lies, particularly to older people and more vulnerable people. They were saying to them, 'Medicare will disappear tomorrow'—a complete, abject and outright lie. But it was being promoted by members of the MUA, who were up there in Townsville supporting Glenn Lazarus's candidate in his campaign, would you believe? The MUA! They interspersed with the Labor candidate. One day they would be wearing a Lazarus shirt; the next day they would be wearing a Labor Party shirt. But they from the MUA joined with people from the CPSU and the Construction, Forestry, Mining and Energy Union—all out-of-towners, I might say—in harassing people in the long queues that occurred in the pre-polls, particularly in Kirwan and Townsville City. That was a blight on democracy.</para>
<para>The Australian Electoral Commission have a difficult job, but I have to say—and I will be speaking a lot more about this as I put myself on the electoral matters standing committee for the review into the recent election—I have a very low regard for the professionalism of the AEC. As I said, I will elaborate on this at some later time when I have a bit more time to elaborate. Because of the close count in Herbert that I was involved in, I think, for 25 days solid from 9 am until 9 pm on Saturdays, Sundays and every other day, you actually look very closely at how the election was conducted. And because it was such an intense scrutiny, you become aware of many things which would make you uncomfortable as to the security of our electoral system. These matters, I hope, will be ventilated in the court at some later time. If not, they will certainly be ventilated in the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters. It is a concern which normally would not matter, but, in an election as close as it was in Herbert, you want to understand and look at all of these voting irregularities that can make a difference. You only need to make a difference in three or four seats—at the last election—and you change the government of Australia, and very often it is a change that is not what is intended by the voters of Australia.</para>
<para>The other interesting thing—and it relates a bit to the previous speech—was the remarkably poor result achieved by the Australian Greens in Queensland at the last election. Senator Waters struggled to get a quota. Whilst there was a lot of talk about the Greens getting two quotas in the Senate, they barely were able to get one quota. Their result, particularly in the North, which is where I come from, was the worst I have seen for some time. Indeed, right throughout Queensland the result obtained by the Greens political party candidates in the lower house was, I think, towards some of the worst they have achieved.</para>
<para>I think that is not because of the leadership—and I quite like Senator Di Natale; I think he has rather a refreshing insight—but because people are waking up to the tactics of the radical green movement and their political representatives with regard to a lot of things which Queenslanders hold dear. They see the Greens, the Wilderness Society and the ACF continuing to try and stop what most Queenslanders support. I think that is eventually starting to come through. The rubbish that the Greens will give you on the Coral Sea—I mean, who is asking for anything to be done to the Coral Sea? Who uses the Coral Sea? No-one. And yet the Greens, for some reason, seem to want to lock it up, when it is hardly being used by anyone at all, and what use there is of the Coral Sea has very minimal impact on that pristine environment, which has always been pristine and which will stay pristine.</para>
<para>The count in Herbert, as I said, was long and exhausting. Hopefully, from my point of view—and I emphasise here that these are not decisions for me to make; they are entirely beyond any control I would have, but I personally hope—there will a challenge to the Court of Disputed Returns. I would then look forward to a new election in that seat.</para>
<para>Returning to the Governor-General's speech: it succinctly set out a wonderful program for the next three years, starting with tax cuts. My speech follows that of Senator Siewert. She is a lovely person, Senator Siewert—I admire her a lot—but she is the ultimate socialist, as are many of the people in the Greens political party. They have only got to look at history to see that socialism does not work. You have got to encourage people. You have got to look after those who cannot look after themselves; you have got to look after the disadvantaged; but you do that by having a progressive, wealthy country, and you increase wealth by encouraging people to work harder. I am delighted the Governor-General highlighted the tax cuts which will result from the coalition's election win.</para>
<para>I refer also to a matter of very great interest to me and others who live in the North, and that is the record expenditure on defence that this government has committed to. Over the next decade, something like $195 billion will be spent on defence capability. I am delighted also to note that, in the defence white paper, some $12.4 billion of the defence spending in the intermediate future will be spent in the North of Australia.</para>
<para>I note from the Governor-General's speech that the coalition is continuing with its exceedingly remarkable successes in the area of free trade agreements, which means jobs for Australians. It means greater exports for Australians and therefore jobs and wealth for our country. I am delighted that the government will be pursuing success in Japan, Korea, China and Singapore and with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which will be particularly important to the cattle and sugar industries in the North of Australia.</para>
<para>The NBN is being rolled out. In fact, it is almost at my home in Ayr, as I speak. Under the Conroy program for the NBN, I might have got NBN in five or six years, if I were still alive. But thanks to the administration of Senator Fifield and, before him, Mr Turnbull the NBN is knocking on my door.</para>
<para>There is $50 billion in investment in infrastructure to connect goods and markets, to connect rural people and industries to neighbouring regional cities, state capitals and international markets, to support local industries and to get us safely home. I have got to mention the enormous work being done on the Bruce Highway. Every time I drive from my home in Ayr to my office in Townsville, I get annoyed by the amount of roadworks on the Bruce Highway, where they are converting it into passing lanes. It is a wonderful effort. As well as that, there is the eastern rail corridor extension in Townsville, which will be so beneficial for all industries in the North. I give great credit to Mr Ewen Jones for his advocacy of that. The City Deals program is an innovative new program that will in Townsville's case—parochially, can I say—result in a new stadium there but as part of a wider arrangement on City Deals. Again all congratulations to Ewen Jones on that, and on the Smart Cities Plan, which Mr Jones was very much involved in.</para>
