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  <session.header>
    <date>2024-03-20</date>
    <parliament.no>2</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>0</period.no>
    <chamber>House of Reps</chamber>
    <page.no>0</page.no>
    <proof>1</proof>
  </session.header>
  <chamber.xscript>
    <business.start>
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            <a href="Chamber" type="">Wednesday, 20 March 2024</a>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The SPEAKER (</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Hon.</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Milton Dick</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">) </span>took the chair at 09:00, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
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          <span class="HPS-Line"> </span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Selection Committee</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present report No. 24 of the Selection Committee relating to the consideration of committee and delegation business and private members' business on Monday 25 March 2024. The report will be printed in the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> for today and the committee's determinations will appear on tomorrow's <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>. Copies of the report have been placed on the table.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The report read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Report relating to the consideration of committee and delegation business and of private Members' business</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1. The Committee met in private session on Tuesday, 19 March 2024.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. The Committee deliberated on items of committee and delegation business that had been notified, private Members' business items listed on the Notice Paper and notices lodged on Tuesday, 19 March 2024, and determined the order of precedence and times on Monday, 25 March 2024, as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Items for House of Representatives Chamber (10.10 am to 12 noon)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">COMMITTEE AND DELEGATION BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Presentation and statements</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 Standing Committee on Employment, Education and Training</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Shared vision, equal pathways: report of the inquiry into the perceptions and status of vocational education and training</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that statements on the report may be made</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">all statements to conclude by 10.35 am.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Chesters</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 5 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 MR COLEMAN: To present a Bill for an Act to amend the criminal law and the law relating to online safety, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Crimes and Online Safety Legislation Amendment (Combatting Online Notoriety) Bill 2024</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 MR KATTER: To present a Bill for an Act to provide for a Commissioner for Food Retailing and for various other matters in relation to market share of supermarkets, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Reducing Supermarket Dominance Bill 2024</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 MS CHANEY: To present a Bill for an Act to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Electoral Legislation Amendment (Fair and Transparent Elections) Bill 2024</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 MS MASCARENHAS: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) commends the Government's commitment to build a Future Made in Australia that includes a strong, diverse economy with greater opportunity and security for all;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes the Government is taking advantage of Australia's strengths and natural resources to create job opportunities across the value chain through:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the $15 billion National Reconstruction Fund and its key priority areas, which includes a focus on value-add in resources;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) investing $840 million to help deliver Australia's first combined rare earth mine and refinery in the Northern Territory;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) expanding the Critical Minerals Facility to $6 billion to bolster the sector in Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the $392 million Industry Growth Program to support Australian small and medium enterprises that fall under the National Reconstruction Fund priority areas;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) developing Australia's first National Battery Strategy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) updating the Clean Energy Finance Corporation Investment Mandate to allow further investments in clean energy technologies; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) supporting the development of Australian manufacturing through the Capacity Investment Scheme; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) calls on the Opposition to support Australia's manufacturing future and the creation of more secure, well-paid jobs.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 19 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Mascarenhas</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 MR RAMSEY: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Australia's live sheep export industry employs more than 3,500 people in Western Australia and is worth $85 million in direct payments to producers with an assumed multiplier effect close to $300 million;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Australia has developed world-leading animal welfare standards which are applied to animals exported by sea and the Exporter Supply Chain Assurance System ensures animal welfare right through to point of slaughter in destination markets;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry and the Government have committed to phasing out live sheep exports from Australia, but have not released a timeframe for this;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the independent panel appointed by the Minister to consult with stakeholders and provide advice on how and when the Government will phase out exports provided its report to the Minister on 25 October 2023;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) despite numerous requests, the Government and the Minister have refused to release the report to stakeholders, famers or industry groups, claiming it is 'cabinet-in-confidence';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the Coalition's Agriculture, Water and Environment Backbench Committee met with livestock farmers in South Australia and Western Australia from 5 to 8 March to hear firsthand the concerns of those in the region most likely to be affected;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the committee heard from farmers, industry participants and community representatives who work hard to ensure the welfare of their animals throughout the export process is maintained at the high levels Australians expect; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) attendees at eight meetings over four days indicated that confidence in the sheep industry was at its lowest point in decades and were fearful for the industry's future and the future of family farms and businesses and their wider rural communities</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) condemns the Government for its reckless and ideological decision to forcibly shut down Australia's live sheep export industry in order to try and hold seats in the inner cities where they are competing with the Australian Greens;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) recognises that any decisions made in respect to the trade should always be predicated on science and independent of the Government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) calls on the Government to urgently explain what factual evidence or science its decision to ban the live sheep export industry is based on;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) demands the Government to immediately release the report of the independent panel to allow proper discussion with stakeholders; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) urges the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry to urgently re-open the inquiry into the grooming of and payments made to Faizal Ullah by Animals Australia in the light of a second statutory declaration coming forward after the closure of its initial investigation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 19 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">15 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Ramsey</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 3 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6 MS CHANEY: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that under its Inflation Reduction Act, the United States of America (USA) has committed more than one trillion (AUD) in incentives to accelerate the USA's transition to net zero by 2050;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges that, with our abundant natural resources, Australia is well-placed to become a renewable energy superpower;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) further notes that business representatives have raised concerns that Australia is lagging in the race to decarbonise, in part due to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) unwieldly state and federal approvals processes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) low investor confidence due to decades of climate inaction;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the comparatively high cost of doing business; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) competition from other countries with stronger support structures for new industries; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) calls on the Government to commit to an urgent, comprehensive and well-funded plan to increase our international competitiveness in decarbonised industries.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 19 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">remaining private Members' business time prior to 12 noon.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Chaney</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 2 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Items for Federation Chamber (11 am to 1.30 pm)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 MR CHANDLER-MATHER: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in the 2023 financial year the Government collected more money from HECS/HELP debt than it did from gas companies;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) millions of Australians with student debt were hit with a 7.1 per cent indexation increase last year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) many federal politicians received free university themselves; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) calls on the Government to wipe student debt and make university and TAFE free.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 19 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">20 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Chandler-Mather</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 MS CLAYDON: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that International Women's Day is celebrated annually on 8 March and that the theme for 2024 is <inline font-style="italic">Invest in Women: Accelerate Progress</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges that the Government has made significant investments in areas to improve the lives of women by delivering more tax relief to women and making it easier to work, making childcare cheaper, expanding the Government's Paid Parental Leave Scheme and paying superannuation on this leave, investing in women's safety, improving how the industrial relations system works for women and improving pay and conditions in the care economy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) welcomes the difference this is already making, noting that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the gender pay gap is now at a record low of 12 per cent;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Australia has jumped up 17 places from 43rd to 26th in global gender equality rankings in the last 12 months;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) 60.4 per cent of women over the age of 15 are now employed, compared to 59.9 per cent in 2023;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) for the first time in history, Australia has a majority female Federal Government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) women's wages are up; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the Government's Paid Parental Leave Scheme will be expanded to 26 weeks, with a 12 per cent superannuation contribution being paid to help boost retirement incomes for millions of mums; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) congratulates the Government on releasing Australia's first ever strategy for gender equality <inline font-style="italic">Working for Women</inline>, which sets out a path to get us there over the next 10 years, with a focus on driving action in five priority areas:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) gender based violence;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) unpaid and paid care;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) economic equality and security;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) health; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) leadership, representation and decision-making.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 18 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Claydon</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 MR FLETCHER: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes with concern that during a cost-of-living crisis:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) call-wait times at Services Australia remain unacceptably high; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) processing times for key claims, such as the Age Pension and Disability Support Pension, continue to blow out;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges that this is a result of the Government's:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) failure to embrace digital service delivery;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) inept mismanagement of Services Australia's workforce; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) failure to commit to a top-to-bottom customer service mindset; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) expresses its support for a root and branch review into Services Australia.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 27 February 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">40 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Fletcher</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 8 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Orders of the day</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 MULTICULTURAL COMMUNITIES: Resumption of debate (<inline font-style="italic">from 26 February 2024</inline>) on the motion of Mr Laxale—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) acknowledges:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the work the Government has undertaken to support Australia's multicultural communities, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) launching the Multicultural Framework Review;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) supporting a cohesive and inclusive multicultural society;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) investing $20 million in the Adult Migrant English Program;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) extending the Community Language Schools grant program to pre-schoolers;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) committing $7.5 million to fund the Australian Human Rights Commission to complete its National Anti-Racism Framework;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) reducing citizenship processing times by 42 per cent to the lowest level in six years; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vii) clearing the visa backlogs for nearly 1 million people left behind by the Liberal Party and slashing wait time;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) that Australia is proudly one of the world's most vibrant and successful multicultural societies; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the positive contribution that migration has made to our country, culture and economy; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) condemns the:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Liberal and National parties for their neglect of the immigration system, as outlined in the Nixon Review; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) comments from a former Prime Minister on 2 November 2023, when he stated that he 'always had trouble' with the concept of multiculturalism.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices — continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 MR HOGAN: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) that estimated budget allocations for the Export Market Development Grants (EMDG) program decreased from $169 million in the financial year 2022-23 to $110 million in the financial year 2025-26;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the current pause between rounds 3 and 4 of the EMDG program means no financial support will be available to businesses in the 2024-25 financial year; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) stakeholder concerns that the Government is considering, through a strategic refocus, removing eligibility for grants under the program for exports to certain markets; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) calls on the Government to reverse its policy intention and ensure that exporters can continue to access the program, regardless of the markets they seek to market and export to.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 27 February 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">remaining private Members' business time prior to 1.30 pm.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Hogan</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Items for Federation Chamber (4.45 pm to 7.30 pm)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices — continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 MR HAMILTON: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes comments by the Minister for Home Affairs in the House on Wednesday, 14 February 2024 in regard to 'parents who just cannot afford to buy the groceries they need for their families... parents who are struggling terribly with rents... people who can't afford to fill their car up with petrol';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) further notes comments in the CommBank iQ Cost of Living Insights Report for November 2023 that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Australians are spending more on essentials such as insurance, medical costs and pharmacies, leaving less funds for purchase of discretionary items such as household goods and clothing; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) younger Australians between 25 and 29 years old have been the hardest hit with a 5.1 per cent decline in their total spending, the only age group to decrease both discretionary and essential spending;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) recognises that under the Government:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the costs of food, housing, electricity, insurance and gas have all increased;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) real spending power has been reduced; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) younger Australians, with and without children, are being especially impacted by rising living costs;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) condemns the Government for the current cost of living crisis which is due to the Government's mismanagement of the economy and failure to adequately address high inflation and increased interest rates; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) calls on the Government to immediately develop and implement sensible economic policies to address Australia's cost of living crisis which is hurting all Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 27 February 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">50 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Hamilton</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 10 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6 MS FERNANDO: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) recognises that the National Anti-Scam Centre's second quarterly report shows that scam losses from October to December 2023 reduced by 43 per cent from the same quarter in 2022, and 26 per cent from the July to September 2023 quarter;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) observes that these results are a complete reversal of the trend, which saw scam losses double and double again between 2019 and 2022; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) commends the Government for delivering on its commitment to combat scams and online fraud by investing $86.5 million in a coordinated, whole-of-government approach, including:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) establishing the National Anti-Scam Centre under the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) launching Australia's first SMS Sender ID registry to prevent scammers imitating trusted brands; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) boosting Australian Securities and Investments Commission's investment scam disruption activities, enabling it to identify and take down investment scam and phishing websites.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 19 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">40 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Fernando</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 8 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Orders of the day — continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">LIVE SHEEP EXPORT: Resumption of debate on the motion of Mr Ramsey—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) Australia's live sheep export industry employs more than 3,500 people in Western Australia and is worth $85 million in direct payments to producers with an assumed multiplier effect close to $300 million;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Australia has developed world-leading animal welfare standards which are applied to animals exported by sea and the Exporter Supply Chain Assurance System ensures animal welfare right through to point of slaughter in destination markets;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry and the Government have committed to phasing out live sheep exports from Australia, but have not released a timeframe for this;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the independent panel appointed by the Minister to consult with stakeholders and provide advice on how and when the Government will phase out exports provided its report to the Minister on 25 October 2023;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) despite numerous requests, the Government and the Minister have refused to release the report to stakeholders, famers or industry groups, claiming it is 'cabinet-in-confidence';</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the Coalition's Agriculture, Water and Environment Backbench Committee met with livestock farmers in South Australia and Western Australia from 5 to 8 March to hear firsthand the concerns of those in the region most likely to be affected;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the committee heard from farmers, industry participants and community representatives who work hard to ensure the welfare of their animals throughout the export process is maintained at the high levels Australians expect; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) attendees at eight meetings over four days indicated that confidence in the sheep industry was at its lowest point in decades and were fearful for the industry's future and the future of family farms and businesses and their wider rural communities</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) condemns the Government for its reckless and ideological decision to forcibly shut down Australia's live sheep export industry in order to try and hold seats in the inner cities where they are competing with the Australian Greens;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) recognises that any decisions made in respect to the trade should always be predicated on science and independent of the Government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) calls on the Government to urgently explain what factual evidence or science its decision to ban the live sheep export industry is based on;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) demands the Government to immediately release the report of the independent panel to allow proper discussion with stakeholders; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) urges the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry to urgently re-open the inquiry into the grooming of and payments made to Faizal Ullah by Animals Australia in the light of a second statutory declaration coming forward after the closure of its initial investigation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">35 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 7 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 HOME GUARANTEE SCHEME: Resumption of debate (<inline font-style="italic">from 18 March 2024</inline>) on the motion of Ms Byrnes—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) acknowledges that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Government's expanded Home Guarantee Scheme has now supported more than 100,000 people into home ownership since the election, bringing home ownership back into reach;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) almost one in three first home buyers in 2022-23 were supported by the scheme, a significant increase from the previous year under the former Government;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Government delivered on its commitment to introduce the new Regional First Home Buyer Guarantee three months ahead of schedule in October 2022, and it has assisted more than 15,000 people across regional Australia into home ownership; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the Government has also expanded eligibility of the Home Guarantee Scheme to help more Australians who were locked out under the previous Government into home ownership;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the Government wants to provide even more support for people to own their home through the Help to Buy scheme, which is due to start later this year following the passage of state legislation; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Help to Buy will support eligible home buyers with an equity contribution of up to 40 per cent for new homes and 30 per cent for existing homes, with eligible buyers needing as little as a 2 per cent deposit to buy a home; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) further notes that the Home Guarantee Scheme and Help to Buy are just two parts of the Government's broad and ambitious housing agenda, with the Government committing funding of $25 billion in new housing investments over the next decade including committed funding to support thousands of new social and affordable rentals, with many already under construction.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">DECARBONISED INDUSTRIES: Resumption of debate on the motion of Ms Chaney—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that under its Inflation Reduction Act, the United States of America (USA) has committed more than one trillion (AUD) in incentives to accelerate the USA's transition to net zero by 2050;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges that, with our abundant natural resources, Australia is well-placed to become a renewable energy superpower;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) further notes that business representatives have raised concerns that Australia is lagging in the race to decarbonise, in part due to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) unwieldly state and federal approvals processes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) low investor confidence due to decades of climate inaction;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the comparatively high cost of doing business; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) competition from other countries with stronger support structures for new industries; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) calls on the Government to commit to an urgent, comprehensive and well-funded plan to increase our international competitiveness in decarbonised industries.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 19 March 2024.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">remaining private Members' business time prior to 7.30 pm.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 2 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">THE HON D. M. DICK MP</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Speaker of the House of Representatives</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">20 March 2024</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>8</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>8</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7161" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>8</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>8</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Whitlam</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>Tobacco smoking remains the leading cause of preventable death and disability in Australia. It claims the lives of around 20,500 Australians every year. As part of our National Tobacco Strategy, the government is continuing to take action to reduce the consumption of tobacco products.</para>
<para>This legislation will increase the tax on tobacco by five per cent for three years, in addition to the ordinary annual indexation.</para>
<para>These changes build on Labor's proud commitments to decisively tackle tobacco deaths and illnesses in Australia. We introduced plain packaging over a decade ago. When those reforms were introduced, smoking rates in Australia were around 16 per cent. The latest data has it at around 11 per cent, the equivalent of around one million fewer Australians smoking.</para>
<para>These changes will drive those rates down further, because, as the health minister has said, a higher priced cigarette is a less attractive cigarette. Increasing tobacco prices is one of the most effective measures to reduce smoking.</para>
<para>Our goal is to reduce smoking rates to below 10 per cent by 2025, and to five per cent or less by 2030.</para>
<para>We know however that simply raising prices is not the only solution to the harms caused by tobacco in Australia.</para>
<para>That's why the revenue generated by this legislation will form part of government funds being invested into the healthcare system, helping support the health of current and former smokers and vapers.</para>
<para>Our 2023-24 budget and MYEFO included $832 million to fund measures to protect Australians from the harm caused by tobacco and vaping products.</para>
<para>Better support for those wanting to quit, better support for those who have quit to remain healthy, and a better regulatory framework for vaping in Australia. That is the goal.</para>
<para>The measures in the bill were previously moved as Excise Tariff Proposal (No. 1) 2023 on 7 August 2023. Consistent with normal parliamentary practice, the excise tariff proposal now requires incorporation in the Excise Tariff Act.</para>
<para>This bill is complemented by the Customs Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024.</para>
<para>Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Customs Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>8</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7162" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Customs Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>8</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>8</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Whitlam</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>This bill amends the Customs Tariff Act 1995 to raise the customs duty on excise-equivalent tobacco goods by five per cent each year for three years and to align the customs duty rate for tobacco goods subject to the 'per kilogram' rate with the customs duty rate applying to the average per stick tobacco content of cigarettes, progressively over four years. These amendments support the Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024.</para>
<para>As with the Excise Tariff Amendment (Tobacco) Bill 2024, the annual five per cent increase in the tax on tobacco will commence from 1 September 2023 and continue for three years until 1 September 2025. The customs duty rate alignment for tobacco goods subject to the 'per kilogram' duty rate with the 'per stick' duty rate which applies to cigarettes and other similar tobacco products takes effect from 1 September 2023. These changes will progressively decrease the applied weight conversion factor each year for four years until 1 September 2026, ensuring all tobacco products will generally have equivalent tax treatment regardless of their form.</para>
<para>The implementation of these two measures will not affect the ordinary biannual indexation of customs duty. These indexations will continue as per the ordinary schedule, in March and September of each year, during and after the implementation of these two measures.</para>
<para>The measures in this bill were previously moved as the Customs Tariff Proposal (No. 2) 2023 on 7 August 2023. Consistent with normal parliamentary practice, the customs tariff proposal now requires incorporation in the Customs Tariff Act.</para>
<para>Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Legislation Amendment (Removal of Requirement for a Collaborative Arrangement) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>9</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7164" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Health Legislation Amendment (Removal of Requirement for a Collaborative Arrangement) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>9</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KEARNEY</name>
    <name.id>LTU</name.id>
    <electorate>Cooper</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>Today I am introducing the Health Legislation Amendment (Removal of Requirement for a Collaborative Arrangement) Bill 2024.</para>
<para>This bill represents more progress on the government's commitment to strengthen Medicare.</para>
<para>This is an historic day for Australia's healthcare workers.</para>
<para>This legislation represents a major blow, shattering the glass ceiling that, for too long, has held back our highly educated nurses and midwives—in particular those Australian women and men who have taken on years of extra training and study to become nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives.</para>
<para>Some of those are in the chamber today. I'd like to acknowledge the following: Diane Bowden, Kerrie Duggan, Alex Thomson, Kellie Wilton, Amar Sharma, Kayley Meredith, Dr Nicola Holmes, Alison Weatherstone and lots of my wonderful colleagues and friends from the Australian Primary Health Care Nurses Association, the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation and the Australian College of Midwives, who have all worked incredibly hard to get us here today.</para>
<para>This bill is about setting the conditions for those nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives to deliver the care that they are educated and qualified to deliver, allowing them to collaborate in a flexible way when patient needs require it, without limiting their professional scope of practice and autonomy.</para>
<para>It's about continuing to put our hardworking nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives at the heart of the Albanese government's Medicare reforms.</para>
<para>And, importantly, it's about taking necessary steps to unleash the full potential of our nursing and midwifery workforce.</para>
<para>Currently nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives are required to enter into a legislated so called 'collaborative arrangement' with a doctor to be able to prescribe Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme medicines and to provide services under Medicare.</para>
<para>This creates a litany of issues, limiting their scope of practice, and creating unnecessary barriers to the delivery of care.</para>
<para>In order to demonstrate how significant this legislation is, as a turning point for Australia's nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives, I want to linger on the current situation for a moment, a situation which is not serving workers or the community.</para>
<para>Recently I visited a primary healthcare clinic in regional Victoria. The clinic has an affiliated nurse practitioner that delivers primary health care to a small town some 80 kilometres away.</para>
<para>The nurse practitioner does all the hard yards. She cares for her community. She treats patients. She prescribes drugs she is trained to prescribe, gives advice on chronic disease management like diabetes, manages wounds, looks after sick children and so on.</para>
<para>However, once a week the GP from the main clinic has to drive to her healthcare centre. He sees some patients that are outside the nurse practitioner's scope and whom she has referred to him, but also he has to tick a few boxes and sign off on some of her work in order for her and the clinic to attract MBS funding and for her patients to be able to claim the PBS subsidies.</para>
<para>The GP who owns the clinic told me that he values the nurse practitioner's work and recognises her expertise and crucial role in her community. The nurse practitioner told me that the system disrespected her work, her skills and her time.</para>
<para>This system has been one of unnecessary and unhelpful rigmarole. It also actively undermines the nurse practitioners' and endorsed midwives' professionalism and inhibits nurse practitioners' and endorsed midwives' earning capacity.</para>
<para>Instead of our system trusting that nurse practitioners know how to act within their scope of practice and education, just like the system trusts and presumes all doctors do, we have a system that treats them with suspicion and in need of a patronising rubber stamping, wasting everybody's time and precious resources.</para>
<para>In an environment when Australia's health system is groaning at the seams and people, particularly in rural and regional areas, struggle to access health care, we need to have every single nurse practitioner and endorsed midwife running at their full capacity.</para>
<para>Because you see, if a GP in a rural town refused to enter a collaborative arrangement or there simply wasn't a GP or a doctor in the town, the nurse practitioner or endorsed midwife would not realistically be able to practise, removing a vital access point for the community to quality health care and choice.</para>
<para>We need to ensure that a career as a nurse practitioner and an endorsed midwife is fulfilling and well supported, where they are valued for the professionals they are. Where they can practice autonomously, attract an income in their own right, and offer services to their patients that attract the appropriate subsidies.</para>
<para>Due to the changes today, we can assure our nurses and midwives that this is what our government will deliver for them and the people they serve.</para>
<para>This bill has been a long time coming. I personally have been campaigning for this alongside nurses and midwives from across the country for many years.</para>
<para>This is an issue I feel strongly about, as a nurse and as a former secretary of the Australian Nursing and Midwifery Federation. I know how much this means to our profession.</para>
<para>The bill comes following a recommendation by the Medicare Benefits Schedule Review Taskforce. As a result an independent review of collaborative arrangements was commissioned by the Department of Health and Aged Care. This included an analysis of Australian and international literature and extensive stakeholder consultation on the efficacy and appropriateness of collaborative arrangements.</para>
<para>The findings of the independent review supported the need for clinical collaboration between all health professionals. However, it found that the current legislative requirements for collaborative arrangements can create barriers to accessing care.</para>
<para>This was not news to nurses and midwives.</para>
<para>That's why I'm so pleased to be part of an Albanese Labor government that listens and makes changes to empower our dedicated, talented healthcare workers.</para>
<para>This bill will finally remove the legislated arrangement—known as a 'collaborative arrangement'—between a nurse practitioner, or endorsed midwife, and a doctor . This will, in turn, assist in removing barriers to accessing primary care for Australians, particularly in rural and remote areas where a general practitioner can be hard to come by.</para>
<para>This bill recognises that nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives are autonomous professionals who can deliver high-quality care to patients within their scope of practice. Nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives will no longer need to have a specified legislated arrangement with a doctor to prescribe Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme medicines and provide services under Medicare.</para>
<para>Removing the legislative requirement for collaborative arrangements will not impede clinical collaboration or the delivery of care. These health professionals are already regulated by the professional standards for practice and quality and safety guidelines issued by the Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, which require collaboration with other health professionals. This is an actionable standard under the Health Practitioner Regulation National Law Act as in force in each state and territory.</para>
<para>Currently, nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives are the only professions that have legislated collaborative arrangements requirements for MBS and PBS access. These changes today will bring them into line with other healthcare professions.</para>
<para>Moreover, the bill will contribute to the long-term goals of the Strengthening Medicare Taskforce, and the Nurse Practitioner Workforce Plan, and the <inline font-style="italic">Woman</inline><inline font-style="italic">-</inline><inline font-style="italic">centred</inline><inline font-style="italic">care</inline> report—all of which recognise that nurse practitioner and midwifery led care are crucial to ensuring all Australians receive timely health care.</para>
<para>And it is not only good for nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives; it's good for women.</para>
<para>We know the care economy—a highly feminised workforce—is often underpaid, undervalued, and underutilised. Women work longer hours for less across our care and support industries.</para>
<para>Economic equality and self-determination is so much harder to come by for working women when the work you do isn't appropriately regarded or remunerated. A bill that empowers nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives is one that empowers women, taking practical action to reduce the gender pay gap and enhance gender equality.</para>
<para>You don't have to look far into our past to see a world where all doctors were men and all nurses were women.</para>
<para>By boosting the status, financial viability and autonomy of this highly feminised workforce of nurses and midwives, we are taking a concrete step towards a healthcare system powered by gender equality, rather than continuing to labour under patriarchal norms and default settings.</para>
<para>It's particularly timely that our government released the Gender Equality Strategy less than two weeks ago, as supporting the more effective use of our predominantly female healthcare workforce will improve gender equality in healthcare access and outcomes.</para>
<para>Throughout consultation on <inline font-style="italic">Women-centred care: </inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic">trategic </inline><inline font-style="italic">directions </inline><inline font-style="italic">for Australian </inline><inline font-style="italic">maternity serv</inline><inline font-style="italic">ices</inline>, it was heard that women wanted greater access to continuity of care. Women feel more cared for and respected if they have a strong and enduring relationship with a single or small team of carers throughout their pregnancy.</para>
<para>The removal of legislated collaborative arrangements will bring us closer to this ideal, by strengthening access to endorsed midwives, including in First Nations settings, aligning with the principles of Closing the Gap through Birthing on Country.</para>
<para>I conclude by reinforcing that the Albanese government is determined to make it easier for people to access high-quality care when they need it, where they need it.</para>
<para>This bill will help to deliver this and further the government's commitment to strengthening Medicare—a commitment that has already seen an historic investment from Labor since we formed government.</para>
<para>But we won't stop here.</para>
<para>The Albanese government understands that there is no health system without nurses. And there is no Medicare without nurses—and midwives.</para>
<para>Removing the red tape that holds back our nurses and midwives from providing the high-quality care that Australians so dearly need will—finally—go some way to recognising this. And it builds on other Albanese government measures to recognise and support nurses and midwives, like more nursing and midwifery scholarships, opportunities for re-entry to practice, fee-free TAFE, and higher Medicare rebates for nurse practitioners.</para>
<para>Nurses and midwives are at the centre of everything we do.</para>
<para>I thank all nurses, nurse practitioners and midwives, and the organisations that support them, for their tireless work and advocacy.</para>
<para>I am proud to fight for nurses in this place, for nurses and midwives, to ensure that every single person in this country recognises their strengths and capabilities. Making practical, structural changes to our health system, for nurses and midwives, will go a long way to achieving this.</para>
<para>Supporting nurse practitioners and endorsed midwives to use their skills is good for patients, is good for the health system, and encourages more talented people to take up these professions.</para>
<para>Australia's healthcare system is powered by the sweat, hearts and expertise of nurses and midwives.</para>
<para>It's time to let them deliver the work and care that they are qualified to deliver. Thank you.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Amendment (Safeguarding Australia's Military Secrets) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>11</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7087" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Defence Amendment (Safeguarding Australia's Military Secrets) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>11</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill, as amended, agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Defence Trade Controls Amendment Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>13</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7121" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Defence Trade Controls Amendment Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the bill be read a second time.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">A division having been called and the bells having been rung—</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As there are fewer than five members on the side for the noes in this division, I declare the question resolved in the affirmative in accordance with standing order 127. The names of those members who are in the minority will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline>.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration in Detail</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present a supplementary explanatory memorandum to the Defence Trade Controls Amendment Bill 2023, and I ask leave of the House to move government amendments (1) to (36) as circulated together.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I move government amendments (1) to (36) as circulated together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, item 2, page 3 (before line 19), before the definition of <inline font-style="italic">Australian person</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">Australian Military Sales Program item</inline> means DSGL goods or DSGL technology specified in a determination in force under section 5AA.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 2, page 4 (lines 11 and 12), omit the definition of <inline font-style="italic">DSGL goods</inline>, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">DSGL goods</inline> means goods within the scope of the Defence and Strategic Goods List, but does not include goods constituting technology, as defined in that list, that has been produced in the course of, or for the purposes of, fundamental research.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, item 3, page 4 (lines 19 to 21), omit the item, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 Subsection 4(1) (definition of <inline font-style="italic">DSGL technology</inline> )</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the definition, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">DSGL technology</inline> means a thing that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) is technology, as defined in the Defence and Strategic Goods List, not including such technology that has been produced in the course of, or for the purposes of, fundamental research; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) is software, as defined in that list; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is within the scope of that list.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Schedule 1, item 4, page 4 (after line 24), after the definition of <inline font-style="italic">foreign person</inline>, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">fundamental research</inline> means basic or applied research conducted in circumstances where the results of the research:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) are intended for public disclosure, or would ordinarily be published or shared broadly; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) are not subject to any restrictions on disclosure (however imposed) for purposes connected with the security or defence of Australia or any foreign country.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Schedule 1, item 5, page 5 (before line 1), before section 5B, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5AA Australian Military Sales Program items</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The Minister may, by legislative instrument, determine that specified DSGL goods or DSGL technology is an Australian Military Sales Program item.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Schedule 1, item 5, page 6 (line 30) to page 7 (line 22), omit paragraphs 5C(1)(a) to (d), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the supply is covered by subsection (1A), (1B) or (1C); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any requirements prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph that apply in relation to the supply are satisfied.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Schedule 1, item 5, page 7 (after line 22), after subsection 5C(1), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) This subsection covers a supply of DSGL goods or DSGL technology if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the supply is to any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a citizen or permanent resident of the United Kingdom or United States of America;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a body corporate incorporated by or under a law of the United Kingdom or United States of America, or of part of either of those countries;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the Government of the United Kingdom or United States of America, or the government of part of either of those countries;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) an authority of the Government of the United Kingdom or United States of America, or the government of part of either of those countries; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the supply is to, or occurs wholly at, a place in Australia, the United Kingdom or the United States of America; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) if the supply is the provision of access to DSGL technology—at the time of the provision of access, the person to whom the access is provided is in Australia, the United Kingdom or the United States of America; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) excluded by a determination in force under subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1B) This subsection covers a supply of DSGL goods or DSGL technology if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any other DSGL goods or DSGL technology not excluded by a determination in force under subsection (3); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the supply is made in accordance with an agreement or arrangement between Australia and one or more foreign countries, including an agreement, arrangement or understanding between a Minister and an official or authority of one or more foreign countries.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1C) This subsection covers a supply of DSGL technology if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the supply is to any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a citizen or permanent resident of a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under subsection 15(4A);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a body corporate incorporated by or under a law of a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under that subsection; or of part of such a country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the government of a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under that subsection, or of part of such a country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) an authority of the government of a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under that subsection, or the government of part of such a country; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any of the following applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the place from which the supply is made and the place to which the supply is made are both in Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the supply occurs wholly at a place in Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) if the supply is the provision of access to DSGL technology—at the time of the provision of access, both the person providing the access and the person to whom the access is provided are in Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) excluded by a determination in force under subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Schedule 1, item 5, page 7 (line 25) to page 8 (line 7), omit paragraphs 5C(2)(a) to (d), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the provision of the DSGL services is covered by subsection (2A) or (2B); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any requirements prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph that apply in relation to the provision of the DSGL services are satisfied.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Schedule 1, item 5, page 8 (after line 7), after subsection 5C(2), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2A) This subsection covers the provision of DSGL services if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL services are provided to any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a citizen or permanent resident of Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom or the United States of America;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a body corporate incorporated by or under a law of Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom or the United States of America, or of part of such a country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the Government of Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom or the United States of America, or the government of part of such a country;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) an authority of the Government of Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom or the United States of America, or the government of part of such a country; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL services are received at a place in Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom or the United States of America; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology to which the DSGL services relate is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) excluded by a determination in force under subsection (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2B) This subsection covers the provision of DSGL services if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology to which the DSGL services relate is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) any other DSGL goods or DSGL technology not excluded by a determination in force under subsection (3); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL services are provided in accordance with an agreement or arrangement between Australia and one or more foreign countries, including an agreement, arrangement or understanding between a Minister and an official or authority of one or more foreign countries.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Schedule 1, item 5, page 8 (line 11), omit "paragraph (1)(c) or (2)(c)", substitute "subsections (1A), (1B), (1C), (2A) and (2B)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Schedule 1, item 6, page 8 (line 26), after "DSGL services", insert "outside Australia".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Schedule 1, item 7, page 9 (line 11), after "another", insert "foreign".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Schedule 1, item 7, page 9 (line 14), after "United States of America", insert ", and in some cases certain other countries, or activities involving arrangements between countries,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Schedule 1, item 14, page 11 (lines 12 to 14), omit paragraph 10(3A)(c), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Schedule 1, item 14, page 11 (lines 20 to 22), omit paragraph 10(3B)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Schedule 1, item 15, page 13 (lines 7 to 16), omit subsection 10A(5).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Schedule 1, item 15, page 13 (lines 26 to 28), omit paragraph 10A(6)(c), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Schedule 1, item 15, page 13 (lines 34 to 36), omit paragraph 10A(7)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Schedule 1, item 15, page 14 (after line 2), after subsection 10A(7), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7A) Subsection (1) does not apply if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL technology is supplied to a person who is producing, or is to produce, one or more components of DSGL goods; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the supply is made in connection with the production of the components; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) any requirements prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph are satisfied.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (7A): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Schedule 1, item 15, page 14 (line 16), after "DSGL goods", insert ", other than firearms,".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Schedule 1, item 15, page 14 (after line 17), after paragraph 10B(1)(a), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is within the scope of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) Part 1 of the Defence and Strategic Goods List; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the Sensitive List of Dual-use Goods and Technologies in Part 2 of the Defence and Strategic Goods List; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) the Very Sensitive List of Dual-use Goods and Technologies in Part 2 of the Defence and Strategic Goods List; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Schedule 1, item 15, page 14 (line 24), omit "or to a foreign person".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(23) Schedule 1, item 15, page 14 (line 28), omit "or is a foreign person".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(24) Schedule 1, item 15, page 17 (lines 10 to 12), omit paragraph 10B(7)(c), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(25) Schedule 1, item 15, page 17 (lines 18 to 20), omit paragraph 10B(8)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is not:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(26) Schedule 1, item 15, page 17 (after line 22), after subsection 10B(8), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8A) Subsection (1) does not apply if the earlier export or supply, the current supply or any intervening supply of the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is to the person who originally produced the DSGL goods or DSGL technology.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (8A): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8B) Subsection (1) does not apply if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL goods or DSGL technology is within the scope of:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Sensitive List of Dual-use Goods and Technologies in Part 2 of the Defence and Strategic Goods List; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the Very Sensitive List of Dual-use Goods and Technologies in Part 2 of the Defence and Strategic Goods List; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) any of the following applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the current supply occurs wholly at a place in a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under subsection 15(4A);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the current supply is from or to a place in a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under subsection 15(4A);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) if the current supply is the provision of access to DSGL technology—at the time of the provision of access, the supplier or the other person mentioned in paragraph (1)(a) is in a foreign country that is specified in an instrument under subsection 15(4A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (8B): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8C) Subsection (1) does not apply if a period prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subsection, in relation to DSGL goods or DSGL technology of that kind, has elapsed since the day the earlier export or supply was made.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (8C): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8D) Subsection (1) does not apply if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the earlier export or supply was made in accordance with a permission or permit mentioned in paragraph (1)(f); and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the permission or permit was granted before the commencement of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (8D): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(27) Schedule 1, item 15, page 18 (line 3), at the end of the heading to section 10C, add "outside Australia".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(28) Schedule 1, item 15, page 18 (lines 9 to 12), omit paragraph 10C(1)(e), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the provider is an Australian person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ea) the provider provides the DSGL services at or from a place outside Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(eb) the other person receives the DSGL services at a place outside Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(29) Schedule 1, item 15, page 20 (lines 31 to 33), omit paragraph 10C(6)(c), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the DSGL services are not provided in relation to DSGL goods or DSGL technology that is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(30) Schedule 1, item 15, page 21 (lines 3 to 5), omit paragraph 10C(7)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL services are not provided in relation to DSGL goods or DSGL technology that is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) an Australian Military Sales Program item; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) specified in a determination in force under subsection 5C(3); or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this subparagraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(31) Schedule 1, item 15, page 21 (after line 7), after subsection 10C(7), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7A) Subsection (1) does not apply if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL services are provided in connection with a lawful supply of DSGL goods or DSGL technology that occurred before the commencement of this section; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the DSGL services are provided under a contract, agreement or arrangement entered into before the commencement of this section.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to the matter in subsection (7A): see subsection 13.3(3) of the <inline font-style="italic">Criminal Code</inline>.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(32) Schedule 1, page 26 (after line 20), after item 30, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">30A Paragraph 15(4)(b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the paragraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">30B After subsection 15(4A)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4AA) The Minister must not specify a foreign country in an instrument made under subsection (4A) unless:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the foreign country is:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a Participating State for the purposes of the Wassenaar Arrangement; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a participant in the Australia Group; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) a partner in the Missile Technology Control Regime; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) a participant in the Nuclear Suppliers Group; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the Minister is satisfied that specifying the foreign country in the instrument is in the interests of Australia's national security, Australia's foreign relations or Australia's national economic well-being.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(33) Schedule 1, page 27 (after line 23), after item 40, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">40A Subsection 27(1) (note 2)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the note, substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note 2: Sections 10 to 10C (about offences for certain activities relating to DSGL goods or DSGL technology) contain exceptions that apply in relation to the holder of an approval.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(34) Schedule 1, page 27 (after line 26), after item 41, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">41A Section 57A (paragraph beginning "Persons holding permits under Part 2")</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "make", insert "or DSGL services the persons provide".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">41B Section 57A (after the paragraph beginning "Persons holding approvals under section 27")</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Persons who make certain other supplies of DSGL goods or DSGL technology, or who provide certain DSGL services, must also keep records of those activities.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">41C After subsection 58(3)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Records for other activities</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3A) If a person makes any supply covered by subsection (3B) or (3C), the person must keep records of the supply, unless:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the supply is made under a permit given to the person under section 11; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the circumstances prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph apply.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3B) This subsection covers a constitutional supply of DSGL technology, in circumstances where:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the supply is from a place in Australia and is to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a place outside Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a foreign person; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) if the supply is the provision of access to DSGL technology—at the time of the provision of access, the person providing the access is in Australia and the person to whom access is provided is either:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) outside Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a foreign person.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3C) This subsection covers a constitutional supply of DSGL goods or DSGL technology, in circumstances where:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) any of the following applies:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the supply occurs wholly at a place outside Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) the supply is from a place outside Australia and is to a place outside Australia;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) if the supply is the provision of access to DSGL technology—at the time of the provision of access, the person providing the access is outside Australia and the person to whom access is provided is outside Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the person making the supply obtained the DSGL goods or DSGL technology as a direct or indirect result of the export or supply of the DSGL goods or DSGL technology:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) from a place in Australia to a place outside Australia; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) if the earlier export or supply was the provision of access to DSGL technology—in circumstances where, at the time of the provision of access, the person providing the access was in Australia and the person to whom the access was provided was outside Australia; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) either of the following (whether or not obtained) was required in relation to the export or supply mentioned in paragraph (b):</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) permission (however described) under regulations made under the <inline font-style="italic">Customs Act 1901</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) a permit given under section 11 of this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3D) If an Australian person provides any constitutional DSGL services to a foreign person at or from a place outside Australia, that are received at a place outside Australia, the Australian person must keep records of the provision of the DSGL services, unless:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the DSGL services are provided under a permit given to the Australian person under section 11; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the circumstances prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph apply.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">41D At the end of section 58</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Definition</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) In this section:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">place</inline> includes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a vehicle, vessel or aircraft; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) an area of water; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) a fixed or floating structure or installation of any kind.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(35) Schedule 1, item 47, page 29 (line 21 to 23), omit subitem (4), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) The amendments made by items 26 and 29 of this Schedule apply in relation to conduct occurring on or after the start day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4A) The amendments of section 58 of the <inline font-style="italic">Defence Trade Controls Act 2012</inline> made by this Schedule apply in relation to activities done on or after the start day.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(36) Schedule 1, page 30 (after line 5), after item 49, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">49A Saving provision — foreign country list</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The amendments of section 15 of the <inline font-style="italic">Defence Trade Controls Act 2012</inline> do not affect the continuity of an instrument that is in force under subsection 15(4A) of that Act immediately before this Schedule commences.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments respond to the recommendations of the Senate committee and to feedback from stakeholders identified through the consultation process. The first amendment establishes an exemption from all offences for fundamental research and includes the definition of fundamental research in the legislation. The second amendment will amend the criteria for the Foreign Country List to provide the minister with the authority to add countries that are not members of the four multilateral regimes to the Foreign Country List where such additions are in the interest of Australia's national security, economic prosperity or international relations.</para>