<para>During the election campaign, significant announcements were made in relation to water storage and management. It is 30 or 40 years since there has been a dam in Australia—there was one small one in Tasmania under the last coalition government—but we have now removed the word 'dam' from the swear list of public policy and we will be seeing new dams, water storage and weirs on rivers in the north. Of course, the Rookwood Weir near Rockhampton will be the first one off the starting blocks.</para>
<para>We will continue to care for the environment. The Great Barrier Reef has been well managed and cared for under successive coalition governments. I have to say for the benefit of Senator Siewert and Senator Waters that even conversation societies acknowledge that all positive forward-looking policies on protection of our natural marine assets come from coalition governments. There is more money for reform to research funding. I am delighted that the Northern Australian CRC will take off during the term of this next government. In health, the coalition has a proud story to tell, whereas all the Labor Party can tell are outright and abject lies about Medicare—a disgrace and a blot on the Australian Labor Party and our democracy.</para>
<para>In his speech, the Governor-General clearly indicated a path forward for a nation like Australia as we take the best of our natural assets and our people assets to build a better, happier and wealthier community for all. That, I think, will mean a very exciting time for all of us.</para>
<para>I urge members of the Labor Party, in particular, to think not of their own selfish, inward-looking personal political ambitions or egos but to think of Australia's interests in the way they address matters coming before this chamber. A lot of programs that are coming into this chamber are matters which the Labor Party called for and supported in the run-up to the election. I hope the Labor Party will allow those to be implemented to get the budget a little bit back on track, which is a goal of our government and a goal that is so essential for all Australians. I notice that at the Australian War Memorial the other day Mr Shorten made a call for his party and for all Australians—the government as well—to act in the national interest. I will be reminding Mr Shorten what he said as we debate in the next few weeks these initiatives which were set out by the Governor-General in his speech to the parliament. I commend the speech. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RICE</name>
    <name.id>155410</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to start by reflecting on what a great privilege it is to be re-elected to the Senate and to be back here representing the people of Victoria. I really do want to thank the voters of Victoria who have given me the privilege to be here representing them. I am going to do my best in this term of parliament to work hard for all Victorians, for all Australians, and for all the other species that we share our planet with and for all the people of the future as well, and to not just focus on what can be quite short-term interests of small sections of the community.</para>
<para>In thinking about the Governor-General's speech and reflecting on what I wanted to say tonight, my first thought was that I really felt for the Governor-General. He was required to read out a speech that was written by government ideologues which was, frankly, rather uninspiring. It was full of platitudes, nice sounding words, but nothing that really gave you that sense of, 'Yeah, here is a strong agenda with a strong drive and a determination to really knuckle down and do the hard work and really tackle the serious problems that Australia faces'. It was uninspiring and I do not blame anyone in the chamber for falling asleep during it.</para>
<para>Today we have heard a number of speeches in reply saying what a centrepiece for our future the Governor-General's speech was. Senator Brandis, for example, in question time today took the opportunity to repeat that the core theme of Governor-General's speech was that we were building a strong, prosperous and secure Australia. Again, nice sounding, and who would be against having a strong, prosperous and secure Australia? It sounds great. But what was outlined in that speech is not going to deliver a strong, prosperous and secure Australia.</para>
<para>Senator Brandis today went on to say that 'the heart of the plan is the plan for jobs, growth and investment'. So we have added an extra word. Rather than jobs and growth being a three-word slogan, we now a four-word slogan: jobs, growth and investment. But where is the detail, the crux, of how that is going to be delivered? During the election campaign we heard so much about jobs and growth, but the only bit of the agenda that we really had given to us was that $50 billion worth of tax cuts was going to magically produce great amounts of jobs and growth. It was this belief in the thoroughly discredited economic theory of trickle-down economics—that that was going to transform Australia. We have had 50 years of trickle-down economics, of neoliberal economics, and we have more than enough evidence to show that it does not work—$50 billion worth of tax cuts is not going to deliver jobs and growth and investment and it is not going to deliver a strong, prosperous and secure Australia.</para>
<para>But at the heart of what the government is talking about is that we need to have a balanced budget. On the need for a balanced budget, of not living beyond our needs for the everyday operational expenses of running the government, we can agree. Yes, we need to not be living beyond our needs. It would of course be refreshing and constructive if the government were equally concerned about government debt and the massive private debt that is amassing in this country and, in particular, recognised the difference between debt being taken on for the day-to-day and the year-to-year expenses of running the country and the debt which is from borrowing money for productive infrastructure, to invest in infrastructure that will have lasting value, and to improve our economic efficiency, which has lasting social benefit and lasting benefit in reducing our environmental footprint. We need to be able to differentiate between these two types of debt. In fact, in the Greens' election platform we did that and said, 'Look, it has been supported by economists around the world that there is such value in borrowing to invest in that infrastructure and being able to deliver the type of Australia that we want to be living in.'</para>
<para>If we get back to tackling the balance sheet, keeping our budget in check and balancing our day-to-day, year-to-year budget: accepting that as something that you want to do, there are very different ways of going about it. In the Greens, we say we do not balance the budget by cutting services and cutting benefits from those who can least afford to pay or by increasing the taxes on those who can least afford to pay, such as the prospect of increasing the GST that was being put around. We know that increasing the GST will impact on the people with the least amount of money in our society, who spend every dollar they have and pay GST on it. So we can do as the government wants—tackle balancing our budget by attacking those with the least in our society—or we can ask those who can afford to pay their fair share to do so, actually implement progressive taxation and get rid of the tax breaks that are currently enjoyed at the big end of town. Yet again, this is not the direction that the government is heading in. It really shows, once again, that this government simply does not get the idea of fairness.</para>
<para>You would think that after everything we went through in the 2014 budget—after all the backlash and the rejection from experts, economists, the community and this Senate—the government would try something different. But, no, their new progressive, innovative, forward-looking agenda is to try again with the same unfair measures. Senator Cormann now has a new cigar buddy in Treasurer Morrison. Joe Hockey might have taken one for the nation—sent to the other side of the world—but the government seem to want to have another go. It is not lifters and leaners now but the taxed and the taxed-nots, which is an atrocious, even worse metaphor than the first. It is now completely clear who the government are governing for. The government are here to make life easier for the haves and harder for the have-nots.</para>
<para>Yes, we need to have a balanced budget, but we are not going to get there by targeting those who can least afford it, and we are definitely not going to get there with tax cuts for massive corporations. The Greens know that we have to tackle our revenue problem. We have to be raising revenue rather than going on cutting splurges for the big end of town. We took to the election a vision to raise revenue with a whole range of measures that would give us the revenue to spend on the initiatives that we know this country needs. In fact, over the forward estimates, we put together a list of revenue measures that came in at over $100 billion, and these were revenue measures that would deliver us a fairer, more equitable and more sustainable society.</para>
<para>I have the list here of the measures that we took to the election. Ending fossil fuel subsidies is a big one. If we ended those fossil fuel subsidies and the mining companies had to pay the same tax on their petrol as you and I need to, it would raise $24 billion over the next four years. That is $24 billion that we could do an awful lot with. I can think of a huge number of projects that we could be spending $24 billion on—whether increasing equality, increasing Newstart or investing in public transport infrastructure; $24 billion is not to be sneezed at.</para>
<para>We suggested amendments to make our superannuation system much fairer with progressive superannuation taxation, so that rather than people paying very little tax as they put money into their super, virtually everybody would receive a 15 per cent concession on the tax they had to pay on contributions. So if your marginal tax rate was 47 per cent, then you would pay 32 per cent on your super contributions. It seems pretty fair that if you can afford to put that amount of money in super then you can afford to pay a progressive rate of tax on it. These sorts of changes to our superannuation system would raise $10 billion over the next four years. These are not small amounts of money.</para>
<para>We also suggested introducing a 'too big to fail' bank levy. We know that the big four banks can get their money cheaper because everyone knows they have such security and such dominance in the market. If the government, who actually give them that security, actually made them pay for that rather than giving them a discount on what they can get their money for, the revenue passed over to the taxpayer would be almost $15 billion. We also suggested a Buffett rule, which basically says that if you earn over $1 million you need to be paying at least 30 per cent of your income in tax. That seems fair enough to me. If you are earning that much money, you should not be able to use tax avoidance schemes left, right and centre to reduce your tax to next to nothing. Go and ask virtually any Australian if it is fair that if you are earning over $1 million you should be paying at least 30 cents in the dollar—what ordinary people are paying in tax. That measure would raise over $8 billion over the next four years.</para>
<para>The list goes on. Phasing out private health insurance rebates is another measure. This is a massive subsidy to middle- and high-income earners in this country, at the expense of money going into our hospitals so that all of us can benefit from it and we can have a public health system that we can all be really proud of and that we know is going to meet our needs. That measure would save $13 billion.</para>
<para>Then there are the big ones: phasing out negative gearing and phasing out the capital gains tax discounts, which, between the two of them, amount to an extra $30 billion. We have the most generous concessions for property investment anywhere in the world, and they are not delivering the benefits to society that they should. We know that our housing is massively expensive. We know that we have huge issues with lack of affordability in housing and huge issues of homelessness. That $30 billion could be spent in a much more constructive and valuable way.</para>
<para>The platform that we put together said: 'Look, we've got huge problems with unaffordable housing. We've got huge problems of homelessness. How about if we phase out negative gearing and the capital gains tax discounts and invest all of that money into housing programs? Do you know that, if you did that, instead of giving that money to people as a discount on perhaps their fifth, sixth or 10th property, we could end homelessness in Australia?' Think of the transformation we would make to Australia by ending homelessness. And it would have huge economic benefits as well, because of the amount of social housing that would be unlocked through investment in construction of that social and public housing, and because of the huge social value of giving people a safe home, a roof over their head, thus giving them the ability to get on and live productive lives and be able to contribute to society and to the economy. You cannot do that if you are homeless. If you do not know where you are going to be sleeping that night, you cannot get the rest of your life in order. It is a fundamental thing that we should be able to do in Australia. It is a basic human right to have a roof over your head. And it is a choice: we can spend the money on giving discounts to people who have already got a lot, or we can spend the money on making sure that everybody can afford to have a roof over their head.</para>
<para>These are the sorts of measures that the Greens propose to bring to Australia, to restore fairness to the way that we are doing business. These are investments in our future that will reduce inequality.</para>