<para>The third amendment is a grandfathering mechanism which will provide an exemption from the 10B and 10C offences for all permits issued prior to the day the bill commences. The fourth amendment amends section 58 of the act to require exporters to keep records relating to the transfer of DSGL goods and technology even where the transfer is a relevant supply or subject to an exception.</para>
<para>The fifth amendment establishes a mechanism to support licence-free transfer for international arrangements between Australia and another foreign government. The sixth amendment will establish a mechanism to support licence-free transfer for controlled goods and technology sold or gifted through the Australian Military Sales program. The seventh amendment exempts all foreign persons from countries on the Foreign Country List from the 10A offence.</para>
<para>The eighth amendment establishes a build-to-print exemption which will exempt from the 10A offence entities manufacturing components of DSGL goods and technology where they are unable to reverse-engineer the component to make the regulated item. Requirements will be prescribed in the regulations. The ninth amendment will apply the 10B offence to DSGL part 1 goods and technology and to DSGL part 2 goods and technology on the sensitive list and the very sensitive list.</para>
<para>The 10th amendment exempts from the 10B offence DSGL part 2 goods and technology on the sensitive list and the very sensitive list if they are resupplied within, from or to a country on the Foreign Country List. The 11th amendment exempts from the 10B offence DSGL part 1 and part 2 goods and technology on the sensitive list and the very sensitive list returning to Australia or transferring back to the original equipment manufacturer.</para>
<para>The 12th amendment creates an exemption to lapse the 10B offence for DSGL part 2 goods and technology on the sensitive list and the very sensitive list for all suppliers from countries not on the Foreign Country List following a defined period after the initial supply—the period will be defined in the regulations—and to lapse the 10B offence for DSGL part 1 goods and technologies following a defined period after the initial supply—the period will again be defined in the regulations. The 13th amendment creates an exemption from the 10B offence for all firearms with serial numbers. The final amendment creates an exemption from the 10C offence for citizens or permanent residents of Canada and New Zealand.</para>
<para>These amendments have strong support across all stakeholder groups and will further streamline trade with our international partners beyond the US and UK, without compromising Australia's security, defence or international relations. I commend the amendments to the House.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill, as amended, agreed to.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>20</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023, Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>20</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7117" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7127" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7137" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>20</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr HAINES</name>
    <name.id>282335</name.id>
    <electorate>Indi</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>That's why Australians deserve a system to review government decisions that is fair, transparent and accountable. If you seek a review, you deserve a timely decision with clear reasons given and the opportunity to appeal. Australians deserve to be confident that only the most qualified and appropriate people are appointed to such a review body. Unfortunately, that's not what Australia has had for some time.</para>
<para>The Administrative Appeals Tribunal, or AAT, has been increasingly dysfunctional and has not given Australians confidence that their rights of review are being properly upheld. The case load is unacceptably long, with some cases taking years to resolve. An amalgamation of several tribunals into the single AAT did not result in the hoped-for efficiencies, and, most crucially, the AAT was stacked with political appointees. Under the previous government, the Australia Institute found that at least 40 per cent of appointments were political appointments.</para>
<para>The degradation of the AAT was not without consequence. Politicisation and funding cuts made it easier for the previous government to ignore findings that the robodebt scheme was unlawful and to move on AAT members that made these findings. Many stakeholders, including the Melbourne Law School, have observed that robodebt occurred during a period in which key functions of the AAT had become effectively obsolete—functions which would have kept a close watch on debt recovery processes. The degradation of the AAT may not have caused robodebt, but it certainly allowed it to continue for so much longer and impact so many lives.</para>
<para>That is why we cannot forget that, while administrative law may seem technical and bureaucratic, it is anything but. This is about real people, who contact me and my team every day—people who are anxious and worried about what government decisions mean for them and for their families, and people whose lives are ruined by shameful schemes like robodebt. We cannot, we must not, ever forget that.</para>
<para>So it was with great optimism that I listened to this government commit to creating an administrative review body that the public could trust—one based on integrity, transparency and accountability. But, as the bills currently stand, they do not uphold these principles. I understand the government is drafting amendments to improve the bill; in fact, I met with government representatives only last night to discuss these amendments. But they are yet to be circulated and yet to be moved. Until they are moved in this place, I will be reserving my position on this bill.</para>
<para>The Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, the ART Bill, would establish the new Administrative Review Tribunal. It would also re-establish the Administrative Review Council, which was defunded by the previous government. Two additional consequential and transitional provision bills would also amend almost 250 Commonwealth acts of parliament which interact with the AAT Act to ensure continuity for the new tribunal and its users. So will the Administrative Review Tribunal, to be created by these bills, live up to the government's commitment to do better? After listening to my constituents and leading legal and transparency bodies around the country, the picture just isn't clear yet—at least not until the proposed amendments are circulated and moved in this House. There is much to commend in these bills as they're currently written, but we are waiting on amendments from the government.</para>
<para>The redesigned ART will go a long way to fixing many of the problems of its predecessor. As the Attorney-General has said, this is the biggest reform to Australia's system of administrative review in half a century, so it's vital that we get this right and it's vital that we implement a tribunal that is futureproofed against politicisation. The ART Bill re-establishes the Administrative Review Council, abolished under the former government. The council is tasked with monitoring the integrity and operation of the Commonwealth administrative law system. It's made up of key stakeholders such as the Commonwealth Ombudsman, the Australian Law Reform Commission president and the Australian Information Commissioner. It will play a crucial role by producing trusted reports and best practice guides on the integrity and operation of administrative laws. The council will be able to report on systemic issues in government decision-making. These reports, importantly, must be tabled in parliament—so when the government is getting it wrong we will know about it. That's so important. Reinstating the council was a key recommendation of the royal commission into robodebt. It's a critical feature of these bills to make sure schemes like robodebt never happen again.</para>
<para>I'm also encouraged that the ART will now use a single case management system. The AAT relied on multiple and disconnected case management systems—a hangover from the amalgamation of several tribunals into a single AAT. This slowed down decision times, increased the workload for tribunal staff and ensured the AAT never operated as a single, streamlined review body across its different jurisdictions. A new case management system under these bills will make use of the latest information technology to speed up the resolution process—again, an important reform.</para>
<para>I'm encouraged, and I look forward to seeing how the new guidance and appeals panel will function. Previously, the AAT considered every decision on a case-by-case basis, with tribunal members relitigating the same government decision, resulting in inconsistent and contradictory outcomes. The panel will be made up of senior tribunal members and will publish authoritative decisions on serious and systemic issues in government decision-making. Other members of the ART will be required to consider these decisions, and I'm hopeful this is a game changer that can stop schemes like robodebt earlier before they harm people's lives and, indeed, forever harm them.</para>
<para>However, for all their merits, I'm concerned these bills as written do not fix one of the critical problems at the core of the AAT's dysfunction—politicisation and the jobs-for-mates culture of which Australians are sick to death. You can imagine my disappointment when I read these bills. These bills fail to futureproof the new ART against politicisation because the bills do not prevent a future Attorney-General from awarding plum positions to their political, business or donor mates or allies. While the legislation before us states the Attorney-General 'may' establish assessment panels, there is no requirement to do so. There is also no requirement that the Attorney-General follow the advice of an assessment panel, if there even is one, and no requirement to report publicly when the Attorney-General goes against the panel's advice. This is democracy in the dark and so disappointing from a government constantly touting its integrity credentials. I'm disappointed, because when first elected the government introduced interim guidelines for AAT appointments, and these guidelines mandated the use of assessment panels and required the Attorney-General to refer to the panel's recommendations. That's why it's rather confusing and deeply disappointing that the bills as written remove these requirements. We've actually moved backwards, with the government now proposing a model that is less transparent and less rigorous than the one they had previously agreed to. Not only are assessment panels optional and easy to ignore; there's no guidance on who should serve on such a panel. Unamended, there is nothing to stop this Attorney-General or any future Attorney-General from appointing their political allies as panel members. That's hardly reassuring for those wanting greater fairness in the appointments process.</para>
<para>In the briefing that I had last night with the Attorney-General's Department, I was assured that this glaring problem will be remedied. But here's my dilemma: until these amendments are circulated and moved by the government, at this moment in this debate we have no guarantees that the bill clears this key and critical hurdle. The Attorney-General has offered assurances that proposed amendments will address my concerns, so I will now wait for these amendments to come to the House. I must reserve my position on this bill until I have them here in the House. I cannot give a position on incomplete legislation.</para>
<para>I want to see the Administrative Review Tribunal succeed—I so very much do—so I call on the government to make the following changes to these bills. I support the member for Mackellar's amendments, as circulated, which would legislate the independence of the selection process for the ART members. The bill must mandate assessment panels to provide a ranked list of suitable and appropriate candidates. The minister must appoint members from this list, and where they go against the advice of an assessment panel they should table a statement of reasons in the parliament. They need to front up and explain. Secondly, the legislation should be amended to require a statutory review of the ART in three years time. This would allow us to learn from the first few years of the ART and ensure it's fit for practice. This is good practice. A statutory review clause provides a mechanism to amend the ART, fix any unintended flaws and ensure its success into the future. So I support the amendment put forward by the member for Warringah.</para>
<para>The government has made the expensive and significant decision to abolish the AAT. I wholeheartedly support this decision, because the AAT was dysfunctional. It was a dysfunctional, crony organisation, undermined by years of unmeritorious and politicised appointments. But I believed the government was going to create a new body that was fundamentally fairer and more transparent—a review body that couldn't and wouldn't be stacked with the political allies of the government of the day, whoever that might be. I don't think the bill before us, unamended, fulfils that promise. This is a bill that does a lot right, with improvements to the structure and operation of the Commonwealth administrative review system, but it stumbles at the biggest hurdle, which is ensuring that appointments can only be made on merit and not based on who's mates with the Attorney-General of the day. So, until the government's proposed amendments are circulated, we're stuck at that hurdle. In my view, near enough is never good enough, particularly on this matter. The creation of the ART is a legacy that will outlive everyone of us in this place, so it's critical that we get it right.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RYAN</name>
    <name.id>249224</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Administrative Appeals Tribunal was fatally compromised by the former government, which appointed as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection. They undermined the tribunal's independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making. Let me just say that number again: 85 members. We're not talking about the occasional blip on the radar and we're not talking about something that wasn't known. I'm hopeful that with this legislation, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, the public will be able to rebuild their confidence in a new tribunal. We know that this has been an issue since at least 2019, when those sitting opposite now were in government. They commissioned a statutory review by the Hon. Ian Callinan AC KC, which made recommendations that they chose to ignore.</para>
<para>I thank the member for Indi, who spoke previously and raised that critical issue around robodebt and what the ART is about. It is about a pair of eyes on government administration. If decisions that were taken or recommendations that were made were reviewed by the AAT when those opposite were in government, thousands upon thousands—tens of thousands—of people would have been spared being accused of criminally defrauding the Commonwealth when in fact they had not.</para>
<para>It's a significant reform, a necessary reform and a reform that underpins good government that we're suggesting here. And, as I said, it's been a public issue since 2019. The Albanese Labor government announced on 16 December 2022 that we would abolish the AAT. It went into consultation processes across April and May in 2023 and has had other parliamentary committees look at what would be the best way forward.</para>
<para>Those opposite have come in here and argued that this seems a rushed process. Well, everything must seem rushed to those opposite, because they find a way to say no to—to oppose—even the best ideas. Opposing good oversight of government administration doesn't seem a sensible response from any opposition. The public needs to know that we have a government the public can trust to make decisions. We need to have an independent body with oversight of our administration.</para>
<para>This impacts not just one or two members of the public. From the numbers that were presented and referenced in this place by speaker after speaker, in 2022- 2023, there were 41,037 lodgements in the AAT, 42,689 finalisations and 66,131 cases still on hand. These are 100,000 Australians who were at the AAT seeking clarification and seeking what they perceived to be justice over a government administration issue. These are not small things. These are pensioners in my electorate, making queries about dealings with Centrelink. These are the hundreds of people in my electorate who were affected by the robodebt notifications that they received that we now know were unlawful. These are thousands of people in my electorate who may be seeking support from the AAT in terms of a visa application or a spousal visa application.</para>
<para>The AAT exists so that the public can have confidence in the government's administration. It is there to review individual decisions. It needs to be accessible to the public, and it needs to be affordable for the public. They need to have confidence that, when they go into these processes, they will be heard by someone independent, someone credentialled, who will be looking at the issue, and someone that they can trust to have their back and to have another set of eyes across what could be an administrative error by government.</para>
<para>But, instead, what we saw across the previous government's nine years of tenure was a Liberal government finding jobs for their mates, on salaries worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. I'm not going to stand here as a member of this parliament and say that former MPs should not be allowed to be appointed to an appeals tribunal, because some in this place are very well credentialled to do this work. In fact, there's a long history of some former MPs doing excellent work on the AAT. But when you're getting to the number of 85 former Liberal MPs, former Liberal candidates and people with clear lines of donorship to the Liberal Party, or even lobbyists, then we are in a state where the public have a right to not have confidence in the decisions being handed down. And as every member of parliament here knows, if there's a bad-news story about government you can bet your bottom dollar that 10 times more people heard about it than heard about the good story of government.</para>
<para>This government is working incredibly hard to build back public faith in government, in government administration and in government decisions as well as confidence that the Australian Commonwealth government supports people's rights—the accessibility and the affordability for them to question a decision if they see fit to do so. We saw under those opposite a dysfunctional mess where people were waiting months—even years—for a review of a basic decision, often one that had significant ramifications for the lives of these Australians. These were decisions such as whether an older Australian receives a pension, whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury or whether a participant of the NDIS receives funding for an essential support.\</para>
<para>I can say that in my electorate many families have sought an AAT ruling on an NDIS issue. These are real people—tens of thousands of people—and every single one of them deserves the best quality of administrative oversight. They deserve it, they expect it and now they have a government that's bringing legislation into this place to deliver it.</para>
<para>I want to thank the member for Indi for the way she has worked with the Attorney-General in this space. I want to thank her for the speech she just made and say to her that I agree that she should reserve her judgement until she is satisfied, because the people of Indi deserve that, just as the people of every electorate in this country deserve to have their members in this place stand up for fairness, stand up for good governance and stand up for transparency to ensure that we get this right. This is an opportunity to ensure that we never go back to the dark days of the last decade under those opposite so we can start to build back trust in government.</para>
<para>We need a government that's prepared to do the hard work. We need an opposition that's prepared to join a government to put in place things that will better protect Australians and to support us to build back trust in government. We need a government that recognises when people are struggling and takes swift action to make necessary changes. And that is exactly what's happening in this case: thoughtful, careful preparation; legislation in here. The debate continues, and as a government we will land something and start that process of building back trust.</para>
<para>We've had to clean up a huge mess that was dumped on our doorstep by those opposite when we came to office, and we started fixing it immediately, because that's the Labor way. That's why we're here today—to bring forward legislation that will restore confidence and trust in Australia's federal administrative review body by replacing the AAT with the Administrative Review Tribunal. The design of the new body has been heavily informed by public consultation, as our government promised it would be. The new ART will be user focused, not used to provide income for mates. It will be efficient. It will be accessible, independent, timely, fair and, hopefully, trusted.</para>
<para>That is why an important feature of this new body will be a transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of non-judicial members. This is critical. It is critical also for existing members—those people who have done solid work over many, many years—that their reputations not be besmirched by what the former government did. It's absolutely critical that this legislation go through this parliament so we can get on with delivering for everyday Australians.</para>
<para>I want to assure everyone that cases currently in hand when the AAT is abolished and replaced by the new body will be transferred across. And, as others have referenced, there will the case management system will be modernised to ensure that things are not stuck because of process, or a lack of process, to make sure things can move more quickly to an actual appeal.</para>
<para>The former government's mismanagement of the amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal is at the heart of the problems here. The former government combined all of those tribunals into one tribunal, a tribunal that they then went on to undermine not just by appointments but by not taking advice or not taking the implications of the administrative cases in which the tribunal made a judgement against the former government, as we saw in the case of robodebt. We saw months and months of pain for robodebt victims because the government even refused to listen to its own tribunal. That went on for far longer than it needed to go on. In fact, ultimately it needed individual Australians to join together and go to the courts to get a decision. So, when the former government oversaw the administrative oversight procedures for the Commonwealth, they not only undermined them but ignored them, leading to the tribunal being perceived by the public as useless. There isn't anything more damning that I can think of to say about the way the former government mismanaged this space.</para>
<para>The AAT has existed for a long time. It was established on 1 July 1976 following reviews of the administrative decision-making that took place in 1971. There was a need for a mechanism for external review of government decisions that was accessible, informal and relatively affordable. It was necessary. The Whitlam government tried to bring this legislation in. It was eventually brought in by the Malcolm Fraser government. So it's a legacy that both of the major parties, I assume, would say that they are proud of. I encourage those opposite today to support this bill in the House so that good governance can be trusted by the Australian public and so that people in my electorate and electorates around the country will believe, if there is a decision made, that they have a right of appeal to a trusted source where they will get a fair go. It's pretty simple. For the life of me, I cannot understand why anyone in this House would oppose this legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WOLAHAN</name>
    <name.id>235654</name.id>
    <electorate>Menzies</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 while holding the foundation document of our democracy, the Australian Constitution. It was referred to several times in the last 18 months when we had the referendum debate, but it's something that is equally important for many debates in this House.</para>
<para>Our democracy is built on two fundamental principles. The first is parliamentary democracy, through the people's house here, where there are 151 members who represent each portion of this nation, and the house of review, the Senate. So parliamentary democracy is the first limb. The other is separation of powers. Our Constitution's first three chapters go to the separation of powers: chapter I, the parliament, where we are; chapter II, the executive; and chapter III, the judiciary. What we're talking about here is an important institution that looks at the accountability and review system within chapter II, the executive wing. There is a potential issue on separation of powers that I'd like to come to shortly.</para>
<para>Let's briefly go through the history of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. Throughout the common-law world, we have seen growth in government—the state—for two reasons: the first was warfare and the second was welfare. The first was protecting the nation, and we saw that in the most extreme and violent circumstances in World War II. The second was looking after our people within our nation, and that saw an expansion of chapter 2, the executive branch of government, in a significant way. That expansion has continued; it has continued and will continue. It is a debate for another time, but the intergenerational report does note that in particular areas the expansion of government will continue.</para>
<para>We recognise that decisions that are made within chapter 2, the executive branch of government—and most are delegated decisions from the ministers through to the departments and public servants within the department—are often made with incomplete information. They're often either rushed or delayed, and mistakes are made. They're decisions made by humans, and humans make mistakes. We are not computers, and AI won't come to save the day.</para>
<para>It is important that people who feel that a decision has not been made fairly have an avenue for appeal within the executive system without having to go through the expense of hiring lawyers and going to court and all the delay that involves. A system that has review for people who are distressed and believe there has been an injustice which they want addressed should be accessible and affordable. It should not have lawyers involved. The legislative purpose of the AAT—and presumably the ART afterwards—is a proceeding that's called a de novo proceeding. It's not an appeal in the sense that a decision made in a department is appealed to a court. It means that the member who hears the facts fresh and reads the materials fresh must either affirm, vary, set aside or potentially substitute a decision for review. It goes without saying that no two cases are the same. Each must be judged independently according to its own facts and its own merits.</para>
<para>The quality of the people we have on that merits review tribunal is very important. We can all agree on that. They must be people who are hardworking, fair and of good character and who will put others first. What I reject is the idea, through many of the speeches, that someone, by virtue of having been a servant of any side of politics—a member of a political party in any sense—is somehow disqualified from being a person of good character, hard work and fairness. I would never go as far as to say that it makes them better in those spheres; it's just another factor of life. Having been involved in the Liberal Party, the Labor Party, the Greens political party or whatever organisation sits above the teals does not disqualify you from performing a merits review decision.</para>
<para>An honourable member interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WOLAHAN</name>
    <name.id>235654</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll take the interjection: maybe the Greens political party! But, even then, I will stand up for members of the Greens political party. I will treat everyone on their merits.</para>
<para>It's an important thing to know. Our political parties are not something that get in the way of democracy. They're a key function of our democracy. They're key institutions of our democracy. Yes, this document here does not mention the Liberal Party, it does not mention the Labor Party and it does not mention the Greens political party, and nor should it. So much of our democracy is through convention and institutions that aren't mentioned here. We as a democracy need healthy political parties. They feed through to this place and they feed through to the Senate—the delegates, the candidates, the members. To somehow dismiss that as ruling you out from any other form of public service is I think dishonest, and it undermines our democracy in an insidious way. It says to people of talent and character and hard work: 'If you want to serve your nation, don't do it through a political party. Stay out of that. You don't want to rule yourself out from an appointment.' Let's put it to bed that being in a political party rules you out of public service. I reject that entirely, for any political party.</para>
<para>The coalition is not opposed in principle to review of the system—we should review it regularly and make sure it is fit for purpose and that it is an institution that has all the legislation requirements it needs in order to give an accessible and fair system of merits review. The tribunal is a body that provides review of government decisions made under about 400 pieces of legislation. Often, the merits review involves competing provisions of legislation and covers multiple parts. Whether it's in the NDIS or Centrelink or for veterans, these are complex pieces of legislation, and right now we're seeing an attempt to try to make the veterans suite of legislation less complex. That is an extremely complex system. To have people of character, hard work and competence is the No. 1 criteria.</para>
<para>The huge amount of legislation that has come before this House in this reform should not be lost either. This is 678 pages of new primary legislation. The explanatory materials are almost as long, at 631 pages. This House has been asked to debate and vote on an entirely new bill plus 33 schedules. That should be something we take seriously and approach with careful thought, consultation and consideration. I am a member of the social and legal committee for this House. We were tasked with conducting a review, and that review was announced just before Christmas on 14 December. It had one hearing day, and I couldn't go to that—I really wanted to, but I had a clash and couldn't go. That often happens on both sides with committee work. But usually a hearing goes for multiple days, multiple weeks or multiple months and you can make up for it. But, when it's one day, you can't make up for that. In that one day I read the materials, the submissions and the transcript. The only witnesses called were from the Attorney-General's Department, the Department of Home Affairs and the Department of Social Services, all on a single panel. How is that proper scrutiny?</para>
<para>Here we are, being asked to look at this reform of the merits review system that so many vulnerable and distressed Australians rely upon in a time of need, and we're not practising what we preach. For the government members to stand up there and criticise this side for having a system that is allegedly dysfunctional and biased and unfair and not doing its job and then to come here and do that very thing they criticised the previous government of doing is not lost on Australians who look to this House to conduct its review of bills properly. That is quite disappointing.</para>
<para>I'll turn to one potential constitutional issue. It's not for me or any member of this House to say something is unconstitutional—that's for the High Court to decide—but there is one issue I would like to briefly discuss. It was mentioned in a few submissions to the inquiry. One of them was by a serving part-time member and barrister Gray Connolly. Full disclosure, I have known Gray Connolly as a fellow veteran, but his submission is well crafted and well read, and I urge those following this to read it. He made the observation—in his personal capacity, because he takes that distinction between that and his formal capacity seriously—that there are potential constitutional issues in that, under the proposed bill, the president will be a serving chapter III judge. This is a process that's often replicated in state courts in my home state of Victoria. The equivalent, VCAT, has a serving Supreme Court judge acting as president. But that doesn't mean we're avoiding the constitutional issues, particularly here in the Commonwealth.</para>
<para>It has been put by others, including Gray in his submission, that this potentially creates the existence of a chapter 2.5. A serving Federal Court judge serves within chapter III, 'The Judicature'. But to then serve as a president of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal or the Administrative Review Tribunal means they are serving in a chapter II capacity. Whilst our separation of powers is blurred between chapter I, 'The Parliament', and chapter II, 'The Executive Government'—we even sit in the same building and are held to account here—that separation is strictly enforced between chapters II and III or between chapters III and I. We've seen that in the NZYQ case. The courts take that separation extremely seriously, and it often makes for difficult policy decisions and responses having to be made. To have that executive body headed by a judge under chapter III creates potential issues. Again, if we'd had a proper inquiry, we could have heard constitutional experts talk about this.</para>
<para>This isn't the first time this government has been quite cavalier in potential constitutional issues. We saw it in the Voice referendum, where the important function of the joint select committee in scrutinising the potential constitutional issues was really dismissed out of hand. That inquiry was turned into a PR campaign to help win the referendum. I would submit that doing it that way didn't actually help the campaign. You'd like to think the government would learn its lesson on being cavalier with constitutional issues.</para>
<para>Again, in question time, we have held the government to account about being cavalier in the NZYQ case, in the instructions that the minister gave for that case and also in the response since. Again, in his personal capacity, Gray Connolly proposes a potential solution: that maybe the president can be a retired judge. A retired judge is on a judicial pension but is no longer a serving member of a court. That would mean we're drawing upon all of the expertise and legal knowledge that a judge would have—perhaps even more so, because they've had their career. But they can then perform the functions of president, which includes some mundane things like the allocation of cases and resources, speaking to the minister about potentially requiring more money and funding. That's not something a serving judge should be doing.</para>
<para>In conclusion, it is right and proper that we review this important process, but we should make sure that review is done properly and in a way that Australians expect. Thank you.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms TEMPLEMAN</name>
    <name.id>181810</name.id>
    <electorate>Macquarie</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I acknowledge the member for Menzies for his role on the Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs, which I chair, that looked into the bills that we are discussing today, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and related bills. Just to give context to it, ours was a narrow inquiry to ensure that the bills met the intended policy objectives of streamlining the administrative appeals process. It wasn't about questioning how we change it or if we should change it. Those discussions happened long ago.</para>
<para>We long ago determined that the Administrative Appeals Tribunal needed to go. It had been irreversibly damaged by the behaviour of those opposite when they were in government. Eighty-five former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close liberal associates were put on the AAT with no merit-based selection process. That included some people who had no relevant experience or expertise. In that way, the former government fatally compromised the AAT. Once its independence was undermined and, quite frankly, when its credibility and integrity was under question by the wider community—who turned to it at sometimes the worst possible times—we made the decision that the AAT needed to be replaced.</para>
<para>To reassure the member for Menzies, there will be a very thorough Senate inquiry, and I'm sure we will both enjoy reading the transcripts of the hearings that are held for that.</para>
<para>This bill, for me, is about restoring integrity in the system. My community expects that. The AAT is one of the bodies that they had no faith in. They had no faith that, if they were a child-support payer or recipient and they took an issue through the processes of the child-support agency and then were dissatisfied with how it was handled and therefore went to the AAT for an independent expert review, what would come out the other end would be fair and just. That was the same for all the different areas that the AAT covers—everything from family assistance, paid parental leave, social security and student assistance to taxation matters, migration and refugee visa issues and visa related decisions, Australian citizenship decisions, bankruptcy decisions, civil aviation matters, freedom-of-information matters and the National Disability Insurance Scheme, which would be the one where we, from my office, have seen the greatest flow-through of matters to the AAT. So I think it's vital that this institution is given some credibility again, and I'm very pleased that the legislation and the circulated amendments that are before us are going to provide something that Australians can have faith in and have confidence in.</para>
<para>When we inherited the AAT, not only was it not on a sustainable financial footing but it was beset by delays. There is a huge backlog of applications that are operating through the system, and it's operating with an ageing electronic case management system. All of this is the legacy that has had to be dealt with.</para>
<para>I can't stress how much of a cost those failures of the previous government have for regular constituents in the electorate of Macquarie, for people who just want to be able to get on with things. In reality, there are tens of thousands of people who rely on the AAT each year to review government decisions that can often have life-altering impacts. It can be about whether an older Australian actually receives a pension or not. That's a pretty profound decision. It's whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury. Again, those opposite understand the profound impact that can have on a veteran, where there are delays in that process, let alone whether they are fighting a decision that they're uneasy with. It's whether an NDIS participant actually receives the support that they feel they deserve.</para>
<para>The Attorney-General announced that the design of the new body would be subject to consultation, and it has been. It has been subject to consultation throughout 2023. We did what we said we'd do. We also made it clear that AAT cases that are underway when this change occurs are going to be automatically transitioned to the new body. I know that is an area that some people raised as a concern, but that transition is embedded in the way that we will do this.</para>
<para>We are committed, as a government, to restoring trust and confidence in the way we run government. That includes, in Australia, a system of administrative review, beginning with this new administrative review body that will be user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair.</para>
<para>A key feature of how the body works is the transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of non-judicial members. I want to paint the contrast: where the previous regime appointed as many as 85 people just because their qualification was Liberal, ours will be merit based. We are determined to do that.</para>
<para>During the inquiry we ran, we thought it was important to consider the sort of experience we will expect people to have, including a requirement to have legal experience. For instance, senior members of the ART must have been enrolled as a legal practitioner for at least seven years, or the minister must be satisfied that the person has at least seven years specialised training or experience in a subject matter relevant to the jurisdiction of the ART, and general members must have been enrolled as a legal practitioner for at least five years.</para>
<para>I note that under the amendments that have been circulated this merit based appointment process is strengthened even further, to put beyond any doubt the legislative requirement for there to be an assessment panel as part of the merit based process for appointments to the tribunal. That alone is going to be a game changer in building confidence that the people on the Administrative Review Tribunal will have the qualities, the expertise, the skills, the knowledge and the experience that are needed to fairly evaluate complex cases. Remember: by the time something gets to this level of review, it's been through a lot of steps, and there's been a lot of disquiet along the way.</para>
<para>The ART Bill builds on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation. It draws on what we know works in a tribunal and it looks at what hasn't worked. The ART Bill implements all three recommendations from the Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee review into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system. That was one of the first reviews. But it also fulfills four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and the government response to two recommendations from the <inline font-style="italic">Rapid </inline><inline font-style="italic">r</inline><inline font-style="italic">eview into the </inline><inline font-style="italic">e</inline><inline font-style="italic">xploitation of Australia's </inline><inline font-style="italic">v</inline><inline font-style="italic">isa </inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic">ystem</inline>. So it is evident that it has been well thought through. I'd also point to the 30 submissions that we received from some individuals and many organisations and respected bodies, who provided feedback on the bill.</para>
<para>The whole objective of the tribunal is that it be an independent mechanism that is fair and just and that resolves applications in a timely manner and with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferable decision. That came through very clearly in the hearings that we held with the Attorney-General's Department. They had a real desire for this to be a place where people could actually have dialogue. It also needs to be and will be accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties, and that means accessibility in a whole lot of ways. The consequence will be improved transparency and quality of decision-making and increased public trust and confidence in the tribunal.</para>
<para>I want to point to some of the recommendations that our committee made and some of the amendments that have picked up those recommendations. I've already referred to the circulated parliamentary amendments focusing on strengthening the merit based appointment process. That was something that members of the committee were very keen to see, and it is terrific to see that in the circulated amendments. One of the amendments is a response to stakeholder concerns regarding the role of litigation guardians, including changing the name. For some people this might seem like a small thing, but language has power. One of the discussions we had during the hearings was around the use of the term 'litigation guardian'. As was explained, that language was questioned by a number of stakeholders. As a consequence, there was discussion around alternative language. Even changing just one word, from 'guardian' to 'supporter', changes the mindset of the person who has that person by their side. I really welcome that.</para>
<para>There was a lot of discussion about the review process. One of the things that came through very clearly in our hearings was the understanding that this is designed to be a self-improving, self-correcting system which doesn't rely solely on a review at a fixed point in time. But, as the Attorney-General's Department said, the review is built-in. If there's a problem, we should be able to identify that and have an opportunity to look at ways to fix it much sooner than if there is a statutory review. At the same time, I think there's always merit in having a formal place where review occurs, and our introduction of a statutory review to commence around five years after the commencement of the ART Bill is another step that will provide confidence.</para>
<para>There is also the capacity for a second review for social security matters. While the process is designed to allow for those matters to be dealt with as in the normal course, stakeholders during our parliamentary scrutiny did raise ideas around how it might be handy to have that additional, second review, and the circulated parliamentary amendments certainly look to reinstate that.</para>
<para>Another one of the amendments is to ensure that the tribunal decisions can be published, by amending secrecy provisions in family assistance law to allow de-identified decisions to be published. That was seen as something that would be very useful, for there to be ongoing education and accountability around decisions.</para>
<para>Another issue that came up during our inquiry that has been addressed is around the Migration Act. I think it's important to know that these changes will help address those crippling delays in the Migration and Refugee Division of the AAT, which, quite frankly, are motivating bad actors to take advantage by lodging increasing numbers of non-genuine applications for protection. This comes at a real cost to people who are in genuine need of protection. There will be, subsequently, amendments to the Migration Act to ensure the original policy intention is clear and reflected in that legislation.</para>
<para>These circulated amendments build on the highly consulted package that has come forward. I commend the package to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LE</name>
    <name.id>295676</name.id>
    <electorate>Fowler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>During my time in office, I've had constituents coming to see me, desperate and upset, following a devastating decision made by government departments—particularly, a constituent who had his temporary protection visa rejected. His next avenue was to apply to the AAT to have the decision reviewed. We must remember that people who have fled war-torn countries are not well versed in Australia's laws, rights and obligations.</para>
<para>This constituent came in with so many questions: 'What do I need to do? How do I apply? What is the cost?' The cost is what made him pause. He had to consider hiring a legal representative—money he did not have. Of course, you also have to pay an application fee to the AAT. How then is this an accessible and affordable route to holding government departments and agencies accountable for their decisions, especially in the instance where someone is unable to make a living and therefore not able to access Australian services?</para>
<para>What about families who are unable to unite? Another constituent applied to the AAT in the hopes of changing a decision that was made for a remaining relative visa. The applicant was elderly and was subjected to further wait and the stress of not knowing when and what decision could be made.</para>
<para>The AAT is seen as a ray of hope for many, but it is unfortunate that many others are left uncertain of their pending matter and its progress. I believe it is important to implement proactive communication by the AAT—perhaps correspondence which provides updates at least within 12 months of application and every 12 months thereafter, even if only to notify the matter's queueing time. This proactive communication would give relief to applicants, who generally only receive acknowledgement of receipt once the AAT invites an applicant to a hearing. I believe this will also reduce the high volumes of emails and letters sent by applicants, which the AAT are obliged to read, when the writers of these emails and letters simply want to know how their matter is going. These are just a couple of stories, but there are many more from those who've known of someone or who have been that someone who has been impacted by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal's decisions.</para>
<para>I understand that the AAT provides a critical layer of accountability to review decisions of departments. However, shouldn't its powers be extended so that it has jurisdiction to review the lack of decisions made by departments—that is, their failure to make their decisions within stipulated time frames? If we are to reform the AAT, why is the government not considering the omissions made by government departments in the decision-making process? The issue we have here is a stalemate, of having to wait. Take, for example, a decision to be made on a visa. Why are we not holding government departments accountable in this sphere?</para>
<para>Therefore, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and cognate bills hold significant importance for my constituents—both current constituents and those whose futures we are deliberating upon as we speak. Eleven per cent of the total inquiries from my Fowler community are specifically about this issue. Many of our constituents have gone through the process of becoming permanent residents and are anxious to reunite with their loved ones. With security of family affairs cared for, I believe greater social cohesion will be formed and productivity will increase.</para>
<para>It is critical that the provisions of this bill are applied cohesively and equally across both citizens and noncitizens. I am deeply concerned about the disparities between the entitlements granted to citizen and non-citizen applicants. This inconsistency will continue to add to the existing disadvantages of refugees and migrants, undermining the tribunal's ability to deliver effective outcomes.</para>
<para>In 2022-23, close to 50 per cent of all applications made were on migrant and refugee matters. Of these, 83 per cent of applications stayed unresolved for more than 12 months—83 per cent. This is unacceptable. Constituents in Fowler often reach out, distressed and disheartened by their circumstances. The last thing they need is to be met by systematic and bureaucratic barriers to getting a resolution. The principle of the bill should enable applicants to effectively engage with the review process to ensure fair outcomes and transparency.</para>
<para>This group is but a small representation of a large cohort of my community struggling to get a proper response. Many are uncertain of their next steps and are faced with a lack of clarity. Every effort taken to alleviate the burdens imposed upon applicants in migrant and refugee matters counts. As the voice of Western Sydney in my Fowler community, it is important that I present their views, challenges and struggles. Many have lost faith in the AAT and its strength to protect their dignity, as they are left in despair, feeling hopeless—waiting endlessly for a favourable outcome. Therefore, the people of Fowler will no doubt be the first to let you know whether this bill is, as it states, one that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair.</para>
<para>Since its commencement on 1 July 1976, the principal objective of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal—better known as the AAT—has always been to (1) ensure correct and preferable decisions are made by departments, their ministers and delegates and (2) form these judgements based on their own independent and robust interpretation of the law and policy as it best serves the interests of Australians. That was the intention when it was first commenced. But, like many big administrative bodies, the people involved, the experts appointed and the government of the day have changed, and so, over the decades, the AAT has evolved. It is a big step, and an expensive one, by the government to consider axing the AAT, but, as many of my crossbench members have mentioned, change is needed. If the new body, the ART, is to replace the AAT, it must fill the gaps and weaknesses of the AAT. I welcome the many aspects of the bills that seek to be efficient and quick in addressing the previous backlogs and gaps associated with the AAT.</para>
<para>Although the bill aims to provide more accessible and responsive support for people who require additional and tailored support, there are still some gaps and pain points that I would like to address. In particular, the bill falls short of meeting its objective for migrant and visa applicants. It is especially concerning for me that the objective under the new legislation is more concerned with being efficient and quick rather than being fair, just and economical, like the AAT. There must be a balance in this. I appreciate that the government is attempting to address the overdue system, but I call on the government to consider the barriers to access and the equity issues for migrants, refugees and asylum-seeking applicants. It is these applicants who are most in need of greater flexibility and dedicated measures to improve accessibility.</para>
<para>Fowler is home to many migrants, including refugees like myself. The number will likely grow exponentially. In 2016, most refugees were settled in local government areas of Liverpool, where they account for 20 per cent, and Fairfield City Council, where the figure is 73 per cent. In my experience with assisting non-English-speaking constituents, I believe that the protracted time frame for noncitizens to lodge an appeal is inequitable and insufficient. It is particularly difficult for a non-English-speaking constituent to seek assistance to comprehend such complex legal decisions within a limited time frame. I suggest that the government take this into consideration and consider the applicant's primary language when communicating the outcome of a review decision.</para>
<para>I understand that the provisions in the ART Bill allow for certain groups of applicants to apply for legal or financial assistance on the grounds that the request is reasonable and refusing would lead to further hardship. This may disadvantage migrant applicants who have limited or no English speaking ability. I call on the government to extend the application of this provision for all matters to ensure accessibility for all applicants. This reflects a human rights based understanding of the right to a fair hearing, as well as an individualised approach to administrative review, including the consideration of cultural factors, disability and health concerns.</para>
<para>The truth is that the new and improved provisions in the ART Bill are still failing to meet this objective for migration and protection visa applicants. These groups of people within Fowler will continue to struggle under the distinctive procedural code that excludes them from some of the benefits of the proposed bill. By refusing to take adequate actions and promote equity before the law, the government is refusing to address the innate inequality associated with the system.</para>
<para>Section 359A(4)(d) of the bill provides that the ART is not required to notify applicants of information that it intends to rely on to affirm the decision under review. It is concerning to me that this piece of legislation is departing from existing procedural fairness requirements. In terms of cost, the application fee is $3,374 for the AAT. This is overwhelmingly high for individuals, who are already struggling with the cost-of-living crisis. I ask the government to reconsider the issue of accessibility, which is tied with immigration assessment authority, the IAA, and the proposed ART system.</para>
<para>Clauses 201 and 203 establish a code of conduct and create powers for investigations to transpire if a performance standard has been breached. I question how strictly these performance standards will be enforced and what mechanisms will be implemented to ensure that shortcomings are adequately rectified. It is my understanding that the bill allows for the establishment of an independent selection panel to provide recommendations to improve the processes of the tribunal. However, it's not mandatory that these recommendations are adopted. I question whether the tribunal will consider the recommendations to address gaps in its operations. I appreciate the government's efforts to address the previous merits review system under the IAA, which was heavily politicised for being neither fair nor efficient. However, I want to note that it took nine years for the government and decision-makers in this room to propose a prospective resolution.</para>
<para>Should this bill be assented, we must ensure that it is ready to meet standards that reflect our migrant and ethnic communities. It is our golden opportunity to close a gap. I call on the government to ensure that we are proposing policies that are working for all people. To be part of an advanced Australia, we must ensure that there's progress, that our systems and processes are world class and not built to leave people behind.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CLAYDON</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
    <electorate>Newcastle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's with great pleasure that I rise to speak in support of the Albanese Labor government's Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023. This bill is being debated with two consequential bills in a cognate debate: the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024. Collectively, these three bills will abolish the, sadly, now much discredited Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new and much improved Administrative Review Tribunal. In doing so, these bills represent the most important reform of the federal system of administrative review in decades.</para>
<para>The former body, the AAT, as it was known, was established to conduct independent merit reviews of administrative decisions made under Commonwealth law. It's important to note that its decisions had life-changing impacts for the thousands and thousands of Australians who took decisions before the AAT. These decisions might have been around child support matters, workers compensation, migration and visa issues, social security, veterans' entitlements and indeed these days increasingly matters from the National Disability Insurance Scheme—a huge gamut. These are all matters that have had profound impacts on people's day-to-day lives when Commonwealth laws might not have delivered the intended outcomes for people seeking support or redress.</para>
<para>Sadly, despite the importance of the AAT and the significance of the decisions made by that body for thousands and thousands of Australians who had cases and matters before it, its standing had been irreversibly damaged as a result of the actions of the former coalition government over a period of almost 10 years. The former government had so severely eroded trust and confidence in the former Administrative Appeals Tribunal. That erosion was ongoing but came in the wake of pretty overt, blatant political stacking of the ranks of the AAT. Very blatant political appointments were made that really undermined public confidence in the independence of the AAT and, likewise, eroded the quality and efficiency of decision-making within the AAT.</para>
<para>These were profoundly worrying issues for Australian citizens but really should have been very worrying for this parliament as well. In fact, if ever the Australian people need reminding of just how little regard the former government had for good governance and due process, they need not look any further than the operations and the appointment processes of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal.</para>
<para>As many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and people who had close associations with the Liberal Party were placed into what were pretty good jobs, it has to be said, at the AAT—jobs that were well paid with good conditions. I don't begrudge any worker good pay and conditions, but there was a very, very blatant process underway that really failed to address the need to ensure that merit based selection processes were in operation when appointing people to critically important roles administering the operation of Commonwealth laws. They were on salaries that were worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. I know there were part-time tribunal members, as well as full-time, but, as I said, that steady erosion of public trust and confidence had really become intolerable; hence the need for these bills before the House today, which I will come back to.</para>
<para>When we reflect on those 85 former Liberal MPs, failed candidates, Liberal staffers and people with close associations with the Liberal Party, there were some very significant appointments during that time and there were people very close, even, to the then government. So we saw appointments like the one of the former chief of staff to the former Prime Minister—now former member for Cook—Scott Morrison. His chief of staff was appointed as a senior member in the month just before the 2022 federal election. She was certainly not alone in that appointment process. I don't mean to suggest she was the only person given a plum job on the eve of an election where people were worried about not being re-elected again, but that job received a pay of $330,000 a year. I think the Australian people have every right to expect and, indeed, demand that good governance processes be in place for those kinds of appointments.</para>
<para>As I said, I do not mean to single out that appointment, because there were many, many, many others in the lead-up to the dying days of the former government. There were appointments in 2019 that I recall well. All of this is well researched and recorded. The Grattan Institute did a paper on how many of these appointments had been made. Indeed, there was an observation that appointments to the AAT under the former government really represented one of the most egregious examples of political stacking in recent times. As I said, the 2022 paper from the Grattan Institute noted that a staggering 20 per cent of the AAT's 320 tribunal members have a direct political connection. It is hard to argue publicly that every single one of those members are indeed there on the basis of pure merit based recruitment processes. It is that public perception and the weight of the sheer numbers—as I said, 85 blatant political appointments—that made it utterly intolerable for the AAT to remain ongoing in the form it had been prior to the Albanese Labor government being elected. If ever the Australian people needed reminding of just how little regard the former coalition government had for good governance and following due process, they need look no further than the outrageous actions that took place with blatant political appointments to the AAT.</para>
<para>There was a repeat of those kinds of appointments in 2019 and again in 2022, on the eve of the last election—the swansong of the last government. I remember one from my own region: Mr Baldwin, the former member for Paterson. Whilst I recognise his skills as a former member, it was uncertain to me as to how a merit based appointment had been followed in his case and in the case of so many others. It really looked like a whole lot of people looking after friends who were no longer going to be gainfully employed either in the Australian parliament or elsewhere. I think it was the preference of the former government to be blind to the structural inequities that can exist both in appointment processes and in the way in which we think about the bodies that oversee the operations of Commonwealth laws.</para>
<para>I was thinking about this earlier today. Let me put it this way: for a party that insists it is unable to lift its female representation in this place without a merit based appointment process, it astonishes me that this was a process totally ignored in the appointment and recruitment process for members of the AAT beforehand. It's utter hypocrisy, and I'm sure that the Australian people have well and truly seen through that. Indeed, they have said, 'Enough is enough; no more of that kind of behaviour.' We were left with no choice, really, but to demand the abolition of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and to replace it with a new federal administrative review body—one that is in line with our commitment to proper merits based appointment processes and proper due process being followed.</para>
<para>We embarked on a consultation process that started in 2023. Over the course of the last year, the Attorney-General's Department had significant consultation with AAT staff and members, AAT users, the peak bodies, legal assistance providers, advocates and other experts. There were 120 responses to a public issues paper and 287 short survey responses, and there was consultation with 147 stakeholders at 80 consultation events in April and May 2023. We have the benefit of nearly 50 years of experience since the AAT was established, and multiple reviews, both old and new, into the AAT and the administrative review system more generally. This consultation has provided the government with an in-depth understanding of what does not work within the current system, and we have drawn on the knowledge and wisdom of an expert advisory group. This group was led by former High Court justice the Hon. Patrick Keane and had a list of eminent persons to assist. The outcome of all of that consultation process is the legislation that is before the House today. It's a legislative package that aims to create a unified cohesive tribunal with flexible powers and procedures that meet the best needs of the applicants. I think it's high time that our tribunal reflected the needs of applicants. These bills are ambitious and they are comprehensive, because we are rebuilding an institution that's intended to serve the community and drive better decisions and outcomes for many years to come.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms DANIEL</name>
    <name.id>008CH</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Administrative Appeals Tribunal was established nearly half a century ago with the honourable intention that it should be a simple, straightforward and speedy way for ordinary citizens to challenge decisions of government and to ensure that ministers and public servants were acting within the law.</para>
<para>The last government lost power after a decade in office because it had lost the confidence of the people. At the heart of that was its failure to maintain the integrity of institutions. The AAT was one. Analysis by the Australia Institute found that under prime ministers Howard, Rudd and Gillard political appointees to the AAT accounted for just six per cent of the total at most. During the Abbott and Turnbull years the number of political appointees leapt to 23 per cent. During the Turnbull and Abbott years it leapt to 35 per cent, and during the final term of the Morrison government it leapt to no less than 40 per cent. Not only that, but the coalition government treated the AAT with increasing contempt. Notably, the AAT made hundreds of decisions relating to robodebt, finding repeatedly that the policy was unlawful. Minister after minister wilfully ignored those decisions, as did government departments and agencies. The consequences for victims—financial and psychological—were appalling. People with disabilities seeking review of NDIS decisions were all caught in its vortex. I have spoken to families in my electorate who endured extraordinary and long-running pressure and anxiety owing to their dealings with the AAT. The net effect was that the public lost confidence in it.</para>
<para>In his second reading speech, the Attorney-General declared that among the objects of the legislation, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, was to ensure that the new ART would be fair and just and would promote public trust and confidence. Based on feedback, it's understood that the government plans to amend the legislation to incorporate measures to ensure the independence of the appointment process and to ensure that new members of the tribunal would be appointed on merit. The crossbench is working closely with the Attorney-General's Department to make sure that these measures are strong enough.</para>
<para>Along with the abolition of the AAT, the ill-starred Immigration Assessment Authority—which was supposed to expedite the now-notorious fast-track process—has also been dismantled. It proved a conspicuous failure. It was the handling of cases involving refugees and asylum seekers that raised some of the biggest questions about the tribunal. Among the most serious were questions about bias, fairness, competence and timeliness. Analysis by the Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law raised significant questions about the consequences of the political appointments made by the last government. In protection visa cases, its data shows that the odds of an applicant succeeding were 25 per cent higher where the applicant appeared before a tribunal member appointed by a Labor government compared with coalition-appointed members.</para>
<para>There was also an element of retribution in the behaviour of the previous government, with Kaldor data showing that, of the 20 decision-makers with the highest acceptance rates for protection visa applications between 2015 and 2020, 80 per cent did not have their appointments renewed by the coalition. With a recent history like that, it's clearly going to take a lot to restore confidence in the application of administrative law, especially when it comes to asylum seekers and refugees. The new tribunal is likely to face one of its greatest tests in that area. That's because the AAT was part of a system blighted by delays, political appointments and concerns about impartiality, as I outlined—in short, a system that denied people seeking asylum an efficient and a fair review process.</para>
<para>The new tribunal will be responsible for reviewing administrative decisions to ensure the correct and fair decision is made by the Department of Home Affairs regarding refugees and migrants. This review is the last opportunity for a person to have their claims for protection assessed. The consequences of incorrect tribunal decisions are severe and include refoulement—that is, the forcible return of asylum seekers to a country where they could face persecution—prolonged detention and permanent family separation. Decisions can be the difference between life and death, freedom, safety or long-term detention for those people.</para>
<para>Decisions made by the ART must have integrity, but the way some provisions are currently drafted means they won't, according to submissions from the refugee sector and the Law Council. There remains some conjecture and disagreement on the part of the government. But, according to the Asylum Seeker Resource Centre, provisions in the legislation maintain an unfair and distinct set of rules for refugees, people seeking asylum and migrants than for other applicants. Specifically, unlike others appearing before the tribunal, they may be excluded from access to funded legal services. On the face of it, this is discriminatory and a denial of procedural fairness.</para>
<para>As the Kaldor centre point out, applicants with legal representation are on average five times more likely to succeed than those left to represent themselves. Here's just one example provided to me by the ASRC. Ateba is a divorced woman from Ethiopia. She arrived in Australia, having experienced physical and sexual violence at the hands of her former husband as well as persecution for her political opinions. Trauma and cultural taboo meant she did not disclose the violence she'd experienced until she was able to get a lawyer through the ASRC and established a relationship of trust with that lawyer. It took months, but without the lawyer it's highly unlikely that she would have been able to raise the claims or articulate the reasons that she couldn't raise them earlier. Working through it with a lawyer, the presumption was able to be rebutted.</para>
<para>The Refugee Council warns:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… maintaining a separate set of procedures for migration and refugee cases will lead to further inefficiencies, appeals and potentially, the denial of refugee protection leading to refoulement.</para></quote>
<para>The Asylum Seeker Resource Centre argues:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The lack of free legal assistance to people seeking asylum and refugees has had a devastating impact on their ability to engage with the review process due to barriers including literacy and language skills, poor mental health, and isolation from community support, especially for people in immigration detention. Protection visa applicants, including people in detention and prison, often experience greater barriers with access to justice and should be eligible to apply for legal and financial assistance regarding their review applications.</para></quote>
<para>The Law Council of Australia has also recommended that such applicants should have access to funded legal representation on a means-tested basis.</para>
<para>I've had extensive conversations with the Attorney-General's Department on this. The department insists that there is 'no restriction at all on legal representation' for applicants in the Migration and Refugee Division. The department says that this impression is a consequence of bad language in the original act. Yet, the refugee sector and the Law Council, even as of a few minutes before I delivered this speech, continue to differ. With all of that in mind, I'm continuing to work with the government to clarify this. I had intended to move an amendment that would remove the elements in section 294 of the bill that may exclude applicants in the migrant and refugee division of the new tribunal from access to legal advice and representation.</para>
<para>As it turns out, a proposed government amendment circulated late last night would appear to pre-empt that amendment, and therefore I've been forced to withdraw my own amendment. The government says that its amendment would provide that an applicant for review of a reviewable migration or protection decision may apply to the Attorney-General for legal or financial assistance if the proceeding is referred to the guidance and appeals panel. The refugee sector and the Law Council retain their doubts, so it's a work in progress. The ASRC says that what the government is proposing would be of benefit to a handful of applicants at best and would still deny procedural fairness to many. The Law Council says the government amendment is a step forward but does not apply to all reviewable migration and reviewable protection decisions, as it had recommended. The Law Council adds that it would allow access to legal assistance for reviewable migration and protection decisions, 'but only where the review is of a decision referred by the president to the guidance and appeals panel'.</para>
<para>The ASRC also says the government amendment raises a number of questions: firstly, that the president has the power to refer to the guidance and appeals panel if it raises an issue of significance to the administrative decision-making and it is appropriate in the interests of justice to do so—therefore, it is not a question of need or vulnerability; secondly, that a person cannot refer their own decision to the guidance and appeals panel and also that a person is required to apply, which is a barrier to access; and, finally, that there is no guarantee that, on application, funding will be offered. So there are several unanswered questions.</para>
<para>What is still not clear is why other jurisdictions should have access to assistance and not the jurisdiction where assistance demonstrably has a critical impact that could be a matter of life or death and where applicants face severe barriers to access to justice. It would assist if the Attorney would improve the legislation or at the very least offer the House the clarification and assurance that refugees and asylum seekers will have the same right to legal representation as other applicants.</para>
<para>In short, there is some work to do on this bill for it to be ready to pass. I acknowledge that the government has a large package of amendments that it is yet to move, and I would add here that better practice would have been to finish the draft bill, including the amendments, before this debate, rather than all of us having a debate on a bill that is not final.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise in support of the significant and necessary reforms contained in the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023. For a little bit of background, the establishment of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, the AAT, is a proud part of Labor history. It was established by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal Act, which was passed in 1975 under Prime Minister Gough Whitlam. The first head of the AAT was Sir Gerard Brennan, who went on to be the Chief Justice of the High Court. That was the sort of rigour that we were bringing to the process of giving the Australian public the chance to question the decisions of the Australian government, something that this building is actually designed to show. The design of this building is that the public walk in through the doors and, if every door were opened up, they'd be able to look at the Prime Minister sitting at his desk. The architects are saying the public have a view of the executive. This building reflects that. The other line of power is between the states' representatives over there and the people's representatives in the green chamber, but that line of power between the people and the Prime Minister or the executive—the cabinet—is important. The people of Australia must be able to question the decisions of the government of Australia. Countries where that doesn't occur are not like a Westminster democracy. That's why the AAT is so crucial.</para>
<para>Back then, under Gough Whitlam, we understood the need for an independent body to review the decisions of ministers and departments, who, dare I say—present ministers excluded!—can sometimes get it wrong. They make a decision and then there's an unintended consequence, shall we say, for certain Australians, and those Australians need to be able to question that decision.</para>
<para>This initiative, under Gough Whitlam, was the first of its kind in the world. It reflected the core tenet of the democratic system of government: that the government is answerable to the people. The AAT allowed citizens to challenge the government and ensure that the decisions made under Commonwealth law were fair and just. That's what the AAT was set up for.</para>
<para>Throughout the years, the AAT has changed shape. The former coalition government incorporated the Migration Review Tribunal, the Refugee Review Tribunal and the Social Security Appeals Tribunal into the AAT in July 2015. This amalgamation was actually mismanaged and has left an unfortunate, to say the least, legacy that includes an unsustainable financial footing for the AAT. A Labor government created the AAT with honourable intentions, to look after the Australian people, and it's now time for another Labor government to fix the mess wrought by the previous Abbott, Turnbull and, most of all, Morrison governments. So that's why I stand here today, because these bills replace the mismanaged and badly compromised AAT with a tribunal that Australians can have trust and confidence in. It will be called the Administrative Review Tribunal, and it can't come soon enough.</para>
<para>Labor inherited a swathe of problems with the AAT, and we've taken action to fix them. The coalition government handed us an AAT that was bloated by a large backlog of applications—that's the first reason that we're here today—and had electronic case management systems that weren't fit for purpose. Unfortunately, those weren't the only problems. As those listening might have noticed, a lot of the people speaking are not from the Liberal or National parties. There's a great silence from those opposite when it comes to this important piece of legislation. We inherited a Liberal stacked membership. The Australian public deserves a federal administrative review body that is not stacked with people that have connections to the sitting government. The former coalition government appointed as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close associates. I'm not going to go through their CVs to talk about their merit, but obviously that becomes a problem.</para>
<para>Over time, the percentage of Liberal appointments increased to the stage that, when Scott Morrison was the Prime Minister, two out of five appointments had a strong connection to the Liberal Party. I'm sure that would have continued but for, thankfully, the Albanese government getting elected in 2022. In fact, in 2022, the Grattan Institute's research showed that 20 per cent of the AAT's 320 tribunal members had a direct political connection to the government that appointed them. So, if you were an Australian punter and you rocked up to ask the government why they made a particular decision, you had a one in five chance of a Liberal person reviewing a Liberal government decision. Can you see the problem? Obviously, as anyone who understands the justice system knows, it's not enough for justice to be done; justice must be seen to be done as well. So, when we had decisions of the Liberal government being reviewed by Liberals, that is a problem. It should be a red flag. I wonder if every cabinet minister in the Morrison government didn't raise this. The current Leader of the Opposition sat in that cabinet. Surely he raised this. But we're not hearing that in any of the speeches from those opposite. We just hear a deafening silence.</para>
<para>We cannot have Caesar judging Caesar. Why is this important? The AAT, as I said, without going into all the details about the Constitution and judicial appointments, is a way to review the decisions of the government. Maybe those people who were appointed had merit; maybe they didn't. It doesn't matter, when you have a perception that only Liberal Party appointees are put in there without a merit based selection process. If the only criterion is that you've got a Liberal Party membership card in your wallet, that is not a merit based selection process. Some of the people appointed had no relevant expertise or experience. How can a review body that is stacked like that claim it is independent and has the expertise needed to review decisions made by public servants and the government? Obviously, it cannot. A full-time member of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal could be paid from about $207,000 up to about $530,000 per year. Obviously, that's a pretty attractive target for a political appointment. I don't know about you, Deputy Speaker, but to me, without a merit check, it does smell a little bit like jobs for mates, and it did to the Australian people too.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government listened to the issues that were raised through both government scrutiny and stakeholder feedback. We held extensive consultation with the public, the administrative review expert advisory group and several parliamentary committees. It was clear that, in order to rebuild public confidence in the new Administrative Review Tribunal, we must ensure that our appointment process is far removed from any political process. It must be merit based. The new appointment process is transparent and guided by the operational needs of the Administrative Review Tribunal. It will also be simplified. There will be clear qualification requirements for applicants, and there will be role and responsibility descriptions for the four levels of membership, including for the roles of president and principal registrar, who will set much of the tone.</para>
<para>The qualification requirements contained in the bill are more stringent. The president of the Administrative Review Tribunal must be a judge of the Federal Court of Australia, and judicial deputy presidents must be judges of either the Federal Court of Australia or the Federal Circuit and Family Court of Australia division 1. These are the judicial appointments that I mentioned earlier. Other appointments must be enrolled lawyers with varying degrees of substantial experience, specialised training or experience in relevant subject matter.</para>
<para>It's also important to note that the president will have enhanced powers to manage the performance and conduct of the members, which is very important when you consider the crucial role they play in government review and in people's lives. This is unlike the judiciary, where, once you're appointed to the judiciary, effectively no-one manages you, apart from the common law and the parliament, and you can't be told to do certain things. Things can be suggested, you can be guided and you might even be transferred to another part of your state or territory, but that's a slightly different process. Here, the president will have these enhanced powers because the work of the review body is critical.</para>
<para>The role of the AAT member is to review the decisions made by government departments. They are not a Liberal Party stamp factory. That is not what they are, and I should clarify that they're not a Labor Party stamp-manufacturing process either. We want them to make independent decisions that question the role of the government. They must make sure that the legislation and policy have been followed in all stages of the decision-making process. Tens of thousands of Australians rely on the tribunal to independently review departmental decisions that can be life-altering for them. That's why trust in the ART is crucial, because it makes decisions that can literally change lives. I'm talking about whether a permanent visa is granted, whether an age pension is received, whether a veteran can access compensation for an injury they acquired while serving our country or whether a person with a disability can receive the required level of NDIS funding. These are crucial moments in individuals' lives.</para>
<para>The politicisation of appointments to the AAT undermined the independence of that important body. Under the coalition, the integrity of the Public Service was constantly undermined. We saw that in the 2000s with the Howard government and the outcome of the Palmer and Comrie inquiries into the immigration detention of Cornelia Rau and Vivian Alvarez. We saw it again under the Abbott, Turnbull and Morrison governments with robodebt.</para>
<para>That's why the Albanese Labor government is taking action. In a democracy, it is so crucial that there is an independent body that reviews departmental decisions. This allows applicants—citizens of Australia—to have natural justice, and it provides them with the opportunity to ensure that all their grievances or concerns regarding decision-making are investigated. It also builds confidence in the government and the way the government departments function.</para>
<para>These bills implement all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee's review into the performance and integrity of the administrative review system. They also implement four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme, which I know will only be of very small consolation to the thousands who suffered terribly or lost their lives because of those decisions—or lack of decisions.</para>
<para>The day-to-day operation of the ART will be enhanced to make it run more efficiently. It will emphasise a non-adversarial approach to decision-making. Improved procedures will make it possible to respond flexibly to changing case loads, and it will make it a better experience for those seeking review. It will ensure that process is focused on the user and is efficient, fair and assessable. Reflecting these enhancements, we've responded to stakeholder concerns about the term 'litigation guardian', which suggests substituted decision-making, and will change it to 'litigation supporter'.</para>
<para>Importantly, the bills also allow for identification, escalation and reporting on systemic issues in admin decision-making. This includes the re-establishment of the Administrative Review Council, adding another layer of transparency to the review system. The Administrative Review Council will focus on the integrity of the Administrative Review Tribunal and also implement training for Commonwealth public servants in decision-making and administrative law, vital recommendations coming out of that robodebt report.</para>
<para>The bills also establish a guidance and appeals panel mechanism, ensuring that there is consistent decision-making as well as quick responses to emerging issues. Further transparency is provided by the bill, enabling the tribunal to publish any decisions and requiring it to publish all decisions regarding significant conclusions of law or those that affect Commonwealth policy or administration. The supporting consequential and transition bill will amend 138 Commonwealth acts to ensure that existing legislation supports the intentions of the new tribunal. It will also streamline reviews of migration and refugee decisions by removing the Immigration Assessment Authority so that these processes are more efficient. The bill continues to recognise the unique features of veterans' entitlement law, with maintenance of the merits review in both ART and Veterans' Review Board. To minimise disruption and delay from the changeover from the AAT, active, pending and potential cases and those currently before the courts will be transitioned to the Administrative Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>With these bills, the Australian public can be confident that the ART is fair and just. It will be subject to a statutory review after five years. It will require a second review for social security matters. It will provide decisions in a timely manner, avoiding lengthy procedures and cost blowouts. Crucially, it will be responsive and accessible to the diverse needs of parties. These measures will restore transparency and quality of government decision-making. As I said at the start of this speech, it can't come soon enough. I commend these bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHANDLER-MATHER</name>
    <name.id>300121</name.id>
    <electorate>Griffith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Greens welcome the creation of a new body to replace the AAT, especially given the political stacking by the former coalition government. It should never have been possible to appoint political mates, especially those without legal qualifications, to a federal tribunal responsible for hearing cases on social security and migration matters, which can often be literally life or death. Delays in the AAT are very real, and it is hoped that the new tribunal is not characterised by these in the same way. The Administrative Review Tribunal will be an extremely high-volume tribunal which will have an impact each year on tens of thousands of individuals and their families.</para>
<para>There are a number of defects with the legislation as drafted which we believe need to be remedied. This new body will be in place for decades and have broad jurisdiction to deal with critically important matters relating to people's rights and entitlements under federal law. We can't afford to rush it and get it wrong. The Greens are working to get it right and ensure this generational reform delivers for the community and prioritises justice, accessibility and integrity. We have worked with stakeholders, including the Centre for Public Integrity, to address the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill's provisions for fixing appointments to the new body to make these integrity measures mandatory rather than optional. This was a key ALP election promise regarding the new tribunal. It is extremely positive that, after significant public pressure and growing political opposition, government amendments will now go some way to address this. The Greens have consistently advocated for a proper review of the operation of the tribunal. We have been joined in this by numerous NGOs and engaged stakeholders. The government is now responding to that pressure and bringing amendments in to require such a review.</para>
<para>One of the core requirements for this bill is that it cannot cause harm, especially to some of the most vulnerable existing users of the AAT. As drafted, this bill does not meet the test by abolishing critical review rights for people on Centrelink. The Greens believe it is necessary to preserve the existing two-tier jurisdiction to resolve appeals from Centrelink and Services Australia. The existing two-tier review process is critical to provide a just remedy for some 10,000 to 12,000 of the most vulnerable applicants each year. The government has sought to move a large number of amendments on this issue, and our Senate team is working through them. While they appear to go some way towards reinstating the original two-tier review process, the drafting is opaque and it is unclear how they will achieve this goal in practice.</para>
<para>There remain multiple elements in this reform that provide unfair outcomes for refugee and migration cases in the new body. While there are some modest improvements to the existing law, such as the abolition of the IAA, it continues to have multiple unfair, non-discretionary time frames and unfair adverse inferences in this part of its jurisdiction. Assessing the real impact of these amendments is a complex task with an already incredibly lengthy and convoluted bill that has hundreds and hundreds of accompanying pages of text in the explanatory memorandum and transitional provisions.</para>
<para>As noted above, this is a generational reform and we need to take the time to ensure it is right. While supporting the bill and not opposing the amendments in this House, the Greens reserve their position in the Senate. To that end we will continue to be guided by the valuable input of stakeholders and two core principles—that this reform must leave no-one behind and must leave no door open for a future government to undermine its integrity.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DAVID SMITH</name>
    <name.id>276714</name.id>
    <electorate>Bean</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this morning to speak in favour of the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and the associated bills. The Administrative Appeals Tribunal's public standing was irreversibly damaged as a result of the actions of the former government over the last nine years. By appointing as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection process, including some individuals with no relevant experience or expertise, the former government fatally compromised the AAT, undermined its independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making. While there were some good appointments, with no thanks to the selection process, there were many highly paid appointees with inadequate experience and expertise, and the consequence of their selection placed inordinate pressure on those appointees with appropriate skills and created logjams right across the system. I received many complaints both from constituents and practitioners about the level of dysfunction across the AAT and the impact on the lives of them and their clients.</para>
<para>The Albanese government inherited a tribunal that is not on a sustainable financial footing, that is beset by delays and an extraordinarily large and growing backlog of applications and that is operating multiple and ageing electronic case management systems—a legacy of the former government's mismanagement of the amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal. My constituents voted for an Albanese Labor government to restore trust, integrity and accountability in government. This legislation is another part of doing just that, and I will expand on this shortly.</para>
<para>Earlier this week I asked the Attorney-General how the Albanese Labor government's Administrative Review Tribunal bills clean up the mess left by the former government. The Attorney-General reminded the House that decisions of the AAT have life-changing impacts for thousands of Australians. From people with disability seeking support through the NDIS to vulnerable families trying to get the right social security payments, Australians count on the AAT to get a fair hearing. A functional administrative review jurisdiction is fundamental to trust in government. But the Liberal Party didn't care. The stacking of the AAT by the Liberal Party was shameless. It just went higher and higher, like the world's most perilous game of Jenga, stack after stack. It resulted in a tribunal that was entirely dysfunctional—with backlogs out of control and people waiting months or even years for review of a basic AAT decision. Just like a game of Jenga, it all came tumbling down.</para>
<para>The Albanese government does care about Australians who are struggling. We on this side do care about their right to a fair and independent process and to have a system that they can trust. Since coming to government, we have wasted no time in starting to fix the mess that those opposite left.</para>
<para>The legislation that we are debating in the House this morning was developed in consultation with the people who use the system every day. We will abolish the AAT and replace it with a new administrative review body that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. The legislation requires that members of the tribunal be appointed through a competitive, publicly advertised, merit based process. Our commitment to this is already on display, with more than 100 new appointments made already through a merit based process.</para>
<para>Many aspects of the principles underpinning administrative review under the AAT Act remain. The new tribunal does not have a general review jurisdiction—rather, other acts and instruments determine if a decision is reviewable. Tribunal powers and procedures may be varied by other laws in recognition of the need to accommodate different practice areas.</para>
<para>This bill is also aimed at providing a balance between fairness to applicants and avoidance of rigid legal processes: there is more visibility in hearings; decision-makers can elect not to be parties in certain circumstances; applicants have the right to be represented; and the tribunal may appoint litigation guardians and interpreters where needed. The provisions include uniform notification requirements and standardised time limits. The tribunal is required to provide reasons for decisions, and there is greater scope for publishing decisions.</para>
<para>Another significant feature is the facility to constitute a guidance and appeals panel within the tribunal, as described in part 5. Referral of decisions for review by the panel would only be permitted at the discretion of the president in cases which raise an issue of significance to administrative decision-making or where the decision may contain an error of fact or law. Tribunal members would be required to follow guidance decisions from the panel. The new panel is intended to foster greater consistency in decision-making across the tribunal and reduce the need for judicial review in individual cases.</para>
<para>There are significant changes to the structure of the tribunal aimed at improving flexibility and greater control of workflows. The rigid divisions within the AAT are to be replaced by jurisdictional areas, led by either the president or a non-judicial deputy president. The president rather than the minister would assign members to jurisdictional areas, taking into account the skills and qualifications needed in a particular area.</para>
<para>As I just mentioned, the tribunal will be made up of a president, deputy presidents—both judicial and non-judicial—senior members and general members. This streamlined membership structure responds to feedback that the AAT's seven membership levels are confusing and arbitrary. The tribunal's president will have clear functions, including hearing particularly significant and complex matters as a member, managing the business of the tribunal, managing the performance and conduct of members and consulting with civil society. A single chief executive officer and principal registrar will assist the president to manage the administrative affairs of the tribunal and will be responsible for managing corporate and registry services.</para>
<para>The tribunal will be made up of eight jurisdictional areas: general intelligence and security, migration, the National Disability Insurance Scheme, protection, social security, taxation of business, veterans and workers compensation. Within these jurisdictional areas, the president can establish lists, led by senior members or deputy presidents, to ensure the tribunal can build specialist knowledge to deal effectively with distinct case loads. This structure builds in flexibility to ensure an enduring, responsive foundation for the tribunal's work into the future.</para>
<para>Each jurisdictional area will be led by a non-judicial deputy president who will be responsible for identifying and managing trends in and changes to the case load of their jurisdictional area and managing the performance, conduct and professional development of members assigned to that area. The president will have the power to assign members within the tribunal to work in different jurisdictional areas. Vesting this power in the president will allow members to be deployed more flexibly.</para>
<para>A tribunal advisory committee will provide strong collective leadership to the tribunal. Comprised of the president, principal registrar and the jurisdictional area leaders, the committee will ensure these leaders are individually and jointly responsible for promoting the tribunal's objective.</para>
<para>The tribunal's powers in relation to the review of intelligence and security decisions are consolidated into part 6, and we incorporate relevant provisions in other legislation which currently set out procedures for dealing with the review in these matters. The new provisions are broadly equivalent to the existing ones and continue to exclude or modify some of the standardised rules and procedures for tribunal review. Significantly, the ability to constitute a guidance and appeals panel will not be available for intelligence and security matters.</para>
<para>Part 8 of this legislation goes to addressing one of the critical problems of the current AAT: its politicisation and stacking of unqualified candidates. The Grattan Institute argued that, based on its analysis, the number of AAT members with political affiliations had increased in recent years. In the 12 years before 2015-16, four per cent of appointees had political affiliations, compared to 29 per cent in the five subsequent years—extraordinary numbers and, unsurprisingly, also a correlation with the decline in appropriate expertise and experience.</para>
<para>The Grattan Institute has also contended that the inappropriate use of ministerial discretion for appointments carries several risks—namely, that appointees will lack the necessary skills and experience to effectively carry out their responsibilities, given that they have not been tested through a merits based process or actively compared to other candidates, and that appointees with political affiliations may be less willing to make a decision that might embarrass or upset the government that appointed them, thereby undermining the actual and perceived independence of the AAT.</para>
<para>Arguably the area of most significant reform in the bill, part 8 of this legislation sets out new and radically different procedures for appointing members to the tribunal and provides for a transparent and merit based appointment process that requires applicants to have relevant knowledge, skills and experience—not particularly controversial. Positions must be advertised, and selection panels may be appointed to adjudicate the suitability of applicants based on record and performance at an interview. These changes are profoundly important. As Professor Mary Crock noted in her submissions, the most likely marker of success in the new tribunal will be the quality of the individuals appointed to adjudicate actual cases.</para>
<para>In addition to new appointment procedures, part 8 includes more stringent performance and disciplinary procedures. Members will be subject to a performance standard, a code of conduct and stricter conflict-of-interest rules. Serious breaches of any of these will be possible grounds for termination.</para>
<para>These bills represent the most important reform of the federal system of administrative review in decades, and effective administrative review is critical to Australia's system of government. A strong user focused administrative review body provides an avenue for community members to seek independent review of government decisions that have major and sometimes life-altering impacts on their lives. This function is critical to protecting the rights and interests of individuals and organisations, particularly the most vulnerable members of our community, and, critically, a high-quality review of government decision-making can and will encourage better quality decision-making across government. I thank the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs, chaired by the member for Macquarie, for its suggestions on how the bill can be improved and the stakeholders who've engaged constructively with the government.</para>
<para>We on this side are committing to getting this right. This legislature represents an opportunity to significantly improve Australia's administrative review system, a key pillar of our democracy. As the robodebt royal commission noted, effective merits review is an essential part of the legal framework that protects the rights and interests of individuals. It also promotes government accountability and plays a broader, important role in improving the quality and consistency of government decisions. This new tribunal is intended to serve as a safeguard against abuses of power. It is intended to play a vital role in protecting the rights and interests of members of the community and in ensuring that the government and the Public Service act within the bounds of the law.</para>
<para>The Albanese's government is committed, in every step we take, to restoring trust and confidence in Australia's system of administrative review, beginning with the establishment of the new administrative review body that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. It is intended to lead to better government and better government decision-making. With this legislation, this government is seeking to restore trust and confidence in Australia's system of merits review. I commend this legislation to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SPENDER</name>
    <name.id>286042</name.id>
    <electorate>Wentworth</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and the associated consequential provisions bills. This bill is an important and long overdue reform. It creates the ART, a new body mandated to review individual administrative decisions made by the Commonwealth, and reinstates the Administrative Review Council to identify systemic deficiencies in how federal laws are applied. From robodebt to our broken asylum system, the consequences of administrative decisions can be severe to Australians. In some cases they are life and death. So getting things right when we create a new ART is absolutely critical.</para>
<para>The ART replaces the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, an ineffective, under-resourced and overly partisan body that lost the confidence of the Australian people and failed those who came to our shores seeking protection. The AAT was failing on almost every indicator, particularly when it came to time lines for decision-making and the independence of decision-makers. At the end of the 2023 financial year there were nearly 55,000 outstanding cases before the migration and refugee division of the AAT, compared with just 17,000 at the end of 2015-16—a staggering 325 per cent increase over seven years. These delays have caused huge distress to those trying to navigate the system and those awaiting decisions that have an enormous and profound impact on their lives. They're people who've contacted my office, desperate for help, because they've been waiting months for a decision and don't know whether they'll be able to stay in the country or not.</para>
<para>In addition to its operational performance, the AAT became stacked with political appointees, with huge discretion for the minister of the day to fill high-paying and influential public sector jobs with their mates. In the last five years of the tribunal's operation, 29 per cent of appointments to the AAT had political affiliations, with political appointments as high as 40 per cent under the Morrison government. Maybe some of those appointments were justified, but many were not. And with no legislated merit based appointments process there was no safeguard against political stacking and jobs for the boys. I therefore welcome the government's reforms and the extended consultation that has been undertaken with civil society and members of this House on this issue.</para>
<para>Australia has always been known as a land of the fair go. The purpose of the ART is fundamentally about ensuring that people get a fair go when it comes to administrative decisions made by the Commonwealth, whether in relation to asylum applications, Centrelink payments, the NDIS or veterans' entitlements. The fairness of our system relies on two key pillars: first, the fairness of the laws that underpin the system and, second, the independence of the people implementing those laws. I'd like to focus my comments on those topics.</para>
<para>Let me start with fair laws. It is a fundamental principle that our system of administrative review should treat all people equally. No one group of people is less deserving of procedural fairness. No one group of people should face shorter or longer time lines to request a review. And no one group should be less deserving of legal assistance. But I'm concerned that these kinds of inequities could be baked into this bill. The bill maintains carve outs for separate and more restrictive procedural codes for decisions affecting migrants and refugees. This means that migrants and protection visa applicants can be judged against a fundamentally different set of rules than everybody else is. Let me provide you three examples.</para>
<para>Firstly, migrant and refugee applicants are given a shorter period in which to seek administrative review than everybody else. While people who are seeking asylum often face significant barriers to seeking review within the 28-day time frame—like language barriers, insecure housing and serious illness—unlike everyone else they're not allowed to request an extension of this deadline. For people in immigration detention, the time line to make an application for review is just seven days. There is a very real risk that these sorts of provisions can create a two-tier system, where some people get procedural fairness but asylum seekers don't.</para>
<para>Secondly, this bill maintains the presumption of disbelief when new claims and evidence are put forward by people seeking asylum—that is, the default position of the ART is to penalise protection applicants who bring forward new evidence when the tribunal is assessing their case. This presumption affects people like Mindy, who fled Nigeria after experiencing serious gender-based violence and because she feared persecution as a member of the LGBTQ community. She was afraid to disclose her sexuality at the time of her application because she was scared of the consequences if her family or others in Nigeria found out. The presumption of disbelief also affected Elnaz, who was the victim of physical and sexual violence—including threats to kill her—from her husband, both when they were in Iran and once they had moved to Australia. She couldn't initially disclose this, because her application was made jointly with her abusive husband. In both these cases, the individuals had to fight to overturn the presumption of disbelief, with months of work and legal assistance. They were able to overturn the presumption and they were eventually recognised as refugees, but others are not so lucky.</para>
<para>There are many reasons why someone seeking protection may not provide all the relevant information at the time of their application, and this provision disproportionately affects those who are most vulnerable. They have just as much right to be believed as everybody else. I support the intention of the amendment put forward by the member for Clark, which would remove this presumption.</para>
<para>The third example of potential inequity in this bill relates to legal assistance, with submissions to the committee inquiry from legal experts suggesting that migrants and people seeking asylum may be excluded from accessing legal assistance under this bill. This is despite the complexity of our immigration laws, the severity of outcomes, and the barriers to accessing justice that they face. There would be no justification for this kind of exclusion. As the Law Council said in its submission, enabling a person to apply for legal or financial assistance should apply in all matters.</para>
<para>Now, I understand that the AAT's failures have created a huge backlog and that the government's justification for these kinds of provision is often about clearing that backlog. I want to see the backlog cleared quickly too, but this should not be done at the expense of people's right to a fair process, because this is both unfair and ineffective.</para>
<para>Analysis by the Kaldor Centre Data Lab shows that limiting the rights of applicants for the purpose of expediting claims has actually reduced the efficiency of the overall system and led to longer processing times. The failed fast-track process is a great example of this. Fast-track puts speed ahead of fair process in assessing protection claims. And, whilst it reduced the average time taken for the Immigration Assessment Authority to finalise its decisions, it pushed more cases in front of the Federal Court because so many of those decisions were wrong. Between 2015 and 2023, a staggering 37 per cent of judicial review applications related to decisions by the IAA were successful, often resulting in the case being sent back to the IAA for a second or sometimes third go. On average, this judicial review process takes at least two to three years. Any time saving from limiting procedural fairness at the IAA stage was more than negated by the delays caused by the high rates of judicial review. When you look at the system overall, it is better to get things right the first time, not to deny people their right in order to speed things up.</para>
<para>Whilst we must ensure that our laws themselves are fair, we must also ensure that they are implemented properly, and that means ensuring the people who make decisions on behalf of the ART are appropriately qualified and truly independent. I want to make the case that this is more important with the ART than with almost any other body that the Commonwealth funds, and this is because the ART is the final arbiter on so many decisions of how government interacts with its citizens and people who live in Australia. This is the final moment. If that decision is not justified, if that decision is made on the basis of politicisation, then it is deeply, deeply unfair. It's also extremely concerning, because this assurance of those decision-makers being independent and appropriately qualified was borne out under the previous AAT, with plum jobs worth up to $500,000 a year handed out by the Morrison government—on the eve of elections—to individuals linked to the Liberal Party.</para>
<para>The politicised appointments process matters when it comes to decisions that affect people's lives. Analysis by the Kaldor Centre shows that the political party in government at the time that a tribunal member was first appointed to the AAT had a huge effect on the decisions that the individual made. For example, when it came to protection applicants, the odds of an applicant succeeding in an appeal were 25 per cent higher when the applicant appeared before a tribunal member appointed by the Labor government, compared to coalition appointed members. Indeed, tribunal members who appeared sympathetic to protection applicants were often removed by coalition governments. Between 2015 and 2020, 16 of the decision-makers with the highest acceptance rates for protection cases did not have their appointments renewed by the coalition. It is a shocking statistic and it shows that the AAT appointments process was completely broken.</para>
<para>You should be appointed based on your merits, not based on your political persuasion. I therefore welcome the provisions in this act to legislate for a truly merit based appointments process to the new ART. There are further improvements that should be made to this process, including that merit based selection panels be mandatory.</para>
<para>I particularly want to commend the member for Mackellar for her work in this area. It has been tireless, and she has taken this on strongly for the last 18 months, in almost every bill that the government has put forward in terms of selection committees and where the government is appointing people. She has said consistently that people should be appointed to government jobs based on their merit. We need to have robust processes in place to make sure that merit stands true and that we can't politicise public appointments. It is absolutely critical. I really am encouraged by the government's openness to incorporating her amendments in this bill, as well as others put forward by the crossbench. I hope to see that across many more government bills, because I think this is a great example of where the government is starting to move and would like to see it move much further. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SITOU</name>
    <name.id>298121</name.id>
    <electorate>Reid</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I appreciate the previous member's comments on this bill, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, and her commitment to protecting our key institutions. It's a commitment that I share and that many on this side of the House share. As members of parliament we have all had constituents come into our electorate office with a government decision that just feels wrong and fundamentally unfair. Sometimes they are decisions made using the letter of the law as opposed to the spirit of the law, they are decisions that haven't taken into account extenuating circumstances or they are simply decisions that feel fundamentally unfair. Maybe a constituent has a Medicare debt that seems off, maybe there's an aged-care decision that doesn't truly take into account the needs of the individual or maybe a visa is not issued to a family member overseas, even when all evidence suggests that they meet the criteria.</para>
<para>If the issue can't be fixed by an electorate office, then they sometimes go to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. We have had one such case where a constituent had to go to a tribunal. She and her family were caught up in a terrible situation when they decided to knock down and rebuild their home so that they could live in that home with their daughter and her children. They made all the necessary checks with Centrelink to ensure that it wouldn't have an impact on the age pension that she and her husband were receiving. They were given assurances that they could live out of their primary residence for 12 months without it having an impact on their age pension.</para>
<para>But, because of a range of circumstances that were completely out of their control, including COVID, a range of supply chain issues and issues that they had with the construction company that they were working with, they had to live out of their primary residence for longer than 12 months. Centrelink then determined that it was no longer their primary residence, so they were no longer eligible for the age pension.</para>
<para>They had to fight the bureaucracy, and they fought it for months and months to get their age pension reinstated. They worked closely with my office, and it was only after they took the case up to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal that they got their age pension reinstated. It came at such a critical time in that family's experiences, because her husband had had a stroke in the intervening months and they were left without any government support. I'm so glad that that decision was overturned, that the Administrative Appeals Tribunal saw the extenuating circumstances that that family had to deal with and that they were able to get their age pension reinstated. It made such a difference to that family.</para>
<para>That's the role of the tribunal. The tribunal can have a profound impact on an individual's life. It is their last port of call. After they have tried all other avenues, this is their one Hail Mary shot at getting a bad decision overturned. That's why these decisions need to be made on the facts of the case and the impact that they're going to have on the individual, not with a view to the political ramifications. So it's incredibly disappointing to go over the way the previous government tarnished what ought to have been an independent institution.</para>
<para>A report by the Grattan Institute found that 20 per cent of the AAT's 320 tribunal members had a direct political connection to the government that appointed them. As many as 85 former Liberal MPs, former Liberal candidates, Liberal staffers and close associates of the Liberal Party were stacked into the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. Many of these political appointments were made in the lead-up to the 2019 and 2022 federal elections. They were rewards for mates, returns of favours or a resting place for talent until they could go again at the next election.</para>
<para>These are lucrative roles. The Grattan Institute described the AAT as offering 'the full trifecta of powerful, prestigious and well-paid positions', with AAT members' salaries ranging from nearly $200,000 to nearly $500,000 a year. That the previous government thought they could and should stack this body is an indictment on their judgement. That they did this without a merit based selection process is shameful. It puts paid to the idea that those opposite have a profound regard for the institutions of this country when they again and again disregard many of the conventions and norms that we rely on to hold public trust in these institutions—because so-called conservatives come to this place and fundamentally undermine what ought to be independent and impartial decision-making bodies.</para>
<para>It's important to spell out why the actions of the former government were so destructive. The Grattan Institute succinctly sums it up with this line:</para>
<quote><para class="block">When mateship prevails over merit, all Australians suffer.</para></quote>
<para>It's about the corrosive impact of this on the institutions of this country. It's about the practical impact of this on the day-to-day lives of our constituents.</para>
<para>It's important to understand what a merits review body like the AAT is supposed to do. Fundamentally, review bodies provide a critical check on government decisions. They ensure that government decisions are right in all circumstances. They review Medicare decisions, Centrelink decisions, NDIS decisions, veterans' affairs decisions and immigration decisions. Every single one of us in this place should know the impact of those decisions on our constituents. There should be a 'merits review' tribunal to review those decisions. A tribunal like this has the capacity to have a profound influence on the lives of our constituents, yet to those opposite it became a nursery school for defeated political ambition. That was incredibly and profoundly wrong, because an institution that has such a significant impact on the lives of Australians should not be tainted by political bias. An institution with that great an impact on the public has to maintain the confidence of the public.</para>
<para>That's not to say that there is anything innately wrong with someone with a political affiliation getting a job in one of these review tribunals—of course not. The problem is the sheer number of political appointments made without any sort of selection process. If those opposite really think this is okay, then come in here and defend each of those appointments without merit that you made. Defend the fact that there was no merit based recruitment process. But you won't hear that here, because those opposite, deep down, know that this was a really grubby thing to do. Sure, they got away with it for many years, but even they won't defend it.</para>
<para>So it falls to this Labor government to do its best to bolster the public 's faith in the institutions of government. We have seen, with the establishment of the National Anti-Corruption Commission—something that those opposite again failed to do—that this is a government serious about the task ahead of us.</para>
<para>We know that on top of the problem of appointing candidates without a proper selection process there were a number of problems with the AAT. Previous attempts at amalgamating the separate review tribunals into a single unified tribunal have largely been unsuccessful. Funding for our merits review tribunal has not always met the level required by the caseload it has. This resulted in a significant backlog of cases, meaning that people were waiting months or years for the final decision. That's why in December 2022 the Attorney-General laid out a vision for an overhaul of the AAT, signalling a move towards a new administrative review body that promises to be user focused, efficient, accessible and, most importantly, independent and fair. In seeking to establish a new Administrative Review Tribunal the Attorney-General has sought to take on board the many reviews, new and old, and consult as widely as possible to look at how this new tribunal ought to operate. In April last year the government conducted a public consultation on reform to review the system, which received 280 survey responses and 120 submissions. At the same time, former High Court justice Patrick Keane led an expert advisory group to provide advice on this reform. The bill we have before us has gone through the Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs, capably led by the member for Macquarie. It recommended that this House pass the ART Bill without amendment. The committee also encouraged the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee to give further consideration to the matters raised by the House committee. The Senate committee is due to report back in mid-2024.</para>
<para>This bill will transition the old AAT to a new system as smoothly as possible. Matters that are currently heard by the AAT will remain unaffected. Current staff will transition to the new body, and existing members of the AAT will be invited to apply for positions in accordance with the new merit based appointment system, which probably should have always been in place. That merit based selection process, which will be publicly advertised, will be based on a specific set of criteria, not on how close a mate you are to someone sitting among those opposite. We will evaluate the extent to which prospective applicants possess the necessary skills, expertise, experience and knowledge for tribunal duties.</para>
<para>The bill will give the president powers to manage member performance and, importantly, it will afford the president power to ensure that the tribunal is a safe and respectful workplace. For our constituents, it will strengthen the tribunal 's objective of providing an accessible body that is responsive to the multitude of physical and linguistic needs in our communities. This bill does the hard work of rebuilding public trust in our key institutions—the very foundation of our democracy depends on it. Surely that is something that everyone in this place can get behind. For the sake of all Australians, it's time to recognise and reward merit, not mateship.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAWKE</name>
    <name.id>HWO</name.id>
    <electorate>Mitchell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a pleasure to rise and speak on the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill and related bills. I say to the parliament that this is a lost opportunity for some real reform to our Administrative Appeals Tribunal. Certainly, the idea that we're going to change the name from the AAT to the ART should not be inspiring to most Australians, and the abolishment of the AAT to recreate the same body in the ART really isn't an attempt at improving the administrative efficiency of our administrative appeals system.</para>
<para>There has been a lot of naivete in this debate, and I wouldn't mind that so much from backbenchers—maybe the member for Reid is very new. A lot of that was very naive. She's reading the points given to her by the Labor Party's whip. But the Attorney-General has been in this place a long time, and, if the Attorney-General wanted to put a bill forward to reform the AAT to make sure that there were no political mates, he could have done that bill. This bill will not achieve that; there will still be politically aligned people on the ART instead of the AAT.</para>
<para>It seems to me that the Attorney-General's principal objection to the AAT was that they lost four elections in a row and that they didn't get to appoint anybody, so they'd like to clear the slate and start again with people that are more aligned to the way that they think. That might be his prerogative in government, but it's really sanctimonious for members of the Labor Party to come and speak on this bill and say: 'This will revolutionise the system. It's all going to be just merit now; there will be no political mates.'</para>
<para>I'd say to the member for Reid, who I just heard, and others who've been making this point endlessly: what was the merit based selection criteria for the appointment of the Ambassador to the United States, Kevin Rudd? What merit based system did you go to? They haven't mentioned that they're outraged about that appointment by their own government. You can argue the rights or wrongs of the appointment of Kevin Rudd. Certainly, if there's a Republican regime in coming months, it may be a very bad appointment for Australia. But can any Labor member say to the Australian public that they went through a merit based selection? There wasn't one. So the sanctimony, I think, is misplaced. But my point about the construction of this bill and the consequential amendments that the government has put forward is that they lack any rigor in actually doing anything about the administrative appeals system.</para>
<para>To speak to many of the objections that people have made here, again, I think they are very ill informed about the migration division of the AAT. In one breath, we've got Labor members saying: 'If we go back to several tribunals of appeal, that will be more efficient, but we're really upset that there's a huge backlog and that this one system has produced this huge backlog.' But if we go back to four or five tribunals then somehow there'll be more efficiency? None of it makes any sense because it is not real reform. They haven't taken the time to do real reform.</para>
<para>I say to the member for Indi: she's well motivated, but she's right to reserve her judgement about these reforms, which is what she has done. She's right because her instinct is correct. This will not address the problems that exist with the AAT. I'm happy to speak to some of those cases in the migration division, because they are important, and the missed opportunity of this government in not really consulting the parliament, in rushing through the process and changing the name or abolishing the AAT while recreating it with a different letter in the middle. It's almost like one of those shows on politics. It is not real reform.</para>
<para>In migration, and under the Migration Act, the truth is that many people appeal to the AAT—or through the old MRT—deliberately to delay the resolution of their visa status in Australia. That's the finding of the AAT itself, when it backs up the government's decision-makers 80 to 90 per cent of the time. The backlog comes about in migration because people are deliberately gaming our system. So, unlike the member of Wentworth, who says that we should provide financial assistance to people that are noncitizens who want to apply to appeal decisions of our own decision-makers and therefore give them money to apply against us when they're deliberately trying to stay, we need to get that case load dealt with much more efficiently, because there are genuine people that need administrative review in visa decisions. Every one of those genuine people is hurt by the many people who are applying who are not genuine in their application for administrative review.</para>
<para>There is nothing in these bills that will improve or seek to improve that huge case load that is deliberately there to delay resolution in Australia of their visa. This even applies to serious criminals, which is a matter that has been before this parliament for many months. These applicants seek administrative appeal against our government once they're convicted of serious crimes. Why? To delay their removal from Australia. Then they go to the court—to the highest court, in many cases. Having served in the executive in a ministerial role in the space, I can say that most of the cases I saw were the deliberate delay and gaming of our system, at a cost to the taxpayer—tying up our court system, tying up our administrative appeal system and not allowing genuine cases to be dealt with expeditiously.</para>
<para>There is no serious attempt to reform this system. In government we couldn't reform it, and I'll tell you why we couldn't reform it: because the Labor Party would always hold up any reform, because they never allowed migration bill amendments to go through without years of contemplation or scrutiny. They must know, now that they're in government, that this case load of people who are not genuine and who are applying to delay their departure from Australia to stay here longer is tying up our administrative appeals system. But they do nothing. These bills are silent about them.</para>
<para>The teals say we should give money to more people to do it faster. I can say to you that there are too many decisions that are appealed to our Administrative Appeals Tribunal that need no such treatment. I'll give you an example of what comes before a minister's desk, because parliament needs to understand this. If a student misses their deadline to apply for a new student visa to stay in Australia—let's say they miss it by five minutes—that will work its way through the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and come before the minister for a ministerial intervention. What a cosmic waste of time and resources of the department, of the person and of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. We need a simpler, more efficient bureaucratic decision that says, 'Okay, on student visas, you're five minutes past the deadline—you're in or you're out'. We do not need months and years of administrative review or court review of such a simple matter. Where is the reform on that? It needs to be done. We need to move forward. We need to make some real changes to actually address the backlog. If Labor members were interested in this, getting the non-genuine applicants out of our system would be a huge priority.</para>
<para>Regarding protection claims—just to address the teal members who've mentioned that, and, again, the naivete is absolutely breathtaking—most protection claims are found to be non-genuine by our decision-makers, by the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and by the courts. An overwhelming number of protection claims in Australia are found to be non-genuine, by every level of review. But the teals say, 'Let's have more applications going in.' That is not the answer to the problem, because who has to pay for that? Well, the taxpayer has to pay for that. Let's look Australians in the eye and say, 'You've got to work harder to pay your taxes'! This is not such a concern to members of teal electorates; they're not too worried about making ends meet or paying tax; there's an endless pool in some of these wealthy electorates. But people who are struggling have to work harder to pay the bills for people who are not Australians and who are claiming protection under false premises. Most of the cases are false. We have to be open about this conversation. Most are false; they are not genuine claims.</para>
<para>And to the member for Wentworth, who cited an LGBTQI person, I'd say that is a very serious issue. There are issues for people applying for protection from mostly countries under sharia law—Islamic countries, for example. They need protection from their own governments, because these are not rights based societies. They apply to Australia. But there are a lot of people who fake their claims—people who say they are LGBTQI not because they are but because they have decided to make that up for the purposes of their application. There are people who claim they are Christian when they are Muslim. The AAT's and the decision-maker's job is clear in trying to resolve how those non-genuine cases are decided so we can get to the cases like the example the member for Wentworth raised, of a genuine LGBTQI person needing genuine protection.</para>
<para>It is in the interests of this House, in the interests of this parliament and in the interests of the government to have reform to stop these non-genuine applicants from applying and creating these backlogs—delay, cost, difficulty. I would counsel the member for Wentworth not to listen just to the Law Council on this, because this is the greatest lawyers picnic in the history of Australia. Lawyers make tonnes of money off the AAT, the court system and the migration appeals division. Lawyers are making truckloads of money off all of this. So, I wouldn't just listen to the Law Council's submission about this. I would seek a broader remit.</para>
<para>The truth is that we need to remove some of the options for noncitizens to be applying to the AAT. We need to restrict it further. We need to reduce the administrative burden on our decision-makers and our tribunals so that we get to the genuine appeals and consider the genuine appeals. Any examination of the outcome metrics of any of this—the AAT or the new ART—will be the same, I have no doubt, because anyone reviewing these matters will see that most of these cases are non-genuine. Most of these applications have been put in for a variety of reasons, not necessarily to get a positive outcome. It's in the interests of every member here to get to those people who need genuine administrative review and to get those matters finalised.</para>
<para>The government has failed to bring forward a bill that in any way tackles the serious nature of the case load, the reasons why we have a backlog in this case load and, indeed, the focus on the politicisation of the AAT. Having dealt with it extensively, I would say to you that there are members on the AAT who have come from previous Labor governments whose productivity I was most concerned and remain most concerned about, so I commend this bill where it talks about the ability of the president to work on productivity. These figures should be publicly available and transparent. A person paid this much money—I don't care whether they're appointed by a Liberal or Labor government—should have their performance review made public. If they do not meet the benchmarks of case load or of proper work rate inside the AAT, they should be removed from the AAT, or the ART if this bill is passed by the parliament. That is not available to the public as taxpayers. I think that is scandalous.</para>
<para>In my perception, many members from eras gone by appointed by different governments were the least productive. Some people hid behind a very low case load rate. They would have been there in the AAT a very long time. It was very opaque, even for the government of the day, to get those figures. Transparency is key here, and I would say to the member for Indi that that is the kind of amendment that ought to be required. Transparency on the performance and productivity of individual members, regardless of the government appointing them, would actually lend a better outcome here as well.</para>
<para>So, while we are not opposing this bill, there are some great features here in terms of the ability of the president to make further performance reviews available to members and also deal with members who are not doing their job. The overwhelming nature of this bill is purely administrative. It's abolishing one body; it's changing a letter in the title; it's recreating it; it's keeping the case load the same; it's keeping the pipeline the same; and it's going to allow the government to appoint Labor mates through a fig leaf of a merit based system, but it's not an actual merit based system. So the system will continue, when opportunity lent itself to some actual change and reform that would have improved the ability, especially of Australians, to access administrative appeal. The system will go on. Labor will say: 'We've changed the whole world. We've achieved nirvana. This is now a perfect system.' But it will not be a perfect system. For many members here who are very naive about this: the lawyers will continue to make a packet load of money off of this process, especially through the migration division. The most litigated Commonwealth minister is the migration minister. Lawyers are making a lot of money out of this system.</para>
<para>As a parliament, we do need further reform. We do need these bills to be more robust. We would like to see further amendments and change to the ability of people to take matters to the AAT that simply don't need to be there. Student visas being late by five minutes is an example. These things are not required to go to something with a tribunal-like nature, with a person sitting over them and submissions taken on whether you missed a deadline by five minutes. This is wasting the parliament's time, the government's time, the Administrative Appeals Tribunal's time and the time of a lot of people who have very genuine matters that need to be before administrative review and need thorough consideration. There is too much sitting in front of the AAT, and it will be the same under this bill.</para>
<para>My criticism is primarily that this bill does not attempt to actually improve the system. It has no vision. It is merely a classic government changing the badging that we knew. There will be new branding. It might be cheap in some cases: they might just have to drop 'appeals' off and get 'review' added in gold. Perhaps that's why the government has done it that way, so it's cheap to rebadge it! But rebadging it is a lost opportunity. Not making reforms is a lost reform opportunity. Administrative appeal is an important right. They should be taking a burden off of our courts, not providing a vehicle for people to delay matters and cause deliberate delay to their particular resolution of cases against government. We need to do better, and I urge the government to think harder about review and to actually take some serious steps towards fixing our system and working with the parliament to do so.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr REID</name>
    <name.id>300126</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In late 2022, the Labor government announced our decision to abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new federal administrative review body. These changes are something that I campaigned on during the election. These changes are something that my community has been calling for now for quite some time. I remember having conversations, prior to the election, when I was doorknocking and when I was speaking to people on the phone. This is not just about people who have direct interactions with the AAT; it also relates to participants of the NDIS. Clinicians, allied health providers—speech pathologists, physiotherapists—you name it, were all calling for significant reform in the area of the AAT. And that is exactly what we're doing. We are the party of reform. We are the government of reform, and that is exactly we're doing here with the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023.</para>
<para>This bill is also part of the Labor government's agenda to restore faith and trust in our institutions, something that was absolutely obliterated when the Liberal Party ruled at a state and at a federal level, particularly on the New South Wales Central Coast. We can look at our reform agenda particularly in the areas of integrity. We need look no further than the Albanese Labor government's creation and establishment of a national anticorruption commission, something that my community was calling for prior to the 2022 election and something that this government has now delivered on. At the end of the day, the people in this room, the people in this chamber, need to be held accountable for the decisions and the actions that they make.</para>
<para>As I said before, this is significant reform. Reform is what Labor governments do. By appointing as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection process—including some individuals who have absolutely no relevant experience or expertise in this body—the former government, the former Morrison government, fatally compromised the AAT. They undermined its independence and they undermined and eroded the quality and the efficiency of its decision-making process.</para>