<para>There are other big investments that are, we know, where money needs to be spent. I have already touched on the need to invest in infrastructure and that we put up a proposal to say, 'As a country with a AAA credit rating, we can afford to borrow $80 billion to invest in productive infrastructure—the infrastructure that we need to transform our cities, particularly the infrastructure that is needed in renewable energy and public and sustainable transport.' If we spent that money, those are the sorts of things that would enable people to travel around our cities efficiently. They would give people the option of fast, frequent, affordable, reliable and safe public transport. We could afford to invest in airport rail in Melbourne. We could afford to invest in cross-city rail in Brisbane. We could afford to invest in light rail systems in all of our capital cities. These would give people the choice to get out of their polluting motor cars. They would tackle fairness, in giving people the opportunity to do that and a clean way of travelling as well—giving them the option of fast, frequent, reliable, affordable and safe public transport.</para>
<para>Of course, the economic benefits of doing that would be immense. We know that we have the opportunity now to have those environmental, economic and employment benefits of that investment in infrastructure. The construction boom from investing in public transport is very substantial.</para>
<para>The other really positive and constructive thing about these city-transforming public transport investments is that we know that, overall, they are not controversial. Everybody agrees that they are what is needed to transform our cities. Instead of focusing on massive, polluting tollways—the benefits of which are going to go to big private companies that are already getting billions of dollars out of us, and which are inevitably going to be controversial—let us focus on the projects which everybody knows are really good ideas.</para>
<para>Airport rail in Melbourne is a classic case in point. We have the absolutely clogged Tullamarine Freeway, where they are currently building an extra lane along each side. We know that, by the time those lanes have been completed, the freeway will be filled up with traffic. It is just a never-ending cycle of continuing waste of billions of dollars. If you put that same level of investment into the public transport project of airport rail, giving people the option of getting to the airport not on the Tullamarine Freeway, that would really transform and unclog our city.</para>
<para>We heard, in the Governor-General's speech, a commitment to inland rail. Again, that is another project of which I think there would be hardly a person across the country who would not say, 'That's a good project.' Let's get on with it! We have government saying, 'All right, yes, it's a good project,' and, so far, there is a commitment to half a billion dollars. Half a billion dollars, I hate to tell the government, is not going to build us the inland rail. The cost of the inland rail is more of the scale of $10 billion. We should be saying, 'Yep, we're going to spend it,' because the benefits to the country of spending it are worth so much. These are the nation-changing infrastructure projects that we need to invest in.</para>
<para>The other critical thing with the infrastructure investments that we need, is that we have to make sure that the decisions that are being made about them and where the money is being invested are in the public interest. In order to ensure that, we need to make sure that we have transparency and accountability as to where that money is being spent. We have a big problem when the infrastructure projects are those market-led proposals, such as the Western Distributor Project proposed by Transurban in Victoria, where, because there is private sector involvement, there is opacity. We have not got transparency. Of the business case, the transport modelling and the economic modelling, serious chunks have been redacted. I got a copy of a freedom of information request about some information about the Western Distributor recently, and, on page after page after page, there were big black squares. So the critical information we need, to know whether that project is in the public interest, is just not available to us. We have to make sure that for any of these infrastructure projects we have transparency and that they are being undertaken in the public interest.</para>
<para>I just want to finish on the final thing which hardly rated a mention in the Prime Minister's speech and which is the most fundamental issue facing us in Australia, and that is the threat of dangerous global warming. We know that unless we tackle global warming it is going to have a massive environmental, social and economic impact on us. We know what we need to do. We know the investment in renewable energy that we could have that would generate tens of thousands of jobs in Australia. They are the directions we need to be going in, tackling the big issues in Australia, and that is the biggest one. We know that if we do not tackle it we do not have much future as a country. Australia can be a global leader. We have the ability. We have the richness of the nation to be able to be a leader in tackling global warming, yet we are being left behind. That is the direction we need to be going in as a country.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator PATERSON</name>
    <name.id>144138</name.id>
    <electorate>Victoria</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to begin tonight with some thankyous, first and foremost to the people of Victoria, who have sent me back here to represent their interests in this place. It is a great honour, and I look forward to fighting hard for your interests in this the states' house. Thank you also to the members of the Victorian Liberal Party, who put their faith in me to represent our wonderful party in the federal parliament. I promised you that I would be a voice for our values. I hope you agree that I have done so in my first six months as a senator, and I recommit to doing so at every opportunity as long as I have your support to be here.</para>
<para>I am particularly proud to be back in the federal parliament as a Victorian Liberal following the federal election. We were the only state to return an extra coalition member of the House of Representatives. Julia Banks will be an outstanding member for the people of Chisholm, and I was very pleased to support her in a small way as her patron senator during the campaign. Her hard work and commitment was recognised by the people of Chisholm, and she and her close-knit campaign team achieved an incredible result of an almost three per cent swing against the trend. Although every coalition member of the House of Representatives could claim to be the key seat that delivered us government, I think Julia Banks has as good a claim as any to being our 76th member. If it were not for her success, we could have all been delivering very different speeches in reply today.</para>
<para>Victoria was also the only state to return an extra coalition senator in the wonderful Jane Hume. We have seen tonight, in her terrific maiden speech, why Jane will be an extremely valuable addition to the team. I want to single out particularly her powerful advocacy of social impact investing and the way in which it can achieve social justice objectives using free-market mechanisms. I am looking forward to serving with her in this place for many years to come.</para>
<para>Victoria can also boast impressive young, energetic new talent with our new Liberal colleagues Chris Crewther, the member for Dunkley, and Tim Wilson, the member for Goldstein. Chris fought hard to retain for us a seat that has not always been safe for our party, but I predict that he will earn the support of the people of Dunkley for many years to come. I am eagerly looking forward to hearing his maiden speech in a few weeks time as a fellow generation Y Liberal. Tim is of course one of the leading intellects of the modern Liberal Party. His maiden speech tonight powerfully demonstrated his capacity for deep thought, old policy ambition, and leadership. Tim offered optimistic and forward-looking vision of Liberalism that not only is morally right but has the capacity to earn widespread support in our community.</para>
<para>It is worth reflecting just briefly on why Victoria returned such a strong result for the coalition and such a poor result for the Labor Party. Although my impressive colleagues and our attractive platform no doubt played a part, I think we should be honest: it was not all about us. It was about at least two other people: (1) the Leader of the Opposition and (2) the Premier of Victoria. The Liberal Party did well and the Labor Party did poorly because the Victorian people know Bill Shorten better than anyone else in Australia does, and they got a very good preview of what a Shorten government might be like in the form of the Victorian Labor Daniel Andrews government. It was a gift from heaven, a perfect demonstration of the key philosophical divide that still exists in modern Australian politics, when the Country Fire Authority issue leapt onto the campaign. Nothing could more clearly demonstrate the difference between the Liberal approach and the Labor approach. In the Victorian Labor government we have a premier who puts unions and collective power ahead of individuals and volunteers. We have a government willing to use state power to force on free civil society onerous restrictions and burdens that they should not have to deal with. These are people who give their own time freely just to protect their communities. They ask for nothing in return. They give up their weekends, they give up their evenings, they spend time away from their families because it is important to them to contribute to their community by protecting it. But Daniel Andrews owed a debt to the union movement, and it had to be delivered at any cost, even at the expense of volunteers. The few hundred paid staff of the CFA and their union paymasters had to be put ahead of the 60,000 volunteers.</para>
<para>The Victorian people have sent a very clear message to us here in federal parliament but also to Spring Street in Victoria. They do not want to see governments gang up on volunteers. They do not want to see organisations like the CFA disrespected. They want to see their contribution valued, supported and respected. That is something that I think all of us should be able to do. That is something that I do not think should be a partisan issue, but in this campaign it was, and there is no doubt that it played a decisive role in the Victorian Liberal Party's success at this election.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator McKIM</name>
    <name.id>JKM</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to commence my address-in-reply by thanking the voters of Tasmania for expressing confidence in the Tasmanian Greens and for allowing us to retain the two seats that we held in this the states house, and I would like to commit both myself and, I am sure, Senator Whish-Wilson to doing everything we can in this place to represent Tasmania and the values of our party during the 45th Parliament. I also make the observation in the context of the vote in Tasmania that it was nothing less than an absolutely shocking result for the Liberal Party. They lost all three of their House of Representatives seats, and we saw, thanks to the machinations of Senator Abetz, the demise of the only Liberal minister from Tasmania in the previous government—former Senator Richard Colbeck. It has been instructive, to say the least, to watch Senator Abetz dance his way away from responsibility for the appalling result that the Liberal Party suffered in Tasmania.</para>
<para>I also want to make the obvious observation that Tasmanians voted unambiguously in both the House of Representatives and the Senate for an increase in the delivery of essential public services—increased funding for schools, increased funding for hospitals and increased funding for a range of other public services. They voted for Labor members, they voted for Greens members and they voted for Independents, in the form of Mr Wilkie in the lower house and, of course, of Senator Lambie in the upper house—all of whom are unambiguous supporters of increased levels of public service in Tasmania. Tasmanians have had a gutful of the cut, cut, cut approach of the Liberal Party. They want to see more money expended on essential public services in Tasmania, and the Greens will stand with them and work as hard as we possibly can to help deliver on that aspiration.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge that this is the first address that I am making to this chamber as the Greens immigration spokesperson and I want to thank and pay extreme credit to former immigration spokesperson for the Greens, Senator Sarah Hanson-Young. She gave her heart and her soul to this portfolio for a long period of time, and I hope to continue to build on the work that she has done both inside this parliament and outside it. It is worth noting that, as we speak, the government's so-called border protection regime is crumbling before our very eyes. We are seeing in the recently revealed Nauru files yet more allegations of widespread abuse and, pertinently, a complete and abject failure by government to respond in an adequate way.</para>
<para>Within 12 hours of those shocking items of film being aired on <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline>, we saw the Prime Minister had, quite rightly, moved towards calling a royal commission into Don Dale and into child protection and child custody in the Northern Territory. That was a quite right and quite reasonable response from the Prime Minister. But I have to ask the question: what is it about Don Dale that motivated the Prime Minister to respond so quickly, that is—according to him, to the Liberal Party, to the Nationals and to the Labor Party—lacking in regards to the allegations we have heard around what is going on on Nauru and on Manus Island? What is so different? Is it that it is happening on mainland Australia? If that is the only reason, people need to look again at what is going on and at the frameworks that we have established around Manus and Nauru. This is not only being done in Australia's name but also being done by Australia. It is being done by our government. Australians will not be happy to let this government continue to wash its hands of responsibility for what is going on on Manus Island and on Nauru.</para>
<para>It is also worth pointing out that we are still seeing the boats. They are still coming towards Australia. We may turn them back and we may drop a veil of secrecy over what is going on in international waters, in Australia's territorial waters and in the territorial waters of other countries. We may drop that veil of secrecy on it, but we know that the boats are still departing. We know that people are still putting their lives at risk going to sea in unseaworthy vessels and we know that the business model of the people smugglers is still viable.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>106</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>45th Parliament, Turnbull Government</title>