<para>This is not surprising when you look at the Liberal Party's track record of eroding trust and integrity in vital services and infrastructure, particularly on the Central Coast but also right across the country. It was when the Liberal Party were ruling in both the New South Wales state government and in the federal parliament. We had the biggest decline and the biggest destruction of our health services including primary care and general practice, but also our hospital system. The NDIS and the disability sector was absolutely rattled and our aged-care sector infrastructure went into significant decline. This does not only have an effect on those portfolio areas directly; it also has flow-on effects. I'm talking about follow-on effects for our local economies right across the country, particularly on the Central Coast. If you don't have a healthy society, if you aren't assisting people to make sure that they are operating at full functional capacity, then you can't have a boost in productivity growth in your local economy. There are also follow-on effects for the business community. So the Liberal Party in the federal government and the former New South Wales government don't have a leg to stand on with this in mind.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government inherited an AAT that was not on a sustainable financial footing. It was beset by delays and an extraordinarily large and growing backlog of applications. That is from operating multiple and ageing electronic case management systems. That's a legacy of the former Liberal's government's mismanagement of the amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>It really is just a long list of failures by the former Liberal government. We look at things like robodebt, as I said before. We look at the destruction of our primary care and general practice sector. We look at their inability to take integrity and corruption seriously, by not supporting a national anticorruption commission. With regard to this bill, we can see that it comes at a very real cost to tens of thousands of people who rely on the AAT each year to independently review government decisions that have major and sometimes life-altering impacts on their lives, decisions such as whether an older Australian receives an age pension. This is a really important point for veterans, and the Central Coast, in particular the electorates of Robertson, Dobell and even Shortland, has one of the highest numbers of veterans in the country. This body was making decisions as to whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury or whether a participant of the NDIS received funding for essential support. But it doesn't just have impact on the participant in the NDIS; it also has an impact on the family or guardians or support people for that participant, as well as on the clinicians that have major input into these participants' lives. Think of the physiotherapists, the doctors, the speech pathologists, the nurses—all of whom were significantly let down by the mismanagement of administration by the former Liberal government. From Abbott to Turnbull to Morrison, these former governments were not only a disgrace, but they let down the Australian people and very significantly let down the people of the Central Coast.</para>
<para>The Attorney-General announced the design of the new body would be the subject of consultation in early 2023, and it was. We also made it clear that the AAT cases on foot when the AAT is abolished will be transitioned to the new body automatically, so there won't be bureaucratic hurdles and barriers. As I have said previously, the Labor government is committed to restoring trust and is committed to restoring confidence in Australia's system of administrative review, beginning with the establishment of a new administrative review body that is user focused, that puts people at the centre of what we are reviewing and that is efficient and accessible. We need to make sure it's accessible. One of the big things we saw under the former government, and also with former members from the Central Coast, state and federal, was that these review processes were in no way accessible to the general public. That is something I have been extremely committed to changing at a local level, and I'm proud to be part of a government, part of a team on this side, that makes sure these review processes are accessible to the general public. Also we need to make sure they are independent and above all that they are fair.</para>
<para>A central feature of this new body will be a transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of non-judicial members. This is a stark contrast to the actions of the former government, who appointed as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection process.</para>
<para>This bill implements the Labor government's commitment to establish this new federal administrative review body. The new body will be called the Administrative Review Tribunal and will replace the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, which, as we all know, under the former government significantly failed Australians, particularly on the New South Wales Central Coast. The ART Bill builds on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation to establish a tribunal that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. The ART bill implements all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee review into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system, four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and the government's response to two recommendations from the <inline font-style="italic">Rapid </inline><inline font-style="italic">r</inline><inline font-style="italic">eview into the </inline><inline font-style="italic">e</inline><inline font-style="italic">xploitation of Australia's </inline><inline font-style="italic">v</inline><inline font-style="italic">isa </inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic">ystem</inline>.</para>
<para>The tribunal's objective will be to provide an independent mechanism of review that is just and fair; that resolves applications in a timely manner and with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct and preferable decision; that is accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties, that improves the transparency and quality of decision-making; and that promotes public trust and confidence in the tribunal, which has been lacking due to the former Liberal government's mismanagement of administrative review. The tribunal will incorporate key features to improve merits review, including simpler and more consistent processes and an emphasis on non-adversarial approaches to resolving applications; a suite of powers and procedures to respond flexibly to changing case loads and help resolve cases more efficiently and effectively; a simple membership structure with clear qualification requirements and role descriptions for each level of membership; clear and delineated roles and responsibilities for those who hold leadership positions in the tribunal, including the president and principal registrar; a transparent and merit-based appointment process for members, informed by the operational needs of the tribunal, to ensure that only the highest quality members are appointed to these very important roles; and powers for the president to manage the performance, conduct and professional development of members. We can already see, just from this very brief outline of the bill, how much better the system will be under the current government, compared to former failed Liberal Party policy.</para>
<para>The ART Bill will also have mechanisms to identify, escalate and report on systemic issues in administrative decision-making, including the re-establishment of the Administrative Review Council. The council will monitor the integrity of the Commonwealth administrative review system, inquire into systemic challenges in administrative law and support education and training for Commonwealth officials in administrative decision-making and administrative law. For the first time, this bill will also establish a guidance and appeals panel within the tribunal to resolve matters arising from systemic issues and to review tribunal decisions that may be affected by error. The guidance and appeals panel will provide a mechanism for escalating significant issues and addressing material errors in tribunal decisions. This will promote consistent tribunal decision-making, with rapid responses to emerging issues both within the tribunal and from government departments and agencies. Finally, the bill will enable the tribunal to publish any decision and will require it to publish all decisions involving significant conclusions of law or with implications for Commonwealth policy or administration.</para>
<para>This bill does go some of the way to ending Liberal Party stacking of our institutions. It breaks down the Liberal nepotism that became all too familiar under the Morrison, Turnbull and Abbott governments. I believe in institutional integrity. My community believes in and, rightly, demands institutional integrity, and that is exactly what the Labor Party is doing with this bill. That is exactly what we did with the National Anti-Corruption Commission, that is what we will continue to do as a government of the people, and that is what we will continue to do on the Central Coast in New South Wales.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURNS</name>
    <name.id>278522</name.id>
    <electorate>Macnamara</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a privilege to rise after the member for Robertson, who gave an outstanding account of the importance of this bill, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023. He clearly demonstrated his commitment to institutional integrity and to all the reforms the Attorney-General has laid out in this bill. I commend the member for Robertson on his fine contribution to this important reform.</para>
<para>The Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024 are important bills because, like with so many things when coming into government, we faced a deluge of Liberal mess, of Liberal fingerprints all over the different aspects of government and government administration. We had to take the broom and sweep out the mess because it was messy here when we walked in.</para>
<para>Thankfully, these bills go a long way to rectifying some of the more egregious aspects of the way in which the former government administered the AAT and made it a Liberal Party retirement village. Anyone involved in the Liberal Party was able to just submit a CV to the former Attorney-General, and away you went—you got your ticket into the AAT, and you got your parking spot and your salary; you didn't have to bother turning up for work but you could certainly collect your salary. That was the classic example of the way in which the former coalition government administered the AAT. They were not worried about things like whether or not someone had any experience in administrative matters. That is a detail the Liberal Party did not bother themselves with: 'Have you had any experience in administering or being a decision-maker on a tribunal in any way, shape or form? Yes? Sure, come on down. No? No problems; you're welcome in the Liberal Party AAT. This is the place for you.' That was according to the former government.</para>
<para>But we have a different approach. That is not how you should be administering these important institutions. We actually believe in the integrity of our institutions. We saw the approach of the former government around a national anticorruption commission. They promised a national anticorruption commission, promised they were going to deliver one, promised they were going to restore faith and trust in politics—and what did the former Prime Minister do? He made an exposure draft of a national anticorruption commission bill. He didn't bother bringing it into the parliament. It's going to be hard to set up a national anticorruption commission if you don't actually bring the bill into the parliament. That was a classic example of the way the former Liberal government managed these things.</para>
<para>Then you have the AAT. You would have thought: 'Look, maybe there's one former Attorney-General or one credentialled member of the Liberal Party who was a candidate who narrowly missed out. It shouldn't preclude you from having an appointment if you are qualified.' But that's not what happened in the former government. I make the comment that there were some good members of the AAT that were appointed, and we thank them and anyone who was diligently working through these matters in order to try and bring about a timely result for people. But that wasn't the approach of the Liberal Party. The biggest piece of evidence of that was the fact it wasn't just one or two former members of the Liberal Party who were appointed to these positions; they appointed 85 former Liberal MPs, unsuccessful candidates, ex-staffers and other close associates. That is an extraordinary amount of former Liberal Party apparatchiks who were appointed as administrators on a tribunal which decides real-world matters for the people of Australia. What does that say to the people who are turning up to the AAT—that, instead of having someone who has experience in deciding these matters, they're going to get a Liberal Party operative? What an appalling thing to say to the people of Australia.</para>
<para>Going back to the fact of whether or not these people had any expertise: some people did, but to appoint people without expertise and without relevant experience is frankly insulting to the Australian people. But it was a reflection of the way in which the previous government were Liberals first and worried about the proper administration of government second. What was the consequence of that? It's hardly surprising when you appoint apparatchiks as important administrators or decision-makers on tribunals. The first thing was that public faith in the institution completely tanked. The public did not have confidence in the AAT. There was a complete erosion of the independence of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, because, when you have that many political appointments, how many of them are still communicating about matters to government members? How many of them are still carrying potential links and ties with their political affiliations? Were they managing it correctly? All of these things come into question when you have that many people being appointed to roles that should not be political.</para>
<para>The worst thing about it is that the role of the AAT is crucial. This is an institution that helps decide and determine real-world matters for Australians. I remember when we came into government we were presented, in Macnamara, with tens of cases that were before the AAT in relation to unresolved NDIS matters. These were people who were sent to the AAT, basically, by the former government to have their NDIS case resolved, only to be greeted by a handful of former Liberal Party apparatchiks. It was an outrageous way in which to govern and an outrageous way in which to have a mechanism which people can access in order to resolve matters and resolve access to schemes as important as the National Disability Insurance Scheme.</para>
<para>The other thing about the AAT that was extremely important was that it was about giving people access to a fair hearing. Not everybody can afford the full court, and not every decision needs to go to a full court, but having an institution or a tribunal that can decide matters in a cost-effective and timely way is essential. So why would you not give that institution the respect of having people with experience, having people with independence and having people with the expertise to administer that properly?</para>
<para>That wasn't the approach of the former government, and that's why these bills today are so important. That's why these bills today are essential not just for the proper administration of the new Administrative Review Tribunal but also for the Australian people who need access to that tribunal. These reforms are essential for the Australian people who need their cases resolved, who need access to a decision-making body that can resolve disputes and do so in a timely and cost-effective manner. It is for those Australian people that this reform and the establishment of the Administrative Review Tribunal are so important.</para>
<para>What are some of the key aspects of this? The first one is that any new appointment to the new body will be done as part of the merit based selection process. That doesn't mean carrying a political party's membership card; that means demonstrating experience, expertise and judgement to be able to manage these cases. I think that seems pretty reasonable, and this is a completely different approach to that which the former government took.</para>
<para>The previous speaker mentioned this, but I think it's worth repeating that this bill also implements the three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee inquiry into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system. It implements four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme—another shameful episode in the former government's mismanagement of government programs and its impacts on ordinary and vulnerable Australian people. The robodebt royal commission revealed one of the most shameful episodes in government administration. Every step should be taken to ensure that that sort of shameful neglect and illegal activity towards the Australian people is never repeated again. I'm glad that there are recommendations from that royal commission that are implemented in this bill, as well as the government response to two recommendations from the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System. This is a comprehensive approach. It will be filled with people who are appropriate, who are experienced, who are independent and who can do the job on behalf of those people who are seeking the decision-making capability of this tribunal.</para>
<para>There are also aspects and objectives of the tribunal that will be included to provide an independent mechanism of review. That is around making sure that the objectives of the tribunal will be fair and just and that any application will be resolved in a timely matter and with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferable decision. I know that my good friend and colleague the member for Burt—who has deep experience in the law and who is in the chamber right now—would understand, as well as many others, the importance of access to affordable decision-making processes and access to some form of justice in a timely and affordable way. This is an important step as part of this Administrative Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>It is also around improving the transparency and quality of decision-making. That is an important objective of all of this. One of the key objectives of this tribunal is to promote public trust and confidence in the tribunal. This is a system where we are trying to make things fair and just and trying to do things in a timely manner, in a way that is accessible and in a way that is designed to assist those people who require it—and to do so in a timely and transparent manner. All of this is designed to help build confidence in the public so that they can access this tribunal with confidence.</para>
<para>There are also key features to improve merits review, including: simpler and more consistent processes, an emphasis on non-adversarial approaches to resolving applications; a suite of powers and procedures to respond flexibly to changing caseloads and help resolve cases more efficiently and effectively; and a number of others that I'm not going to mention in this speech because time is running out.</para>
<para>This is an important reform. When we came into government the AAT was in complete disarray. It was a financial mess. There were backlogs and delays that were facing those people who needed it. There was a history of mismanagement. Worst of all, it was basically a Liberal Party branch meeting, with many tribunal members lacking the qualifications required in order to perform the role. The people who missed out and the people who that affected were the Australian people.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Rick Wilson</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is the longest 15 minutes of my life!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURNS</name>
    <name.id>278522</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not going to mention the interjection from those opposite, although it was mildly humorous.</para>
<para>The Australian people were the ones who were impacted by this—by the fact that the Liberal Party treated the AAT as a retirement village for their colleagues. But that's not how we're going to do business; that's not what this bill is about. This bill is about ensuring that the AAT is replaced by a body that ensures integrity, independence, experience and accountability and builds public trust. This is to ensure that people who require it—people who may need compensation for being a veteran, NDIS participants and people accessing all of the other range of government services or decisions that are required as part of this tribunal—will be able to access it in an appropriate and timely manner. That is an objective worth supporting because, as the previous speaker mentioned, institutions matter in this country. The way we govern those institutions matters and it reflects on all of us in this place. I for one am proud that we are ensuring that the ART will be there for the Australian people, filled with experienced, independent administrators, and I commend this bill to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>144732</name.id>
    <electorate>Canberra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians have a fundamental right to have their voices heard. In this country, a liberal democracy, every Australian counts and every Australian is valued. That means that, when an individual interacts with the government and a decision is made that impacts their life, that individual should have confidence that they are able to question that decision and challenge it if they think it is wrong, because, whether it be a decision about immigration, about tax, about social security, about the NDIS or about veterans' affairs, unfortunately, mistakes can be made and they can have disastrous personal consequences.</para>
<para>All of us in this place will have experienced countless times when a constituent comes into our office, writes to us or calls us on the phone, in distress because they've just received some devastating news: their parents were denied a visa to move to Australia, leaving families separated; their NDIS plan was slashed, leaving them without crucial supports which help them to live; or they received an eye-watering debt notice from Centrelink and can't understand where it came from. Often our offices are able to assist in these matters, but often we can't, and that is exactly why review bodies such as the Administrative Appeals Tribunal are so necessary. They are a place for people to go when they think something has gone wrong.</para>
<para>The AAT was established in 1976. Since its establishment, it has become an essential institution in the legal framework of our nation. It's a body which stood as a cornerstone of our justice system, ensuring fairness, transparency and accountability in government decision-making. The AAT was unique when it was established. It was a body unlike a traditional court, providing a higher level of procedural fairness and accessibility. It was also one with far less formality than a court, and it was there for every Australian. Crucially, it operated independently of government.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, the AAT has been undermined and politicised beyond repair by the former coalition government. The former government treated the AAT as a job agency for former MPs, candidates, staffers, and Liberal donors and associates. They treated this incredibly important Australian institution as if it were an extension of their party room. They treated the AAT and the Australian people with absolute contempt. There was no merit based selection process. No qualifications, experience or expertise were required. A Liberal connection was often enough.</para>
<para>The Liberal Party fatally compromised the AAT. They shattered its independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making. It was jobs for the boys in the most egregious way, and the consequences for the people who rely on the AAT were real. How is someone who has received a robodebt to trust a body when the person hearing their complaint might have previously worked for the social services minister? How is a veteran who has been denied access to additional mental health support to trust a body when the person hearing their complaint might have previously worked for the veterans' affairs minister? How is an Australian with disability appealing a cut to their NDIS plan to trust a body when the person hearing their complaint may have had a personal relationship with the minister who directed the NDIA to reduce funding for participants? I'm not accusing any member of the AAT of bias in any particular case, but, when an apprehension of bias occurs, trust disappears, faith in the institution is eroded, and people will not use their right to appeal a decision made wrongly against them.</para>
<para>I just note as well that to take something to the AAT, in and of itself, is a huge thing for most Australians to embark upon. It is often a last resort after battles over these decisions have been going on for a while. Already many things would seem prohibitive about that process, so the need to have trust in that institution is absolutely crucial.</para>
<para>All of this was compromised in order for Liberal ministers to reward Liberal affiliated individuals, not for their service to their nation but for their service to their political party. The positions are prestigious. They are well remunerated. They are vitally important to the administration of good governance and justice in this country. What the Liberal government did was cronyism at its absolute worst. Unfortunately, such behaviour from those opposite when they were in government was not surprising. It was so disappointing, but it was to be expected because self-interest, not national interest, was the name of the game. Through their conduct, they showed a contempt for our democracy and the institutions which support it.</para>
<para>No-one is saying that a political background taints a future career in government. It shouldn't. But, when merit is ignored, when experience does not matter and when subject matter expertise isn't a requirement in hiring processes, that is when there is a serious problem. Those are the things that should be important, regardless of political background. Those are the things that should have been considered most closely for appointments.</para>
<para>But the Albanese Labor government is cleaning up this mess. In 2022, the government announced its decision to abolish the AAT and replace it with a new federal administrative review body. That is what we are debating today, a very significant reform. The new Administrative Review Tribunal will build on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation which will ensure that it is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. The ART Bill implements all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee's review into performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system. It implements four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and two recommendations from the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System.</para>
<para>It is crucial that we have an accessible and responsive tribunal that promotes public trust and confidence. Public trust and confidence in the previous AAT were lost, and it is important that this new ART will ensure that the Australian people have a transparent, low-cost and timely way for merits review. Merits review is a key way for Australian citizens to hold governments to account, to challenge government decisions that are unfair and to ensure a check and balance on government power. Australia is stronger when the public has confidence in government administration. This was eroded not only by the decline of the AAT under those opposite but also through scandals such as robodebt or the former prime minister's penchant for secretly collecting ministries, some of the sorriest chapters of Australian history.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government is committed to ensuring public trust in government. In order to improve the merits review system, we will be implementing several key features under the ART: a simpler and more consistent process that is non-adversarial to resolve applications; powers and procedures to respond flexibly to changing case loads and to ensure that cases are resolved efficiently and effectively; and a simple membership structure that includes clear qualification requirements and job descriptions for all members, no matter what their level of membership. This final point will include clear, delineated roles and responsibilities for those in leadership positions, a transparent and merit based appointment process for members and performance and conduct management of the ART members by the president. These features will ensure that the ART is fit for purpose, efficient and trusted in order to serve the Australian people best.</para>
<para>Specifically, this bill will also have the ability to identify, escalate and report on systemic issues in administrative decision-making. This will encourage review of the system to ensure Australians can have faith in the work of the ART. This reporting mechanism will be undertaken through the re-establishment of the Administrative Review Council. The council will monitor the integrity of the administrative review system and inquire into the systemic challenges of administrative law. The council will also take responsibility for the education and training of Commonwealth officials to support their administrative decision-making and knowledge of administrative law.</para>
<para>The bill also establishes, for the first time, a guidance and appeals panel within the tribunal to resolve matters raising systemic issues and review tribunal decisions that may be affected by error. This will provide a mechanism for escalating significant issues and addressing material errors in tribunal decisions, promoting consistent tribunal decision-making and rapid responses to emerging issues from the tribunal and government departments and agencies. The bill also requires the tribunal to publish any decision involving significant conclusions of law or with implications for Commonwealth policy or administration. This is the implementation of a recommendation of the robodebt royal commission. But it takes it a step further so that it applies for all decisions, not just for decisions in the social security portfolio. This will ensure that the ART is something Australians can have faith in, and it a step towards restoring public trust after the robodebt disaster.</para>
<para>Today's debate is also a cognate debate on the consequential and transitional bill to repeal the AAT Act 1975 and allow for the tribunal to be replaced by the ART as established by the ART Bill. It amends 138 Commonwealth acts to ensure that the existing legislation continues to operate as intended for the new tribunal. This transitional bill retains essential modifications to the operation of the merits review framework for tax and charity matters, which ensure the workability of these frameworks and protect tax revenue collection or otherwise uphold longstanding core tax principles and practices.</para>
<para>It also abolishes the Immigration Assessment Authority and harmonises provisions relating to reviews of migration and refugee decisions, which will provide a broader suite of tools for the efficient and effective resolution of these matters. It adjusts the exhaustive statement of the natural justice hearing rule for migration and protection matters and enables flexibility for the tribunal to reduce delays and backlogs in migration and refugee matters, increasing fairness for genuine applicants and maintaining the integrity of the migration system.</para>
<para>The consequential and transitional bill will also alter the approach to reviews of social security and child support decisions, providing a fit-for-purpose style of review. Matters will be triaged with resolution pathways adapted according to the complexity of the matter and whether the participation of the decision-maker will assist its effective and efficient review. It also continues existing pathways and protections for the review of matters involving sensitive national security or intelligence information, with enhancements to simplify drafting and promote consistent effective approaches.</para>
<para>This bill will retain merits review in two separate bodies as a unique feature of veterans entitlement law, with matters reviewed by the Veterans' Review Board continuing to be appealable to the ART. It also promotes consistency and simplicity by repealing special arrangements that overlap, duplicate or unnecessarily displace core provisions of the ART Bill. The consequential and transitional amendment bill will also help the transition from the AAT to the ART, transitioning the tribunal's active, pending and potential case loads, including matters currently before the courts, to minimise disruption and to maintain review rights. The bill also contains conditions for certain AAT members, including the president, to transition to the ART and sets out arrangements for certain members who do not transition to the new tribunal.</para>
<para>When we came to government, the AAT was in disarray. This bill is an important reform and a really important step towards restoring trust in our institutions. It is important for the Australian people, who have a right for their voices to be heard and a right to appeal government decisions when they believe those decisions are wrong, often with disastrous personal consequences. As I said before, for people trying to appeal these decisions, trying to take this on, this can be an incredibly difficult time—involving a local member in trying to resolve the issue, sometimes without success. It is so important that this review tribunal will be a trusted body that people can go to and know that the people appointed to it have the right experience and expertise. It is most important that they are seen as trusted appointees that Australians can go to when they most need help from their government.</para>
<para>We have seen some really shameful things in recent years. The robodebt scandal was a particular low point in the governance of this country and a particular low point in relation to undermining Australians' trust in government—particularly for vulnerable people, people on low incomes and people who were given debts that they didn't even understand.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Member for Moncrieff, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Bell</name>
    <name.id>282981</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On relevance—coming back to the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill, which we're talking about today.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I am listening carefully and making sure that the member is within the relevance of the bill.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>144732</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I believe it's relevant because it's a reason that we need to do this, and we need to do this now. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LAWRENCE</name>
    <name.id>299150</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Public trust in government needs to be continually monitored, nurtured and maintained. The indignation with which some members opposite are approaching this debate on the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 seriously undermines the parliament's ability to do just that—not just the government's but the parliament's—because when Australians look to us they're looking at the parliament and the representatives in this place, representing them. And the debate we've been hearing is seriously questioning their judgement and their capacity to be sound representatives of their constituents.</para>
<para>The reality is that we inherited an AAT that was unfinancial, beset by terrible delays and an extraordinary backlog and operating inefficient case management systems. Why on Earth would we not want to fix that? Why would we not want to look at why that was the case and address it? The bill before the House will remedy the situation as well as address the fatal failure to adhere to a transparent and fair appointment process—which seems to be the area that has those opposite especially rattled.</para>
<para>But let's just talk for a moment about some of the broader problems. The Refugee Council, in their submission to the Senate inquiry in 2021, outlined many of their concerns in relation to the AAT, including the skills and qualifications of the members, including a lack of legal qualifications, which I will speak about in more detail. They spoke of the underresourcing and the backlog of tens of thousands of cases, of the politicisation of appointments and quantitative evidence of the appointments under different governments making different decisions and of a high percentage of successful appeals of AAT decisions in the Federal Court.</para>
<para>That organisation's evidence, and that of many others, has led us to this point today. I just keep coming back to the question of how it is that those opposite would not want to support a remedy to the issues and concerns raised by an organisation such as the Refugee Council. Like many of the other improvements we're making to the systems that assure the public of the integrity of their federal government, this bill is clearly, demonstrably necessary. The Law Council commented on the AAT's appointment method under the former government. It used the words 'secretive' and 'with the potential to undermine public confidence'. It made the salient point that a lack of transparency impacts the reputation of all members of the AAT, of which there are many.</para>
<para>The Grattan Institute estimated that in the 12 years leading up to 2015-16 only four per cent of AAT members had political affiliations, and in the five years following that it was 29 per cent. With this sudden and strange growth in the number of political appointments, up to 85 members of the AAT were either members of the Liberal Party or close associates thereof. The member for Newcastle mentioned that the former chief of staff to Prime Minister Morrison was one of them, conveniently appointed just prior to the election in 2022.</para>
<para>We can remark on the level of cynicism that attaches to such appointments, but what we must keep front of mind is that this is how the diminution of public trust in the political system happens—not all at once but one shonky appointment, one underhanded decision, one failure of process at a time. My colleague the member for Robertson used the right word to describe this process: 'erosion'. And as the member for Goldstein said, the last government lost power because they had lost the confidence of the Australian people.</para>
<para>This bill is aimed at fixing many ills, but this is the one that I think goes most directly to the heart of what the AAT was designed to be. Members of the coalition know there were real issues of integrity in the former government; you know this. We are talking about the former 'Prime Minister for Everything'. Those opposite didn't even know what the former Prime Minister was doing half the time—their own leader. We had to legislate to ensure that multiple secret ministries can't happen again—something that a normal, properly run government in this country couldn't even imagine happening. We had a convention. Who knew something would have to be legislated because that convention would be abused by those opposite?</para>
<para>Those opposite were asked to censure the member for Cook for his behaviour, but they squibbed it—they looked away. This is not a government that looks away. We saw problems and we heard about the problems; we're working now to fix them. Those opposite would do well to put the past well and truly in the past and not let it live on by continuing to oppose something that is about restoring integrity and trust to our system.</para>
<para>There was a time, long ago, when the coalition were in fact in favour of a proper system of administrative review, one with integrity. The Labor led AAT legislation in 1975 had its roots in recommendations of reviews carried out under coalition administrations. When Attorney-General Kep Enderby, the member for Canberra, introduced the bill in March 1975, now 49 years ago, he stated that it was essential to the successful operation of the tribunal that it should enjoy a high standing in the community. This was not a controversial statement when he made it, and it should be something that we accept today. It is not possible, though, for the tribunal to enjoy that high standing if there is a perception or a reality that the tribunal is stacked.</para>
<para>Kate Griffiths, of the Grattan Institute, wrote just a week ago in the Conversation that the political stacking of the AAT was egregious. The Grattan Institute suggests that there are at least two reasons why political appointments can be deleterious to the system of review: firstly, that a member may not have the skills or experience to be effective; secondly, and importantly, that a member may not be willing to make decisions that will embarrass the government. These are real risks, and I don't want to understate them. The Morrison government was the government of robodebt, after all. As the Attorney-General said, the decisions made by the AAT are important. They're always important to those people making applications to the body. In some cases, as the member for Wentworth said, these decisions are life changing and can be a matter of life and death.</para>
<para>But let's suspend our disbelief for one moment and imagine the best of all possible worlds. Let's imagine a different world, one where the political appointments made by the former government, through their insufficiently probative processes, were for people who possessed the skills and the experiences to do the job and do it well. Bear with me. Let's imagine that none of those political appointments were for people who would be tempted to go easy on the government in a situation where the government might be embarrassed. It's a difficult one, but let's suspend disbelief—let's try. It's an alternative reality.</para>
<para>It's still not a fix, though, is it? It's not in any world in the multiverse. Why? My friend the member for Moreton suggested that it might just smell a little bit. In case you missed his playful understatement: it's because it stinks. Whatever the reality in relation to an individual member or the whole, taken together, the perception will remain—that the body is created or infected with partisan appointments and therefore cannot act to provide impartial, non-partisan judgements. Members opposite can whinge all they want, but they created the problem. They now stand here and can either witness or be part of the solution. It's not harsh even if it's extensive. It's simply appropriate.</para>
<para>There's little way to imagine how this manifestly damaged system could be fixed other than with a bill like this. I'm sure that the Attorney-General would have preferred to move an amending act if he thought it would be sufficient. This is not where we find ourselves.</para>
<para>The member for Menzies waved the Constitution at us this morning and pleaded for the importance of the separation of powers. Well, I certainly agree with the member. The member for Menzies needs, though, to take his copy of the Constitution and, instead of waving at us, go and wave it at the member for Mitchell behind him, who came in here this afternoon and tried to pretend that appointments to a judicial body were all the same in character as appointments to diplomatic positions. I say 'pretend' because, seriously, he can't really be that naive. The member for Mitchell might, nevertheless, still benefit from the lecture on separation of powers that the member for Menzies was so keen to deliver.</para>
<para>The separation of powers, though, requires continual maintenance. Attorney-General Enderby, in his second reading speech in 1975, underlined the importance of giving the members of the tribunal 'a proper independence from the executive government'. In the same debate, a young member for Bennelong, one John Howard, referred to <inline font-style="italic">The New Despotism</inline> by Lord Hewart, who urged for:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… an extremely careful and well-considered system where every decision was made with the knowledge that at any moment both it and the rest might have to be explained and defended in public before an impartial investigator.</para></quote>
<para>Independence and impartiality—not rocket science but fundamental attributes of a tribunal that can attract public confidence and trust.</para>
<para>This bill creates the environment within which these ideals will be preserved. It is aimed at fixing a number of ills by ensuring a merit based selection, by putting the ART on a sustainable financial basis, by dealing with backlog and avoiding unconscionable delays—delays, too, are injustice—and by improving the case management systems. The Attorney-General has welcomed debate on this bill. Members and senators are on the record demonstrating strong interest in the questions before us. The member for Fowler rightly raised questions about balancing efficiency and fairness.</para>
<para>If we just take one of the reviews undertaken by the Senate, they're not asking for huge, radical reforms; they're simply asking for appropriate funding in order to allow the Administrative Review Council to be able to fulfil its statutory duties. They're simply recommending that there be clear selection criteria for appointments and that they be advertised broadly. I note that we've undertaken this advertising just recently and have been overwhelmed with applications in response. It was recommended that we simply establish and support 'an independent panel to properly consider each applicant's suitability for the role and their qualifications, and recommend appointments against the selection criteria'. In any other workplace, this would be completely normal, but apparently it is something that cannot be supported by those opposite. The Senate committee recommended that the appointment process limit 'the discretionary powers of the Attorney-General to make appointments that are not in accordance with the recommendations of the independent panel'—so not too many captain's picks. That is not much to ask. They recommended that the appointment process impose 'a uniform approach to the duration of appointments' and that it promote 'transparency and make public the outcome of each application and selection round'. How can you possibly oppose that?</para>
<para>Then the committee go further with their last recommendation, which is also opposed by those opposite:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The committee recommends that the Attorney-General disassemble the current Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) and re-establish a new, federal administrative review system …</para></quote>
<para>That was to be done by the middle of last year, in order to enable a seamless carry-over of those cases currently being managed under the AAT. The new system was to be aligned with 'the AAT's legislated objectives of being accessible, proportionate, fair, economic, informal and quick, while promoting public trust and confidence in the decision-making of the review body'. These were sensible, proportionate recommendations to restore integrity for the Administrative Review Tribunal. Those opposite opposed these recommendations to the Attorney-General.</para>
<para>This government accepts the need for robust review to be built into the legislation. I commend the member for Griffith for his support for the bill, and I agree with him that we do need to seek to create a system that will last for decades. Ideally, we will act together to create a bill that will last even further into the future than the 1975 act and underpin a system that will attract and maintain a high level of public confidence and support for the century ahead.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms THWAITES</name>
    <name.id>282212</name.id>
    <electorate>Jagajaga</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am very pleased to be speaking today on the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 which will legislate our government's decision to abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new federal administrative review body. This is a significant reform. Make no mistake, we are here because the former Liberal and National government fatally compromised the AAT. They did that by appointing as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection process, including some individuals with no relevance, experience or expertise, to the AAT. They fatally compromised it. In doing so, they undermined the independence of the AAT. They eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making. When this government came to power, we inherited an AAT that was not fit for purpose, that was not on a sustainable financial footing and that has been beset by delays and an ever-growing backlog of applications, operating multiple and ageing electronic case management systems, a legacy of the former government's mismanagement of the amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>That this situation became as bad as it did is another demonstration of the many ways that those opposite, when they were in power, neglected the parts of government and the parts of administration that should be there to support people in our community, that should be there to uphold integrity and trust in systems and processes and governments, all things that those opposite thought were not important. The failure to support a modern fit-for-purpose tribunal is part of a long list of issues that come from the nine years of drift and denial we had under successive coalition governments.</para>
<para>These issues with the AAT come at a very real cost to the tens of thousands of people who rely on the tribunal each year to independently review government decisions that do have major and sometimes life-altering impacts. These are decisions of everything from whether an older Australian will receive the age pension, whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury or perhaps whether an Australian with disability receives an NDIS package for essential support. I have seen far too many of these people in my office, struggling to work out a system that was not supported by those opposite, struggling to navigate a system that they should be able to navigate without assistance from their federal member's office. These are the situations our government is trying to fix on behalf of the Australian people with this bill. People go to the AAT quite often as a last resort. Those people have been let down and let down badly by a system that has not been working as it should be.</para>
<para>So it is important that our government are taking this significant reform, reform that we are undertaking in a sensible, considered manner. We have consulted widely. We are putting in place systems that have been through processes, that have been reviewed, that are the result of consultation. We are determined that we will not find ourselves in the situation that those who came previously have left us in—where we have a tribunal stacked with Liberal mates, a tribunal that's not fit for purpose, a tribunal that should have been there to make the lives of people who often need support clearer, a tribunal that should have been there as a last resort. That tribunal was clearly not fit for purpose.</para>
<para>It is entirely appropriate that the Attorney-General has consulted widely and that the Attorney-General has taken action to put together what will be a new reformed body. In passing this legislation through this House, we, as a parliament, are saying that Australians should expect better, that Australians should be confident that this type of institution is free from political interference and is set up to serve the interests of people who most need it, and that is what people will get through this bill and through this work that the government is doing.</para>
<para>Debate interrupted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS</title>
        <page.no>53</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>New Vehicle Efficiency Standard</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CALDWELL</name>
    <name.id>306489</name.id>
    <electorate>Fadden</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australians should decide what car they drive, not the Prime Minister. Labor's new family car tax will add thousands of dollars to cars that Australians love to drive and need to drive. We have seen, before, the consequences of Labor's obsession with reaching net zero in some sort of world-record time and promoting big new taxes, and—make no mistake—we are seeing it again.</para>
<para>Industry have made their concerns clear, releasing modelling that shows that Australians soon could be paying up to $18,000 more for their favourite ute and up to $25,000 more for their favourite SUV. Despite these warnings from peak industry bodies against the fuel efficiency standard, Labor are forging ahead without consideration for those who it will hurt the most. Labor's policy will hit families who rely on SUVs to get their kids to school and tradies who rely on utes to do their jobs. Labor's new vehicle efficiency standardmay result in lower running costs for your cars, but not if you can't afford to buy one. This is just another example of Labor having the wrong priorities. Instead of addressing the cost of living, this latest rushed pursuit of a car and ute tax will only hit vulnerable Australians.</para>
<para>Young working families are the backbone of our country. They're doing it tough under this Albanese Labor government, yet this government insists on making it tougher.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Banking and Financial Services</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LIM</name>
    <name.id>300130</name.id>
    <electorate>Tangney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I speak today with a heavy heart about the recent action of banks, like Bankwest, who, at short notice, closed all their physical branches and moved everything online in my electorate of Tangney. In these difficult times, when many in the community are struggling with the cost of living, it is hard to accept that banks are making it even harder to do simple things like banking.</para>
<para>I've received hundreds of emails and calls from my constituents who are concerned and frustrated over the lack of social responsibility that banks have shown for the community. These Bankwest branch closures only serve to widen the gap between those with easy online access and those without.</para>
<para>Let us not forget that, while these closures are occurring, banks are continuing to report record profits. It is a stark reminder of the misalignment between their corporate priorities and the social needs. I ask the banks, including Bankwest, to think again about their decisions. Banks need to understand that their actions affect real people. I urge banks to reconsider their decisions and their social obligation to the communities they serve.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>McPherson Electorate: Radio 4CRB, Federal and State By-Elections</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ANDREWS</name>
    <name.id>230886</name.id>
    <electorate>McPherson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to say a huge 'Happy 40th birthday!' to one of my local radio stations, 4CRB. They are a community based radio station broadcasting from their station at Burleigh Heads. They are a fantastic radio station. They reach out to their community. They have guests online and they make sure that they take questions from their listeners. They do so much to brighten the days of many of their listeners.</para>
<para>They engage with over 82,000 listeners—broadly from the Gold Coast, northern New South Wales, Brisbane and Ipswich—and they have an online streaming service that reaches out to a further 50-something thousand listeners as well. They even reach as far as beautiful Norfolk Island—so a huge shout out to Norfolk Islanders as well.</para>
<para>I have joined that station for regular talkback sessions for the last 14 years, and, just last week, I had a caller ring in who wanted to talk about and raise his concerns about the costs that were associated with people choosing to leave a parliament and, as a result, there being a by-election. So what he raised with me is that this is a considerable concern to him. It has a huge cost to the community and a huge cost to taxpayers. His recommendation is that the person who leaves should contribute financially to the calling of a by-election. I'm raising that concern today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fremantle Electorate: Jilbup Primary School</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOSH WILSON</name>
    <name.id>265970</name.id>
    <electorate>Fremantle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I was wrapped to visit the brand new Jilbup Primary School in Hammond Park which opened this year. It's named for the Noongar word for grasslands which, in turn, is related to Djilba, one of the six Noongar seasons. It was a privilege to be welcomed by Principal Louise O'Donovan and to be greeted by the year 6 student leaders, Eva, Gussie and Erin, who showed me around with obvious pride.</para>
<para>Jilbup Primary is located in the south-east corner of my electorate, in the City of Cockburn. It's not only one of the fastest growing communities in Western Australia, but one of the fastest growing communities in Australia as a whole. It's no wonder, because it is such a beautiful place, situated between the wetlands and the waves, with strong local character, great local government facilities and excellent services in terms of health and education. That includes the GP Super Clinic at Cockburn Central, created under the previous federal Labor government, and the fantastic new Medicare Urgent Care Clinic in Beeliar that was opened by the Prime Minister last year.</para>
<para>Jilbup Primary is, of course, a fresh instalment of high quality public school education infrastructure, thanks to the Cook Labor government. It will benefit hugely from the brilliant shared effort between state and federal Labor governments, with $770 million from the Albanese government to make WA the first jurisdiction to reach 100 per cent of the Schooling Resource Standard. Kids right around Australia should be able to expect excellence in public education, and the Albanese Labor government is delivering that.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Higher Education Contribution Scheme</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr RYAN</name>
    <name.id>297660</name.id>
    <electorate>Kooyong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What sort of country collects more from its student debt than it does from its main fossil fuel tax? We used to think that university was so important it should be free. When I started university it was free. Now it leaves people with decades of debt. Our HECS system is broken.</para>
<para>If our government thinks that young people aren't paying attention, they're wrong. In just six days, over 100,000 people have signed my petition to make HECS fairer. Young people are facing a housing crisis and a cost-of-living crisis. Now this government is giving them a HECS crisis too. People have written to me this week about their HECS debt stopping them from getting a home loan. Some have said that their HECS debt is over $100,000. Others point out that the system particularly disadvantages women, especially those who see their HECS debt continue to rise while they take time off for unpaid parental leave.</para>
<para>This morning I handed my petition to the education minister and, on behalf of the more than 100,000 people who have signed it, I urged him to fix HECS indexation. When I gave it to him this morning it had 92,000 signatures. It now has more than 105,000.</para>
<para>To those people who want to see HECS debts easier to pay off, I say to them: now is your chance to do it. The government is considering changes as we speak. They need to see young people stand up and demand change because if the government doesn't change our HECS system young people will change how they vote.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hunter Electorate: Grices Bakery Cafe</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr REPACHOLI</name>
    <name.id>298840</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to wish a happy 95th birthday to Grices Bakery Cafe. Ninety-five years ago this establishment began trading on Vincent Street in Cessnock, and 95 years later they are still here as good as ever. It is no secret that I love good feed, and it's well known that I love a good burger in particular. Less well known is the fact that I also love a good pie, and Grices Bakery Cafe does excellent pies. They also do great cakes—so I've heard. I'll admit that I don't usually go for cakes myself, but I've heard they are good and I have no reason to doubt that at all because Grices Bakery Cafe is a much loved establishment in my electorate. This is a place highly supported by the community. They have kept up an excellent standard of food and an excellent standard of service. I would have loved to have been in Cessnock today because, to celebrate their birthday, they are offering deals on pies and sausage rolls.</para>
<para>The food is all right here in Canberra but, let's be honest, it's not as good as in the Hunter—not even close. Thank you to the team at Grices Bakery Cafe. Here's to many more years to come. Happy birthday! Because, under an Albanese Labor government, you get to keep more of what you earn, that means you can buy more cakes and pies.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BATES</name>
    <name.id>300246</name.id>
    <electorate>Brisbane</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's 2024 and, once again, we are facing the prospect of this government passing legislation essentially written by the gas industry for the gas industry. Proposed changes introduced by this Labor government regarding how the oil and gas industry is regulated look to strip and sideline the environment minister of their powers to oversee the offshore petroleum industry. These changes simultaneously undermine two separate ministerial reviews currently underway while carving out special protections for the oil and gas industry. The fact the gas industry is happy about this says everything you need to know. It shouldn't come as a shock either, especially after it came to light through a freedom of information request, that the CEO of Santos wrote to Minister King essentially demanding these exact changes.</para>
<para>The environment minister has said over and over again that she will fix Australia's broken environment laws, and yet here we are. The resources minister wants to quietly give herself the power to bypass any changes from these laws, with loopholes in order to approve new mega gas projects. The potential for one minister to be able to make changes in regulation but not have to review standards under environmental laws is abysmal policy. Make no mistake, this is a Labor favour for the gas lobby, and it comes at the cost of our environment and First Nations voices. Climate change is here, and our wildlife, forests and ecosystems are already at breaking point. We cannot afford weaker environmental laws.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cunningham Electorate: Tonitto Cakes</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BYRNES</name>
    <name.id>299145</name.id>
    <electorate>Cunningham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There is some competition between the Illawarra and the Hunter again, and today it's on baked goods. This year marks 50 years of one of the Illawarra's most loved bakeries, Tonitto Cakes in Port Kembla. Vince and Adalgisa Tonitto started and ran the business from January 1974 through to June 1995. Adalgisa, the true matriarch of the Tonitto family, passed down her handwritten Italian recipes of the famous cannolis and continental cakes which still features as fan favourites to this very day. Vince and Adalgisa passed the reins over to their children and grandchildren, Laurence, Paul, Annamaria, Gemma, Loretta, Claudia, Olivia and Jacob, in 1995 but continued to work at the bakery they loved until 2002.</para>
<para>After 46 years of the Tonitto family at the helm, the bakery found loving new owners in Wayne and Jane Anderson. Wayne and Jane took over the business in 2020, and, whilst they have stayed true to the Italian heritage and infamous menu, they couldn't help but introduce some new additions. Wayne's beef and Guinness pie has been a hit and won silver in the Baking Association of Australia's best pies competition last year.</para>
<para>With Labor's tax cuts, 84 per cent of people in my electorate will receive a larger tax cut. This means more money in people's pockets to spend at local businesses like Tonitto Cakes—so you can have your cake and eat it too! Some of the highest praise on the day definitely centred around the classic continental cake.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bass Electorate: Becketts Mining and Civil Contractors</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ARCHER</name>
    <name.id>282237</name.id>
    <electorate>Bass</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to acknowledge an exceptional local family run business celebrating its 60th birthday. In 1964, at just 18, Northern Tasmanian Dick Beckett started Becketts Mining and Civil. Sixty years later, Dick's business is still going strong, with his two sons, Jason and Scott, largely at the helm.</para>
<para>Dick grew up in Liffey, just outside of Launceston, turning his love of bulldozers into a prosperous business. 'All I ever wanted to do was drive bulldozers,' Dick said last year. 'I was able to buy one very early in my life and started doing jobs around for different people.' A love for all things made by machinery manufacturer Cat has led to quite a prolific collection of their machinery and memorabilia that has to be seen to be believed. Dick also has an encyclopaedic knowledge of every machine. 'All I am doing is trying to collect, maintain and put Tasmania's history and save it for generations,' he said.</para>
<para>I've had the pleasure of knowing Dick for several years now, and I always enjoy our conversations and my visit to that shed. I've always found him to be a real gentleman and engaging and interesting to talk to, and I've always valued his advice. You don't get to 60 years in business without learning a thing or two. Running a small business requires so much grit, and to see Becketts Mining and Civil Contractors still thriving today is extraordinary and is a testament to the hard work and resilience of Dick and his family. Happy 60th birthday to this legendary local business.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Under Cover</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURNS</name>
    <name.id>278522</name.id>
    <electorate>Macnamara</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yesterday I had the pleasure of hosting the parliamentary screening of the Australian documentary <inline font-style="italic">Under</inline><inline font-style="italic">Cover</inline> with my colleagues the member for Moncrieff and, in the other place, Senator Pocock. The film was directed by a Macnamara resident that we are very proud of, Sue Thomson. It is a credit to her tireless advocacy and work in putting together a really remarkable film.</para>
<para><inline font-style="italic">Under Cover</inline> is timely and powerful. It highlights women over 50, who are the fastest-growing cohort of people experiencing homelessness and housing stress in Australia. We heard stories from incredible women who had experienced homelessness—women like Margaret, who dedicated her life to raising children and now finds herself sleeping in a van, hoping to find a safe place to stop for the night.</para>
<para>Sadly, Margaret's story is not uncommon in Australia. There is much work that we all need to do to address this crisis, but I am proud to be part of a government that has placed women's economic security and housing on top of the agenda. I'm proud of the recent announcement that we made to ensure that superannuation will be paid to paid parental leave, because women like Margaret should not be punished for taking time out of work to care for children. I'm proud of the work we're doing to close the gender pay gap and I'm proud of the work we're doing to lift the wages of women around the country. <inline font-style="italic">Under</inline><inline font-style="italic"> C</inline><inline font-style="italic">over</inline> is available on ABC iview, and I highly recommend watching.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Moncrieff Electorate: St Hilda's School</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BELL</name>
    <name.id>282981</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've had the absolute pleasure of visiting St Hilda's, a beautiful and prestigious school for girls in my electorate, several times over the last month. First, it was to celebrate the commissioning of the new principal, Mrs Virginia Warner, a great asset to the school community whom I know will make a very lasting difference. At the commissioning, I saw—for the very first time, I think—an all-girl eight-piece saxophone section in the big band, and I couldn't resist offering the music master a sound workshop on the instrument that I played for 35 years as a professional. I enjoyed the workshop, which was a great success, very much. The girls told me that they learned an awful lot, which made me very happy.</para>
<para>On International Women's Day, I attended the prep-to-year-6 assembly and I told the story of Gladys Moncrieff, the great light opera singer after whom the electorate of Moncrieff is named—an inspirational woman who moved to the isle of Capri, and settled on the Gold Coast the year I was born in 1968. The year 6 students at St Hilda's have been learning about the Australian political system and they're coming to Canberra, so I spent some time talking to them about this place before their upcoming school trip. I took some time with the year 6 girls to answer their questions, and many of the hands were still raised at the end of the Q&A session—I'll get to that next time. What a privilege it is to represent St Hilda's and their families in this place as the member for Moncrieff.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LAWRENCE</name>
    <name.id>299150</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a great day today for the young people in my electorate of Hasluck, and for those not so young, because the Albanese Labor government, under the excellent leadership of the Minister for Skills and Training, has announced the extension of fee-free TAFE, funding a further $400 million for the next two years, which will enable another 300,000 people to be able to access free TAFE in critical areas of work where we need people to be skilled-up and job-ready.</para>
<para>For context, there was a course at Midland TAFE in the electorate of Hasluck where they had seven people enrolled in an electronics and communications course. It is expensive. But those opposite, where the deputy opposition leader declares that the spending on TAFE is wasted spending, essentially cut the opportunity for people to be able to participate. They thought: 'No one's interested. No one wants to further their potential or further their career path.' We made it free, and within one term there were 85 enrolments in that course—85 from seven. So, people were invested in their future, to upskill and to retrain into the jobs of the future. We're making it free because we are concerned to make sure that people have more opportunity to keep what they earn and the money that they've saved in their back pocket. You can't do better than making training free.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Nicholls Electorate: Youth Foyers</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BIRRELL</name>
    <name.id>288713</name.id>
    <electorate>Nicholls</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yesterday, I met with some people from organisations called FoyerInvest and the Foyer Foundation. Part of the reason they've come to Canberra is because they're looking for the federal government to invest in a concept known as Youth Foyers. Part of the reason they came to me is because I have a Youth Foyer in Shepparton in my electorate of Nicholls—it's called the Shepparton Education First Youth Foyer, and it was funded by the Victorian government some years ago, and opened in 2016.</para>
<para>The foyer provides stable accommodation for young people who are either at secondary school or at university or TAFE but who are unable to live at home for a variety of reasons: socioeconomic disadvantage, substance abuse amongst their parents—there are a range of reasons. This is such a great concept because it stabilises these young people and allows them to participate in education, and that's what we need to do. This has been such a big success in Shepparton. In my previous role as the CEO of the Committee for Greater Shepparton, I organised breakfasts between business leaders and the young people who are participating and living at the Youth Foyer to try to make networks between them so that people without social capital have social capital and can get jobs. I think this is such a good program. It works in my electorate, and the more people we successfully get into education, the better off we'll be. I implore those opposite to consider funding it.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Housing</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SITOU</name>
    <name.id>298121</name.id>
    <electorate>Reid</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Around 44 per cent of people who live in my electorate are renters. That's almost 15 per cent more than the national average, so it's clear that renting is an important issue in my community. Renters, like people with a mortgage, are struggling at the moment.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government's tax cuts that are coming in on 1 July are going to be extraordinarily helpful, because four out of five taxpayers in my electorate will get a tax cut that is bigger under the Albanese Labor government than what was proposed by those opposite.</para>
<para>But we know housing is a complex issue that needs a multifaceted approach. That's why I'm so proud that this government got the Housing Australia Future Fund off the ground to build more homes across the country. Increasing the supply of homes is essential to helping renters.</para>
<para>We also need to make renting a better housing option. That's why I was pleased to host a renters' rights forum in my community late last year, so that renters knew their rights and could speak directly with the new New South Wales Rental Commissioner. I'm also happy to see the New South Wales government release the results of its public consultation on potential rental reforms. The consultation received thousands of responses and underscores the desire for renters to get a better deal. That's something the federal government and state governments are working to do.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regional Telecommunications</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOYCE</name>
    <name.id>299498</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's time for the big telcos to put people before profit. There is story after story from constituents in the Flynn electorate about communications problems. Residents around Baffle Creek tower went weeks without mobile reception over Christmas. This is an ongoing issue with still no solution in sight. The communities of Alton Downs and Ridgelands have had similar issues, with messages sometimes taking two to three days to come through. Phone calls are dropping out and disconnecting all the time.</para>
<para>Between Mount Perry and Eidsvold, a resident came across an accident—they found a couple on the side of the road. A man was bleeding profusely, and the lady could not get through to emergency services due to this black spot. It took over an hour to get a communication connection to get the ambulance out there to assist these people.</para>
<para>These communications stories are endless, no matter where you live in regional Queensland.</para>
<para>Last month I called for a Senate inquiry into regional telecommunications, and I have formed a petition for residents to sign. In just a few days, we've had almost 700 signatures. You can sign this petition by visiting my Facebook page or visiting one of my offices in Gladstone, Emerald or Gayndah. Sign up now for an inquiry into regional telecommunications.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ANANDA-RAJAH</name>
    <name.id>290544</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Electricity prices are due to fall midyear following the release of the default market offers. This is welcome news to households and businesses whose budgets have been under pressure and stands in contrast to the Liberals, who concealed from the Australian people rising electricity prices just prior to the May 2022 election.</para>
<para>Our caps on coal and gas energy rebates, both opposed by those opposite, plus a ministerial directive to prioritise consumer rights are finally having an impact. We know that energy bills could be lower still if we get more renewables online. Since we legislated historic climate targets, we have seen renewables surge from 33 per cent when we came to government to nearly 40 per cent now—in less than two years. And, in a $100 million funding partnership with the Victorian government, Higgins apartment dwellers can get rooftop solar and rebates.</para>
<para>Unlike nuclear, which is destined to be the Liberals' 23rd failed energy policy, renewables are ready to go and ready to add value to Aussie homes. It's a win for the hip pocket and for the climate. Cheaper energy bills and our rollout of community batteries, cheaper meds, cheaper child care, the urgent care clinics, free TAFE, tax cuts for EVs, and Labor's tax cuts coming to a bank account near you on 1 July this year: it all adds up to earning more and keeping more of what you earn.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Caravan Industry</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUCHHOLZ</name>
    <name.id>230531</name.id>
    <electorate>Wright</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, out on the lawns of our amazing parliament, there's a gathering of the Australian caravan industry—proud Australian manufacturers of caravans, displaying their products. It's an industry which is doing us very proud. Before I share some statistics with the parliament about the impact of the caravan industry on Australia, I want to acknowledge the very amazing work of Stuart Lamont, the CEO of the Caravan Industry Association of Australia, and, of course, Luke Chippendale. Together, these two characters are doing an amazing job of driving this part of the economy forward.</para>
<para>The Australian caravaning association and industry contribute around $27.9 billion to the Australian economy, as people travel around buying vehicles, buying caravans and departing with their hard-earned money in communities. It's an amazing contribution. There are about 30,000 units, caravans and camper trailers manufactured every year across a network of 190 manufacturers here in Australia. There are 21,000 full-time-job equivalents in the industry. They're the people that make the components for the sinks, the fridges, the antennas, the spare tyres, the water tanks et cetera—all feeding into the industry. There are 4,000 manufacturers and component suppliers et cetera as well. So go and see your local caravan dealer and make plans to go and visit our amazing country in an Australian-made caravan.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAE</name>
    <name.id>300122</name.id>
    <electorate>Hawke</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Yesterday, the Australian Energy Regulator released their draft default market offer, which showed that working people are set to receive some much-needed energy bill relief. This saving comes after the Albanese Labor government provided $3 billion in direct energy bill relief to five million households and small businesses and capped the prices of coal and gas. While the DMO shows positive signs for households, we know there's more work to do. The Albanese Labor government is committed to ensuring Australians have access to affordable and reliable energy into the future.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, the same can't be said for those opposite. The Liberals wasted a decade, flip-flopping between 20 different energy policies and eight different ministers while failing to secure our energy future. They weren't just inept and ineffectual; they showed contempt for the Australian people. On the eve of the last election, the member for Hume even changed the law to cover up his incompetence and conceal the Liberals' 20 per cent energy hike for Australian households. Sadly, despite their clear failures in government, the Liberals in opposition continue to stand in the way of cheaper energy prices. They opposed direct energy bill relief. They opposed price caps on coal and gas. Now their solution is to invest in nuclear energy, the most expensive form of energy available.</para>
<para>While the Liberals are stuck on yet another ideological 'fission' expedition, the Albanese Labor government is getting on with delivering lower power prices for all Australians.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Stronger Communities Program</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHESTER</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
    <electorate>Gippsland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Stronger Communities Program has delivered 15,000 community based projects across Australia, and it's actually the fairest program you could imagine. Every electorate received $150,000 per round for eight rounds, with the local MPs required to establish a local committee to set local priorities. It was a great initiative by the coalition. It actually trusted locals, who then leveraged those small grants with volunteer support to deliver projects and services. If you give a small community a grant of $10,000 for a community group, they'll turn it into 20 grand worth of work.</para>
<para>This was a great program, but it wasn't just the coalition MPs who thought it was a great program. It wasn't just the coalition MPs who loved it. Here's what the Treasurer had to say when he was taking credit for the program at a local op shop in the seat of Rankin:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Pleased I was able to help out this terrific cause with a $10,000 Stronger Communities Grant.</para></quote>
<para>Well, the Treasurer loved the program so much that he's abolished it! He's abolished it! He was happy to pose for the photo opportunity, and then he cut the funding for the whole program! He loved it so much that he got rid of it! He's not just dudding the people on this side; he's dudding everyone on that side as well.</para>
<para>A little tip to my ambitious mate from the other side of the House: if you're going to move from Logan City to the Lodge, you probably should get that program back in place for the rest of the backbenchers to enjoy as well. If you want them to vote for you when the time comes, Member for Rankin, it would be a good idea to fund this program. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KHALIL</name>
    <name.id>101351</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Albanese Labor government understands that family budgets are tight and that the impact of cost-of-living pressures and inflation are being felt around kitchen tables across the country. That's why we want you, the Australian people, to earn more and keep more of what you earn. That's why Labor's tax cuts from 1 July will ensure every single Australian is getting a tax cut.</para>
<para>In my electorate of Wills, 78,000 people will receive a tax cut and 85 per cent of my electorate will receive a bigger tax cut under Labor's tax cuts. About 84 per cent of Australians around the country are getting a bigger tax cut under this government than they would have under the Liberals. Every working Australian will pay less tax on the first $45,000 they earn. Part-time workers earning $40,000 such as waitresses, retail workers and cashiers in grocery stores will get a tax cut. Under Morrison's tax plan, these people would have got absolutely nothing.</para>
<para>As well as these cuts, the government has put in place a number of non-inflationary measures to ease the cost-of-living pressures on Australian families. We have and are rolling out billions of dollars in cost-of-living relief, rent assistance increases, energy bill rebates, cheaper medicines, increased income support, Medicare bulk-billing incentives and much more. Why? Because we care. We are providing this to Australians because we care about them and we're actually doing something about it. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>59</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>59</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs McINTOSH</name>
    <name.id>281513</name.id>
    <electorate>Lindsay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. Western Sydney food charity Mama Lana's may close down due to their energy bills increasing by $900, according to media reports. Founder Lana Borg said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The government need to do more. It's disgusting that we're being slapped with higher costs after being promised cuts.</para></quote>
<para>When will the minister admit that the Albanese government's disastrous renewables only energy policy is leading Australia in the wrong direction?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Treasurer will cease interjecting. The member was heard in silence. The minister will be given the same courtesy.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable member for her question. She asked about the government doing more. Perhaps the honourable member might have voted for bill relief; that might've been a good start. Perhaps the honourable member might have voted for coal and gas caps, which were one of the factors in yesterday's announcement of reducing energy prices, including in Western Sydney. As I said yesterday, I would have thought any honourable member would welcome the announcement yesterday of reductions in energy prices. There is a lot more to do; no-one should be complacent and no-one should suggest there aren't pressures in the system. But honourable members can suggest that the government could and should do more, and honourable members could have voted to do more when they had an opportunity—including the member for Lindsay, who voted against bill relief for her constituents and voted against coal and gas caps which helped her constituents.</para>
<para>In relation to Endeavour Energy, as I said yesterday, there is a 1.9 per cent reduction.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Members on my left! The member for Barker will cease interjecting.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is a 1.9 per cent reduction up to a 7.1 reduction for residents, and a 4.4 per cent reduction for small business is a welcome sign. Of course there is more to do, and there always will be. But as we do more, I doubt we'll get any support from the member for Lindsay or her colleagues.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Parliamentary Partners Group</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am delighted to inform the House that present today in the Speaker's visitors gallery are members of the Parliamentary Partners Group. I welcome all of our family and friends to parliament today.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>60</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LAWRENCE</name>
    <name.id>299150</name.id>
    <electorate>Hasluck</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Assistant Treasurer and Minister for Financial Services. What is the Albanese Labor government doing to help Australians manage the cost of living, and what is standing in the way of Australians earning more and keeping more of what they earn?</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! There will be no interjections before I call a minister.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Whitlam</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the fabulous member for Hasluck for her question. As she knows, 84 per cent of residents in her electorate are going to be better off under the Albanese Labor government's tax plans. They'll each be an average of $1,677 dollars better off. That's a sensational tribute to your great work, Member for Hasluck, in advocating for these policies. Of course, dealing with the cost of living includes ensuring that we get wages moving again and ensuring that Australians can earn more and keep more of what they earn. I can inform the member for Hasluck and the House that the Albanese government is doing a hell of a lot to achieve these things. Wages are growing faster than ever, and it's not an accident. It is the result of good policy. Particularly for low-paid workers, there are better bargaining arrangements.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Well, under them, it was a deliberate design feature to keep wages low. Under us, it is a deliberate design feature to get wages moving again, and it's working. They don't like it, but it's working.</para>
<para>I also want to take the opportunity, if I may, to congratulate the member for Petrie on his appointment to the position of shadow Assistant Treasurer. We waited a long time, 300 days, but I do want to take this opportunity to congratulate him and to inform him that 87 per cent of his electorate are better off under the Albanese government's arrangements. They're about $1,479 better off.</para>
<para>I wanted to know where the shadow Assistant Treasurer stood on the issues of income tax reduction, so I looked at his website. This is a helpful document here which I'd like to—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The minister will not use props during question time, or he will be sat down.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And I won't, Mr Speaker. It's a helpful guide to where the member for Petrie and the opposition stand on income tax reduction. I looked at the section on those earning less than $45,000 a year. Under his plan, there's absolutely nothing. Every one of those people in his electorate would be $804 worse off. I looked at how much somebody on $100,000 a year would get under his plan: $1,375, or $804 worse off. I looked at how much somebody on $80,000 a year would get: $875 versus $1,679. They'd be $804 worse off. I went through all of the scales, and, on average, they're $804 a year worse off. We have waited a long time for a shadow Assistant Treasurer. He's probably going to achieve the unachievable, and that is to make Stuart Robert look good!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the member for Moncrief, the member for Groom interjected 11 times during that answer.</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! If he wishes to keep interjecting, he won't remain here for the remainder of question time.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BELL</name>
    <name.id>282981</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. In the last two years, electricity bills in South-East Queensland have increased by up to $622. The minister repeatedly promised to cut prices by $275 a year, yet in South-East Queensland Labor has fallen short of its election commitment by up to $897. If the minister can't guarantee this reduction, will he admit that he was wrong and apologise to struggling Australian families?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I appreciate the question from the honourable member. She asked about promises on electricity prices. She asked about promises politicians make on electricity prices. And I understand the sensitivity—</para>
<para>Opposition members: Yours!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will pause. We are 14 seconds into an answer. I can't hear what the minister is saying. The Leader of the Nationals is going to remain silent for the remainder of this question, otherwise he won't stay. Fourteen seconds. The minister now has two minutes and 46 seconds.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Of course, it is not unusual for promises to be made about electricity prices. For example, the member for Hume, in the 2019 election, promised a wholesale price of $70 a megawatt hour.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Taylor</name>
    <name.id>231027</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Below that!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And he says, 'Oh, look, it's below that.' Well, it is now. It is now; that is true. But, on the day of the 2022 election, it was $286 a megawatt-hour. As of today, it is under $70 a megawatt hour—</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will pause. I remind the member for Moncrief that there is only one point of order taken on relevance, so I will hear what she has to say. It is early in the answer, but I will give her the call.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms Bell</name>
    <name.id>282981</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is on relevance. There was nothing in the question about coalition policies. It was asking—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Resume your seat. The minister is able to do some compare and contrast, but his answer cannot be all about the coalition and their policy. He knows that. Now that he is one minute into the answer there will be no more points of order on relevance because that has already been done.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Certainly, I was pointing out and will continue to point out that when we came to office the wholesale price of energy was $286 a megawatt-hour after the member for Hume had promised it would be $70 a megawatt-hour. As of today, it is $64 a megawatt-hour, and that is less than to $286—it's less than $70. And it's a result of several things, including coal and gas caps that were put in place by this government, this Prime Minister, opposed by that Leader of the Opposition, who opposes absolutely everything he ever sees. It's a result of international pressures changing. It's a result of more renewables in the system. Trigger warning: I mentioned renewables. I know it sends those opposite off, but it's a statement of fact. It's just a trigger warning to assist—I'm always here to help—and we'll continue to do what it takes to put downward pressure on energy prices, while those opposite promised lower prices are delivered higher prices.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ANANDA-RAJAH</name>
    <name.id>290544</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. What has been the response to the latest analysis from the CSIRO, which has once again confirmed that nuclear is the most expensive form of energy?</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member for Higgins was heard in silence. There's far too much noise.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for O'Connor is not helping the situation.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We probably should have had another trigger warning, because we mentioned the CSIRO and science. I do thank the honourable member for Higgins—what a difference she has made; what a climate leader she is in this House. We welcome her presence in this House as a leader on climate action. As the honourable member referred to, the recent <inline font-style="italic">GenC</inline><inline font-style="italic">ost</inline> report by the CSIRO and AEMO has confirmed yet again that renewables are the cheapest form of energy and nuclear is the most expensive form of energy. This is consistent with findings overseas and with continual findings by the CSIRO and AEMO.</para>
<para>I'm asked what the response has been, and the response from those opposite has been very disappointing. The member for Fairfax had a very interesting formulation. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… renewables may be the cheapest form of energy for investors, but not for consumers.</para></quote>
<para>Apparently energy is the only commodity in the world where, if it's more expensive to build, the investors don't need to get a return on capital and it's a lot more expensive for consumers. The only one of all of them is energy.</para>
<para>But that looks good compared to the Leader of the Opposition, who chose to attack the CSIRO and call the report 'discredited', which is to the discredit of the Leader of the Opposition as the alternative Prime Minister of Australia. He falsely claimed that <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> doesn't count the cost of transmission, which is not true and he should apologise to the CSIRO and AEMO. This is all part of the opposition's policy to introduce the most expensive form of energy, as identified in the <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> report.</para>
<para>We've been on quite a journey with the opposition over the last two years. For two years they've been telling us that they're going to introduce small modular reactors, which is what <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> deals with. They keep telling us that small modular reactors is where the action is, despite the fact—we pointed out on multiple occasions—that they don't exist. It's actually a fiction; there's no such thing as a small modular reactor. The Leader of the Opposition even said, on 5 March 2023—</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm quoting the Leader of the Opposition. You might want to listen to this, because I'm sure you'll want to hear what he said. He said: 'I don't support the establishment of big nuclear facilities here at all. I'm opposed to it.' Now we know that their policy is big nuclear reactors. The big Hinkley Point C nuclear reactor, which is the poster child, has recently been costed at A$86 billion for one reactor—A$86 billion! The Leader of the Opposition has finally got a plan for Australia. After two years of negativity, he's finally got a policy; he's finally got a plan. The bad news is it's an absolute stinker. It's an absolute shocker. Nuclear is the wrong plan for Australia.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>62</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>AUSVEG, GrainGrowers, Eating Disorders Families Australia, City of Joondalup</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before I call the next member, I've got number of acknowledgements I'd like to make in the House. I'm pleased to inform the House that present in the gallery today is a delegation of state and territory board members from AUSVEG, including Bill Bulmer—from the mighty electorate of Gippsland, the member for Gippsland tells me. Also present are 15 representatives from GrainGrowers, representing from all across Australia as part of the GrainGrowers National Policy Group's visit to the capital. Also present are members from Eating Disorders Families Australia, including the former member for Higgins, Dr Katie Allen, and Mayor Albert Jacob and CEO and Councillor Rebecca Pizzey from the City of Joondalup. Welcome to you all.</para>
<para>Honourable members: Hear, hear!</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>62</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STEGGALL</name>
    <name.id>175696</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer: Last budget, the government promised to support small businesses to save on energy bills with electrification incentives and an instant asset write-off. You also promised to help households save on energy costs with a household upgrade fund. Neither of these policies have yet delivered a single dollar to a single household or small business. With the next budget now coming, what will you do to make sure incentives flow to households and small businesses to help them electrify and save on energy costs?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Warringah for her question and for her interest in this. This is obviously a key concern that the government shares. Part of the legislation that you refer to is before the Senate at the moment, and we want to see the Senate pass it because we want to back in small businesses and households when it comes to electrifying and getting their power bills down where they can. We have shown a willingness—and I pay tribute to the Minister for Housing, the Minister for Climate Change and Energy, and others, including Senator McAllister in the other place—for putting together what we think is a good combination of policy initiatives to help people do just that. We want to give people the choice to electrify if they can. We want to make it more affordable—that's the motivation behind the legislation in the Senate—and we want to continue to work with the member for Warringah and others who want to see small businesses and families pay less on their power bills.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Vocational Education and Training</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROBERTS</name>
    <name.id>157125</name.id>
    <electorate>Pearce</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. After a decade of neglect, how is the Albanese Labor government helping Australians to get the skills they need for good, secure jobs and to keep more of what they earn when they enter the workforce?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the fantastic member for Pearce for that question and for her concern about making sure that young people in Pearce get the skills they need and that older workers retraining for new jobs of the future get the skills that they need. Indeed, taking action on the cost of living is our No. 1 priority, because we want people to earn more and we want people to keep more of what they earn. That means we need to help more Australians get the skills they need to get a good, secure job, which is exactly what our fee-free TAFE policy does. It identifies areas of skills shortage and says you can enrol for free.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Fisher will cease interjecting.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Today we released new figures on what a success that program has been. Our initial target was 180,000 places in the first year. We smashed that target. We had more than 355,000 new enrolments across a range of industries where we have skills shortages, both blue-collar and white-collar industries: nursing and disability workers; technology and digital; construction and home-building; child care and education; and agriculture and farming. As I've gone around the country and visited TAFEs, I've met many students who are so excited by engaging in what will be a new career with a good, secure job at the end of it.</para>
<para>We're strengthening our economy, boosting key industries, and getting more Australians into good jobs. That's what it means to support aspiration—to be the party of aspiration for all, not just those who have been successful, such as people in this chamber who earn a good wage, but every person who looks forward to working. Many of those TAFE students, of course, will be apprentices. They're on relatively low incomes at that early stage in their careers. That's why it's so important that our tax cuts deliver a tax cut for every Australian taxpayer—all 13.6 million of them—not just some and not just in some places. It's in every part of the country and every part of our economy.</para>
<para>We're working for Australia each and every day. We're making sure that we preside over an economy which has seen real wages lift and which is putting downward pressure on inflation. More jobs have been created under this government during our first two years—and we're not quite there yet—than any previous new government in Australian history. More new jobs are being created, but we'll continue to not be complacent. We'll continue to work each and every day in the interests of working Australians getting ahead.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Ambassador to the United States of America</title>
          <page.no>63</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Considering our Ambassador to the United States, Kevin Rudd, described Donald Trump as a 'destructive president' and 'a traitor to the West' and given Mr Trump's response today that Mr Rudd is 'not the brightest bulb', 'nasty' and 'won't be there long', will the Prime Minister be reassessing Mr Rudd's position as ambassador to—</para>
<para>Government members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No. The Manager of Opposition Business will cease. There is far too much noise. This is not the time to interject. Members on my right, the Manager of Opposition Business will be heard in silence. There are not going to be any additional comments made. You may have your opinions about the question. You can keep them to yourselves. The Manager of Opposition Business will start his question again.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Considering our Ambassador to the United States, Kevin Rudd, described Donald Trump as a 'destructive president' and a 'traitor to the West' and given Mr Trump's response today that Mr Rudd is 'not the brightest bulb', 'nasty' and 'won't be there long', will the Prime Minister be reassessing Mr Rudd's position as ambassador to our most important—or, as Mr Farrell suggests, our second most important—strategic ally?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm somewhat surprised to get that question from the Manager of Opposition Business, which says everything about the character of this current opposition.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order, members on my left and the member for Fairfax! The Manager of Opposition Business was heard in silence. The Prime Minister will be given the same courtesy.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>At a time when Australians are worried about the cost of living and a range of issues that affect their daily lives, those opposite decide to politicise Australia's representative in Washington, DC—something that was never done by this side of the chamber when Arthur Sinodinos occupied that position, when Joe Hockey occupied that position and when other representatives, including Alexander Downer, George Brandis and others, were High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. One of the things that I have never seen happen before, in 28 years in this chamber, is an attempt to politicise Australia's representative overseas in an important nation such as that. I've never seen it before. This is what the Leader of the Opposition said—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member for Fairfax is warned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is what the Leader of the Opposition said on the appointment of Mr Kevin Rudd, a former Australian Prime Minister, as Ambassador to the United States: 'We welcome the appointment of Kevin Rudd to the United States.' When Joe Hockey, a predecessor, was appointed, he said this: 'I'm sure the Americans will give him a warm welcome.' Those opposite know that whether it is Kevin Rudd in the United States or Stephen Smith as High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, who is currently here as a result of the AUKMIN meetings and who I hosted last evening—I'll host the AUKMIN delegates, both the defence and foreign ministers, including former prime minister David Cameron, at the Lodge tomorrow and I'll be very proud to do so—when we engage, particularly with our AUKUS allies, the idea that we have a cheap-shot question like that diminishes the opposition and says everything about why this bloke is not fit to be the Prime Minister of Australia.</para>
<para>Government members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! Members on my right will cease interjecting. The member for Deakin will cease interjecting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>New Vehicle Efficiency Standard</title>
          <page.no>64</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LAXALE</name>
    <name.id>299174</name.id>
    <electorate>Bennelong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government. How will the Albanese Labor government's new vehicle efficiency standard deliver Australians a greater choice of cleaner, cheaper cars to run, and why has this important reform not been delivered sooner?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Bennelong very much for the question, because he knows that there are substantial cost-of-living benefits to Australians from getting more efficient and cleaner vehicles into the Australian market.</para>
<para>People may not know, but the new vehicle efficiency standard has been on the books as a policy idea for decades; it's been coalition policy for nearly a quarter of a century. John Howard went to the 2001 election promising:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Coalition is negotiating new fuel efficiency standards for motor vehicles to reduce the amount of fuel consumed per kilometre travelled.</para></quote>
<para>The most recent coalition government, where the Leader of the Opposition was seated at the cabinet table, was committed to delivering an efficiency standard with, of course, the member for Bradfield, who said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Although Australia accounts for less than two per cent of the global new vehicle market, it is becoming increasingly important that we harmonise our approaches to vehicle emissions with those in place in other countries.</para></quote>
<para>And, of course, according to media reports, as late as yesterday the Leader of the Opposition told his party room that efficiency standards continue to be coalition policy.</para>
<para>The coalition, frankly, are all talk and no delivery. They are too scared of their own shadows to deliver on their own policies. When anything gets a little bit too hard, they curl up into a ball. They are the scared, weird little guys of Australian politics.</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The minister will pause.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Barker! This is not the time to interject. You're warned. There's too much noise. I can't hear what the minister is saying.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Lucky you!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd ask the Leader of the Opposition to show some respect to every minister, just as I demand respect shown to him.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Minister for Social Services and the Minister for the National Disability Insurance Scheme will cease interjecting. We're just going to take the temperature down and ensure that this minister is heard. I need to hear what the minister is saying. I think every member needs to hear as well.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I said, those opposite are the scared, weird little guys of Australian politics, so fearful of anything that they are absolutely paralysed.</para>
<para>This government, of course, is getting on with the job of delivering for the Australian people, and our goal is to provide more choice of cleaner, cheaper-to-run cars for all Australians. An efficiency standard is important because it allows consumers to choose the right vehicle for them and their circumstances and it incentivises car companies to deliver their best cars into the Australian market.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Leader of the Nationals will cease interjecting.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It will help take the pressure off families by creating a greater choice of cars that are cheaper to run—whether they're petrol, diesel, hybrid or electric vehicles. It is particularly important in regional communities like mine because we stand to benefit the most from fuel savings for those vehicles. The Minister for Climate Change and Energy and I have been consulting. We've closed those consultations now. I've been talking to the Australian CEOs of car manufacturers, dealer representatives and motor clubs. We thank everyone for their constructive feedback, because we know, on this side of the House, that that is what good governments do. They consult, work through issues, deliver for Australian consumers, and don't curl up into a little ball and hope that no-one notices. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>New Vehicle Efficiency Standard</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr GILLESPIE</name>
    <name.id>72184</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. The Isuzu D-MAX is one of regional Australia's top-selling vehicles, but Labor's new family car and ute tax will increase prices by up to $13,800 on every car. Isuzu UTE Australia has stated the policy is 'excessive', and many vehicle brands may be forced to increase vehicle prices to cover the penalties incurred. Why is Labor increasing family car prices in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable member for his question. Presumably he's raised it with the member for Bradfield, who pointed out, when he was trying to introduce fuel efficiency standards, that the price of no model will go up in Australia, as it hadn't in any other country in the world, and that the impact on purchasing wouldn't change. Perhaps he has raised the same point with the former Treasurer, the former member for Kooyong, who, just weeks before the last election, said on <inline font-style="italic">Insiders</inline>, 'The Liberal Party has always been committed to fuel efficiency standards.' As the minister for transport just shared with the House, apparently the Leader of the Opposition is still committed. That's a funny way of showing their commitment, but they're still committed!</para>
<para>Commitment means delivering. What we are doing, as the minister for transport just said, is consulting on a preferred model with a wide range of stakeholders across industry and consumer groups to ensure we get the model right. That's what we're doing because that's what good governments do. Then we will introduce the legislation. We will be voting for cost-of-living relief which reduces the amount of petrol used by motorists, whether they choose a more efficient petrol vehicle, a more efficient diesel vehicle or an EV, because we want more choices available to the Australian people, not fewer choices. We want Australia to catch up with every other major economy in the world, except for Russia. The Leader of the Opposition is happy to stay in the group of two—G2, Australia and Russia—when it comes to vehicle efficiency standards, and we are not.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gun Control</title>
          <page.no>65</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIAN MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>129164</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Attorney-General. How is the Albanese Labor government acting to keep Australians safe from the threat of gun violence?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Lyons for his question. Australia's proud to have some of the world's toughest and most effective gun laws as well as some of the most responsible gun owners in the world. In the wake of the Port Arthur massacre, Australians vowed never again. Under the leadership of John Howard and Kim Beazley, leaders across the nation united to pass some of the strongest gun laws in the world.</para>
<para>But we know there are still many illegal weapons in our community. Last year the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission estimated there were around 200,000 illegal firearms in Australia. The surrender of every single illegal or unregistered weapon would make our community safer. Today, the Albanese government has released the second Permanent National Firearms Amnesty annual report. The report shows that in the last year some 12,000 firearms and weapons and over 600 firearms parts and accessories have been permanently removed from the community as a result of the amnesty.</para>
<para>The amnesty operates on no questions asked basis. There is no risk of a fine and no risk of jail, and it's working, with 30,000 weapons surrendered since the amnesty commenced. I thank those who have participated to date, including the many responsible gun owners who've given up their unwanted firearms. The amnesty contributes not just to community safety but to the safety of police officers. The surrendering of illicit firearms reduces incidences of theft and the diversion of unwanted firearms to the black market.</para>
<para>This success follows National Cabinet's landmark agreement in December last year to implement a national firearms register. For decades, law enforcement agencies have repeatedly raised the alarm about tracking the movement of firearms across state and territory borders. The establishment of a national firearms register will finally address this issue. It represents the most significant improvement in Australia's firearms management systems in almost 30 years. The National Firearms Register will keep our communities safer from the threat of gun violence. It's a signature reform of the Albanese Labor government.</para>
<para>Again, I thank all of those who have surrendered their weapons as part of the permanent amnesty. For those who are still in possession of an unregistered or unwanted firearm, I encourage you to surrender it to help protect your family and your community.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr WEBSTER</name>
    <name.id>281688</name.id>
    <electorate>Mallee</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister is taking this country in the wrong direction. Families and small businesses in my electorate are facing a 20 per cent rise in electricity prices, along with higher gas prices, as a result of this government's policies. Is the Prime Minister aware that farmers, food manufacturers and transport companies are facing the same price hikes and have no choice but to pass them on to consumers, which is why Australians are paying more at the checkout?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Mallee for her question. I am asked to compare, really, whether the government is taking Australia in the right direction, and I'm happy to do so, because since we came to office we have created more jobs, including in regional Australia, than any new government in Australian history. In areas like manufacturing, there have been almost 100,000 additional jobs created since we came to office. In the last two quarters, as we've seen through figures from last week, we've seen productivity increase after such a decline under those opposite. We see record numbers of women employed full time. When it comes to gender issues, we see the gender pay gap being the smallest it's been in Australian history, at just 12 per cent. We see industrial disputes being lower than they were. On the last figures available, there were 44,000 over the December quarter of 2023, compared with 128,000 in the former government's last quarter in office. We look at inflation. Inflation peaked under them, in March 2022, at 2.1 per cent in the March quarter, their last full quarter in office. What we saw in the December quarter was 0.6 per cent.</para>
<para>When it comes to energy prices, in the June quarter of 2022 the price was $264 a megawatt hour. Now it is about a quarter of that. When it comes to gas prices, similarly, there is an enormous drop as well. When it comes to private business investment, we see higher private business investment occurring. The number of small businesses is now larger. Of course, when it comes to agriculture, when I visited Port Lincoln, I looked at a shipload of barley going to China.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Cowper will cease interjecting.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And today I will welcome the foreign minister of China, Wang Yi—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Cowper is warned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>who I will meet with immediately after question time, and one of the issues that we'll discuss is trade and the removal of any further impediments.</para>
<para>But, of course, to run an effective economy you need to keep control of the budget. There was a $78 billion deficit under them and $22 billion surplus under us. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>66</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LIM</name>
    <name.id>300130</name.id>
    <electorate>Tangney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. What progress has the Albanese Labor government made on the major economic challenges it inherited, and what does this mean for the budget in May?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What an absolute champion the member for Tangney is. I appreciate the question. When we came to office, inflation was high and accelerating, real wages were falling, interest rates were already rising, there were huge deficits and there was more than $1 trillion in Liberal debt. Under this government now, this Labor government, inflation is moderating, real wages are growing again, the budget was in surplus last year and there is less debt, which costs us less to service. By the time the Reserve Bank board next meets, it will have been six months without an interest rate hike. There is energy bill relief, there is cheaper child care, there are cheaper medicines, there's more help with rent, and every taxpayer gets a tax cut on 1 July.</para>
<para>They don't like hearing it, but here are the facts, as the Prime Minister just said a moment ago: quarterly inflation under them, 2.1, and under us 0.6; monthly inflation under them , 6.1, and under us 3.4; average annualised quarterly wages growth under them, a bit over two per cent, and under us four per cent. Real wages—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Come in spinner! Come in shadow Treasurer! What have real wages done, he asks? What have real wages done? Under those opposite, real wages were negative 3.4 per cent, and now they're growing again, under this Labor government and under this Labor Prime Minister.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Keep on chirping away, Sunshine! Ask me about real wages. We turned a $78 billion deficit into a $22 billion surplus, and we turned gross debt from 45 per cent of our economy into something closer to 35 per cent of our economy. That's why our responsible economic management has been backed in by the IMF, the OECD, the ratings agencies and the Reserve Bank governor, who said yesterday that monetary policy and fiscal policy are pushing in the same direction.</para>
<para>We know that despite the progress we're making people are under pressure. We know the economy is slowing, and we know there's global economic uncertainty. These are the three things which will define and determine our choices in the budget we hand down in May. That budget will be all about relief, repair and reform—cost-of-living relief, budget repair and reform of our economy to boost investment and grow our economy as well. We know that continuing to strike the right and responsible balance between relief, repair and reform is key to ensuring that our people earn more and keep more of what they earn.</para>
<para>We also know that those opposite have not learned a thing from a decade of economic mismanagement which gave us staggered wages, higher inflation, bigger deficits and much more debt. We know they haven't learned from it because almost two years into opposition they still don't have an alternative plan for the cost of living and they still want Australians working longer for less.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member for Bowman. The Treasurer will cease interjecting. The member for Hume is going to be warned soon. I know you're responding, but don't take the bait. The member for Bowman is continually interjecting. He is now warned. So, no more interjections from the member for Bowman.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Child Care</title>
          <page.no>67</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms DANIEL</name>
    <name.id>008CH</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. There are two positive economic steps that the government can take right now: abolishing the activity test, which limits subsidised early childhood education and care, and a wage increase for all early childhood educators. These measures would enable more children to access care, would address the shortage of workers in the sector, would enable more women to work and would boost productivity and the overall economy—win, win, win, win. Will the government take these wins for women in the budget?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks to the member for Goldstein for her question. We share those four objectives that you just mentioned in your question, and we also see policy for early childhood education and care as social policy as well as economic policy. We showed in our first budget—the biggest new commitment that we made in our first budget, in October 2022—an almost $5 billion investment in early childhood education. We saw that then and we see it now as an important way to help families with the cost of living, benefiting something like 1.2 million families. We lifted the subsidy to 90 per cent for people earning up to $80,000. We also made some admittedly modest but I think important and meaningful changes to the activity test in that first round of reform that we did.</para>
<para>So I want to assure the member for Goldstein that I see policy in this area as important economic policy. And I know the Prime Minister does, the Minister for Early Childhood Education does and the Minister for Education does. We all see this as an opportunity to strengthen our economy. We want to make it easier for more parents to work more and earn more if they want to. We want to make it easier for them to earn more and keep more. That's why 97 per cent of early childhood educators will get a bigger tax cut from 1 July.</para>
<para>We also know—coming to the specifics of the question from the member for Goldstein—that there is more work to do in this area. We don't pretend that the important investments we made in the first budget or indeed the work we have been doing for much of this term in office is done. We don't pretend that the job is done. We are enthusiastic supporters of the early childhood sector, and so we are examining other ways that we can strengthen the system. Whether it is the two measures that you mentioned there or whether it's in this budget or in the next budget, there is a willingness from the government to explore those issues that you talked about. We do want to boost pay for early childhood educators. They're doing such an important job. Many of us know, from our own experience with the wonderful early childhood educators of this country, how important they are. We want to see them paid more, we want to see them paid fairly and we also acknowledge the arguments around the activity test. It's just a matter of finding room in a budget, with all of our fiscal constraints—but there is a level of interest. We do not lightly dismiss the suggestions that you mentioned or all the consultation that we do with the sector and with others to see if we can do better.</para>
<para>At the end of the day, Member for Goldstein, we want to see a sector which is well paid. We want to see a sector which recognises the important role that this plays in education and care—not just in education 'or' care. We see the care economy, more broadly, as an absolutely central part of our efforts to strengthen the economy into the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</title>
        <page.no>68</page.no>
        <type>DISTINGUISHED VISITORS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bareham, Ms Monique, Trezise, Mr Ian, Photios, Hon. Michael</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased to inform the House that in the gallery today is the 2022 South Australian Local Hero, Monique Bareham, alongside a group of individuals affected by lymphoedema who are attending the launch of the Parliamentary Friends of Lymphoedema.</para>
<para>I also note that Ian Trezise, a former member of the Victorian parliament is here. I see that the Hon. Michael Photios, a former member of the New South Wales parliament, is here too. Welcome to you all.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>68</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Pensions and Benefits</title>
          <page.no>68</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STANLEY</name>
    <name.id>265990</name.id>
    <electorate>Werriwa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Social Services. How will today's indexation of social security payments help Australians on income support manage cost-of-living pressures?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to thank the member for Werriwa for her question and for the huge amount of advocacy she does for low-paid people in her community.</para>
<para>The government recognises that many Australians are doing it tough at the moment because of cost-of-living pressures, particularly those on fixed incomes. I am very pleased to say today that around five million people will receive a boost to their social security payments as a result of income support indexation. Regular indexation of payments is an important aspect of Australia's social security system. It is there to ensure that the income support payments keep pace. Today's indexation increases mean that there'll be help for those that rely on the safety net to deal with cost-of-living pressures. It means more money in the pockets of those doing it toughest.</para>
<para>From today people on the age pension will receive $1,116 a fortnight for singles and $1,682 a fortnight for couples. Parenting payment single recipients will see an additional $17.50 a fortnight. This includes the more than 77,000 single parents—mainly women—who are also benefiting from the government's decision to expand the eligibility for single parenting payment until their youngest child turns 14. I think the members on the other side will be interested in this: this indexation is in addition to the action this government took at the last budget to boost working age payments by $40 a fortnight—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Cowper is warned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>forty dollars that you, on that side of the House, opposed. This base rate boost has been built by two subsequent rounds of indexation for payments like JobSeeker. In fact, the combined result of the $40 increase and the regular indexation since the Albanese government took office means that the base rate of JobSeeker has increased by $120 a fortnight.</para>
<para>Today we're also indexing the rates of Commonwealth rent assistance. This is occurring on top of the government's largest increase in Commonwealth rent assistance in 30 years. This will benefit over a million households.</para>
<para>These payments are just one of the many elements—whether it's help with energy bills, cheaper medicines, cheaper child care, lifting the Medicare levy low-income thresholds, tripling the bulk-billing incentive, expanding the eligibility of the Commonwealth seniors healthcare card, freezing social security deeming rates, expanding paid parental leave and delivering bigger, better tax cuts for working Australians—where this government's getting on with the job.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Reconstruction Fund Corporation</title>
          <page.no>69</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LEY</name>
    <name.id>00AMN</name.id>
    <electorate>Farrer</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. On 7 December last year in the House, the Prime Minister said the National Reconstruction Fund was up and running. On 15 January the Prime Minister said the NRF had been open for business from November and money was available now. But secret government documents reported in the <inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline> today reveal the funding application process for the NRF was created only after the Prime Minister made these claims. Why did the Prime Minister deliberately mislead this parliament?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the House?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, the deputy leader knows full well that there are some statements that can be made only by direct resolution. I put that the question should be out of order completely. That was an eyes-wide-open breach of the standing orders.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Deputy Leader of the Opposition knows that that remark wasn't part of the question. I'm just going to ask her to rephrase that last part of the question—to withdraw that part and just rephrase the last part.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LEY</name>
    <name.id>00AMN</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Why did the Prime Minister deliberately not tell the truth to the parliament?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Under the standing orders, you cannot make a statement of—I'm tempted just to rule the question out of order. Withdraw the last part of the question. If it's not in order, it's going to be ruled out.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LEY</name>
    <name.id>00AMN</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw. Can the Prime Minister please explain the inconsistency between the two statements he made?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks for your help, Mr Speaker. I thank the deputy leader for her question. A 'seeking investment' form was available on the NRF website from November. From November the NRF Corporation was in ongoing discussions with a number of businesses about potential investments. The NRF was, by any reasonable definition of the term, open for business and was working with Australian industry. Indeed, by mid-January, over 160—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister will pause. The member for Bowman was told explicitly he was on a warning and not to interject, and he is abusing the standing orders. He will leave the chamber under 94(a).</para>
<para> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Bowman then </inline> <inline font-style="italic">left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>By mid-January, over 160 businesses had already engaged with the NRF. Unlike the previous government, this government is getting on with delivering. We believe in industry policy. We believe in a future made in Australia. We support manufacturing, which is why 100,000 increased jobs is the figure when it comes to manufacturing jobs.</para>
<para>We passed this act that was opposed by those opposite and held up for a while by some on the crossbench as well, but eventually we got it passed through both chambers and it is up and running. We passed the act, and we confirmed an investment mandate to help guide how the NRF Corporation should support Australian industry. The NRF board has been appointed. The NRF CEO is already hard at work. The NRF Corporation is already working to secure a manufacturing future for this country. Unlike those opposite, who told the car industry to leave the country, with the consequences that were there—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Deputy Leader of the Opposition has asked her question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>as a result of losing not just those jobs but the multiplier that that had an impact on in places like Geelong, in places like Adelaide, in places like Elizabeth—and all the car-components companies that also lost, and the skills that were lost there. We believe in a future made in Australia. We believe that we should be manufacturing solar panels here. We believe we should be manufacturing batteries here. We believe that a future made in Australia is linked directly to our national security, so we're not vulnerable to what happens overseas. That is what we're about. Those opposite continue to just get in the way. They oppose all of these initiatives and then say they haven't happened soon enough!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The member for O'Connor is warned. He's had a good go, but he won't have any more lenience shown.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Workplace Relations</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GOSLING</name>
    <name.id>245392</name.id>
    <electorate>Solomon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations. How have the Albanese Labor government's enterprise bargaining reforms helped Australians to earn more and to keep more of what they earn, and what has the response been to these reforms?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate>Watson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Solomon for the question. I'm pleased to say the efforts the member for Solomon and others on this side have made in voting for legislation that would make sure people earnt more and kept more of what they earnt I saw live with workers I met with when I was recently up in Darwin, in the electorate of Solomon. Just around the corner from Darwin airport there's a Bunnings. People might not be aware that one of the changes from the secure jobs, better pay bill has been a massive increase in the number of workers who are covered by enterprise agreements. There are now 150,000 additional workers in Australia covered by enterprise agreements who previously weren't, and 40,000 of those are workers at Bunnings.</para>
<para>These reforms have happened because, when that legislation went through, we fixed the better off overall test, we made sure that businesses who'd let agreements lapse were brought back to the table and we made arbitration possible, so that industrial action was not the only way of bringing issues to a head, by having an arbitration process available for intractable bargaining.</para>
<para>What did that mean for those Bunnings workers? They're earning $48 a week more, and on top of that they will get a $1,146 tax cut. The new Bunnings agreement for those 40,000 workers—and everyone here has been to Bunnings—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You should start one! Your slogan could be something like: 'Where lower wages are just the beginning!' That would work for you perfectly!</para>
<para>The new Bunnings agreement covering those 40,000 workers has better rostering flexibility, improved leave entitlements, adult rates of pay at the age of 18 instead of 20—it's all there. Often we just go straight to the pay improvements, but the rostering changes have made a huge difference—arrangements that weren't previously available. I met with one of the workers out the front of the store, near that tool shop section that they have at the front of a Bunnings. The bloke's name is Sonny, and he had switched his roster under a new right within the agreement where you can request it so that your roster gets reorganised and you get three days off in a row. He got it agreed to within a couple of weeks of asking, and I said to him: 'So what are you now doing with the time? Have you picked up another job? Have you taken up a hobby? What have you done?' His face just lit up and he said, 'I'm spending every possible minute with my 11-month-old.'</para>
<para>These changes are possible when you get flexibility that works for workers as well into the industrial relations system. This is only possible because of legal changes that we supported and put through and which those opposite have said they will target deliberately at the next election.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Discrimination</title>
          <page.no>70</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SPENDER</name>
    <name.id>286042</name.id>
    <electorate>Wentworth</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. My community is deeply concerned about protecting all Australians from discrimination, no matter their gender, sexuality or faith. During the last election, a young trans person came to me, heartbroken at the exclusion they faced at school. They asked me to stand up for the LGBTQIA community. Every day we delay action on discrimination law is another day a student could be excluded from school because of who they are. How can parliament work together to strengthen protections for the LGBTQIA community as well as for people of faith?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Wentworth for her question and for her commitment, which I share, that no Australians should be discriminated against on the basis of their gender, their sexuality or their faith. This is something that has been discussed in this chamber, prior to the member for Wentworth's arrival, for some period of time. I support religious liberty, and I think that it would be an important step forward if this parliament were to pass legislation to have the adoption of a religious discrimination bill. The government has prepared two pieces of legislation, a religious discrimination bill and a Sex Discrimination Act amendment bill, to achieve the objectives of ensuring that people of faith can practice their faith free of discrimination and that religious based schools can operate on the basis of their faith, including on employment issues. We have consulted widely, and I thank the Attorney-General for the consultation that has occurred with faith based organisations. I've met with many religious leaders, including a round table in the middle of last year with a group of religious leaders.</para>
<para>What I've said from the very beginning, including at that round table, is that there needs to be bipartisan support for this position, because, as Senator Birmingham said this morning, I think it is a reasonable ambition to want to seek bipartisanship. If it is going to be passed through the Senate, given the nature, it needs the support not just of the government but of either the coalition or the Greens political party. That's just the numerical facts of what is there.</para>
<para>We will work with everyone, including the crossbenchers, on these issues. I have said, though, that we wouldn't go through a parliamentary committee process. Since 2016, there have been at least 10 inquiries, there have been over 262 consultations and there have been over 70,000 submissions to committees. It is now time to determine whether we'll progress forward or not. I am up for progressing forward on the basis of a bipartisan position, and I hope that that can be achieved. If not, then that of course will be a decision for this parliament as well.</para>
<para>I know that, for so many Australians, the issues of discrimination are very central to them, and I thank the member for Wentworth for the way in which she has taken up these issues in such a considered and respectful way. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Renewable Energy</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KHALIL</name>
    <name.id>101351</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for the Environment and Water. How is the Albanese Labor government's environmental approvals process helping to turn Australia into a renewable energy superpower, and what approaches has the government rejected?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PLIBERSEK</name>
    <name.id>83M</name.id>
    <electorate>Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to thank the member for Wills for his question. I know that he is a very strong supporter of renewable energy, as are his constituents in that seat of Wills.</para>
<para>Mr Speaker, I am delighted to report to you and to the House that the rollout of renewable energy is proceeding apace in Australia. In fact, since coming to government, we have ticked off more than 45 renewable energy projects, and I have another 128 before me for assessment. The great news is, of those 45 renewable energy projects that we've already ticked off, that's enough to power about 2½ million Australian homes.</para>
<para>Some of the terrific examples that I can point to are the 1,500 megawatts Yanco Delta Wind Farm in New South Wales that will generate enough electricity to power around 700,000 homes, and, in Queensland, the Stony Creek Wind Farm, which will generate enough electricity to power about 100,000 homes. The other piece of good news is that the speed of approvals for these projects has just about doubled since we came to government, and it's not just renewable energy projects that we're assessing faster; it's all of those projects—it's the housing projects, it's the transport projects and it's the resources projects. All of the projects are being assessed faster because we've made it a priority for our government.</para>
<para>We know, on this side, that renewable energy is both cleaner and cheaper. Australians have worked that out; that's the reason that more than three million Australian households have solar panels on their roofs.</para>
<para>I was asked about alternatives. The only alternative we have from those opposite—we had 22 energy policies when they were in government, and they didn't land a single one—is No. 23, nuclear power, which will be built in decades time, as soon as they've sorted out four little problems, as the Prime Minister pointed out yesterday: safety, disposal, cost and location. But, as soon as they've got that sorted, they'll be delivering those projects in the coming decades.</para>
<para>Those opposite talked about cost-of-living pressures, and of course energy is one of those for homes and for businesses.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Petrie is warned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PLIBERSEK</name>
    <name.id>83M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What kind of solution takes 20 years to deliver at a cost of $387 billion?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The minister will pause. The member for Cowper was yelling throughout that answer. I reminded him earlier in question time that he was on a warning. He may have forgotten it, but I haven't. He'll leave the chamber under 94(a). If you are on a warning, you will definitely not yell during an answer.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Cowper then left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PLIBERSEK</name>
    <name.id>83M</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If I could ask a question, I would ask the Leader of Opposition: Where will they go, how much will they cost and how will you clean up after them?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TAYLOR</name>
    <name.id>231027</name.id>
    <electorate>Hume</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Prime Minister, hundreds of thousands of Australian small businesses operate within family trusts. Can the Prime Minister guarantee that he will not impose a 30 per cent minimum tax rate on discretionary trusts?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The shadow Treasurer continues to sit there and dream: 'What can I ask about what the Labor government isn't doing today? What can I just make up so the Leader of the Opposition can then jump in and ask, "Well, will you rule it out?"' Well, the sun will come up tomorrow; the sun will go down. We have such an absurd position.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Here we go!</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! The Leader of the Opposition is entitled to make a point of order, and he has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's on relevance. We're up to question 7. The Prime Minister hasn't given a straight answer today. Could he give a straight answer on this?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That was just an abuse of the standing orders. The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>He's very angry. We saw it yesterday in the chamber and then we saw it in the press conference afterwards. He stood up and he said: 'We'll forget the fact that Michaelia Cash, my shadow Attorney-General, did a Sky News interview and blew things up on Sunday. We'll forget that fact that she put in an op-ed in the <inline font-style="italic">West</inline><inline font-style="italic">Australian</inline><inline font-style="italic">'</inline>—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Cease interjecting. The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And we get more abuse across the chamber, Mr Speaker. He's always so angry.</para>
<para>I am asked about tax and ruling things out. Well, here's the member for Menzies for you: 'Could tweaks to negative gearing perhaps help younger generations?' Member for Menzies, I'm not going to do the rule in, rule out of particular policies here. I think the problem with rule in, rule out, whether it's in question time or in the media, is that we get focused on the 24-hour news cycle and not the problems that people sent us here to solve. That's what they continue to say.</para>