          <page.no>106</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator KETTER</name>
    <name.id>244247</name.id>
    <electorate>Queensland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to make my first adjournment speech in the 45th Parliament. I want to commence by thanking the people of Queensland for supporting me in my re-election. It continues to be a great honour and a privilege to represent the people of Queensland in this place. I particularly want to thank the thousands of Labor Party members and supporters who have worked so hard over the protracted period of the election campaign. They really put their heart and soul into the Labor cause.</para>
<para>I also want to welcome all the new senators who are joining us for the 45th Parliament. In particular, I would like to welcome my new Queensland Labor colleagues, Senator Murray Watt and Senator Anthony Chisholm, who I know will make an outstanding contribution to this place. I would also like to acknowledge our new Queensland members of parliament in the lower house: Susan Lamb, representing Longman; Cathy O'Toole, representing Herbert; and Milton Dick, representing Oxley. I would also like to acknowledge some of the Queensland Labor Candidates in the recent election who were unsuccessful on this occasion, including Jacqui Pedersen in Petrie, Leisa Neaton in Capricornia, Zac Beers in Flynn, Des Hardman in Forde and Pat O'Neil in Brisbane. They were all very, very close to success but not quite there. I know that they will be back better and stronger next time and that they will not give up on their fight against inequality.</para>
<para>On 15 September last year, the Prime Minister took to his Facebook page to announce to the Australian people that there was never a more exciting time to be an Australian. Oh, how the mighty have fallen. The Prime Minister then went on to say that the government would ensure that all Australians understand that their government recognises the opportunities of the future and that he was putting in place the policies and the plans to enable them to take advantage of that. In the same statement, he continued by saying:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We have to recognise that the disruption that we see driven by technology, the volatility and change is our friend, is our friend if we are agile and smart enough to take advantage of it.</para></quote>
<para>It was a proclamation that the innovation nation had been born.</para>
<para>On Monday this week, the Prime Minister outlined his 25-point battle plan, a battle plan to stifle innovation, a battle plan to hurt low- and middle-income families and a battle plan to take up the same fight as his predecessor, Mr Tony Abbott. This battle plan can only be described as the same old ramrod, cavalier approach to governance that the people of Australia can expect from the Liberal Party, with some of this legislation being on the table since 2014.</para>
<para>Yesterday, the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> released Newspoll data showing yet another slump in public support for Mr Turnbull and the Liberals. When asked if he was worried about the new data, the Treasurer, Mr Morrison, said: 'No, I'm not. People elect us to get on with the job; that is what we are doing. We've got a raft of legislation coming in this week. There are some 24 bills or thereabouts.' Need I remind the Treasurer that some of these bills are more than three years old. How does that equate to getting on with the job? I would describe that as a job not being done!</para>
<para>This government appears to be a continuation of the Abbott government, which had the lowest rate of passing legislation since the 1960s. So much for change. So much for being nimble and agile. So much for innovation. Under this unruly government, Australia is slipping. Australia is the only advanced economy in the world that is shedding jobs in renewable energy. We have fallen from 30th to 60th in global internet speeds, despite billions of dollars in cost blow-outs. Our schools are slipping in science, maths, reading and writing, yet the government is cutting billions from education. As Mr Shorten said, we cannot have an innovation nation without first having an education nation.</para>
<para>Income inequality in Australia has been rising. We know that inequality is one of the impediments to economic growth. Overall, Australia has had strong policy and institutional settings, which have acted to slow the growth of income inequality. I refer to the recent report by the Chifley Research Centre of August 2016, which noted that our policy and institutional settings include:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a strong social safety net, including means-tested welfare, universal healthcare, and universal superannuation; progressive income tax and a low level for a consumption tax; high public investment in education; a solid minimum wage and minimum employment standards; and anti-discrimination protection.</para></quote>
<para>The report states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is worth noting that many of these fundamentals are exactly the features of Australia’s economy that are clearly in the sights of the current Coalition Government.</para></quote>
<para>This government is hurting Australia and it is hurting Australia right now. Australia has slipped two places on the Global Innovation Index, failing to export and commercialise enough ideas to push into the top tier. Australia is placed 19th on the 2016 index, down from 17th when Mr Abbott was Prime Minister. According to the index, Australia ranks in the top 10 worldwide when it comes to tertiary education participation, infrastructure, information and communication technologies, access to credit and new business activity. But it falls short of global standards when it comes to government spending on secondary education per pupil, the number of science and engineering graduates, the ease of protecting minority investors, and ICT imports.</para>
<para>That is why Labor has policy platforms to foster innovation, to make sure Australia does not get left behind. The 'Your Child. Our Future' plan provided for a range of innovations, such as more one-on-one support and attention for each student; early intervention programs in every school, so that students do not fall behind; remedial literacy and numeracy support in every school; extension classes to challenge students that are excelling in class; and a range of other things. Our plan for computer coding in every school aimed at developing and promoting innovative teaching of coding in our schools; ensuring teachers in every school gain access to practical hands-on training in coding and its integration into the classroom; and a range of other features. Our plans to fund STEM teaching would ensure we have the right people in place to teach our kids the skills and jobs they need for the future.</para>