<para>When we talk about tax changes, I'm interested in what their view of negative gearing is. The member for Canning has had something to say as well. He said, 'If the problem includes negative gearing then we should make changes.' The new Senator Kovacic—probably not backed by the Leader of the Opposition, given his track record on preselection—said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We should not be afraid to consider tax changes, whether they be capping the number of properties that can be negatively geared …</para></quote>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Then their leader in the Senate, Senator Birmingham, said this: 'There are, no doubt, ways of looking at the tax and transfer system.' That's what they've had to say. One by one, they're out there talking about all these issues. One of the favourites, Senator Rennick, said, 'It's nuts that we don't'— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There was far too much noise during that question.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation: Manufacturing</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
    <electorate>Calwell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Industry and Science. How will the Albanese Labor government's tax cuts benefit advanced manufacturing workers? What has been the response?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I do appreciate getting a question from the co-chair of the Parliamentary Friends of Manufacturing. The member for Calwell knows that the Albanese government is investing in a future for all Australians. We believe in a future made in Australia, creating more well-paid, secure jobs from our cities to our suburbs to our regions. Revitalising our manufacturing capabilities after the pandemic is absolutely crucial, and building up our advanced manufacturing capacity is also very vital. To achieve this we can combine world-leading Australian know-how, our tremendous ability to develop emerging technologies and our abundance of natural resources.</para>
<para>It's terrific to see firsthand, when I travel around the country, fantastic and innovative advanced manufacturers, proving that we can be a country that makes things, including: Formero, in the electorate of Chisholm, which is Australia's largest 3D printer, creating amazing prototypes for everything including medical devices; Vaxxas, from the electorate of Lilley, commercialising needle-free vaccination technology; or Device Technologies, which started in Warringah and opened their Western Sydney facilities last week, with an ambition to manufacture more medical products here in Australia. The work of companies like these has very real potential to change the way we live, and create secure, well-paying jobs. That's why we're backing manufacturing workers with tax cuts so they can keep more of what they earn. For example, a mechanical engineer earning $113,000 is going to be $2,450 better off, an industrial designer earning $86,000 will be $1,657 better off, and a science technician earning $63,000 will be $1,357 better off. These are workers who are literally the future of our nation, creating new products and opportunities, laying the foundations for generations to come, and they deserve a government working with them to build a better future.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, what we see from those opposite is always nasty negativity. They're always talking things down, and only ever talking about manufacturing when they want to bag it out. They had a chance to back the National Reconstruction Fund—they opposed it. They had a chance to back energy price relief for manufacturers—they opposed it. They had a chance to back tax cuts for manufacturing workers—they opposed it, supported it and then said they'll be doing something else about it down the track. They're completely inconsistent, always negative and always nasty. Labor wants people to earn more and keep more of what they earn. Those opposite want people to work longer for less.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Immigration</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Permanent long-term overseas arrivals are outpacing the construction of new homes at a rate of almost four to one, with 900,000 net overseas arrivals but only 265,000 building completions since Labor came to government. When will the Prime Minister admit Labor's housing crisis is out of control and Labor's fake promise to build 1.2 million homes is yet another broken promise? Why is the Prime Minister taking this country in the wrong direction?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thanks very much—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Deakin has asked his question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>to the member for Deakin, who has asked a question which was very broad ranging at the end there. But I thank him for the tag, and I respond by saying: Australia is indeed heading in the right direction. It was heading in the wrong direction, but it's now heading in a direction which sees inflation going down. I think that's a good thing. It's heading in a direction where real wages are going up. I think that's a good thing. Productivity is increasing. I think that's a good thing. Now, instead of deficits under them, we've got surpluses. I think that's a good thing. We've seen more jobs created under this government than under any new government in Australian political history. I think that's a good thing as well.</para>
<para>The other thing that is a good thing is that every Australian is going to get a tax cut. That's not just some and not just politicians; it's every Australian worker, including those who are building and working on Australia's programs, such as the Social Housing Accelerator, which is seeing new public housing being built; those who are benefiting from the tax changes put in by the Treasurer to encourage the private rental market and to encourage construction in that—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Deakin is now warned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para> and those Australians who will benefit from the Housing Australia Future Fund, which those opposite were completely horrified by and voted against. Of course, when it comes to the population of Australia, as the <inline font-style="italic">P</inline><inline font-style="italic">opulation statement</inline> said last December, for 2031 the expected population is 600,000 below what was projected prior to the onset of the pandemic in 2019-20. We of course note the comments of the Leader of the Opposition, who said in September 2022: 'We do need an increase in the migration numbers. It's clear that the number needs to be higher.' That's what he had to say. A month later, he said: 'We need migration. We need migration'—just to really emphasise it. In his first budget reply, he boasted: 'I brought in record numbers of people, from India, China and many other countries.' The Deputy Leader of the Opposition has said, 'We know that urgently business needs a workforce, and much of that workforce needs to come from overseas.' The shadow minister, sitting next to him there, said, 'We need to get our international students back.' The hypocrisy— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Care</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr REPACHOLI</name>
    <name.id>298840</name.id>
    <electorate>Hunter</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Health and Aged Care. What actions has the Albanese Labor government taken to make medicines cheaper for all Australians? How are 60-day prescriptions helping patients with ongoing illness? Why wasn't this introduced earlier?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUTLER</name>
    <name.id>HWK</name.id>
    <electorate>Hindmarsh</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Hunter for his question, because, like everyone on this side of the House, he has no higher priority than helping his community with the cost of living and to earn more and keep more of what they earn. I'm pleased to say that last year healthcare workers saw their wages rise by an average of 5½ per cent—well over double what they were seeing under those opposite. They'll get to keep more of that money when every single one of them receives a tax cut on 1 July—like a third-year RN in the member's electorate working at the Cessnock Hospital who will get a tax cut of more than $1,600, or double what they would have got under the old plan.</para>
<para>The member for Hunter also promised cheaper medicines to his community, and we have delivered on that as well, with lower annual medicine bills for millions of pensioners and, last year, the biggest cut to the price of medicines in the 75-year history of the PBS. But we've also been determined to allow hundreds and hundreds of common medicines for ongoing health conditions to be supplied for 60 days at the cost of a single script, saving time and even more money for up to six million patients.</para>
<para>It's not a new idea. Most other countries we compare ourselves to already do it, and the medicines experts advised the former government to do it more than five years ago. But they rejected the advice, and, instead, millions of patients have collectively paid hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars more for their medicines than they should have done. Well, we did accept the advice. Three weeks ago I added 94 more medicines to that 60-day script list, including menopause medicines used by about 600,000 Australian women, diabetes medicines used by well over a million Australian patients and medicines used by tens and tens of thousands of breast cancer survivors to prevent a recurrence of their cancer, just to name a few. And remember, the opposition voted against all of this. It's perhaps unsurprising given it's an opposition led by a man who, as health minister, actually tried to jack up the price of medicines, not bring them down, in his first budget.</para>
<para>I want to thank the member for Hunter for his support and commitment to cheaper medicines. He has also been a fierce advocate for a strong community pharmacy sector in the Hunter Valley. I know that he's delighted that we have reached a deal to invest up to an additional $3 billion to deliver cheaper medicines, to deliver better patient outcomes and to create a strong community pharmacy sector. Those opposite pretended you could only have one or the other, that you could only have cheaper medicines or a strong pharmacy sector, but our negotiations have delivered both. That's what a strong, responsible government does.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para> I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</title>
        <page.no>74</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE: ADDITIONAL ANSWERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Embassy: United States of America</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask to add to an answer.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In response to a question from the Manager of Opposition Business today that went to a quote from Mr Donald Trump, former President of the United States, in an interview with Nigel Farage, I wish to add this comment with regard to the position of Kevin Rudd as the ambassador of Australia to the United States.</para>
<para>On 11 February, just a month ago, the Leader of the Opposition was asked by Andrew Clennell on Sky News the following: 'Could you work with Kevin Rudd as an ambassador, or would you seek to replace him if you were elected?' The Leader of the Opposition responded as follows: 'I mean, what grounds would there be to replace him? I would work very closely with him. I know him, Kevin. I caught up with him when he was last in Australia, and he came to give us an update in relation to what he was seeing in Washington. He's represented his country well, and we are a few steps down the road. But I think for most Australians they get it. The importance of the relationship with America is at its height, more so than any period since the Second World War. That's a fairly significant statement, but that's exactly as the Prime Minister puts it as well.'</para>
<para>It is, indeed, Mr Speaker, the way that this Prime Minister puts, it because the relationship with the United States is very important. It should be beyond the sort of cheap politics that we saw earlier today.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>74</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Personal Explanation</title>
          <page.no>74</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
    <electorate>Dickson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I seek leave to make a personal explanation.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Do you claim to have been misrepresented?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I do—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You may proceed.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by the Prime Minister just then in question time. I did have complimentary things to say about Mr Rudd, and it is in our national interest to make sure that the ambassador to the United States, our most important strategic alliance partner, is successful. We will do everything we can to support him. The point I make is that former president Trump—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition will need to claim where he is being misrepresented—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm just—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>not adding to an answer. Just explain where the misrepresentation occurred.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm in the process of doing that for you, Mr Speaker. Former president Trump, who likely will be the nominee for the Republican Party at the next election in November, has now made very serious comments in relation to Australia's ambassador. They need to be answered, and Mr Rudd needs to repair the relationship. That's the point we were making. We won't be hectored or intimidated by these bully boys over there.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I just remind all members about the process of explaining where the misrepresentation is. See you tomorrow.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>75</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUTLER</name>
    <name.id>HWK</name.id>
    <electorate>Hindmarsh</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>These documents are tabled in accordance with the list circulated to honourable members earlier today. Full details of the documents will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline>.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>75</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regional Australia: Cost of Living</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received letters from the honourable member for Gippsland and the honourable member for Macnamara proposing that definite matters of public importance be submitted to the House for discussion today. As required by standing order 46, I have selected the matter which, in my opinion, is the most urgent and important—that is, that proposed by the honourable member for Gippsland, namely:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Government's failure to respect regional Australian families dealing with a cost of living crisis by its plans to increase the cost of the most popular vehicles and cut funding for regional infrastructure projects.</para></quote>
<para>I therefore call upon those honourable members who approve of the proposed discussion to rise in their places.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of members required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHESTER</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
    <electorate>Gippsland</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, you would be familiar with an old story about a dog that waits every morning to chase a car, and every day that car goes by, the dog chases it and races out, barking furiously, as it goes past. This goes on for weeks, months. It maybe even goes on for nine years. Then one day the dog actually catches the car, and he looks around. He has the car in his mouth, but he doesn't know what to do with it now. That old story is a metaphor for this government. This Prime Minister and this cabinet are the dog that caught the car. They barked, they yapped and they carried on for years about everything they would do one day, and then they won government and had no idea what to do next.</para>
<para>Every day in government is an opportunity to improve the lives of all Australians, which is why Australians are so appalled by this government's divided and distracted approach—a government that completely wasted its first 18 months pursuing a deeply flawed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice proposal that was never a priority for the majority of Australians. Even today, when the Prime Minister stood at the dispatch box and ran through his supposed achievements, there was not one mention of the word 'Voice'. There was not one mention of the very issue he spent 18 months and hundreds of millions of dollars pursuing. But now they have a new No. 1 priority, and judging by the talking points being regurgitated every day by those opposite they have finally discovered a cost-of-living crisis. They've finally bumped into it.</para>
<para>Now, there are a lot of things in the world that can spin. A Ferris wheel can spin. Carousels, windmills—they'll spin. Planets are all spinning around. But the Minister for Climate Change and Energy is the biggest spinner our nation has seen since the late great Shane Warne. This minister is spinning harder than a redhead on a skid pan. He just won't be honest with Australians. He can't be honest when it comes to telling the truth to the Australian public about his plan to introduce fuel efficiency standards, which will drive up the cost of Australia's favourite cars.</para>
<para>Surely Australians have a right to know what the impacts will be from Labor's plan to introduce a new tax on family cars and utes. Surely Australian business owners have a right to know—like Anthony, a multigeneration car dealer in my electorate, who wrote to me in relation to this government's plan for new vehicle efficiency standards. Anthony said in his email: 'This proposal further unfairly disadvantages small rural and regional communities when compared to our metro counterparts due to the vehicle mix. I can't see our customers magically thinking a Yaris or Corolla will be a substitute for their Prado LandCruiser or HiLux.'</para>
<para>On Anthony's estimates, some of the most popular Toyotas that he sells through his yard will cost his customers more than $10,000 extra under this disastrous plan by the minister for climate change. And who are these customers? They're farmers. They are tradespeople. They're small-business owners. Some of them are grey nomads, travelling around, exploring our beautiful country. But the biggest group of all is everyday Australian families, who need their SUVs and larger vehicles, particularly in our regional communities.</para>
<para>For the life of me I can't understand why, if the minister is so confident about his policy, if he's so adamant he's on the right track, if he's so sure of himself—because he doesn't lack self-confidence, it's fair to say—this minister won't just come to the dispatch box and be honest with all Australians who are worried that they will have to pay more when they purchase a new vehicle in the future. In the middle of a cost-of-living crisis, why do the Prime Minister and his cabinet colleagues think it's a good idea to increase the prices of our highest selling vehicles?</para>
<para>This Prime Minister made quite a fuss during the election campaign about what he said would be a new, open and transparent government under his leadership.</para>
<para>An opposition member: His word is his bond.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CHESTER</name>
    <name.id>IPZ</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>His word is his bond, I'm reminded by my colleagues. So why won't the Prime Minister order the minister for climate change to simply release the economic modelling regarding the increased cost to purchase Australia's favourite cars under his government's fuel efficiency standard? Surely the Prime Minister understands that hiding the modelling makes the Australian public feel they are being misled.</para>
<para>There are those opposite who, when I've raised this topic before, have laughed and tried to comfort themselves a little bit that this is a coalition scare campaign. I say to those opposite: if that's the way you feel, if that helps you sleep at night, that's good for you, and keep thinking like that, because the member for McMahon, the minister for climate change, is really only famous for one quote in his entire political career. The member for McMahon said, in the lead-up to the 2019 election—he was bold, he was upfront—to Australians: 'If you don't like our policies, don't vote for us.' And the Australian people warmly welcomed his advice.</para>
<para>Let me assure those opposite who are new to this place: you have every chance in the world of becoming a one-term member of parliament if you back this minister's extreme plan to increase the cost of SUVs, people movers and other vehicles. Families who are struggling with the increased cost of living don't like this policy and they don't like the extreme direction the minister is taking our nation in.</para>
<para>I am concerned that the Prime Minister and the minister are simply hiding the truth from the Australian people, from the Australian motoring community, when it comes to this policy. But perhaps the worst aspect of the policy is the way it was designed—in fact, it actively discriminates against and targets our regional Australian communities and their way of life, because it is regional Australians who are more likely to purchase those larger vehicles—because of the nature of our roads in our regional communities, because of the likelihood we'll be towing boats or caravans or trailers or horse floats and because of the range that we can achieve with a single tank of fuel with those vehicles. Obviously it can be a long way between fuel stations in regional communities, but it's even further between electric charging points.</para>
<para>Why would we on this side actually be surprised, though, that this government, the Albanese government, is targeting regional Australians? It's been the pattern of behaviour throughout the last 22 months. This is a government that has abolished regional grants programs, has cut regional transport projects and has failed to fund further rounds of some of the most successful programs initiated by the previous coalition government—just because it wasn't their idea.</para>
<para>If you see a crane, a bulldozer or a grader working on a major project anywhere in regional Australia today, I can assure you of one thing: this minister, the minister for infrastructure and transport, had nothing to do with it whatsoever. After almost two years, we're still waiting for this minister to deliver a single project—to even announce a single project—under her Growing Regions fund. The minister hasn't started work on a single project of her own, but she has led a conga line of hypocrisy, parading through regional Australia—ministers, senators out there taking credit for projects they'd had nothing to do with; they were out there wandering around. They come in here and they spout their lines about a decade of inaction, but then they rush out to cut the ribbons, rush out to unveil the plaques and the projects that were fully funded by the previous government. The member for Barker and I well know that the most dangerous place to stand in Australia today is between a Labor minister and a ribbon-cutting event! It is a terrifying place to be, particularly when they had absolutely nothing to do with delivering the project in the first place.</para>
<para>The hypocrisy of those opposite, in failing to deliver regional infrastructure, is most obvious in two particular funding programs: the Local Roads and Community Infrastructure Program and the Stronger Communities Program. If you look on their Facebook pages and Instagram—and the minister for local government is one of the repeat offenders; if you look on her social media, you will find plain examples of taking great credit for the Local Roads and Community Infrastructure Program and the Stronger Communities Program. They love these coalition programs—so much that they cut them both. This government have also cut the Roads of Strategic Importance Program, the Regional Airports Program and the Building Better Regions Fund—and they wonder why we think they've got it in for regional Australia.</para>
<para>This is a dog of a government. This is a government that is pursuing extreme policies which hurt regional Australian families. Sadly, right in the middle of a cost-of-living crisis, this government is determined to put more pressure on our household budgets. This government is putting more pressure on volunteers to fundraise for local projects because it doesn't respect regional Australians. This government simply doesn't trust our local communities to make good decisions with their own money.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms McBAIN</name>
    <name.id>281988</name.id>
    <electorate>Eden-Monaro</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What a 10 minutes of bile that was, but thank you very much; we've heard it all before. For us, regional Australia is much more than just a grants program and much more than just a press release or a six-second radio grab; it's about actually getting on and delivering for them, which those opposite failed to do. There were plenty of press releases adding more projects to the infrastructure pipeline but not adding a single dollar to allow any of those projects to actually proceed. That is classic coalition politics. It is: 'Hey, here's a press release. I might deliver this at some point 30 years into the future, but I'm not actually going to do anything about it now because I just want to issue this press release 10 times over.'</para>
<para>From day one we have been getting on with the job of delivering for regional Australia, and we've delivered more in 18 months then those did in 10 years. We're focused on reducing the cost of living for regional Australians, and we take a strategic whole-of-government approach to uplift in our regions, which, as I said, deserve much more than just a short-lived grant program and much more than a colour-coded spreadsheet. We've implemented the Regional Investment Framework, a strategic approach to investing in people, places, the services our communities need and the industries that underpin our local communities.</para>
<para>We're giving regional Australians more choice of cars that are cleaner and cheaper to run, through the new vehicle efficiency standard. You can choose the vehicle that is right for you and your family, and you will have more options on vehicles that use less fuel. You keep more of what you earn, and it's good for the environment. We've announced a preferred option, and we've been consulting with the industry and the community to get the balance right. At the moment, Australian families are paying $5,000 a year in fuel bills, and they don't need to be. Transport and fuel costs are a big proportion of the average household budget. We can and should give households more choice to bring those costs down, and that's exactly what efficiency standards do. Less choice costs households.</para>
<para>Australians have wasted $4 billion unnecessarily on fuel because the Liberal and National parties didn't have the courage to stick to their own policy they wanted to introduce in 2016. That's billions of dollars a year that could have been and should have been in the pockets of Australian motorists. They were wrong to abandon their own policy from 2016, and they are wrong today to engage in a pathetic scare campaign against a policy that they promoted and embraced just a few years ago. The fuel bill on that inaction is adding up every day. Without standards in place, Australians could waste another $12 billion on fuel costs between now and 2030. Those opposite need to explain why they are spending more time spreading disinformation for the sake of it rather than finding tangible and practical solutions for long-term cost-of-living relief.</para>
<para>The Albanese government is charging up electric vehicles and associated infrastructure, with a $76 million funding package for electric vehicle projects to get more Australians into cleaner and cheaper vehicles to run. Some of those opposite appears so allergic to EVs that they once cried they would be the end of the weekend. But, contrary to scare campaigns, motorists are charging their EVs all along the Hume Highway between Sydney and Melbourne. In Yass, in my own electorate, there are 12 new Tesla EV chargers up and running in the centre of town, where visitors can now charge their cars while they support the Yass community in cafes, restaurants and shops. That trend will continue as EV charging networks expand and as more and more people switch to EVs, hybrids or more fuel-efficient vehicles.</para>
<para>Real-world evidence from other countries with vehicle efficiency standards does not show that standards increase vehicle prices. The Liberals came to that same conclusion when they were in government, when they were talking about what we are talking about right now. The Liberals and the Nationals need to be honest and say why they don't want Australians to have more choices to spend less on fuel. And while they're looking up the evidence on vehicle efficiency standards perhaps they should also look at the evidence on what we've been investing in regional infrastructure: 57 per cent of major projects we're investing in under the Infrastructure Investment Program are in regional areas.</para>
<para>When we came to government we faced hundreds of projects, as I said, that were promised to communities in press releases but never costed and never planned for—projects like the replacement of the 60-year-old Sarsfield hall, an essential refuge for the community during the 2019-20 Black Summer bushfires. Like so many communities, this community was left in limbo by the member for Gippsland and the former Deputy Prime Minister, the member for New England. But it was really great when I got to go out there and say: 'Do you know what? We've locked in $3.6 million in funding for you, because we don't want to leave you up the creek.'</para>
<para>Under the previous government entire regions were ignored, particularly when it came to disaster preparedness and recovery and to communications and training, because it didn't suit their electoral map. Grant programs weren't transparent, and resource constrained organisations wasted time on applications that never stood a chance—something we felt deeply across Eden-Monaro and across a number of regional electorates on this side of the House and on the crossbench.</para>
<para>In contrast, we've doubled Roads to Recovery from $500 million to $1 billion per year—no colour coded spreadsheet required! Every local council in the country will get an increase in road funding, because every local council in the country knows how important it is to have safe and maintained local roads to get kids to school, to go to work and to go to sporting events. We've increased road black spot funding from $110 million a year to $150 million a year, and we've created the new $200 million per year Local Roads and Community Infrastructure Program. Those opposite were so excited about that announcement that we heard zero on it! So in 10 years they talked about how important road funding was, but not once could they get out of their own way and actually give that to local communities.</para>
<para>On Local Roads and Community Infrastructure, you could have done Roads to Recovery for every local council across the country—doesn't require a colour coded spreadsheet! That means every local community benefits. Unfortunately, when you were in government you did zero.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms McBAIN</name>
    <name.id>281988</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's because we're doing it! On Local Roads and Community Infrastructure, we put an additional $252 million in. And do you know what we did? We said in phase 4A that we know regional communities are doing it tough so we will give the majority of the funding to them—again, no coloured spreadsheet required! We listen to local communities, and we're delivering for them. We know they've been impacted by natural disasters, so we proactively advanced nearly $1.8 billion in disaster payments to fast-track essential road repair and public asset repair. Most importantly for communities, we've established transparent funding opportunities, as we said we would, including the $600 million Growing Regions Program and the $400 million Regional Precincts and Partnerships Program.</para>
<para>Regional people want to see delivery in their communities, which is why the Albanese Labor government will continue to deliver the infrastructure, the skills, the jobs and the services that stimulate regional economies and build thriving communities. In addition to the roads and other infrastructure we've talked about, we're narrowing the connectivity divide between rural and remote Australians and our metro counterparts. We've followed through on our commitment to improve mobile coverage in priority areas, with $37.2 million supporting 41 new mobile phone base stations, mostly in our regions.</para>
<para>Over the last decade, half of some streets and entire regional towns missed out on high-speed internet, which crippled businesses, remote work and study, and access to key services. That's why we've made the largest investments in connectivity since the introduction of the NBN—under a Labor government—with an additional $2.4 billion for expanding full-fibre NBN to over 660,000 regional premises. An additional $170.2 million is supporting communications upgrades to mobile coverage, public wi-fi and fibre at over 100 regional locations—because, in 2024, connectivity is not a 'nice to have'; it is an absolute necessity.</para>
<para>On this side of the House, we don't pretend we can solve every issue overnight, but we have been working hard to establish practical solutions which activate regional development and economic decentralisation. We are addressing chronic regional underemployment and unlocking secure well-paid jobs through our $15 billion National Reconstruction Fund. We know we can diversify regional economies by kick-starting innovative projects in agriculture, AI, science and transport. We are also investing 47 new rural and remote community childcare services, supporting more people to return to work. On this side of the House, we believe in delivering for regional Australia. We don't issue press releases for the sake of it and we don't carp on as if we didn't have 10 years in government to do more.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOGAN</name>
    <name.id>218019</name.id>
    <electorate>Page</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Gippsland for his MPI today. There are two issues that he has brought up in this MPI: the ute-and-car tax and the infrastructure vacuum that is now left in regional communities. There are two ministers involved in those two issues. I'm going to talk first about the Minister for Climate Change and Energy.</para>
<para>I would say to the backbenchers over there—especially the first-term backbenchers—that there is one minister I would be very nervous about if I were you: the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. If there was one minister that would potentially make you one-termers—and there are quite a few in competition for that role—it would be the Minister for Climate Change and Energy. Let's face it; that minister has form. If the issues weren't so serious, you could almost say he was a walking gift for the opposition, because this guy has form in making a mess of what he touches.</para>
<para>Let's go way back. I remember when he was the minister for immigration, and what a sad record he had as the minister for immigration. It was a sad record because it was a tragic record. There were the boats that came and the unfortunate deaths at sea. If you look at the statistics, it was worst when he was minister for immigration. So his dysfunction as a minister goes way back.</para>
<para>The member for Gippsland also raised the point that, when the Minister for Climate Change and Energy was shadow Treasurer and he was trying to bring in the changes to franking credits—and a couple of other things that were obviously going to be a disaster for the economy—he quite bravely and quite honestly gave the great advice of: 'If you don't like the policy that I am trying to bring in, don't vote for us.' And they didn't. So a great record there! Now he is the Minister for Climate Change and Energy.</para>
<para>What is he doing now that would make me very nervous if I were a backbencher in his government? Well, there are quite a few things, but let's start with the ute tax the member for Gippsland mentioned. I didn't make up these figures about the increase in the prices of utes and SUVs. These figures weren't made up by the member for Gippsland. These figures are coming from the car manufacturers—Toyota, Isuzu. I met a number of the manufacturers. This is them telling us that this is what is going to happen.</para>
<para>He hasn't showed us the modelling. I don't know if he showed you, but I would be asking him, 'How have you worked this out?' You can go to the car manufacturers and they will tell you why they think this is going to happen. They are saying that the implementation is too quick, that they won't meet what he wants them to meet and that, therefore, the fines or penalties will be passed on. And it's not just the car manufacturers. We import a lot of our cars from Thailand. When the Prime Minister of Thailand was in Melbourne at ASEAN, he said that the price of cars that they make and that they send to this country are going up. It's not me, and it's not the member for Gippsland. That is the Prime Minister of Thailand who said the price of what is sent to Australia and that we manufacture here in Australia is going up because of what this minister is doing. So first-termers, backbenchers, be very, very nervous about your Minister for Climate Change and Energy. He has form.</para>
<para>Let's go on to a couple of the other things he's responsible for. Some people have referred to him as 'Blackout Bowen'. Why have they referred to him as 'Blackout Bowen'? Because of his aggressive—I withdraw. Why do they say that? Again, the aggressiveness of the renewable energy targets he has set by 2030. We all like renewables, but there are technological issues with them about covering that percentage of the baseload. So, again, there's a disaster coming near you, and a lot of the time it's going to be caused by the Minister for Climate Change and Energy.</para>
<para>I will touch briefly on infrastructure. Again, if there were a prize for the person who is the biggest danger in your government, the Minister for Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development and Local Government would probably be in the top three most days. People in my community often come up to me now and say, 'I always get more motivated about politics when a Labor government comes in,' because they realise what a disaster they are, especially for regional Australia.</para>
<para>The member for Gippsland raised a couple of programs. My favourite—I don't know if he mentioned it—is the Stronger Communities Program. I think he did. It is a great program. None of you stood up for that. Shame on you for not doing that, because it was a great infrastructure program.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SWANSON</name>
    <name.id>264170</name.id>
    <electorate>Paterson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One of the best days in any young person's life is the day they get their P plates.</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SWANSON</name>
    <name.id>264170</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I know, and many members around me will recall that day. That is particularly so for kids who live in regional areas, where often there is not a lot of public transport. That is often the best day for their parents too, because they're not schlepping kids around as much as they previously had to, although on the odd occasion they are up at 2 am watching the clock and hoping that that P-plater will be home soon.</para>
<para>This government has thought a lot about those children, and it's interesting. I was having a look at some stats. Twenty per cent of my electorate in 2021, according to the census in that year, were aged 14 years or under. Those 14-year-olds now are turning 17 and getting their P-plates, and congratulations to them. In the coming years, they'll be buying vehicles, and I want those children to have the choice to buy vehicles that don't use as much fuel. If you're 17, you're probably not watching this, but your mum and dad might be, and they want you to spend less on fuel as well. That's what this New Vehicle Efficiency Standard is about. It is making cars more fuel efficient. Let me ask you: why should any Australian, regardless of whether they live in a regional area or smack bang in a city, be buying a car that is substandard and that the rest of the world, quite frankly, don't get and don't want? Russia and Australia—there we go—are the top two, the top of the pops for fuel inefficiency in the world. We're going to change that. The Albanese government is going to deliver more fuel-efficient cars for our regions so that our young people and parents will have choice in the future. Families are currently spending around $5,000 a year on fuel. We want that to come down, and we're going to be doing something about it.</para>
<para>With fuel efficiency comes air quality. We want cars to be cheaper and cleaner, and so do our young people, and we are backing them in. We are literally putting the rubber on the road when it comes to delivering better-quality cars for all Australians. The other thing about living in the regions is roads. Everyone talks about—</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SWANSON</name>
    <name.id>264170</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, we lay rubber on the roads in my electorate. I know young people who do that. I'm not suggesting they should, but I know that some of them do. But do you know what? The other thing is roads. It is so important, and I have never been prouder to be part of a government that is delivering real infrastructure, not just paving the way with press releases making a promise here and a promise there that, in the never-never, you might get something. We are delivering.</para>
<para>In my electorate alone, at the moment we have $3.5 billion, with a b, worth of projects on the books being delivered. We are extending the M1, fixing that last chokepoint between Sydney and Brisbane. We're spending $2.3 billion on that. The road is being delivered right now. It is being built. We are widening the Hexham Straight where the member for Newcastle's electorate and my electorate meet up, and what a magnificent place Hexham is. We're delivering that road. We're doing the Newcastle Inner City Bypass. We have the Singleton Bypass and the Muswellbrook Bypass coming in the future. These are roads that we're delivering today and that Australians are going to be driving on in more fuel-efficient cars. Not only are we delivering these roads; we are also making it safer and we are also making it cheaper.</para>
<para>The other part of this is telecommunications. We talk about connectivity and moving around. We know that fuel, cars and roads are important, but today telecommunications is pretty much the highway of the future—and everyone knows it. We're not spinning copper to go around the country, like this mob were for 10 years, spinning their wheels, doing nothing. We're delivering fibre, we are delivering better communications in our regions and we know that these are the two most important points of connectivity.</para>
<para>I say to those opposite: you had 10 years, you did seven-eighths of not much and now you've had to stand aside for a government that is actually delivering for Australians and that takes Australians' safety, health and hip pocket seriously. I've never been prouder to be part of a government that does that, not only for regional Australians but for all Australians. We are delivering the infrastructure, the roads, the cheaper fuel and the more efficient cars for everyone. I say, Australia, you're moving forward under an Albanese government.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LANDRY</name>
    <name.id>249764</name.id>
    <electorate>Capricornia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today I rise to shed light on a matter of utmost importance: the neglect of regional communities by the Labor government. It is vital that we address the significant impacts of the government's action on regional infrastructure programs, which have been the lifelines of our regional areas for far too long. This government's decisions have wielded a heavy axe upon regional programs aimed at fostering growth and opportunities for our regional communities. In their inaugural budget, Labor shockingly slashed a staggering $10 billion from regional programs, delivering a severe blow to the prospects of regional development.</para>
<para>Let us examine the consequences of their actions. The list of abolished programs reads like a catalogue of missed opportunities. The Building Better Regions Fund, the Community Development Grants Program, the Regionalisation Fund, the Regional Accelerator Program and the Energy Security and Regional Development Plan were all eliminated without regard for the aspirations of regional Australians. Moreover, crucial coalition programs left in limbo by Labor's inaction include the Regional Airports Program, the Regional Airport Security Screening Fund, the Local Roads and Community Infrastructure Program, beyond phase 4, and the Stronger Communities Program. These programs, which were instrumental in enhancing regional connectivity and resilience, now languish without extension or support.</para>
<para>Furthermore, the Labor government's review of infrastructure programs has resulted in further devastation for Capricornia. They have axed vital initiatives, such as the dedicated Bridges Renewal Program, the Heavy Vehicle Safety and Productivity Program and the Roads of Strategic Importance program, undermining the very foundations of regional development. These initiatives have contributed to safe roads for residents of Capricornia. One example is the sealing of 40 kilometres of Stanage Bay Road. This road holds vital significance, not only serving the local community but also ensuring the safe transit of military personnel to and from Shoalwater Bay.</para>
<para>The absence of concrete alternatives exasperates the situation. Despite promises, Labor have failed to provide adequate replacements for the successful coalition programs they have abolished. Projects like the Regional Precincts and Partnerships Program and the Growing Regions Program remain stalled, leaving regional communities stranded in a state of uncertainty and neglect. Projects within my electorate of Capricornia, which were fully funded and poised for implementation, have encountered significant delays and the looming threat of cancellation.</para>
<para>Together with my colleagues in the Rockhampton community, I staunchly advocated to safeguard the Rockhampton Ring Road project from being sacrificed, with its funding potentially redirected towards inner-city projects that have incurred substantial cost overruns amounting to billions of dollars. Another critical regional project, the Phillips Creek Bridge, situated near the mining community of Dysart, faced peril during Labor's infrastructure review. It is inconceivable that this government would jeopardise essential projects like the Phillips Creek Bridge which could undoubtably save lives by enhancing commuter safety.</para>
<para>Instead, they appear content to manipulate funding allocations, diverting resources away from regional initiatives to bolster projects within urban centres. Despite their relentless program cuts and funding setbacks, this government shamelessly dispatches its ministers to bask in the limelight and ceremoniously open projects that were fully funded and successfully executed under the former coalition government. The sheer irony of this situation is utterly staggering.</para>
<para>Evidence presented during Senate estimates in February paints a damning picture of Labor's incompetence. Nearly two years into office, hundreds of promised projects lay dormant, with over $1 billion of allocated funds sitting idle, while 271 out of 458 projects were not yet active. This inaction is not just disappointing; it is a betrayal of the trust placed in the government by regional Australians.</para>
<para>The repercussions of these decisions reverberate far beyond budgetary allocations. Labor's funding cuts for regional infrastructure projects by 30 per cent and insistence on a fifty-fifty funding split with states spells disaster for regional development. This departure from the former 80-20 model jeopardises much-needed upgrades to regional roads, impeding economic growth and endangering lives.</para>
<para>Let us not forget the human cost of these decisions. Reduced productivity, limited access to services and increased safety risks weigh heavily on the shoulders of regional Australians. The Labor government's neglect of regional infrastructure is not just a policy failure; it is a betrayal of trust and a disregard for the wellbeing of Capricornians.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIAN MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>129164</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased the member for Gippsland is here—just before he departs the chamber—because he mentioned that the government is like the dog that chases the car. Well, I've got another dog story for him. That's of the dog that returns to its own vomit, and that's the National Party and the Liberal Party writ large. There's nothing they like more than returning to the vomit of a good scare campaign. We all remember, on this side of the House, the '$100 lamb roast' and, of course, the 'end of the weekend'. Just a few weeks ago, those on the front bench opposite were talking about Marxist tax cuts, which they then quietly voted for. The fact is that the whole premise of this—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Birrell</name>
    <name.id>288713</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I raise a point of order on an unparliamentary remark. I think to call anyone's political party 'vomit' is beyond the pale and I think it should be withdrawn.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can sit down. I allowed some very questionable comments referring to dogs a little while ago. I'm not happy about it, from either side, but it is not unparliamentary. I listened very carefully to what he said, as I listened very carefully to what the member for Page and the member for Gippsland said. Believe me, if they had crossed that line, I would have pulled them all up. I do, however, ask people to be respectful in their debates in this House on all sides.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIAN MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>129164</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. The whole premise of this matter of public importance is ridiculous. It is ridiculous for those opposite to suggest that this government has in any way failed to respect Australian families who are dealing with the cost-of-living crisis. The Albanese government is rolling out billions of dollars of cost-of-living measures which are going to precisely help regional families—measures like cheaper medicines, increasing Medicare bulk billing, cheaper child care, expanding paid parental leave, boosting income support payments, fee-free TAFE and getting wages moving again, not to mention that from 1 July we are delivering a tax cut for every Australian taxpayer and a bigger tax cut for more workers.</para>
<para>Frankly, the member for Gippsland, in moving this matter of public importance—the vast majority of taxpayers in the member for Gippsland's electorate will be getting a bigger tax cut because of Labor's changes to stage 3, the stage 3 plan that the government he was part of put forward to this parliament.</para>
<para>What I would suggest shows a failure to respect Australian families is, in fact, the opposition leader's scare campaign about the new vehicle efficiency standard. It's a policy that those opposite embraced and promoted when in government, just a few short years ago. This is a policy that will bring down fuel costs and give Australians more choice of cars that are cleaner and cheaper to run.</para>
<para>As the member for a regional electorate, I've got news for those opposite and for members opposite who represent regional electorates. We have people in our electorates who drive a lot of kilometres every year. We're talking about tens of thousands of kilometres—that's a lot of fuel. Getting cheaper fuel is good news for those consumers. But it's the same tactic we see again and again from those opposite: spread the fear, spread the smear and deliver nothing.</para>
<para>It's a similar story in Tasmania. The Liberal government in Tasmania has spent 10 years making promises to Tasmanian families but not keeping them, failing to respect them by consistently overpromising and then failing to deliver. Whether it's housing or whether it's health—no matter what it is—the Liberal government in my state is simply failing to respect regional families, which, of course, is the matter of public importance before us today.</para>
<para>I talk about the long-promised Elizabeth Street bus mall—it never happened, but now the Liberals are promising a Launceston bus mall. The four-lane Midland Highway, which runs through my electorate—it never happened. As to the telecommunications upgrades, long promised, along the Great Eastern Drive: the signs promoting the extra communication, apparently on its way, have rusted out and have been replaced, but there are still no communications from the state government that promised that program. Much-needed drought relief funding for Tasmanian farmers was announced four days before this Saturday's election, not when it was needed.</para>
<para>The fact is that the people of Tasmania have a choice this Saturday: they can either have four more years of a failed Liberal government, or they can elect Rebecca White and the Labor team in Tasmania, who have the right priorities, including housing, health and cost-of-living measures. They are precisely what this Labor government in Canberra is also all about—bringing the cost of living down for Australian families.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BIRRELL</name>
    <name.id>288713</name.id>
    <electorate>Nicholls</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm a first-termer, as everyone knows; I've been here not quite two years. People ask me if I'm enjoying myself, and I say: 'Generally, yes. I enjoy the debate, and it's a great honour to represent your people.'</para>
<para>One of the things that I find the most frustrating is the lack of understanding that things are a bit different out in regional Australia, and broad-based policies that treat everyone the same disadvantage regional people. It's really frustrating, because you have a government like the Labor government that just doesn't understand or prioritise regional communities and regional people.</para>
<para>We have seen that in so many ways—firstly, in infrastructure. I listened to the speeches of those opposite. It sounds fantastic. The thing is: we haven't seen any of it roll out. The roads are getting worse. The infrastructure projects aren't being built.</para>
<para>I hear those opposite say, 'In 10 years you did nothing.' Well, for 10 years I wasn't in this place; I was just an ordinary community member in Shepparton, in the Goulburn Valley. I saw so much happen—and not only in my community, which was represented by a National Party member; I saw infrastructure development in the neighbouring electorate of Bendigo that was represented by a Labor member and still is. I saw a terrific grant program help them expand their regional airport, which now links them to Sydney, which is great for Bendigo. It's fantastic. And that was delivered by the coalition government, with the assistance of my predecessor. It was a government that got regional Australia; it was a government that understood that the economic growth is based on agriculture and on manufacturing and it needs infrastructure to thrive.</para>
<para>The member for Gippsland, who proposed this MPI, was the infrastructure minister when the funding was developed for the Echuca-Moama Bridge. Now, that community had all sorts of problems before that: one narrow, not-fit-for-purpose bridge over the Murray River. There's so much agricultural produce that goes from New South Wales to Victoria and vice versa. They needed a second bridge—a second river crossing. The state coalition government developed the program and started it off; the federal government came in with the majority of the money—80 per cent of the funding. All I could see the Victorian Labor government do was cut the ribbon!</para>
<para>Now, this 80-20 split that used to exist in regional development funding was necessary to get these projects off the ground—and it's even more necessary now in Victoria, because, for those Victorians in this chamber, I don't know if you've noticed but the state's finances are not in a good state at all. The Victorian government has not managed Victoria's finances well. That is frightening for future infrastructure projects, especially when it's a 50-50 split, because now the state government can't afford 50 per cent of most of the projects—particularly those in regional Victoria. So we're being dudded on regional infrastructure under this government. There are a lot of announcements, but I don't see anything rolling out.</para>
<para>Then there is the new-car tax. The issue with this is that it's a bit different living in regional areas; sometimes you need different vehicles, and to do the jobs required in regional areas you need, in some cases, diesel vehicles. You need diesel four-wheel drives or utes; that's true for tradies and farmers. I'm a big supporter of people in cities using EVs. If people in country areas want to buy EVs, good. But they're not suitable for a lot of the people living in regional and remote areas. If you impose extra costs on the existing diesel SUVs and utes that those people require, it is a tax because it's forcing them to pay more for, in many cases, a necessary tool of the trade. It's this type of policy that is: 'Well, let's just paint it with a broad brush. If it suits metropolitan areas but duds regional people, well, it's too hard to make any exceptions, and they're only out there in the country, so why bother.' That's what's so frustrating and disappointing about being in this parliament with a Labor government that doesn't get regional communities.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ANANDA-RAJAH</name>
    <name.id>290544</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When the free market is allowed to work, the consumer decides. I find it astounding that those opposite, particularly the Nationals, are so out of touch with their regions and their regional consumers. We currently have 180,000 electric vehicles on the road in Australia. Sales are surging, and do you know where the majority of the sales are? This might come as a surprise to the Nationals; the majority of the sales are in outer metropolitan and—wait for it—regional areas. You don't even know what your constituents want!</para>
<para>Australians are voting with their feet, and when it comes to EVs they have put their foot on the pedal and they are flying—away from the Liberals and the Nationals, and their ridiculous juvenile scare campaign. And fly they do; an electric vehicle will leave a V8 for dead. How do I know that? I'm an owner of an electric vehicle; in fact, I have two. I bought one of them before I entered politics. And, you know what: this car has instant power and instant torque. It's fantastic for getting away in those sticky situations when you need to just get out of trouble.</para>
<para>In addition to that, these cars are fun to drive and they have much lower operating costs. My previous conventional vehicle had maintenance costs of four digits and rising. With this vehicle, on the other hand, my maintenance costs came in at three digits. And the best part is that I took the car in, and two hours later the car was ready. Why? Because electric vehicles have far fewer moving parts. A conventional engine will have 2,000 moving parts, and an electric vehicle will have a fraction of that—so they are much easier to service.</para>
<para>What's driving the interest in electric vehicles? Sure, people are interested in climate and the environmental benefits, but what's actually driving this is the economics. People have figured out that having an electric vehicle actually saves you money. Why? Because one in three Australians have rooftop solar; it's a game changer. When you have rooftop solar, you basically harness the power of Aussie sunshine. Your operating costs to run the car are negligible—and that's what I have. My car charges once a week—once a fortnight, sometimes, depending on the range of my rooftop solar—and I just drive past those petrol stations with petrol costs of $1.80, $1.90 or sometimes $2; I just fly past them. Australians are figuring this out, and that's why sales for electric vehicles are surging. When we came to government, sales were at two per cent—moribund. Australia was being left behind by this EV revolution. Last year sales were at eight per cent, and they were at 9.6 per cent in February this year. Sales have taken off, and it is being driven by outer metropolitan consumers and regional customers. Do your research the next time you put forward an MPI, people. Do your research.</para>
<para>In addition to all of this, what are the health benefits? Now, I'm a doctor; I'm particularly invested in the health benefits. Australia has the highest rate of asthma in the world, and that is in large part due to the pollution and the particulate matter in our atmosphere. In reducing transport emissions, we will save 11,000 people from premature deaths. Air pollution is linked to asthma, dementia and cancer.</para>
<para>In addition to this, there is the small matter of climate change, the elephant in the room. In adopting vehicle efficiency standards, we will actually pull 300 million tonnes of carbon from our atmosphere by 2050. That is enormous. If we don't act on transport and if we do not decarbonise transport, which currently accounts for 20 per cent of all our emissions, transport will become the largest source of emissions in Australia. It will leave electricity generation for dead, and that's not what we want.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pasin</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Have you eaten another Shmackos?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You can withdraw that.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pasin</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw it.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. I'll have no more of those unparliamentary interjections.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PASIN</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
    <electorate>Barker</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Some things change, but some things stay the same. It seems that the members for Higgins are always going to try and lecture people who live in regional Australia. So my message to the member for Higgins is that I, if I had an EV like her, wouldn't have to charge it once a week, as she describes it, because I drive 100,000 kilometres a year. There would be absolutely no ability for me to do my job if I were driving an electric vehicle. So, Member for Higgins, before you talk about this policy and how it affects regional Australians, have a think about what regional Australians actually have to do.</para>
<para>Now, I had intended to come in here and talk about some other things, but I've got to address some issues the member for Higgins just raised. She just spoke about how this is a great example of free-market policy operating in the Australian environment. Now, with respect, the Assistant Treasurer here could barely stop from smirking because he knows it's many things, this policy, but it's not an example of the free market in operation. If it were the free market in operation, we wouldn't be asked to consider this particular issue. I appreciate the argument about renewable energies has fallen flat on those opposite—namely, why are we having to continue to subsidise its rollout if it's so cheap? That argument has supposedly been lost on those opposite. But now we've got an example of those opposite saying, 'Why are these neoliberals over there just wanting to get in the way of the free market?' Oh my! I don't know how you could describe asking someone who would like to buy a Land Cruiser to pay for credits that would be provided to another OEM as an example of the free market in operation. It just simply cannot be.</para>
<para>But, ladies and gentlemen, I didn't come here to talk about the member for Higgins. I want to talk about what this is doing to regional Australians. This is a tax on regionality. Why?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Rob Mitchell</name>
    <name.id>M3E</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Rubbish!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PASIN</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for McEwen—not sitting in his seat, I note, Madam Deputy Speaker, and you are an exemplar for the rules—says 'rubbish'. I'll take that interjection. Why does he say 'rubbish'? In my electorate, there are almost no EVs. Why? Because they don't suit the needs of the people that live in my electorate. If the member for Higgins were right, and this were just a product of the free market, then, if it suited their needs, there would be a lot of people in my electorate taking up this opportunity. But at the Wagin Woolorama, all the way in Western Australia, I took the opportunity to check in with a Toyota dealer. I said: 'Oh, this new electric Toyota that I've just seen'—which, by the way, proudly puts a sticker on it that says 'carbon emissions: zero'. I don't know what electricity goes in the vehicle that can be completely carbon neutral for all its life, but apparently it will always have renewable energy. I asked, 'For a comparable Toyota, how much less expensive is it if it is an ICE vehicle?'—for those opposite, an internal combustion engine—and it was $30,000. So what those opposite are saying is that $30,000 is the price people should pay for this choice.</para>
<para>The reality is that, even if you bought that $30,000-more-expensive car in my electorate, it couldn't do the things it needs to do. The three most sold vehicles in this country at the moment—the Ford Ranger, the Isuzu D-MAX and the Toyota LandCruiser—are all vehicles that are not going to be serviced by this. This is asking country Peter, who is buying himself a LandCruiser, to pay for city Paul's Tesla. That's what this is, because Teslas will be cheaper.</para>
<para>While I'm talking about Tesla, I note that, while that might not be one of the examples of Chinese made vehicles, the majority of these are. But I will tell you what is made in China: every single one of these batteries. I don't necessarily agree with everything the member for New England says; I agree with a lot of what he says. One thing he says is that our job is to make our country as strong as it can be as quickly as can be. This policy not only makes Australians poorer but weakens Australia and strengthens our No. 1 strategic opponent.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SCRYMGOUR</name>
    <name.id>F2S</name.id>
    <electorate>Lingiari</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to talk about some critical issues in my electorate of Lingiari. The member for Barker stands up here and talks about his electorate, and I think people on that side think that they're the only ones who represent regional Australia, when there are many of us on this side who represent regional Australia. I'm proud to represent not only regional areas of the Northern Territory but also very remote areas of the Northern Territory, which you people failed over a decade. Over a decade, you failed to put any investment into the Northern Territory. I am proud to be on this side, which, when we look at energy bills, is making sure that 49,000 householders in the Northern Territory will be eligible for a rebate on their energy bills come 1 July.</para>
<para>We have also looked after aged-care workers. In the Northern Territory, if you believed the people on the other side, particularly Oscar the Grouch, you'd look at the aged-care workers that the Albanese government has—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Pasin</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>She doesn't have to withdraw that?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Member for Lingiari—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SCRYMGOUR</name>
    <name.id>F2S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I withdraw.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Member for Barker, can you just try not to tell me how to do my job? I'd like you to withdraw the comment, Member for Lingiari.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SCRYMGOUR</name>
    <name.id>F2S</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Deputy Speaker, I withdraw. The Albanese government has provided for a 15 per cent increase in the minimum wage for aged-care workers. For 1,606 Territorians working in aged care, that's great news.</para>
<para>As for regional infrastructure projects, something that was simply missing from those on the other side, I am proud that our government is upgrading seven major highways and roads: the Stuart Highway, the Central Arnhem Highway, the Tanami, the Carpentaria Highway, the Buntine Highway, the Mereenie Loop Road and the Paru Road—a lot of highways and roads. This is providing connectivity for those remote communities. The government is building five new or upgraded health clinics at Mutitjulu, Alice Springs, Santa Teresa and Palmerston. These health clinics certainly weren't supported by the people opposite.</para>
<para>One thing that we need to do for young people is to keep them engaged, and one of the ways of doing that is to build or upgrade sporting facilities. I'm proud that we're going to be delivering 80 new or upgraded sporting facilities, including upgrades to the Katherine pool and the Freds Pass Reserve. Community shade places are often taken for granted, but we are building those in 13 remote Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory. There will be two new cultural centres in Central Australia, including the state-of-the-art National Aboriginal Art Gallery.</para>
<para>On communications, I know one of my colleagues talked about connectivity and just how important it is. There are new builds or upgrades to internet and mobile reception for over 30 different remote communities. There are 75 communities in the Northern Territory. Out of those 75 communities, 30 had no mobile access whatsoever. These are major communities that have populations of over 2½ thousand people, and communication simply wasn't available to those communities.</para>
<para>For Central Australia, there is $48 million under the Central Australian community safety package and a commitment for a further $250 million. That is money that was put back after the coalition government, over 10 years, removed more than $500 million from Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory. It is the Albanese government that has put this investment back on the table to try and deal with some of the intractable issues that we are seeing in those communities. There are 30 different individual programs and infrastructure commitments coming out of those funding commitments.</para>
<para>I want to repeat: this investment in community infrastructure in the Northern Territory and in Lingiari is the largest ever in the history of governments in Australia. I'm proud to be part of this government that has put investment back into those communities in the Northern Territory. It's not just about those mob on the other side. It's about getting services to Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The time for this discussion has now concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>85</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treaties Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>85</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>85</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOSH WILSON</name>
    <name.id>265970</name.id>
    <electorate>Fremantle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the committee's report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Report 214</inline><inline font-style="italic">: </inline><inline font-style="italic">acts of the Universal Postal Union</inline>.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOSH WILSON</name>
    <name.id>265970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I'm pleased to make a statement on the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties <inline font-style="italic">R</inline><inline font-style="italic">eport 2014</inline><inline font-style="italic">:</inline><inline font-style="italic"> acts of </inline><inline font-style="italic">the Universal Postal Union</inline>. The report focuses on the Joint Standing Committee on Treaties' inquiries into the two major treaty actions relating to the acts of Universal Postal Union and also covers two minor treaty actions.</para>
<para>The Universal Postal Union is a UN specialised agency and the postal sector's primary forum for international cooperation. That's why the UPU sets the rules and standards for the exchange of international mail between member states, with its mission being to develop efficient and accessible universal postal services. It's not hard to understand that a set of agreed postal rules and practices is essential to a workable system of sending and receiving mail around the world.</para>
<para>The committee considered two treaty actions. The first focuses on changes to the UPU constitution and the second on changes to the composition and functioning of the councils of the UPU, including Pacific island representation, changes to contribution classes under the agreements and a permanent postal payment agreement.</para>
<para>As a result of the declining use of letters and increased volume of parcels, in addition to the fact that the majority of parcels are now being handled by operators outside the UPU system, the UPU has sensibly initiated work to open itself up to wider postal sector players and to modernise the institution in order to deliver better outcomes.</para>
<para>Other key issues raised during our inquiry include Australia's role within the governance of the UPU, which has always been constructive, the cost of national distribution, the interests of Pacific islands, national sovereignty and gender equality principles.</para>
<para>One particularly welcome aspect of the UPU amendment process was Australia's collaboration with our Pacific friends. The committee heard that the government and Australian Post, in partnership with Pacific postal administrations through the Pacific Postal Development Partnership, work together to deliver improved systems, processes, technology and training across the Pacific based on locally identified needs and drawing, of course, on Australia's considerable expertise. The first such partnership activities provided equipment and associated training to postal operators in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Tonga, Vanuatu and Nauru.</para>
<para>The minor treaty actions in this report include the 2023 amendments to Annex I of the International Convention against Doping in Sport, which lists substances and methods that are prohibited in sport. The second minor treaty action, amendments to the International Convention for the Safety of Life at Sea, inserts a new chapter into the convention aiming to improve the safety for industrial personnel voyaging to an Australian offshore facility from overseas.</para>
<para>The committee supports the two Universal Postal Union treaty actions and the minor treaty agreements or amendments covered in this inquiry report and recommends that binding treaty action be taken. On behalf of the committee, I commend this report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr THOMPSON</name>
    <name.id>281826</name.id>
    <electorate>Herbert</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I wish to make a short but meaningful statement in connection with the report. It's extremely important that the postal system operates seamlessly internationally. When you send a letter or parcel from Australia overseas, you should have assurance that the postal system in the receiving country will get it where it needs to be. At its core, enabling the process and cooperation between countries is what the Universal Postal Union is about, setting rules and standards for the exchange of international mail between member states, of which there are 192. It's why Australia has taken a leading role in engaging with the UPU seriously over a long period of time. The treaty action in question ensures our ongoing commitment with the UPU, clarifies our obligations and removes ambiguity.</para>
<para>I think what's most important to highlight is the role we have in supporting Pacific island countries. Pacific island countries now have a permanent seat on the UPU council. Often, these nations can find it difficult to have their voices heard, particularly due to the expense of attendance and the fees associated with being a part of the union. It is good that pathways are being created to allow small island developing nations to manage debts and flexibility to rejoin. The committee heard that Australia Post has an important relationship with Pacific island states, sharing meeting reports and outcomes, and working with them to ensure they can advocate for their interests. We also heard about the importance of the Pacific Postal Development Partnership in helping deliver improved systems, processes, technology and training. This is a tangible way we can make a difference.</para>
<para>We do note the significant amount of time it took for the treaty action to come before the committee, with some of these changes coming into effect as early as 2018. I want to thank the secretariat, the chair and all the committee members for their hard work. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Human Rights Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>86</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>86</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURNS</name>
    <name.id>278522</name.id>
    <electorate>Macnamara</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights, I present the committee's report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Human rights scrutiny report: Report 2 of 2024</inline>.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURNS</name>
    <name.id>278522</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—This will be short but meaningful! I am pleased to table the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights's second scrutiny report of 2024. In this report, the committee has considered 32 new bills and 104 legislative instruments. It has substantially commented on three new bills. In particular, the committee has considered the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024. Among other things, the bill seeks to remove administrative reviews of decisions to make, extend or further extend preventive detention orders. While judicial review remains available, it is a more limited form of review and, by reducing the availability of possible remedies, the measure may have implications for the right to an effective remedy. The committee considers that the sufficiency of judicial review for the purposes of the right to an effective remedy will depend on the circumstances of each case and draws these human rights concerns to the attention of the Attorney-General and the parliament.</para>
<para>The committee has also commented on the Autonomous Sanctions Amendment Bill 2024, which seeks to retrospectively confirm that individuals and/or entities can be validly sanctioned based on past conduct or status. The committee has, over a long period of time, commented on the importance of the sanctions regime. However, the committee has previously found that there is a risk in relation to sanctions imposed on individuals in Australia and that the autonomous sanctions regime may be incompatible with several human rights. By validating actions taken under the autonomous sanctions regime, this bill also risks being incompatible with those rights. The committee reiterates its long-held view that the compatibility of the sanctions regime may be assisted with a legislation amendment to include safeguards that could alleviate human rights concerns.</para>
<para>Finally, the committee has commented on the Crimes Amendment (Strengthening the Criminal Justice Response to Sexual Violence) Bill 2024. This bill seeks to strengthen protections afforded to victims and survivors of sexual abuse and vulnerable persons in Commonwealth criminal proceedings. In doing so, it promotes a number of human rights. However, one aspect of the bill would require an assessment of the adult's decision-making capacity and their ability to give informed consent. Given that adults with a cognitive disability would likely be the only adults at risk of being found to lack decision-making capability, this measure engages and may limit the rights of people with a disability to equal recognition before the law. The statement of compatibility does not identify this right as engaged. In relation to whether this measure is compatible with these rights, the committee has concluded that much will depend on the criteria by which the court determines if a person has decision-making capacity and whether any assistance is given to the person to support them in the exercise of their legal capacity.</para>
<para>I encourage all members to consider the committee's report closely. I thank the secretariat, the deputy chair and all members who participated in the <inline font-style="italic">Human rights scrutiny report: Report 2 of 2024</inline><inline font-style="italic">. </inline>I commend the committee's report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>87</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7163" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7148" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROWLAND</name>
    <name.id>159771</name.id>
    <electorate>Greenway</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Legislation Amendment (Modernising Administrative Processes) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7160" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Agriculture Legislation Amendment (Modernising Administrative Processes) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse Amendment Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7106" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">National Redress Scheme for Institutional Child Sexual Abuse Amendment Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Returned from Senate</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023, Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>87</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7117" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7127" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7137" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>87</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr MULINO</name>
    <name.id>132880</name.id>
    <electorate>Fraser</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased today to rise to speak in favour of the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024. These are very important bills that will replace the Administrative Appeals Tribunal with a new and improved Administrative Review Tribunal. This is a very important reform in strengthening and improving the federal system of administrative review and is arguably the most important review of this system in some decades.</para>
<para>Of course, the Administrative Appeals Tribunal commenced operation on 1 July 1976, following a number of important reports, including by the Commonwealth Administration Review Committee in 1970 and the Committee of Administrative Discretions in 1973. The important Administrative Appeals Tribunal Bill 1975 followed.</para>
<para>I want to go back briefly to that bill and, indeed, to the second reading speech of that bill by Mr Enderby, the Attorney-General at the time. What it will show is the reforms that we are debating today really go back to the heart of those seminal reforms in the mid-1970s. In that second reading speech back on 6 March 1975 Mr Enderby said the following:</para>
<quote><para class="block">An inevitable development of modern government has been the vesting of extensive discretionary powers in Ministers and officials in matters that affect a wide spectrum of business and personal life. Unfortunately, this development has not been accompanied by a parallel development of comprehensive machinery to provide for an independent review of the way these discretions are exercised. While there has been established a considerable number of review tribunals of one kind or another under the legislation of this Parliament, these have not developed in any coordinated fashion.</para></quote>
<para>What the Attorney-General at the time was reflecting was the fact that there had been a significant extension in the number of significant decisions that were made that impacted people's lives in a material way, yet the ways in which those decisions were reviewed, the machinery by which those decisions were reviewed, hadn't kept up. The establishment of the AAT was about a number of things. One was to establish a single independent tribunal with the purpose of dealing with administrative decisions on a very wide basis. But it would also be set up as a standing body so that it would be able to deal with decisions as new legislation arose. That's really important because we've seen, in the intervening 50 years, a number of pieces of legislation which have vested in decision-makers decisions in a range of areas that weren't contemplated back in 1975. This was a very important reform back in 1975 and provided, in my opinion, very important protections for people that hadn't been provided up until that point.</para>
<para>I also note, in that speech, given on the introduction of the bill, the Attorney-General at the time made reference to the fact that the members of the tribunal should bring appropriate professional and technical expertise. Of course, that's one of the issues we are dealing with today. The reputation of the AAT and the effectiveness of the AAT had materially eroded under the previous government because it had, in a systematic way, not been appointing people with sufficient technical expertise right across the organisation. That was something identified right from the beginning as central to the effectiveness of the organisation. It's important to go back to that period.</para>
<para>I might also note that not long after the passage of the AAT Act, there was the AD(JR) Act, the Administrative Decisions (Judicial Review) Act 1977. I remember this well, because I studied law at the ANU, and the ANU back then—and I'm pretty confident this is still the case—was renowned for constitutional law and administrative law. Some of the people who taught me law were there at the foundation of these very important acts, the AAT Act and the AD(JR) Act. They taught us about the black-letter law of these acts and also about their importance from a public policy perspective—that these acts were absolutely central as a check on decision-making by ministers, by governments and by bureaucracies. They were in many ways world leading.</para>
<para>There were other reforms in that period, of course. There was the Commonwealth Ombudsman. There were various laws in relation to the Federal Court. I saw a quote from Michael Kirby in an article he wrote in 1989 in which he was reflecting on the AAT Act and the AD(JR) Act. He said that these acts, in combination, were 'probably the most adventurous and far-reaching legal reforms' to have taken place in Australia. From somebody of Michael Kirby's ilk, that says a lot—that these acts are absolutely critical in providing protections to people in our community.</para>
<para>I look at the people in my own electorate, my own community, and at some of the decisions the AAT makes—that it reviews decisions in relation to migration and refugee matters, that it reviews decisions in relation to NDIS matters and in relation to social security matters and veterans' appeals. These are life-changing decisions. These decisions can have an impact on somebody's security of income. These decisions can have an impact on whether somebody stays in the country. These decisions can be absolutely fundamental to people's wellbeing. So, the review of these decisions is just as important, in many ways, as the decision itself. So I reflect upon, firstly, how fundamental it was that Australia was trailblazing back in the 1970s when the AAT Act was passed and when the AD(JR) Act was passed and upon the fact that, as I mentioned earlier, these acts were designed so that they could expand so as to deal with the growing scope of government. And now of course we see that they have grown to include all the various aspects of migration law and to include NDIS decisions. These are critically important.</para>
<para>That's why it's so important that this government and the Attorney-General have responded to what was a serious erosion of the AAT under the previous government. The previous government, as a number of speakers on this side have pointed out, appointed dozens of individuals who had been candidates for the Liberal Party, who'd been elected to the Liberal Party, who'd been political advisers or connected in some other way. Merit based appointments are absolutely central to the effectiveness of a body like this. Merit based appointments rely upon people demonstrating that they have the appropriate qualifications, that they have the appropriate experience and that, in a technical sense, they understand the laws that need to be applied. This is a part of the administrative review ecosystem that had been materially undermined by the previous government over a long period of time.</para>
<para>In addition to that and just as important as the merits based appointment of members is that the previous government had undermined the institution in a systemic way that had been undermining it financially, which was creating serious backlogs and delays. We all know the saying that justice delayed is justice denied, and it is not some kind of cliche; it goes to the heart of the way the justice system affects people. The kinds of backlogs that the AAT was dealing with—not the fault of the individuals who worked there—were a direct result of some of the resourcing and other decisions made by the previous government. So, action was absolutely necessary. That's why it's so important that the Attorney-General has taken the serious, stringent action that he's taken in these bills to turn things around, rectify the situation and take the organisation—what will now be the Administrative Review Tribunal—back to the important vision that was set out by the then Attorney-General back in 1975 and continued in subsequent important related acts. Of course, that is also reflected in the vision of the current Attorney-General. So there is a continuity between the speeches that were made in 1975 and the speeches that are being made today in terms of what this system is there to achieve.</para>
<para>Before dwelling on a couple of the key elements of the bills, I want to reflect on the fact that, in developing these laws, the government has drawn on the knowledge and wisdom of an expert advisory group that is really, in many ways, a who's who of administrative law expertise in Australia. It was led by High Court justice the Hon. Patrick Keane, and it also included Ms Rachel Amamoo, Professor Anna Cody, Emeritus Professor Robin Creyke, Emeritus Professor Ron McCallum, former Federal Court justice the Hon. Alan Robertson, and Emeritus Professor Cheryl Saunders. I note that at least one of those—and probably more—is a former lecturer and professor at the ANU, so I feel even more continuity with my alma mater with what we're seeing here in the chamber today.</para>
<para>There are two bills that I will discuss here, and those two bills in conjunction will set up this new body, which is absolutely critical. The first bill that we're discussing today will set up the Administrative Review Tribunal and the Administrative Review Council, and the second bill that we're discussing today will abolish the AAT and make a series of consequential changes to a number of other acts so that the new arrangements operate seamlessly.</para>
<para>I want to touch on a couple of the provisions—in particular, strengthening requirements for merit based appointment. As I mentioned earlier, this is absolutely critical. The workload of this body has increased substantially since the 1970s. Even in 1976, this body was extremely important, but since then the range of decision-making that it covers has expanded, the number of decisions obviously has expanded and the workload has expanded dramatically, so the number of officers that are needed has also expanded. But, as I mentioned earlier, what we've seen over the past decade is an erosion in the capacity of the organisation to draw upon people with sufficient expertise. It ended up relying too heavily on a smaller and smaller subset of people with the right expertise, so that inevitably led to backlogs and delays. The new arrangements will require the use of assessment panels when undertaking merit based appointment of the president of the tribunal and members of the tribunal—except for the judicial deputy presidents—and the CEO and principal registrar. I think it's critical that these amendments will put beyond doubt the legislative requirement to use an assessment panel as part of the appointment process. As I said, this is going to be very clearly a merit based appointment process for new members of the tribunal.</para>
<para>There are a number of other elements to these bills that are material and that further strengthen the system. There are a number of provisions that provide second review of social services decisions and many other consequential amendments. I won't run through all of those. I simply return to the core theme of my contribution today, which is that Australia should, I believe, be proud of the fact that it led the way in the 1970s with very important reforms of our legal system to provide citizens with greater protection when it came to the exercise of discretion in a range of contexts. As I said, this was reflected in Michael Kirby's comment that these were some of the most consequential laws ever passed in Australia. Today, after a period in which those important reforms have been undermined, we in this chamber have the opportunity to set that right and put things on a firmer footing.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIAN MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>129164</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today in support of two bills before the House: the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No 1) Bill 2023. I am pleased to have the opportunity to speak on these bills, which represent the most important reform of the federal system of administrative review for decades. This is an important reform and one that is absolutely necessary, considering what the Albanese government inherited from the coalition: an AAT that was not fit for purpose, was not on a sustainable financial footing, was overwhelmed by a large and growing backlog of applications, and was operating multiple and ageing electronic case-management systems, which was a legacy of the former government's bungled amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal. Unfortunately, it was an AAT that no longer enjoyed the trust of the Australian community and, frankly, was not taken seriously by government agencies and departments. We saw the devastating consequences of this lack of authority highlighted by the robodebt royal commission, when members of the AAT made hundreds of decisions that the approach to calculating and raising debts under the robodebt scheme was indeed unlawful, but those decisions by those members and their obvious implications were ultimately ignored and buried by the former government.</para>
<para>We know that effective administrative review is critical to Australia's system of government, so one might ask how the AAT ended up in such a state. It's hard to think of a more boringly titled body than the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, but it ended up in such a state. The former government appointed as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection process, including some individuals with no relevant expertise or experience.</para>
<para>It's worth noting some of the media commentary from around that time. In 2021, Paul Karp in the <inline font-style="italic">Guardian</inline> wrote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A longtime former Liberal staffer on the administrative appeals tribunal (AAT) has quit his role as a consultant to a lobbying firm after Labor uncovered what it labelled a potential conflict of interest.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">"It's deeply concerning that one of those appointments, former Liberal staffer Tony Barry, was being paid by taxpayers to review government decisions at the same time as he was being paid as a lobbyist to influence government decision-making."</para></quote>
<para>That was said by the then shadow Attorney-General Mark Dreyfus.</para>
<para>On 15 May 2022, the ABC's Eric Tlozek wrote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">An Adelaide barrister has told the ABC he has been stopped from hearing welfare debt cases at the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) because he made too many decisions against the government.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Michael Manetta, a member of the AAT since 2016, was removed last September—</para></quote>
<para>September 2021—</para>
<quote><para class="block">from hearing social security cases by the tribunal's new deputy president, Karen Synon.</para></quote>
<para>Members may recall that Karen Synon was a former Liberal senator.</para>
<para>On 16 May, 2022, Katina Curtis wrote in the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">An anonymous submission to the Senate committee inquiry made by a former AAT member who spent two decades on the tribunal said the change to appointment processes began in 2014. They saw "highly experienced and efficient members ... dumped and replaced by inexperienced inefficient post-2014 members", many of whom they said had no relevant experience or education and some who "didn't know how to save a document in Microsoft Word".</para></quote>
<para>In May 2022, Greg Barns SC, a Tasmanian barrister and former Liberal Party staffer, wrote:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The office of Attorney-General is one that has been tarnished by the Morrison government. Both Christian Porter and Michaelia Cash used it to destroy the independence of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT) by turning the AAT into a branch of the Liberal Party.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Just how rotten this practice of stacking has become is starkly illustrated by a recent Australia Institute report. It has calculated that while in "the Howard and Rudd/Gillard/Rudd administrations, political appointees accounted for 6 and 5 per cent of all appointees respectively," "during the Abbott/Turnbull/Morrison administration, political appointees accounted for 32 per cent of all new appointments." In the case of the Morrison regime, four in every 10 appointments—</para></quote>
<para>40 per cent—</para>
<quote><para class="block">has been a government supporter or sympathiser.</para></quote>
<para>As a result of this blatant, overt, shocking politicisation, the AAT had become fatally compromised. This politicisation undermined its independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making.</para>
<para>The effective and efficient functioning of a review body like an AAT is critical to protecting the rights and interests of individuals and organisations, including the most vulnerable members of our community. Consider the impacts on community members who are seeking independent review of government decisions that have major and sometimes life-altering impacts.</para>
<para>I'll just digress for a moment. Think about how groundbreaking this concept was in the 1970s when it was first proposed by Labor and when, to his great credit, Malcolm Fraser brought into fruition in '77. Think about how groundbreaking the idea was that citizens would have the right to appeal decisions made by executive government and to have those appeals then heard and decided upon not by executive government but by members of an independent tribunal. It's a fantastic concept, and we see it 40-odd years later completely humbled and dismantled by those opposite, from what it should have been into what it has become.</para>
<para>If you politicise an agency to that extent, if you have your party mates dominating that sort of body, how could people before that body have any confidence that they will get a fair hearing? If the vast majority of the people you are before are former senators, members, candidates or staffers of a particular political party, how can you have any confidence that you will get an adjudication that is fair when it may not be in the interests of that governing party? Indeed, this was what Mr Manetta found when it was alleged that he was making decisions that the then government didn't like. He was removed from adjudicating on those matters—removed by a deputy president who herself was a former senator of those opposite.</para>
<para>In decisions such as whether an older Australian receives an age pension, whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury or whether a participant of the NDIS receives funding for essential support, Australians need and deserve confidence that they will get a fair hearing.</para>
<para>In my electorate office, my staff and I spend a lot of time helping constituents to access government support, whether that's through Services Australia, the DVA, the NDIS or, sometimes, the AAT. We see firsthand how frustrating and stressful it can be for people when the review mechanisms they are relying on are themselves inefficient, ineffective, inaccessible and inconsistent. To this end, in late 2022 the Albanese Labor government announced its decision to abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new federal administrative review body. I think it's been described by some as the 'nuclear option'—and it's probably the only nuclear option you will ever see on this side of the House! It's a big decision to completely abolish a body as complex as that and start anew, but that's what was required.</para>
<para>The bill before us today implements this commitment to establish a new federal administrative review body, the Administrative Review Tribunal, which will replace the AAT. So the AAT will be replaced by the ART. The establishment of this new administrative review body—which is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair—is a key part of the government's commitment to restoring trust and confidence in Australia's system of administrative review.</para>
<para>The bill is built on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation to establish a tribunal that, as I said, is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. The bill implements all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee review into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system, four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and the government response to two recommendations from the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System.</para>
<para>The tribunal's objective will be to provide an independent mechanism of review that is fair and just, resolves applications in a timely matter, is accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of the parties before it, improves the transparency and quality of decision-making and promotes public trust and confidence in the tribunal. To improve merits review, the tribunal will incorporate features like simpler and more consistent processes, powers and procedures to respond flexibly to changing case loads. It will also help resolve cases more efficiently and effectively.</para>
<para>There will be: a simple membership structure with clear qualification requirements and role descriptions for each level of membership; clear and delineated roles and responsibilities for those who hold leadership positions; and powers for the president to manage the performance, conduct and professional development of members. In stark contrast to the former government appointing as many as 85 of its mates to the AAT without any merit based selection process, a central feature of the new body will be a transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of non-judicial members.</para>
<para>The fact is that many former politicians do have skills, experience and abilities to offer in their post-political life, but it is appropriate that, if they seek to be appointed to a body such as this, they be subjected to merit based assessment, just like anyone else, not by a quick word in your ear from your mate, who might be the minister and who you've maybe known for a few years—a little tap on the shoulder. These are important jobs, and they're certainly well-paid jobs, in the hundreds of thousands of dollars, but they are important jobs that require technical ability to understand law and apply legal argument. So, if you're not a lawyer, you still have something to offer but you should be subjected to this transparent and merit based selection criteria. I fully support that, because all Australians have a right to a fair and independent review process and to have a system they can trust.</para>
<para>These reforms before the House today mean that, when you seek a review of a government decision, you can count on the ART to give you a fair hearing backed by technical expertise. It will carry authority and weight. The Albanese government has wasted no time in starting to clean up the terrible mess that those opposite left. In fact, more than 100 new appointments have already been made through our transparent, merit based process.</para>
<para>Before I finish: this will take not just the bill before the House today. If those opposite are going to support it, they need to support it wholeheartedly, because it's got to become part of the culture. What we saw, I think, with what happened to the AAT was a lack of respect for the idea that there should be an independent body questioning the decisions of government. I think that's what we saw at the heart of the former government: they just didn't respect the fact that there might be independent bodies out there that were making decisions that they didn't like. So they sought to stack bodies like this, preventing them from making those sorts of decisions. So it's important that this merit based, transparent selection process continues, not just through this government but through future governments as well. I am proud to be part of a government that is committed to restoring trust and confidence in Australia's system of administrative review, and I commend this bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOSH WILSON</name>
    <name.id>265970</name.id>
    <electorate>Fremantle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Like the member for Lyons, I'm very supportive of this important reform, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023. I'm very supportive of the re-establishment of a high-quality, high-integrity tribunal adjudicative function in Australia. We need it, and unfortunately it's been missing because of the actions and decisions made by the former government. Having a tribunal function of this kind is a crucial part of life in Australia. It was a very good idea of Labor advocates back in the seventies, and it was implemented by the Fraser government, to their credit. There should be lots of things like that that we can look at that are effectively conceived, introduced, established and then defended and maintained as a bipartisan matter. I cannot imagine that anyone would look at the role this tribunal has provided and needs to provide and say: 'Look, let's run that down. Let's use that as our own-kind warehousing opportunity when it comes to people from our side of the political fence who have missed out on something and need a place to spend a few well-paid years.'</para>
<para>The bottom line is that Australians deserve and must have a timely high-integrity avenue through which they can seek fairness and justice. And, as the term 'administrative review' suggests, there are always going to be circumstances where a member of the community is, quite rightly, intent on testing or challenging a decision or determination of a government agency. First and foremost, it's our role in government and as a parliament more broadly to make sure the function, capacity, resources and morale of those agencies is as good as it can be so that the decisions made are of the highest quality in the first instance.</para>
<para>But nothing is perfect, and it will always be possible that something isn't quite perfect. In any case, in order to have confidence in decisions made by government and particularly by government agencies, when you have a tribunal, a review opportunity, that builds confidence. Some people will think the determination they've got isn't quite right, and they can go and test that, and that's an opportunity they should have. In some cases they might be proved correct and in some cases they won't be. But either of those outcomes builds greater trust in the system.</para>
<para>As the member for Lyons said, there'll be lots of Australians who never have cause to think, 'In the past I needed to go off to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal'—the AAT, in future to be the Administrative Review Tribunal. But there's not an inconsiderable number of people who at some point will receive a determination that has a massive bearing on their circumstances, on their wellbeing, and who will feel that it's in their interests to go and test that. It could be for an age pension or a disability pension. It could be an Australian veteran. It could be a single parent. It could be for a migration or visa related matter, or something to do with the Australian tax office or the NDIS. You don't need much imagination to think about how a determination in one of those areas that is categorically not in your favour could have a massive impact. It's basically about income support. It's about support for a person with disability and their broader family. It's about access to different parts of our migration system. Decisions that don't go the way you'd expect in any of those areas are not small matters, and you should absolutely have the right to go and have them tested in a way that can properly be described as high integrity, transparent, efficient and timely.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, because of the way the AAT was run down under the previous government, that has not been the case. So both the substance and the perception—both of those things are important—of the way the AAT worked fell into poor disrepair. The tribunal wasn't dealing with matters in a timely way, to take the old saying—I don't know who it's attributed to—that justice delayed is justice denied. Again, when you think about what this covers—income support, disability support—if you have to wait forever and ever in circumstances where you may well have been cut off from one of the very few sources if not the only source of income that you have available to you, then every single day that you remain cut off from that support is a massive problem for you.</para>
<para>So we are making sure that a tribunal will exist that can make determinations about these matters carefully, fairly, responsibly and accurately. We know, from some of the acute kinds of incompetence and maladministration under the previous government, what happens when those mistakes occur in the course of the conduct of Australian government agencies. What particularly happens when those mistakes manifest plainly before the eyes of thousands of Australians in their living circumstances is that they are then incapable of being corrected. We saw that through the robodebt fiasco. I hope that there's never again something as catastrophic, in terms of scale and acute harm, as the robodebt fiasco. We can never forget that.</para>
<para>As the member for Lyons said, the government has taken on the responsibility of putting a high-quality, high-integrity and transparent tribunal and adjudicative function back into the centre of Australian life, and we've not done it by licking our finger and holding it up in the wind. We've done it with the guidance of some very serious reviews—the three separate reviews that the member for Lyons mentioned. Core among them was the review into the robodebt fiasco. It is worth remembering that the problems that manifested in the AAT—the way in which people were appointed, the kinds of people that were appointed, the delays and backlog that became characteristic of the system and the fact that the support structure in terms of electronic case management and other things was rundown, as resources were run down in the Public Service in Australia across the board—didn't just happen as the years went by. That happened because of the decisions of the previous government.</para>
<para>The previous government has never had much regard for Australia's Public Service. It's always been looking to crunch Australian's Public Service into smaller and smaller pieces, outsource its work, underpay its staff, knock people's morale around and casualise roles within those sectors. That is part of what happened to the AAT. It was certainly the case that at the core of how the AAT functioned—and how the new ART will also function—is that people will take on the very serious and sober responsibility of reviewing matters and making decisions. There was a situation where you had quite an extraordinary proportion of people appointed to those roles who really were chosen on the basis of how they were affiliated with the government of the day, the Liberal and National parties. There was a situation where, in one of the three terms of government, the ratio approached one in three. Then, in the Morrison government—the last term of the Liberal-National government—nearly four in 10 people were being appointed to a tribunal who had a clear connection to, or affiliation with, the Liberal Party. In many cases they had gone into those very well-paid roles immediately after losing an election, as a failed Liberal candidate or member or after coming adrift from a Liberal staffer position.</para>
<para>You get people who aren't properly qualified and don't have the requisite experience. Just as problematically, you get people who, by their nature and chosen course in life—which is perfectly valid—are affiliated with a political party and fight that ideological battle in the way that they see fit. To then find yourself being required to sit in judgement on the policies and the administration of the policies and programs of that government creates a clear conflict of interest. We saw that manifested in many instances.</para>
<para>We are not going to allow that to continue to be the case. In barely two years of government we've taken on the clean-up task in a whole range of areas. This is one of them. Australians deserve, and must have, a high-integrity, high-quality, transparent, fair and timely review process that they can have access to when they receive a very impactful decision from a government agency in some of the areas I've mentioned. That is what we are going to ensure is the case by providing the resources for the new Administrative Review Tribunal and, crucially, changing some of the settings around the way in which people are appointed, to make that absolutely a transparent and merit based process to make sure that where possible reviews are reported—I said before that justice delayed is justice denied. It's also true that justice needs not only to be done but to be seen to be done. The more people are able not only to experience for themselves but to see more generally in the broader community that there is an ability to go and challenge determinations and to have that occur fairly and properly, the more people will have faith in our system as a whole. It does contribute to not just the health but the health through faith in democracy, which is under threat. We need Australians to shape the governments that serve them, to shape the policies that serve them and also then to have faith in the outcomes of those processes. That's the virtuous circle of a healthy democratic system, and that's one of the things that we're doing here.</para>
<para>There will be a lot of people who, if they were to flick on the TV and find that there's currently a debate about the Administrative Review Tribunal, probably won't—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hill</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The federal Administrative Review Tribunal.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOSH WILSON</name>
    <name.id>265970</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, as some appropriately refer to it as, the federal Administrative Review Tribunal. They might not linger over the remote control all that long. But it is an important thing, and we aren't just going to focus our work as a Labor government on the flashy things, on the things that catch people's attention. We are doing work and making reform in dozens and dozens and dozens of areas. We're doing it in big areas like energy and climate. We're doing it, of course, with a laser-like and enduring focus, in cost-of-living pressures, both in the immediate-term and for the longer-term benefit of the Australian community, as the Treasurer said today. But we're also going to focus on some areas of chronic neglect and dysfunction like this one so that, as we strengthen and improve the NDIS, it will still be the case that, if through that strengthened, improved and more sustainable agency a person gets a determination that, in their view, isn't right, they will be able to go and challenge that determination. As we improve the circumstances for people who rely on income support by making changes so that single parents get significantly more support than they did previously, if, for some reason, there's an issue with their circumstances, they can go and challenge that through the new Administrative Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>We are leaving no stone unturned. We take our responsibility to the Australian people very, very seriously. We know that they've been let down. We know that tens of thousands of people were harmed—in some cases grievously harmed—by the robodebt fiasco, which is exactly the kind of thing that happens when you let the institutional bedrock of our system crumble into dust. When you trample it underfoot, when you basically see it as the parade ground for your own vanities, that causes enormous harm, and we aren't going to stand idly by and allow that to remain the case. We are going to step into every significant area of government administration and make it work for the Australian people, make it fairer, make it higher quality, make it more transparent and make it more timely—all the things that Australians have a right to expect. That is what we are going to do in their service as the Albanese Labor government.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:24</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
    <electorate>Bruce</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to thank the member for Fremantle for that measured, statesman-like contribution on the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023. The federal Administrative Review Tribunal has a nice ring to it; for those who've already put up with the discredited AAT for years now, it's a work of art, no doubt. It is a critical generational reform to replace the sadly discredited and, not to put too fine a point on it, stacked AAT. The Attorney-General is a man of detail, and with this bill he has surgically taken the scissors to the old AAT and is reconstructing it in this new form.</para>
<para>I record, right at the outset, why merits review of administrative decisions is so important for Australians who rely every year, day after day, on an independent review of government decisions. For many Australians, there are major life-altering impacts as a result of the decisions of an administrative review tribunal: whether they will receive an aged pension; whether Services Australia has fairly and correctly made a decision about their disability support pension; veterans being compensated for a service injury which was incurred in doing their duty for their country; businesses being stuffed around by government departments having a right of redress that's fair, independent and impartial; visa and citizenship decisions; and decisions regarding the NDIS and all manner of government agencies.</para>
<para>Australians expect, rightly so, professional decisions and an impartial tribunal when they turn up, but unfortunately the truth is the government inherited a horrible mess: a backlog of tens of thousands of cases, languishing. Australians were waiting for their review to happen, month after month, year after year, desperately writing into that black hole that had developed under those opposite in their wasted decade of decay, division and dysfunction.</para>
<para>It was an inefficient tribunal with outdated IT systems and long Liberal lunches—so the gossip goes, on some of the members who just don't seem to do any work once they're appointed. When they appoint their mates, they turn up, collect their large salaries and don't actually write judgements and do their work. The thing is close to broke, frankly, and through the government's reforms this bill will put it on a financially sustainable footing. It was stacked to the rafters with Liberal hacks. There was a perception that there was no merits based appointment. The people who were appointed to these jobs were not put there on merit; they were put there because of their mateship with the Liberal Party. It was so stacked even the member for Mitchell would have blushed, maybe. It was more stacked than a Deakin Liberal branch. Even the Western Australian clan have nothing on this!</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Conaghan</name>
    <name.id>279991</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order: there were inferences about members and parties. Branch stacking certainly couldn't fall under the appropriate definition in this House.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Bruce will refrain from any imputations that are inappropriate and—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll refrain. I won't draw those inferences, and I no longer need to.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>all inferences and will continue with his commendable speech in relation to this bill specifically.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you. Let's not draw as many inferences—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Conaghan</name>
    <name.id>279991</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>A point of order—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>They're quite touchy, aren't they?</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Conaghan</name>
    <name.id>279991</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I ask that the member withdraw.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Bruce may assist the chair by withdrawing that which has created—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will withdraw the inference in relation to the member for Mitchell.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I don't think I need to withdraw a reference to the WA clan or a Deakin Liberal Party branch; they're matters of public record. But they are touchy, because as many as 85 former Liberal members of parliament, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal mates were appointed to the tribunal—not one, not two, not three, not four, not five, not six, not seven, not eight, not nine, not 10, not 20, not 30, not 40, not 50, not 60, not 70, not 80 but 85. A handful of these people may be competent, but how would you know? There was no merit based selection process. There were no ads and no job descriptions. There was no paperwork. There was no transparency.</para>
<para>And they're not bad jobs, Deputy Speaker Freelander. They're very secure jobs—more secure than your job or my job; more secure than the jobs of millions of Australians. Members may be appointed for up to seven years and can also be re-appointed. And, once appointed, they can only be terminated by the parliament, in response to an address by the Governor-General, for misbehaviour or incapacity, or by the Governor-General in the case of extended absences or bankruptcy. I think one of those Liberal MPs did get necked for extended absence; I'll have to check that. But they're well paid. A full-time deputy president—one of the Liberal Party mates appointed as a deputy president—can get $496,560 a year; a full-time senior member, level 1, $391,940; then $329,000. Then you fall down the ladder of Liberal mates; they only get $249,000, or, for a full-time member level 2, $221,000; or, for a full-time member level 3, $193,000.</para>
<para>Of course, it must be just a coincidence—do you reckon, Deputy Speaker?—that the only people the Liberal Party thought were eligible for those 85 positions were their former failed MPs, their former staffers or their mates. The best people for the job were just random Liberal hacks, as it turns out, with no qualifications, in many cases. Well, this bill could well be renamed 'Stop the stack'.</para>
<para>To be clear, though, and I'll say this very clearly: being a member of a political party in this country, I believe, is a public good. It's a good thing. Being a member of a political party should not disqualify anyone from being appointed, whatever party they belong to. In fact, I'd expect that, if we looked across an institution like the AAT, just like other institutions in our country, we would see members of our political parties. That's a good thing. But there should be a merit based process—that's the point—so that people have confidence in the people sitting in front of them deciding whether they get a disability support pension, or whether they get yet another decision about a robodebt case that might embarrass the former Liberal government, or whether they get their veterans entitlements, or whether they get their NDIS claim through, or whether their small business gets redress from an unfair decision of a government department. They should feel assured that the person sitting in front of them is qualified to do the job, and that they got the job not because they were a failed Liberal MP or a hack but because they went through a process and were actually the best person for the job, not because the AAT is a Liberal Party employment service.</para>
<para>I do want to stress—I really do—the importance of trust in institutions. When you look across the democratic world, we're not exempt. When you see the 'firestorm'—I was about to say a word that started with S and ended with 'show', but we'll say the 'firestorm'—that is social media these days, you see disinformation and misinformation aplenty, with right-wing and left-wing populism, whether it's Pauline Hanson's One Nation or the Greens political party—two sides of the same coin, they are.</para>
<para>You also see the decade of Liberal government decay, dysfunction and division. Take the scandal that is robodebt. The royal commission revealed nearly half a million Australians were served with fake debt notices, with the Commonwealth logo on them and the power of government compelling them to pay, for money they didn't owe. The AAT belled the cat—a few of them. But they buried that. Take their rorts: sports rorts and car park rorts. In response to that, they cut the Auditor-General's budget; we won't forget that. They tried to abolish the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor, which reviews national security laws. They tried to abolish the Australian Information Commissioner. They refused to establish a national anticorruption commission. Former prime minister Scott Morrison—we can say it now, because he's gone—appointed himself, in secret, to multiple ministries. And they stacked the AAT. The greed and self-interest of the Liberal Party know no bounds.</para>
<para>So it is important, after that decade, that we do what we can to restore trust in government and integrity and accountability. This government is implementing the recommendations of the robodebt royal commission. This government and this parliament established the National Anti-Corruption Commission, which is up and running, properly resourced, and undertaking the investigations right now. This government has followed what we said we'd do.</para>
<para>There have been more than 100 appointments made to the AAT, which—now, I'm glad they're sitting down—were merit based appointments! We put out job descriptions and we put ads in the paper and people applied for them and advice was given, and the people we've appointed to the AAT are there on merit. They're quality appointments; people can be confident in that. Now we have the federal Administrative Review Tribunal stopping the stack.</para>
<para>The government is committed to restoring trust and confidence in Australia's critical system of administrative review, beginning with the establishment of this body that will be user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. This time the member's not sitting down, but I'm going to say again—don't die of shock!—that it'll be a transparent and merit based process for the appointment of non-judicial members. The bill will also re-create the Administrative Review Council, which Tony Abbott shamefully abolished. All matters before the AAT when the new tribunal is in place will automatically be transferred across. There will be no break in continuity; Australians won't need to relodge their appeals. The tribunal's objective will be to restore that public confidence as an independent mechanism of review that's fair and just and that actually gets through things in a timely manner. All of us would have in our electorates people who have been waiting for months or years for that critical hearing from the AAT—desperate. In some cases it's about being reunited with their children or husband or wife whom they have been separated from because of a bad visa decision for—literally—years. People who deserve the DSP and who meet the criteria for the DSP but may not have provided the right information or might have had an unfair decision shouldn't be waiting months or years to get the help that they need.</para>
<para>Properly resourcing and setting up a modern, efficient tribunal and review system is really important. There will be as little informality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferable decision. This is surgical; this really is taking the scissors to the mess we were left with. It will be accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties and it will promote public trust and confidence in the tribunal.</para>
<para>The key features to improve merits review include simpler and more consistent processes and a greater emphasis wherever possible on non-adversarial approaches to resolving disputes through the new federal ART. As much as humanly possible, you don't want the battle of QCs and lawyers through administrative review. The courts are still there—people can seek redress through the courts following this—but the whole point of administrative review is that there's an independent check on the power of government and the misuse of that power that citizens can access in a timely, cost-efficient and effective way, and that they feel it's fair. It's resolving most stuff quickly, cheaply and efficiently without having to seek recourse to lawyers and the court process. It will have simple membership structure with clear qualification requirements and role descriptions—job descriptions. You write the job description and you put it in the newspaper or online, people apply and then you pick the best people for the job. It will have clear and delineated roles and responsibilities for those who hold leadership positions in the tribunal, including the president and the principal registrar. We could have put something in there to abolish the Liberal Party long lunches—if you look at the productivity of some of these stooges whom they've appointed, who were not qualified, it seems to be the last land of the Liberal Party long lunch at the AAT. That will be gone.</para>
<para>It is disappointing, isn't it, when you think about all the benefit that can come from the new federal Administrative Review Tribunal, that the Greens political party has done a dodgy little deal with the Liberal Party yet again to stall this reform in the Senate. It's absolutely shameful, the way they were mucking around with the committee process and taking their time.</para>
<para>In conclusion, I really commend the Attorney-General on the precise work—surgical work—that he has done in these bills. It will improve the lives of tens of thousands of Australians when they can again—finally—seek quick, efficient, fair, effective redress for government decisions with which they don't agree. That's a really important part of our public administration system in Australia; you don't just cop the decision from government when it's unfair or wrong. It's not like dealing with a toddler. The citizens are not toddlers. It's not: 'Because I said so! You're going to bed now.' If you get a decision, you're entitled to reasons for that decision and a fair process of review, and that's exactly what these bills will do.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms COKER</name>
    <name.id>263547</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This bill, the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, and the associated bills, is the most important reform of the federal system of administrative review for decades. It will abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with the new and much improved Administrative Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>Effective administrative review is critical to Australia's system of government. A strong, user focused administrative review body provides an avenue for community members to seek independent review of government decisions that have major and sometimes life-altering impacts on their lives. It is critical to protecting the rights and interests of individuals and organisations, including the most vulnerable members of our communities. Critically, high-quality reviews of government decision-making can—and, if this bill is enacted, will—encourage better-quality decision-making across government.</para>
<para>The Administrative Appeals Tribunal reviews Commonwealth government decisions in areas such as migration, social services, the NDIS and veterans affairs. It affects every component of our lives, and it's an important body of oversight over government decisions. Every year thousands of people rely on the AAT to independently review government decisions—decisions such as whether an older Australian receives the age pension, whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury or whether a participant in the NDIS receives funding for essential support.</para>
<para>The driving rationale behind this reform is that, under the coalition government, we saw a stacking of the AAT. This was a sight to behold. It was disgraceful. As many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close associates of the Liberal Party were put into plum jobs with the AAT, without any merit based selection process, on salaries worth hundreds of thousands of dollars. They did it again and again, including on the eve of the last election. Decisions of the AAT have life-changing impacts for thousands of Australians. This approach is disrespectful, lacks compassion and lacks integrity.</para>
<para>In the six months before we came to government, the NDIA spent more than $28 million fighting appeals in the AAT. Over 4,500 NDIS participants had complaints with the AAT—an increase of 400 per cent on the previous year. Thanks to the Minister for Government Services and the Minister for the NDIS, more than 90 per cent of those cases have now been resolved and we now have 30 per cent fewer cases being referred to the AAT in the first place. From people with disability seeking support through the NDIS to vulnerable families trying to get the right social security payments, Australians should and must be able to count on the AAT to get a fair hearing. But the Liberal Party didn't seem to care about this. The stacking of the AAT by the coalition government was shameless.</para>
<para>The Albanese government does care about Australians who are struggling. We do care about their right to a fair and independent process and to having a system they can trust. We have wasted no time, on coming into office, in starting to fix the mess those opposite left.</para>
<para>This legislation requires that members of the tribunal be appointed through a competitive, publicly advertised merit based process. Our commitment to this is already on display, with more than 100 new appointments already made through our merit based process. The ART Bill builds on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation to establish a tribunal that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and, importantly, fair. The ART Bill implements all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee review into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system, four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and the government's response to two recommendations from the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System.</para>
<para>The tribunal's objective will be to provide an independent mechanism of review that is fair and just; resolves applications in a timely manner and with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferable decision; is accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties involved; improves the transparency and quality of decision-making; and, importantly, promotes public trust and confidence in the tribunal.</para>
<para>The tribunal incorporates key features to improve merits review, including simpler and more consistent processes; an emphasis on non-adversarial approaches to resolving applications; a suite of powers and procedures to respond flexibly to changing caseloads and help to resolve cases more efficiently and effectively; a simple membership structure with clear qualification requirements and role description for every level of membership; clear roles and responsibilities for those who hold leadership positions in the tribunal, including the president and the principal registrar; a transparent and merit based appointment process for members informed by the operational needs of the tribunal to ensure only the highest quality members are appointed to these important roles; and powers for the president to manage the performance, conduct and professional development of members.</para>
<para>The ART Bill also has mechanisms to identify, escalate and report on systemic issues in administrative decision-making, including the re-establishment of the Administrative Review Council. This council is important. It will monitor the integrity of the Commonwealth administrative review system, inquire into systematic challenges in administrative law and support education and training for Commonwealth officials.</para>
<para>The bill also establishes, for the first time, a guidance and appeals panel within the tribunal to resolve matters raising systemic issues and review tribunal decisions that may be affected by error. It is worth saying that these errors have significant implications for people's lives. The panel will provide a mechanism for escalating significant issues and addressing material errors in tribunal decisions.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill enables the tribunal to publish any decision and requires it to publish all decisions involving significant conclusions of law with implications for Commonwealth policy or administration.</para>
<para>The consequential and transitional bill repeals the Administrative Appeals Tribunal Act 1975, to be replaced by the tribunal established by the ART Bill. It amends 138 Commonwealth acts to ensure that existing legislation operates as intended for the new tribunal, updates hundreds of references across the Commonwealth statute book, and streamlines the various regimes that currently apply to review of matters in the tribunal. In particular, the bill retains essential modifications to the operation of the merits review framework for tax and charity matters which ensures the workability of these frameworks and protection of tax revenue collection or otherwise upholds longstanding core tax principles and practices.</para>
<para>It abolishes the Immigration Assessment Authority and harmonises provisions relating to reviews of migration and refugee decisions, providing a broader suite of tools for the efficient and effective resolution of these matters. It adjusts the exhaustive statement of the natural justice hearing rule for migration and protection matters so that it continues to codify matters relating to notification, non-disclosable information and requirements on what information must and must not be put to an applicant for comment before certain powers are exercised. At the same time, it enables flexibility for the tribunal to reduce delays and backlogs in migration and refugee matters, increases fairness for genuine applicants and maintains the integrity of the migration system. It alters the approach to the review of social security and child-support decisions. Instead of a two-layer approach in which neither layer is fully effective, the bill provides for a more fit-for-purpose style of review. Matters will be triaged with the resolution pathway, adapted according to the complexity of the matter and whether the participation of the decision-maker will assist in effective and efficient resolution. This means that finding resolutions to complex issues will help vulnerable people—in particular, veterans, pensioners, people on unemployment benefits and single parents. They deserve our support. The consequential and transitional provisions bill will also maintain merit review in two separate bodies as a unique feature of veterans' entitlement law, with matters reviewed in the Veterans' Review Board continuing to be appealable to the ART.</para>
<para>The consequential and transitional provisions bill also contains measures to give effect to the transition from the AAT to the ART. This includes transitioning the tribunal's active, pending and potential caseloads, including matters currently before the courts, to minimise disruption and to maintain review rights. The bill also contains conditions for certain AAT members, including the president, to transition to the ART and sets out arrangements for certain members who do not. These bills have been informed by significant consultation, including guidance from the Administrative Review Expert Advisory Group, 120 responses to a public issues paper, 287 short survey responses, consultation with 147 stakeholders in 80 consultation events in April and May 2023, and close engagement across government and the AAT.</para>
<para>A second consequential and transitional bill will be introduced as soon as possible in the autumn 2024 sitting of parliament, amending acts not included in the first consequential and transitional bill. These acts represent less than seven per cent of the tribunal's case load. The amendments are predominantly minor and technical updates or amendments to Commonwealth acts which require consultation with the states and territories.</para>
<para>The government intends that the tribunal will commence operations in 2024, subject to timing of passage of the bills. The Attorney-General's Department is working with the AAT, government agencies and other stakeholders to identify and plan the practical steps required to implement the reform following passage of legislation. Appointment processes for members of the ART are already underway. I congratulate the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs, chaired by my friend and neighbour the member for Macquarie, for its suggestions on how the bill can be improved.</para>
<para>In closing, I say that the Albanese government has made a commitment to restoring integrity and faith in governmental systems and administration. As the chair of the NDIS joint standing committee, which has heard many harrowing stories from people with disabilities and their families and carers who have been about to face the AAT, I thank the Attorney-General for this historic and vital reform. The ART is another prime example of Labor making necessary reforms to ensure that Australians have an appeals process that is user focused, non-adversarial, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. We are committed to getting this right and to re-establishing a system that is fair and has integrity. I commend the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill and the associated bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
    <electorate>Calwell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased to rise to speak to the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024. The parlous state that the AAT is in is best reflected, I would say, in the experiences that my electorate office has faced over the years, virtually on a daily basis. We've had to deal with countless constituents who've come to us both frustrated and bewildered, in most cases, by the very long and frustrating delays that they have experienced as they await the outcomes of their cases being heard and adjudicated by the AAT. My office deals with referrals to the AAT, predominantly in the areas of immigration, Centrelink and the NDIS. Of course, as chair of the Joint Standing Committee on Migration, I also know too well the importance of integrity in the structures of our migration system and its particular avenues of appeal, especially as a large number of my constituents are very much engaged with the migration process.</para>
<para>I'd often be asked and would have to answer about why the delays that my constituents were experiencing were so exorbitant. To reasonable people and, often, desperate people, such delays just didn't make any sense. Often it resulted in their being angered and distressed, and this distress was further compounded by their inability to understand our appeals system, especially for those who didn't speak English, because they had to rely on others to support them and to guide them. These are people who await decisions whose outcomes have a direct impact on their lives. Therefore, the stakes are often very high for these people and for their families.</para>
<para>Most of my constituents who have had to deal with the AAT are what I would describe as vulnerable people who are not very well resourced and often do not understand the complexities of an appeals process, yet they are subject to it and need to go through it. So they are pensioners—invalid pensioners or age pensioners—NDIS recipients and their families and, in a large number of cases, those who are appealing decisions in matters of immigration. Across the board, there are a range of visa categories, from partner visas through to parent and humanitarian visas. So, as you can imagine, these are issues that are very personal and sensitive in nature, and the effect of senseless, unreasonable delays have often left my constituents not just frustrated but, as I said, desperate with worry and uncertainty about their future and what it holds.</para>