<para>Australia has a chronic shortage of women graduating with computer science or coding skills. Since 2001, the rate of women enrolling in an IT degree has actually fallen from about one in four to just one in 10. To counter this, Labor launched our Girls into Code policy—a $4.5 million grants program to support organisations that promote, encourage and inspire girls to learn code. But the current government will have none of this. They would sooner have their supporters and their leader chant 'jobs and growth' in an attempt to mask, shield and hide their own incompetence.</para>
<para>Where is the growth? Where are the jobs? Where is the good news? Truthfully, there is not much. Mr Turnbull and the Liberals do not innovate; they agitate. We saw this only yesterday when coalition backbenchers banded together to reintroduce changes to section 18C of the Racial Discrimination Act. So much for their innovation agenda; they are literally trying to change things back to the way they used to be. The Liberals are not looking forward; they are looking backwards.</para>
<para>In years to come, when we look back on this government, what will people say the great achievement of the Turnbull government was? I doubt they will say much. They might say the government achieved a tax cut for the top end of town. They might say the government reached a consensus on a weak superannuation policy. I can tell honourable senators what they have achieved. They have succeeded in ensuring that Australia just recorded its lowest wage growth in 18 years. They have succeeded in trying to pass the same legislation for the past three years. They have succeeded in achieving nothing.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Marriage</title>
          <page.no>108</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator SINGH</name>
    <name.id>M0R</name.id>
    <electorate>Tasmania</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Turnbull government's plan to hold a divisive and pointless plebiscite into marriage equality and to ask: why is the Turnbull government insisting on this unnecessary marriage equality plebiscite when Australians have already made their support clear and when the parliament could deal with this simply with a single vote? This plebiscite is nothing more than a delaying tactic with the potential to cause real, lasting damage to families. It is not just the LGBTIQ people who will be hurt by the abuse that will come from more extreme opponents of marriage equality; it is also their parents, their grandparents, their brothers, their sisters, their friends. There is no doubt that the opponents are already preparing to mount a well-funded campaign based on hurtful and divisive arguments.</para>
<para>Just this week Tasmanian comedian Hannah Gadsby spoke about the lasting damage she suffered as a result of the hurtful arguments put forward by conservatives in the lead-up to the decriminalisation of homosexuality in Tasmania. Gadsby revealed that the hurtful debate made her feel subhuman, sent her spiralling into depression and even led to her being assaulted. She has urged Australians to reject the idea of a plebiscite, which she rightly fears may not only ruin but end some young lives.</para>
<para>Another of my rural Tasmanian constituents has written about his well-founded fears that the plebiscite will be used as a platform by hateful people to spread their hate-filled messages about people like him. Not only will the plebiscite be hurtful and divisive; it will also be pointless, given that a number of Liberal members and senators of parliament have indicated that they will vote in parliament against marriage equality regardless of the plebiscite result. It says much about the approach of this new Turnbull government when it continues to prioritise former Prime Minister Tony Abbott's plebiscite to put off making any decision on marriage equality. The current Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull, is personally in favour of marriage equality, but he is continuing with this divisive plebiscite anyway to appease none other than a small group of far-right MPs in the Liberal Party who want it. After consulting with members of the LGBTIQ communities in my home state, I do not support a process that I believe is unnecessary and that will drive hatred and harm.</para>
<para>Marriage is both a deeply personal and social institution. It is a commitment offered by a couple to each other as a means by which they value the dignity of each other's love and formally recognise it in the community. However, the legal definition of marriage currently denies same-sex couples the dignity of equality. I believe that is discriminatory and incompatible with the expectations of a fair society. We cannot argue that we treat all Australians equally when we keep discriminatory laws in place. While this discrimination continues, the clear message being sent to those in the LGBTIQ community is: your relationship and your sexuality are not equal in our society, and your sexuality is grounds for discrimination and vilification. This is a message that I, along with the majority of Australians, strongly disagree with.</para>
<para>I choose equality because equality matters. We as a society recognise marriage as an important institution for couples, but whether a couple chooses to enter into matrimony should be their decision only. Denying that choice to same-sex couples discriminates against people living in our community who identify as LGBTIQ. We have already seen the types of arguments used to vilify couples in same-sex relationships. The scare tactics have been detrimental to our LGBTIQ communities in Australia. These communities already have one of the highest rates of suicide and self-harm—well above the national average. With the cost of the plebiscite predicted to rise well above the estimated $160 million, wouldn't it be better to spend that money on suicide prevention for some of our most vulnerable people rather than on a plebiscite on an issue that the majority of Australians already agree on?</para>
<para>The greatest indicator that the plebiscite debate will not be respectful has been the recent moves by Tasmanian and federal Liberal MPs to change our state and federal discrimination laws, particularly the state discrimination laws. Why would anyone need to change these laws if they do not intend to vilify and incite hatred towards a group in our community? That is what our discrimination laws rightly protect against, and they have been working just fine at both the state level and the federal level. Leading LGBTIQ advocate Rodney Croome has pointed out the hypocrisy in these attempts to change our hate speech laws after the Tasmanian Liberal government recently indicated that it wants to ban Wicked Campers on the basis of the hurtful and denigrating slogans painted on its rental vehicles.</para>
<para>Former High Court judge Michael Kirby has also raised concerns about this plebiscite. He makes a strong argument that a same-sex marriage plebiscite sets a dangerous precedent in which the parliament refuses to deal with controversial issues and instead sends them down the costly route of a plebiscite each time. We have been openly discussing marriage equality in Australia for a number of years, and the idea that somehow Australians do not understand or need to be further educated on it is, quite frankly, insulting and a poor excuse for the lack of backbone from the Turnbull government on this issue. Parliament is the appropriate place to debate a change in the legislation on marriage, which is exactly what happened when former Prime Minister John Howard used his parliamentary majority to change the Marriage Act in 2004 to actually exclude same-sex couples.</para>
<para>We trust parliamentarians to make decisions on matters of significant national security, our nation's finances and our services. Why, then, should we accept that they are suddenly incapable of voting on marriage equality? The role of parliamentarians as elected representatives is to make decisions on behalf of the public. We should not be shying away from that role. In doing so, it diminishes the capacity of all parliamentarians. I have received a massive amount of correspondence on this issue, and the letters, emails and phone calls are overwhelmingly in support of changing the law to enable marriage equality. And opinion polls consistently back it up. Almost every opinion poll on this issue has found that around two-thirds of Australians support marriage equality.</para>
<para>I want to see marriage equality in Australia just as it has been achieved in over 20 other countries in the world by their parliaments, but it needs to happen in a respectful manner. A plebiscite is not a pathway for marriage equality; it is a costly, hurtful and divisive proposal that opens the door for damage and discrimination against a minority group that quite frankly deserves more respect and support after decades of abuse, fear and disadvantage.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Donations to Political Parties</title>
          <page.no>109</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Senator RHIANNON</name>
    <name.id>CPR</name.id>
    <electorate>New South Wales</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In recent days political donation scandals have dominated the media and at times debate in this place. It is thanks to the New South Wales corruption watchdog, ICAC, and also to the bill pay system that Senator Dastyari uses that has turned the spotlight on the corrupting influence of political donations.</para>
<para>In speaking on this issue, I have noted how serious the impact is on the body politic and it got me thinking of what this corruption in all its form does to our very right to vote. My thoughts turned to the suffragettes whose actions changed the very face of democracy.</para>
<para>The suffragette movement made great sacrifices to gain the vote. It was a noble cause. It was a courageous fight. Many women suffered greatly to achieve equality in the democratic process. Some even died. Yet their sacrifices are being trashed by the corruption and dishonesty of some contemporary politicians, and a political donations regime which literally sells votes to the highest bidder—votes which they died for.</para>
<para>One leader of the suffragette movement in Britain was Sylvia Pankhurst. She was thrown in prison and went on a hunger strike. Her sacrifice for my right to vote, I believe, is extraordinary. I read about her work and her life a long time ago. When I was thinking about this today, I went back to refresh my memories. I think it is a part of our history that we should all remember.</para>
<para>The authorities that she came up against at the time were well aware of her political power and they force-fed her when she was jailed. She described the experience in a 1913 article:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I struggled as hard as I could, but they were six and each one of them much bigger and stronger than I. They soon had me on the bed and firmly held me down by the shoulders, the arms, the knees, and the ankles.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Then the doctors came stealing in behind. Someone seized me by the head and thrust a sheet under my chin. I felt a man's hands trying to force my mouth open. I set my teeth and tightened my lips over them with all my strength. My breath was coming so quickly that I felt as if I should suffocate. I felt his fingers trying to press my lips apart—getting inside—and I felt them and a steel gag running around my gums and feeling for gaps in my teeth.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I felt I should go mad; I felt like a poor wild thing caught in a steel trap. I was tugging at my head to get it free. There were two of them holding it. There were two of them wrenching at my mouth. My breath was coming faster and with a sort of low scream that was getting louder. I heard them talking: 'Here is a gap.'</para></quote>
<para>They are Sylvia's words.</para>
<para>Sylvia Pankhurst and so many others fought valiantly to participate in the democratic process. They had faith that the right to vote could mean fair representation and improve the lives of all. They had faith that the democratic system would be an ally in the fight against oppression and inequality. What would they make of democracy today, the system they fought so hard to be a part of?</para>
<para>What would they make of a senator with such a cosy relationship with rich donors that he can call on them to pay his travel bills? What would they make of a cabinet secretary who testified he had no knowledge of huge political donations between organisations that he was deeply involved in? What would they make of a prime minister personally donating at least $2 million of his own money to help buy an election for his party? I think Sylvia Pankhurst would have been most concerned and she would have fought back.</para>
<para>There are many reforms we can make to honour the suffragettes' sacrifices and restore public confidence in our democratic process. We need caps on donations and bans on donations from corrupting industries. We need real-time online disclosure so voters can be informed when they cast their ballot. We need expenditure caps so that campaigns are a contest of ideas, not bank transfers and television advertisements.</para>
<para>These reforms are owed to everyone who has historically been denied a say and fought to get it. Without serious reform to stop corporations and rich donors buying politicians, we are dishonouring the sacrifice of those who fought for the right of all adults to vote—the suffragettes, the people involved in the right for Aboriginal people to vote and all the people who have worked to establish the emerging democracies that we are seeing occurring around the world and it continues to this day.</para>
<para>Importantly, we all lose when political decision making and policies can be bought by vested interests. The current system is not good enough. It must change, and I hope people do contemplate the extraordinary life of Sylvia Pankhurst and remember what she fought for. It remains as relevant to today as it was when she suffered so much. Thank you.</para>
<para>Senate adjourned at 19:43</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>110</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tabling</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
</hansard>