<para>So, at the very least, I believe, having dealt with these cases and the AAT, that there was an acceptance about the delays. It seemed to have become a culture or an expectation that there would be long delays, especially in the case of immigration cases. I noted over the years that these delays at the AAT became opportunities for unscrupulous migration agents and even labour hire companies to use the delays to tell vulnerable people such as those who were here largely on working holiday visas—and there were lots of these cases; I met many people, who came to see me over the years—that, if they applied for protection visas, they would go to the AAT and the AAT would take up to three or four years to process their claims, and by the time they got to that, they would most likely be rejected anyway, but that didn't matter. The purpose was that they would get three, four or five years of additional work on bridging visas here in Australia.</para>
<para>These kinds of almost vexatious appeals to the AAT were allowed to fester and become a magnet for exploitation and abuse by unscrupulous people because of the length of time that it took for cases to be resolved. It's a common feature, especially with immigration cases, that you're going to buy yourself two, three or four years. The other issue with the delays in dealing with immigration cases, especially with the AAT, is that migration agents would also use this as a pathway to eventually get into ministerial intervention. So the AAT, in becoming what it did become—this body that was unable to respond accordingly and in due time to cases—gave rise to a whole series of other possibly unintended consequences, but they were the consequences of those long delays. They were also the consequences of an AAT that was staffed by people that perhaps weren't appointed on merit. They didn't have the knowledge and they didn't have the expertise that was required to deal with the complexity of a lot of the cases that came before them.</para>
<para>The Australian public and my constituents have a right to expect that the AAT not be compromised as it was under the previous government, because the previous government had good form, without absolutely any thought whatsoever, in happily appointing their colleagues—as we've heard, 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates—without any merit based selection processes. They were quite happy to employ them and appoint them to the AAT. These people had no relevant experience to match the nature of the cases that they were being called upon to adjudicate over. So, in many ways, the former government fatally compromised the AAT. It undermined its independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making. These appointments—and we've heard a lot about them throughout many of the contributions that have been made today by my colleagues—most certainly undermined the independence of the AAT and reduced its quality and the efficiency of its decision-making.</para>
<para>Bodies like the AAT require the appointment of people who have the skills to understand the complexities faced by our constituents, not just those in immigration but also those accessing Centrelink, the NDIS and the other vital government and social services. The issue of merit is fundamental to fairness and efficiency when it comes to appointments to the AAT. This is why I welcomed the Albanese government's announcement in late 2022 that it would abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new federal administrative review body.</para>
<para>This is a significant reform, and I welcome the opportunity to speak to the legislation in the form of the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, which will implement the government's commitment to establish a new federal administrative review body. This bill builds on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation to establish a tribunal that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and, above all, fair. It is informed by a significant body of work and literature that implements all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee's review into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system; four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme; and the government's response to two recommendations from the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System.</para>
<para>When we came into government we inherited an AAT that was not on a sustainable footing. It was beset by delays and had an extraordinarily large and growing backlog of applications, which was felt by everyone in my electorate who happened to come into contact with the system, as I indicated at the beginning of my speech. This came at a very real cost to the tens of thousands of people who rely on the AAT each year to independently review government decisions that have major and sometimes life-altering impacts on their lives. These are decisions such as whether older Australians receive an age pension, whether a veteran is compensated for service injury or whether a participant of the NDIS receives funding for essential support. Many of these people, as I've said already, are members of my constituency.</para>
<para>The Albanese government is committed to restoring trust and confidence in Australia's system of administrative review, beginning with the establishment of the new administrative review body, which will be user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. The important central feature of the new body will be its transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of the non-judicial members. They will be independent and untainted, and this will be the hallmark of any fair process that the Australian public, but in particular my constituents, deserve and will benefit from.</para>
<para>Under this government's legislation, the tribunal will finally have transparent, merit based appointment processes for the appointment of members. It will be informed by the operational needs of the tribunal to ensure that only the highest-quality members are appointed to these very important roles. This is in stark contrast to the former government, which, as it became evident, believed in jobs for Liberal mates, at the expense of our constituents, fairness and a merit based selection process. This is a welcome contrast—an effective, clear and just difference through the provision of an independent mechanism of a review which is fair and just. It resolves applications in a timely manner and with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferrable decision. It is accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties. It improves the transparency and quality of decision-making and promotes public trust and confidence in the tribunal. On those grounds, I commend the bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PHILLIPS</name>
    <name.id>147140</name.id>
    <electorate>Gilmore</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Tonight I rise to speak in support of the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023. I want to say from the outset that the Administrative Appeals Tribunal was fatally compromised by the former government through its appointing of as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associate, without any merit based selection. They have undermined the tribunal's independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making. The stacking of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal by the former Liberal government is quite extraordinary. But they did it time and time again, without any merit based selection process and for salaries worth hundreds of thousands of dollars, but clearly they did not care.</para>
<para>As the federal member for Gilmore, I know how important the review process is for people in my electorate—people who are absolutely desperate to have a life-changing matter resolved. These include visa appeals, veterans' affairs appeals, NDIS appeals, Centrelink—the list goes on. But what did they get under the former Liberal government? They got a completely stacked Administrative Appeals Tribunal. There was a massive backlog. Think about that for a moment: they didn't care about people in my electorate who needed help.</para>
<para>I want to provide just one of many examples of the shocking treatment of my constituents, which was a veteran's appeal of a Department of Veterans' Affairs decision by the abysmally stacked and ineffective AAT. My constituent's review application was launched with the AAT in 2019. Since that time the matter remained open with the AAT and no decision had been made. Think about that. The veteran's appeal was lodged in 2019 and there was no decision made by March 2023.</para>
<para>Of course, I raised this very sad and shocking case with the Attorney-General in 2023 on behalf of my constituent. While I have been happy to help, I was completely appalled by the massive and, quite frankly, obscenely unacceptable delays. But should I be shocked? Not at all, because through case after case we've heard it before. It made sense, of course, with the former Liberal government appointing—as I said before—as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit-based selection process, including some individuals with no relevant expertise or experience. The former Liberal government fatally compromised the AAT, undermined its independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making.</para>
<para>Our government inherited an AAT that was not on a sustainable financial footing and was beset by delays and this extraordinarily large and growing backlog of applications, which my constituents experienced firsthand. It was operating multiple and ageing electronic case management systems, a legacy of the former government's mismanagement of the amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal. It is one of the most shameful acts against people in my electorate of Gilmore and people right around Australia who were crying out for help.</para>
<para>I am here today to say that I care, and the Albanese Labor government cares about Australians who are struggling. We care about their right to a fair and independent process within a system they can trust. That's why the Albanese government announced that it would abolish the AAT and replace it with an administrative review body that serves the interests of the Australian community. A central feature of the new body is a transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of new members.</para>
<para>I am pleased that our government also took immediate action to address the backlog of cases and reduce wait times while the new body is being set up. In this regard, the government committed $63.4 million over two years for an additional 75 members, and we made a directive last year to prioritise the assessment of outstanding immigration AAT matters due to the huge backlog. We have wasted no time in starting to fix the mess that those opposite left.</para>
<para>I want to really thank the member for Isaacs, the Attorney-General, for his fearless determination to fix that mess, because, in terms of a mess, it was at the top of the pile. It's a pile so high, with a stench of incompetence and stacking by the Liberal government, that only those opposite could be proud of.</para>
<para>The legislation we introduced in December last year to abolish the AAT and replace it with a new administrative review body that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair, I'm pleased to say, was actually developed in consultation with people who use the system every day. Importantly, the legislation requires that members of the tribunal be appointed through a competitive, publicly advertised, merit based process. Already, we've demonstrated our commitment, with more than 100 new appointments through our merit based process.</para>
<para>The purpose of the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 is to respond to suggestions raised through the parliamentary scrutiny process, including by civil society stakeholders, and to improve and clarify provisions of the bills. In particular, the amendments would strengthen requirements for merit based appointment processes; insert a requirement for a statutory review of the operation of the bill and associated consequential amendment bills; provide a pathway for parties to reviews to seek a second review of tribunal social service decisions, which includes social security, family assistance, child support, paid parental leave and student assistance reviews; refined clause 67 relating to litigation guardians to rename them litigation supporters and more clearly reflect supported, rather than substituted, decision-making; clarify the policy intent of the bill regarding participation by decision-makers in proceedings through changes to the election notice regime; and make other minor and technical changes. Additionally, amendments are proposed to make technical corrections and changes to ensure the effective and efficient operation of the bill upon commencement.</para>
<para>As I've mentioned, our strengthening appointment requirements will require the use of assessment panels when undertaking merit based appointment of the president of the tribunal, members of the tribunal, the CEO and principal registrar. These amendments put beyond doubt the legislative requirement to use an assessment panel as part of the merit based process for appointments to the tribunal. The effect of the amendments is that the minister cannot recommend a candidate for appointment unless they have been assessed as suitable by an assessment panel through a process that was merit based, including public advertising of the position and compliance with any requirements in the regulations. And I am very pleased that the amendments require a statutory review of the bill and related bills to commence just before the five-year anniversary of the commencement of the bill, ensuring proper assessment of the overall reform. The statutory review must consider the implementation of the legislation, including the tribunal's operations and whether it is achieving its objectives.</para>
<para>I am also very pleased the amendments include a second review of social services decisions. The amendments insert a new part 5A to the bill, setting out which decisions are eligible for second review at the tribunal and the processes, procedures and powers that apply to second review. The amendments also include definitional changes and notes to the bill to facilitate the operation of the new part 5A. The second review pathway will replace access to the appeals function of the guidance and appeals panel under part 5 of the bill, in which a party can apply to the president to have a tribunal decision referred to the panel. Referral of a decision to the guidance and appeals panel is at the president's discretion, and can only occur if the president is satisfied the decision may contain a material error or raises an issue of significance to administrative decision-making. Where an application is made for second review of a tribunal social services decision, the review must be conducted. If an application has not been made, the president may still, on their own motion, refer an application for review of a decision to the guidance and appeals panel on the basis that it raises an issue of significance to administrative decision-making on either first or second review.</para>
<para>Provisions of the bill that enhance processes for tribunal review of social services decisions when they are first reviewed, such as allowing for the participation of a decision-maker where it will assist to resolve the matter, are retained. Over time, it is expected that more matters can be resolved at the first review; however, these changes will take time to implement and to mature. The retention of second review for certain social services decisions will ensure that existing systems and safeguards remain in place until that can occur. Consequential amendments will ensure the tribunal operates as intended when providing second review for social services applicants with amendments to social services portfolio legislation required to facilitate reviews under the new part 5(a).</para>
<para>A number of stakeholders suggested amendments to clause 67 of the bill to more clearly reflect supported rather than substituted decision-making. Amendments to clause 67 would respond to these concerns, including by changing the term 'litigation guardian', which suggests substituted decision-making, to 'litigation supporter', to better reflect the roles and duties of persons appointed to such a position.</para>
<para>The amendments would also ensure that the bill incorporates recommendations of the report of the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability. In particular, they create a presumption that all people have decision-making ability which cannot be rebutted solely on the basis that a person has a disability, in accordance with principle 2 of recommendations 6.6 and 6.7 of the DRC report.</para>
<para>In relation to the election notice regime, amendments to clauses 60 and 63 would clarify that decision-makers may elect not to participate in a kind of proceeding or in particular tribunal case events relating to a kind of proceeding other than directions hearings and individual proceedings. These amendments clarify the policy intent behind the tribunal's election notice regime, consistent with the tribunal's objective to ensure reviews are accessible and resolved as quickly and with as little expense and formality as the proper consideration of the matter permits.</para>
<para>There are a number of other amendments. The amendments to the consequential bill amend the Migration Act 1958 to ensure the drafting is clear and unambiguous, improve the operation of certain provisions and ensure consistency across matters in the Migration Act. The amendments to this schedule insert provisions into a number of acts in the social services portfolio. These amendments would harmonise privacy settings so that tribunal proceedings for student assistance matters are held in private, clarify date-of-effect provisions and ensure the tribunal can publish de-identified decisions for social services reviews, including at first review, implementing recommendations from the robodebt royal commission report in relation to the publication of tribunal decisions in in social services matters.</para>
<para>Amendments relating to the security division are consequential to proposed amendments to the Administrative Review Tribunal 2023, relating to how decision-makers can elect not to participate in tribunal proceedings and case events. The amendments also make technical corrections to existing drafting.</para>
<para>With regard to the veterans' affairs, amendments in this schedule are consequential to proposed amendments to the ART Bill relating to how decision-makers can elect not to participate in tribunal proceedings and case events. The amendments also make technical corrections to existing drafting.</para>
<para>In relation to transitional provision amendments, amendments to this schedule provide additional clarity to the transitional arrangements attaching to parts of the ART legislative package. The amendments aim to facilitate a smooth and uninterrupted transition from the Administrative Appeals Tribunal to the Administrative Review Tribunal. The amendments include clarifying how consultation requirements in the ART Bill are to be met where powers are exercised as of its commencement.</para>
<para>To conclude, in this House, we are elected to serve and support our constituents, and that means where there is something that is not working or not serving its purpose we should make changes. That's what we're doing with these amendments to the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023. All of our constituents deserve a fair review system. Whether it's a Centrelink matter, a NDIS matter, a visa matter or a veteran's matter, constituents must have access to a fair and transparent review process. I commend these bills to the house.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LAXALE</name>
    <name.id>299174</name.id>
    <electorate>Bennelong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I've said it many times in this place: I'm really proud to represent a truly diverse and vibrant multicultural community. The richness of cultures, languages and traditions that make up the fabric of Bennelong not only enriches our social landscape but contributes significantly to the economic and cultural vitality of our region. We see this in the flourishing local businesses, the diverse culinary offerings that have become the pride of our food festivals and the cultural events that draw visitors from across the city and the nation, showcasing the unity in our diversity.</para>
<para>Representing such a diverse constituency also means I've developed a deep understanding of the intricacies of our immigration system. We are a country built on migration, a country of migrants. Over 70 per cent of locals in Bennelong have either one or both parents who were born overseas. We are a country that is far away from a lot of people, but we have a population that is deeply connected to the world. As such we should have an open, transparent and well-functioning immigration system.</para>
<para>As many reviews have proved, we have inherited just the opposite. Many members of Bennelong who have families overseas are constantly navigating this complex process. They are understandably seeking to reunite with loved ones, family members and friends, whether for a short visit or with the hope of building a permanent life here. These experiences, both joyful and challenging, have provided me also with invaluable insights into the working of our immigration policies and procedures.</para>
<para>With this deep understanding of the immigration system, I've also had the opportunity to become very well acquainted with the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and the critical role it plays not only in the immigration process but also in all the areas it covers as well. The AAT becomes relevant for locals as a place where they can seek review of decisions made by arms of government. Reviewmaking is a crucial part of the process for anyone who has the experience of having an unsuccessful visa application. Through countless interactions in seeking to assist locals in Bennelong, either in preparing their appeals or simply helping them navigate the system, I've gained a firsthand view, in my short time in this place, of the system's strengths and, most importantly, its weaknesses. My local community's experience underscores the importance of an accessible, fair and efficient review system—a system where decisions are made transparently and based on merit, not hindered by unnecessary bureaucracy or delays.</para>
<para>The AAT has been established to offer a fair avenue for challenging government decisions, including those related to visas, to ensure they are made justly and lawfully. It plays an important role. It should serve as a critical interface between the government and individuals, embodying the principles of accountability and transparency that are foundational to our democratic values. However, the system has increasingly struggled with politicised appointments and inefficiencies which have impacted its ability to deliver timely and, importantly, impartial decisions. It's become clear to me that without substantial reforms, such as those proposed by the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, trust in and the fairness of the administrative review process will continue to erode.</para>
<para>The Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023 and its consequential amendments offer this parliament an opportunity to ensure that fairness, accessibility and independence are not just aspirational values but are actively embodied in the functioning of our administrative justice system. The credibility of the AAT hinges on its ability to be autonomous from political meddling, ensuring decisions are based on law not favouritism. Unsurprisingly, those opposite, who were in government with no credibility or integrity, seek to oppose these measures to clean up the AAT. Under the Liberals and Nationals, the AAT was subject to egregious mismanagement that severely compromised its integrity and efficiency, and tampered with its mission to serve the Australian public.</para>
<para>Historically, the AAT prided itself in appointments grounded in legal expertise, professional merit and unwavering commitment to impartial justice, yet under the Liberals and Nationals 85 appointments to the AAT were based on political loyalty rather than competence or legal ability. This included a motley crew of the former MPs, failed political candidates and party affiliates, many of whom were glaringly deficient in the legal expertise requisite for the tribunal's mandates. I'm not saying that former MPs don't have a role to play post public life. There are plenty of examples of former MPs doing a good job serving their nation after their time in this place. However, it's also clear that the Liberals and Nationals flatly abused the system to benefit those with connections to their government—they had 85 political appointments.</para>
<para>That makes me think: what happened when these appointments were made on basis of political influence rather than on merit base? Instead of legal experts, they put on their mates. By de-skilling the AAT, the Liberal-National governments fundamentally neglected the tribunal's operational requirements and it was completely dysfunctional. A backlog of cases was made even worse by inefficiencies and the inept handling by inexperienced employees led to huge delays. Australians across the country were left waiting in limbo while decisions on their visa status, Centrelink payment eligibility, childcare subsidies and other things clogged the system owing to this AAT mismanagement. Multiple outdated electronic case-management systems created a patchwork of obsolete systems, ill-equipped for the modern challenges of administrative review.</para>
<para>The negligence of those opposite not only assaulted the tribunal's independence and the quality of its decision-making but also crippled its efficiency, accessibility and financial stability. It left thousands of Australians waiting to be heard on critical matters, leaving them with a very real emotional, practical and financial toll. In my electorate, the experiences of Brian from Eastwood and Rebecca from Meadowbank are two of the many reminders of the real, tangible impacts of a tribunal mired in inefficiency and hampered by negligence. Brian from Eastwood started on his journey to securing permanent residency for his wife with optimism, but it quickly descended into a protracted nightmare owing to the inefficiencies at the AAT. Their anticipation of starting a new chapter of their lives in Bennelong was brutally interrupted by an unforeseen rejection in 2019 that threw them into a relentless cycle of waiting and uncertainty. For four long years they heard nothing from the AAT, with no idea when their case might be heard, trapping them into a state of the unknown.</para>
<para>Similarly, Rebecca's struggle with the AAT over her parental leave payment further shows the tribunal's inability to respond flexibly and resolve cases effectively. Even though she had given up part of her salary to help her employer during the pandemic, she ended up in a frustrating situation where she was told she couldn't get the financial help she really needed, because the backpay she received pushed her over the threshold to claim her paid parental leave. Her hope turned to disappointment when the AAT could not consider her specific circumstances owing to its inflexibility. These are just two of many stories that I've heard about in my time in this place about how it genuinely cost tens of thousands of people across the country who rely on the tribunal each year to independently and efficiently review government decisions that often have had a significant and life-altering impact on their lives.</para>
<para>The Albanese government is fully aware of how urgent these problems are, and that's why we are addressing the longstanding issues of fairness, accessibility and impartiality that have plagued the AAT. This effort creates a new review body that prioritises people's needs and rights. This legislation aims to fix the root cause of the issues, not just the surface problems. It means we propose to create a system centred around the user and ensuring that people feel supported every step of the way. The new body proposed by this legislation will be more efficient. It will reduce wait times and it will deal with the backlog that has kept too many Australians waiting for too long. It will be easier for everyone to use, no matter their background or how much they know about the law.</para>
<para>Under our government we will have an administrative review tribunal that will ensure that the people who make the decisions are chosen because they're the best people for the job. It'll make a system easier for everyone to use. It'll make decisions faster and ensure that the tribunal can do its work independently of political interference and external pressures. We'll ensure that appointed tribunal members are appointed because of their skills, not their politics. By rigorously vetting appointments to ensure members possess the necessary legal experience, integrity and impartiality, we will significantly uplift the quality of decision-making and, concurrently, restore public trust in the tribunal's processes and outcomes.</para>
<para>We're also very focused on making the tribunal user-friendly. This entails streamlining application and review processes and embracing modern technology to facilitate easier application submission and efficient case-tracking. Our aim is to make dealing with the tribunal easier and more transparent for everyone, whether they're an individual or a business. This more user-friendly focus will help us deal with a backlog of cases waiting to be heard by the tribunal. By using innovative case management strategies and technology, this legislation will lead to a reduction in wait times, no longer leaving people waiting years for their decision.</para>
<para>We'll also implement new rules and structures to keep the decision-making processes independent, restoring people's trust in the AAT. The introduction of new safeguards and governance structures will protect the tribunal from external influences and guarantee that decisions are made solely on legal merit and the evidence presented. We want to deliver a clearer, fairer system that people can trust. By focusing on skill, simplicity, speed and fairness, we're making a commitment to improving the way the justice system is done in reviewing government decisions. This is about making sure our system is a model of fairness and justice that thousands of Australians, who depend on the AAT each year, can use.</para>
<para>Under the stewardship of the previous government, the AAT was allowed to devolve into a quagmire of inefficiency and politicisation—a far cry from its founding principles of impartiality, fairness and accessibility. Appointments were driven by political loyalty rather than by competence, and they have undermined the tribunal's integrity and capacity to deliver timely decisions.</para>
<para>Unlike those opposite, the Albanese government is taking decisive action to address these longstanding challenges. We're not leaving this in the too-hard basket. By introducing this bill, we are laying the groundwork for a system that will seek to serve the Australian people. Through these reforms, we are not just changing how the tribunal will operate; we are affirming our commitment to justice, transparency and democracy. I commend them to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms FERNANDO</name>
    <name.id>299964</name.id>
    <electorate>Holt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to address this chamber on the matter of the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2024. This bill represents a pivotal component of our government's commitment to enhancing the efficiency, fairness and accessibility of Australia's administrative review system. As the federal member for Holt and a staunch advocate for the rights and interests of my constituents, I approach this legislation with a deep sense of responsibility and dedication to ensuring that the voices of everyday Australians are heard and respected within our democratic institutions. The reforms proposed in this bill hold the potential to significantly impact the lives of countless individuals who rely on the administrative review process to redeem decisions made by government agencies. Allow me to provide some context on the significance of this bill and the broader reforms it seeks to advance.</para>
<para>In late 2022, the Albanese government made the decision to abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, the AAT, and replace it with the new Administrative Review Tribunal, the ART. This decision was not made lightly but was driven by the recognition of the systematic challenges and shortcomings that had plagued the AAT in recent years. The AAT, once regarded as a cornerstone of Australia's administrative review system, had unfortunately fallen short of meeting the needs and expectations of the Australian people. Delays, insufficiencies and concerns about impartiality had eroded public trust in the tribunal, leaving many individuals feeling disempowered and disenfranchised. Countless people found themselves caught in the mess of incorrect decisions or lingering uncertainty while awaiting their turn to access the AAT. This inflicted unjust hardship and emotional turmoil on those whose lives hung in the balance.</para>
<para>Under the previous regime, asylum seekers endured waits of up to a decade for resolution of their cases. At the moment, only half of protection visas are processed in 4.8 years, with five per cent taking up to 6.2 years. These delays have not only worsened the struggle of vulnerable individuals but also provided ground for exploitation by unscrupulous migration agents, who've capitalised on their desperation with false promises of asylum avenues. Partner visa decisions are no better, with half taking 3.8 years to resolve. That is nearly four years away from your significant other—potentially, four more years away from your children. This distressing state of affairs stems directly from the former government's handling of the merger of the AAT with other tribunals, including the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal.</para>
<para>The fallout from this mismanagement has echoed throughout the lives of tens of thousands of Australians who've relied on the AAT to come to a resolution on decisions, with profound implications for their lives and wellbeing. Throughout my term in parliament, I have encountered numerous constituents whose lives have been directly impacted by the outcomes of their AAT reviews. Their narratives have underscored the pivotal need to ensure that these decisions are made with accuracy and fairness. Unfortunately, the previous government fell short of upholding these standards of integrity in its governance. The Asylum Seeker Resource Centre stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The end of the AAT and the establishment of a user-focused, merit-based, independent, accessible, efficient and fair system is a much-needed, prudent and compassionate reform.</para></quote>
<para>It went on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The AAT has fundamentally failed refugees due to under-resourcing, politicised appointments, undue complexity and inaccessibility, and the Abbott Government's cancelling of pro bono legal assistance for people seeking asylum. These policy choices, made primarily by the Abbott and Morrison Governments, resulted in the average time for a review of a protection visa application jumping from 31 weeks to over 3 years between 2017-2022.</para></quote>
<para>Nonetheless, the Albanese Labor government was elected on a pledge to restore integrity to public institutions and foster trust in government decisions. Addressing the systemic challenges within the administrative review system is crucial to upholding this commitment to integrity. It was clear that decisive action was needed to restore confidence in the administrative review process and uphold the principles of fairness, transparency and accountability.</para>
<para>The establishment of the Administrative Review Tribunal represents a bold and ambitious step towards revitalising our administrative review system and ensuring that it remains responsive to the needs of those it serves. By establishing a new tribunal, we seek to rebuild confidence in the integrity of the review process and guarantee that individuals receive the justice and fairness they rightly deserve. The bill sets out the objective of the new tribunal which will guide its operations and the actions of all members of staff. In the words of the Attorney-General, the Hon. Mark Dreyfus, the bill's objective is to provide an independent mechanism of review that 'is fair and just; resolves applications in a timely matter, with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferable decision; is accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties; improves the transparency and quality of government decision-making; and promotes public trust and confidence in the tribunal'.</para>
<para>To ensure that it is able to achieve this objective, the bill would establish a tribunal with the following key features: a user focused design, including simpler and more consistent processes and an emphasis on non-adversarial approaches to resolving applications; a suite of powers and procedures largely harmonised across the tribunal to respond flexibly to changing case loads; mechanisms to identify, accelerate and report on systematic issues in administrative decision-making, including through a new guidance and appeals panel; a simple membership structure with clear qualification requirements and role descriptions for each level of membership; clear, distinct roles and responsibilities for those who hold leadership in the tribunal; a transparent and merit based appointment process for members; and powers for the president to manage the performance, conduct and professional development of members.</para>
<para>The bill before us today is a crucial component of this broader reform agenda as it seeks to provide the necessary transitional and consequential provisions to facilitate the smooth transition from the old AAT to the new ART. It is imperative that we minimise disruption and uphold the rights of these individuals as we transition to the new tribunal. This bill achieves this objective by outlining clear mechanisms for the automatic transition of the AAT cases to the ART, thereby safeguarding the interests of applicants and ensuring that their access to justice is not unduly compromised.</para>
<para>Furthermore, this bill underscores our government's commitment to promoting fairness and equity in the administrative review process. We are implementing measures such as the establishment of the merit based appointment process for tribunal members so that the ART is populated by individuals of the highest calibre who are dedicated to upholding the principles of justice and integrity.</para>
<para>It is also worth noting the significant investments that our government has made to support the effective functioning of the ART. In 2023 the government made an investment of over $58 million in the Administrative Appeals Tribunal, the Federal Circuit Court and the Family Court of Australia to increase the capacity of these bodies to deal with protection visa and other migration related case loads.</para>
<para>This bill allocates additional resources to the tribunal on top of this and includes funding for the recruitment of new members and the implementation of modernised case management systems. The government will provide $21.8 million over the two years from 2023 to 2024 for the AAT to support transition to the new ART. A further $18.5 million over four years, from 2023-2024, will be provided for the AAT to continue to develop and expand the new case management system for use by the new tribunal. These investments are crucial to addressing the backlog of cases that has clutched the administrative review system and to ensuring that individuals receive timely and efficient resolutions of their grievances.</para>
<para>In conclusion, the ART Bill represents a leap forward in our ongoing efforts to strengthen Australia's administrative review system. By ushering in a new era of transparency, accountability and efficiency, this bill reaffirms our government's commitment to upholding the rule of law and safeguarding the rights of all Australians. I urge all members in this chamber to support this passage of this bill and demonstrate our collective commitment to delivering a fair and accessible administrative review process for the benefit of all Australians.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr GARLAND</name>
    <name.id>295588</name.id>
    <electorate>Chisholm</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 supports the establishment of the new Administrative Review Tribunal, which will be created by the bill. This bill makes consequential and transitional amendments to 138 Commonwealth acts, covering approximately 93 per cent of the tribunal's caseload. These amendments are needed to effectively implement this significant reform.</para>
<para>This bill repeals the AAT Act and other legislative provisions that provide for the operation of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. Subsequently, the Administrative Review Tribunal, established by the ART Bill, will replace it. This legislation contains consequential amendments to act in 14 Commonwealth portfolios. These include Social Services, Treasury, Veterans' Affairs and Home Affairs as well as matters affecting the national intelligence community.</para>
<para>As we've heard previously in this place, the changes in the consequential and transitional bills focus on addressing the highest-volume caseloads within the tribunal and the most complex consequential amendments. Additionally, they also make simple but essential reference changes. In late 2022, the Albanese government announced its decision to abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new federal administrative review body, both a necessary and a significant reform.</para>
<para>By appointing as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates without any merit based selection process—including some individuals with no relevant experience or expertise—the former government fatally compromised the AAT, undermined its independence and eroded the quality and efficiency of its decision-making.</para>
<para>The Albanese government inherited an AAT that is not on a sustainable financial footing, that is beset by delays, that had an extraordinarily large and growing backlog of applications and that is operating multiple ageing electronic case management systems. This is, of course, the legacy of the former government's mismanagement of the amalgamation of the AAT with the Social Security Appeals Tribunal, the Migration Review Tribunal and the Refugee Review Tribunal. This comes with the very real cost to the tens of thousands of people who rely on the AAT each year to independently review government decisions that have major, and sometimes life-altering, impacts for them. These are decisions such as whether an older Australian receives an age pension, whether a veteran is compensated for a service injury or whether a participant of the NDIS receives funding for essential support.</para>
<para>The Attorney-General announced that the design of the new body would be the subject of consultation that began in early 2023. This government has also made clear that AAT cases that are on foot when the AAT is abolished will be transitioned to the new body automatically.</para>
<para>Our government is committed to restoring trust and confidence in Australia's system of administrative review. At a time when we see research suggesting that there is very little faith in government institutions, it is very important that we are able to do what we can to restore that trust and confidence and make sure that our system of administrative review has the faith of our communities.</para>
<para>The work we're doing in order to do this will begin with the establishment of a new administrative review body that is user focused, that is efficient, that is accessible, that is independent and that is fair. A key aspect of this new body will be a transparent and merit based selection process for the appointment of non-judicial members. Again, I remind the House of the contrast in this model to the previous model set up by the former government, who appointed as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates, former Liberal staffers and other close Liberal associates. This was without any merit based selection process. Of course, when this is the case, it's little wonder people would question the decision-making that emerges from such a body.</para>
<para>The bill before us today is our government's implementation of our commitment to establish a new federal administrative review body. The new body will be called the Administrative Review Tribunal, and it will replace the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. This bill builds on 50 years of experience, learning and broad consultation to establish a tribunal that is user focused, efficient, accessible, independent and fair. Importantly, this bill implements all three recommendations from the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee review into the performance and integrity of Australia's administrative review system, four recommendations from the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and the government response to two recommendations from the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System.</para>
<para>The tribunal's objective will be to provide an independent mechanism of review that is fair and just and that resolves applications in a timely manner. It will do this with as little formality and expense as is consistent with reaching the correct or preferable decision. It will be accessible and responsive to the diverse needs of parties. It will improve the transparency and quality of decision-making. It will promote public trust and confidence in the tribunal, which is fundamental. The tribunal incorporates key features to improve merits review, including simpler and more consistent processes and an emphasis on non-adversarial approaches to resolving applications. It also incorporates a suite of powers and procedures to respond flexibly to changing case loads and help resolve cases more efficiently and effectively. It will have a simple membership structure, with clear qualification requirements and role descriptions for each level of membership.</para>
<para>One of the most important aspects will be to incorporate a transparent and merit based appointment process for members, which, of course, to remind the House again, contrasts with how those opposite went about things in the past. This will also be informed by the operational needs of the tribunal to ensure only the highest-quality members are appointed to these important roles—again, an aspect of this bill which I hope will be instructive for those opposite.</para>
<para>The ART Bill also has mechanisms to identify, escalate and report on systemic issues in administrative decision-making, including the re-establishment of the Administrative Review Council. The council will monitor the integrity of the Commonwealth administrative review system, inquire into systemic challenges in administrative law and support education and training for Commonwealth officials in administrative decision-making and administrative law.</para>
<para>The bill also establishes for the first time a guidance and appeals panel within the tribunal to resolve matters raising systemic issues and review tribunal decisions that may be affected by error. The guidance and appeals panel would provide a mechanism for escalating significant issues and addressing material errors in tribunal decisions. This would promote consistent tribunal decision-making and rapid responses to emerging issues both within the tribunal and from government departments and agencies.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill enables the tribunal to publish any decisions, subject to de-identifying and redacting sensitive information, and requires it to publish all decisions involving significant conclusions of law or with implications for Commonwealth policy or administration.</para>
<para>The stacking of the Administrative Appeals Tribunal under the former government was quite remarkable and quite outrageous. Again, we know that many former Liberal MPs, candidates, staffers and associates were piled into plum jobs within the AAT.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order! I have the shadow minister.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Hastie</name>
    <name.id>260805</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Standing order 75, irrelevance or tedious repetition. The member has had multiple goes at the Liberal Party, and I think it's time to move on.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I will call the honourable member for Chisholm. She will be relevant.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Dr GARLAND</name>
    <name.id>295588</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Always. And thank you very much, Deputy Speaker. I think it is really important for our communities to understand why this change is being made, why it was necessary that it be made and why our government is doing all we can to restore trust in institutions like the Administrative Review Tribunal. So, while it may pain those opposite to be reminded of some of the very egregious decisions made while they had the gift of government, I think it's really important to bring attention to that in this place, so that our communities understand what we're doing and so that they will hopefully be able to trust the system where before they were betrayed. I have already referenced the fact that decisions of the AAT have life-changing impacts for thousands of Australians, which again is why I think it does bear repeating why it is so important that we are making these changes, and to give context to our communities as to why this bill is before the House today.</para>
<para>From people with a disability seeking support through the NDIS to vulnerable families trying to get the right social security payments, Australians count on administrative review systems to get a fair hearing. That's why we are making this change today. We don't want to see huge backlogs out of control, with people waiting months or even years for a review of a decision. I'm pleased that our government cares about Australians who are struggling. We care about people's right to a fair and independent process and we care about people being able to have faith in a system that they can trust. That's why we wasted no time when we came into office in starting to fix the mess we were left with. The legislation that the Attorney-General introduced in December last year was developed in consultation with people who use the system every single day. It is so important that we listen to people who use this system all the time.</para>
<para>We are replacing the old system with a new administrative review body that is efficient, accessible, independent, fair and fit for purpose. I think our commitment to a better system is already on display, with more than 100 new appointments made through a merit based process. These bills are really important to our communities. They represent the most important reform of the federal system of administrative review in decades. Effective administrative review is critical to our system of government, and our communities deserve to know that the government takes this responsibility really seriously. This is a way for community members to seek independent review of government decisions that have major impacts on people's lives. As the Attorney-General has already stated in this place, this function is absolutely critical to protecting the rights and interests of individuals and organisations, including the most vulnerable members of our community. I'm very proud to speak in support of this today.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MASCARENHAS</name>
    <name.id>298800</name.id>
    <electorate>Swan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is a pleasure to have the opportunity to stand here and speak on the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023. When we had the federal election in 2022, the Australian public said to us decision-makers here that they wanted to see more integrity in our government and in our institutions. That is the core of what this bill does.</para>
<para>Effective administration is not merely a duty; it is actually a responsibility and it is central to our system of governance. When our administrative systems fail, we fail our citizens and we fail in our obligations to democracy. The truth is that a robust democracy is one of the things that makes this country a great place. When we fail in our responsibility to serve people that elect us, we know who suffers: it is people. And we know that the former Liberal government fell dismally short in this regard. They neglected to uphold a system critical to our democratic principles and international obligations. The backlog in our administrative review system, which has meant that people have been denied access to a fair and impartial hearing, is an example of this. They failed to respect institutions and the responsibility of government. The former Prime Minister and his multiple ministries was the absolute epitome of this, showing a disgraceful disregard for the principles on which our system of government was founded and operates on—a system that I am proud of and that I am here to uphold.</para>
<para>Let's talk about the specifics of the bill. The Administrative Appeals Tribunal was established in 1976. It was meant to provide fair hearings for individuals affected by government decisions. It was to provide an avenue for people to review the decisions made by the primary decision-maker. When we think about just processes, it makes sense to have an independent organisation to review decisions that a body makes. However, over time, under the governance of the Liberals and its decision-making process, it became ineffective and inefficient. This was because the Liberals did not care about fairness and impartiality. They did not care about the impact of executive decisions on the people in this country. All they cared about was jobs for the boys and, less often, occasionally, for the girls.</para>
<para>The AAT became, under the Liberals, a retirement village for failed liberal staffers and failed liberal politicians, of which there were many. The former government appointed as many as 85 former Liberal MPs, failed Liberal candidates and former Liberal staffers. They were appointed without any fair selection process based on merit. What did this do to the AAT? It seriously undermined its independence. It was a plum job in retirement, and the Liberal appointed AAT members failed in their duty to maintain any form of efficient decision-making. This poor administration had serious consequences for many Australians. It's disappointing, but unsurprising, given the track record of the Liberals as they operated under the previous administration. It was so disappointing, when we considered the origins of the AAT and what it was initially set up to achieve.</para>
<para>Further, in talking about this bill, we must not forget the vision behind the establishment of the AAT. It was an remarkable innovation aimed at providing accessible and impartial reviews of government decisions affecting everyday Australians. I refer to comments made by the esteemed Justice Kirby, who looks back fondly on those times. He describes how the Gorton, McMahon and Whitlam governments had begun to move toward securing the enactment of the mosaic of legislation which would truly revolutionise administrative law at the federal level in Australia. The initiative of the Whitlam government in establishing the AAT was part of a broader movement toward securing the enactment of legislation revolutionising administrative law.</para>
<para>It was a great time for change. It was a time when laws were passed to dismantle discriminatory policies, like the White Australia policy, and to establish groundbreaking legislation such as the Racial Discrimination Act. It was at the same time that the Whitlam government established Medicare and provided expanded higher education to more people, particularly women.</para>
<para>Justice Kirby, who was chairman of the Australian Law Reform Commission in 1975, was there at the birth of the AAT. He described it as 'an exciting time' for administrative law. I don't know many people who are excited by administrative law, but, then again, I don't know many lawyers who would get as excited about the periodic table or collision theory as I do!</para>
<para>What we do have in common is that when Justice Kirby says, 'All sound law and policy should be based, so far as possible, on sound data'—I love that statement. Data driven decision-making is really important, and we need to make sure that we make decisions on sound, justified bases. It shows that there is not such a divide between science and policymaking. And how perfect it is that I come across Justice Kirby's comments during the week of Science Meets Parliament festivities, which we are all enjoying this week. I know there are a lot of scientists in the Great Hall right now talking about data driven decision-making.</para>
<para>If we look at the data when it comes to the AAT, we see a problem, and we need a solution. The functioning of the AAT has been subject to scrutiny showing that the status quo was not working. The current operation of the AAT was undermining public trust in effective public administration. This bill will implement the recommendations made by the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee, the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme and the Rapid Review into the Exploitation of Australia's Visa System.</para>
<para>The inquiry by the Senate committee found that the migration review division, the largest AAT division, cannot address the significant volume of legacy cases and the continuing number of new applications without better resourcing and case management. The committee was concerned that such a backlog of cases was taking years to finalise and that these delays have real-world impacts on applicants who have no certainty about the future for them and their family. And when we say the word 'applicants', we're fundamentally talking about people—and that's what this democracy is fundamentally about; it's about people.</para>
<para>I want to talk about this particular point raised by the committee. Only last week, while back in the electorate of Swan, I met with Associate Professor Mary Anne Kenny at the School of Law of Murdoch University. Mary Anne is a well-respected advocate and an independent adviser in the area of refugee and immigration law. She has a special interest in the intersection of mental health and refugee law. Mary Anne is also associated with the Centre for Human Rights Education at Curtin University, which is in my electorate. Mary Anne has acted on behalf of many unaccompanied minors seeking protection in Australia. So when she came to speak to me with her colleague Professor Caroline Fleay I was really interested to hear their thoughts on this bill and how it will make a difference to the migration system she had been involved in for so many years.</para>
<para>We discussed the impact of the failed migration system and the cumbersome and dysfunctional administration of migration under the Liberal government on the lives of those living in limbo for so many years. I talked firsthand with two individuals who had suffered at the hands of a dysfunctional system. They're suffering mental health issues because of years of uncertainty. I appreciate their bravery and courage in presenting a face to the issue we're discussing today.</para>
<para>Today, as we address the erosion of one of these key initiatives by the previous government, we must acknowledge the voices of those directly affected by the administrative failures. I know for sure that the situation is not what the Whitlam government envisaged when they established the AAT. It was about protecting people from the abuse of power. And we have many things to thank the Whitlam government for. The initiative of the Whitlam government in establishing the AAT was part of a broader movement towards securing the enactment of legislation and revolutionising administrative law in Australia. It was a time of great change and a time when laws such as the discriminatory policies like the White Australia policy were passed, as well as the establishment of groundbreaking legislation like the Racial Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>The Administrative Review Tribunal Bill before us today is a step towards rectifying the shortcomings that evolved under the watch of the Liberals. It will ensure that our administrative systems are not merely retirement villages for failed politicians but, rather, functional entities designed to actually serve people, designed to protect people, designed to provide an avenue for review, designed to function as they were meant to function. This bill is the result of careful consideration incorporating the recommendations of various committees and inquiries, including the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs References Committee and the Royal Commission into the Robodebt Scheme. It shows that it's not rushed, it's not hurried, it's not ill thought out. It's well considered, it's well drafted and it's well intentioned. It's responsive to the failures of the past.</para>
<para>That's why it's important that we can all contribute to this important debate. It reaffirms our commitment to providing a simple, affordable and accessible system for the review of government decisions. It's a testament to our dedication to upholding democratic principles. It's a testament to ensuring our accountability in decision-making. It's a testament to Labor's principles to make systems accessible to all: impartiality, fairness and equity. These are all principles that I stand by. These are principles that the Labor Party stands by. In conclusion, I urge all members of the parliament to support these bills. I commend the bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Administrative Review Tribunal Bill 2023, the Administrative Review Tribunal (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 1) Bill 2023 and the Administrative Review Tribunal Bill (Consequential and Transitional Provisions No. 2) Bill 2023 would abolish the Administrative Appeals Tribunal and replace it with a new and much improved body, the Administrative Review Tribunal. In doing so, these bills represent the most important reform of the federal system of administrative review for decades. A strong user-focused administrative review body provides an avenue for community members to seek independent review of government decisions that have major and sometimes life-altering impacts on their lives.</para>
<para>The government recognises the importance of setting up the new tribunal with the best chance of success and has continued to listen and respond to stakeholder feedback throughout the parliamentary debate. The amendments I will move shortly respond to suggestions raised through the parliamentary scrutiny process, including by civil society stakeholders. Importantly, these amendments would strengthen requirements for merit based appointments, require a statutory review and reinstate second review for social security matters where two-tier review currently exists before the AAT. The amendments underscore the key objective of the reform, which is to deliver an independent review that is as quick, accessible and trauma informed as is consistent with reaching a correct or preferable decision.</para>
<para>The bills and amendments were formulated following detailed consultation with affected agencies across the Commonwealth and with guidance from the Administrative Review Expert Advisory Group. This consultation has continued after the introduction of the bills. The government also worked closely with the AAT in developing these amendments and consulted key external stakeholders in the legal assistance and legal aid sectors, particularly services focusing on social security matters on the overall policy settings. I express my thanks to all stakeholders who have engaged in the process of developing these bills and the amendments. Their contributions have greatly strengthened this important legislation.</para>
<para>These bills represent a vital, urgent reform that will have a real and lasting benefit for the lives of thousands of Australians. We have heard a lot from the opposition in this debate about the need for delay. What we haven't heard is any reason to oppose this reform. The House of Representatives Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs has unanimously recommended that the bills pass this place. I urge the parliament to swiftly pass these urgent, critical reforms.</para>
<para>In conclusion, this legislation presents an opportunity to significantly improve Australia's administrative review system, a key pillar of our democracy. It will play a vital role in protecting the rights and interests of members of the community, ensuring that government and the Public Service act within the bounds of the law. It will lead to better government and better government decision-making. Above all, it will restore trust and confidence in Australia's system of merits review. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that this bill be now read a second time. As a division is required, in accordance with standing order 133, the division will be deferred until the first opportunity the next sitting day.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>110</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water Committee, Health, Aged Care and Sport Committee, Corporations and Financial Services Joint Committee, National Disability Insurance Scheme Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>110</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Membership</title>
            <page.no>110</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker has received advice from the Chief Opposition Whip nominating members to be members and supplementary members of certain committees.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KEARNEY</name>
    <name.id>LTU</name.id>
    <electorate>Cooper</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That Members be appointed as members and supplementary members of certain committees in accordance with the following list:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr van Manen be discharged from the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water and that, in his place, Ms Ware be appointed a member of the committee;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mrs McIntosh be discharged from the Standing Committee on Health, Aged Care and Sport and that, in her place, Mr Leeser be appointed a member of the committee;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr van Manen be appointed a supplementary member of the Standing Committee on Climate Change, Energy, Environment and Water for the purpose of the committee's inquiry into the transition to electric vehicles;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mrs McIntosh be appointed a supplementary member of the Standing Committee on Health, Aged Care and Sport for the purpose of the committee's inquiry into diabetes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr Pitt be discharged from the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Corporations and Financial Services and that, in his place, Mr Howarth be appointed a member of the committee; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Ms Ware be discharged from the Joint Standing Committee on the National Disability Insurance Scheme and that, in her place, Mr Conaghan be appointed a member of the committee.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>111</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>111</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That orders of the day Nos 2 and 3, government business, be postponed until a later hour this day.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>111</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Communications Legislation Amendment (Prominence and Anti-siphoning) Bill 2023</title>
          <page.no>111</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7132" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Communications Legislation Amendment (Prominence and Anti-siphoning) Bill 2023</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>111</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COLEMAN</name>
    <name.id>241067</name.id>
    <electorate>Banks</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased to speak on the Communications Legislation Amendment (Prominence and Anti-siphoning) Bill 2023. As the name suggests, the government's bill deals with two quite distinct issues: prominence and anti-siphoning. The issue of prominence formed a part of the work of the coalition government's Future of Broadcasting Working Group. The working group had established prominence as a priority area, so it was appropriate that the government continued work in this area and has brought forward its model for reform in this legislation. As outlined in the explanatory memorandum for the legislation, the bill would insert part 9E into the Broadcasting Services Act, and this part would be focused on introducing a prominence regime.</para>
<para>The term 'prominence' refers to the accessibility of free-to-air television content on smart TVs, sometimes called 'internet-connected TVs'. The bill creates a new category of regulated television devices that would be required to carry free-to-air content as part of the prominence regime. This means that regulated devices would have to include the apps of free-to-air broadcasters and what the legislation describes as their 'primary user interface'—which, in practice, means the home screen of those devices. The legislation does not require that the free-to-air apps are positioned first on the screen; rather, it requires that they appear somewhere on the screen. The explanatory memorandum notes that manufacturers of regulated devices could still pursue commercial deals related to the order of particular apps on their home screens. Last month the government released additional regulations which prescribe the prominence requirements at a greater level of detail.</para>
<para>To turn to the anti-siphoning section of the bill, the anti-siphoning system was introduced in 1992. Its objective is to ensure that major sporting events can be viewed by Australians on free-to-air TV. The policy has been supported by successive governments over an extended period and has played an important role in ensuring that Australians are able to watch key sporting events at no cost. Sports covered under the anti-siphoning system include: the Olympic Games, the Commonwealth Games, horseracing, AFL, NRL, Rugby Union, cricket, soccer, tennis, netball and several motor sports, including the Formula 1, cycling races and the Bathurst 1000.</para>
<para>Under the current scheme, subscription television broadcasting licensees are prevented from acquiring a right to televise an event specified on the anti-siphoning list until a free-to-air broadcaster has acquired a right to televise that event. If an event has not been acquired by a free-to-air broadcaster six months before it takes place, it comes off the list. Currently, the anti-siphoning rules apply to only subscription television licensees—and this term refers to entities that broadcast content that is regulated as a subscription television business. This is a relatively narrow category of content providers and does not include streaming services. The main change in the government's legislation is to extend the operation of the scheme to content providers other than subscription television licensees. This would mean that other entities, such as streaming content providers, would also be bound by the rules and could not acquire an event on the anti-siphoning list until a free-to-air broadcaster has acquired a right to that event. The government's rationale for this is that, in the absence of this change, content providers other than subscription television licensees could potentially subvert the intention of the scheme.</para>
<para>The bill also extends the six-month rule to 12 months. The argument for this is that rights to events are typically acquired more than 12 months in advance, meaning that if no free-to-air broadcaster buys the rights there is still time for another content provider to do so.</para>
<para>The coalition will not oppose this bill. I note the bill is still the subject of an inquiry by the Senate Environment and Communications Legislation Committee. We look forward to examining that report and will carefully review any recommendations that are proposed.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STANLEY</name>
    <name.id>265990</name.id>
    <electorate>Werriwa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Nothing in life is more certain than change. This is especially the case in the area of technology and communications. Every day it seems there are new inventions and technologies changing the way we send and receive information, and at times it is extremely difficult and challenging both for consumers and regulatory bodies to keep up. These technological changes can also present particular challenges in a robust democracy.</para>
<para>From TV's first broadcast on 16 September 1956, free-to-air broadcasting has played a unique role in Australia. It supports an informed democracy, it keeps communities informed during natural disasters, it brings communities together with sports coverage and local information and it reflects our various perspectives, unique culture and other things. But the ability of free-to-air broadcasting to meet these objectives is being challenged. Over the past decade there has been a fundamental transition in the TV market in Australia. Free-to-air broadcasting services now exist as one of many content options on connected TV interfaces and are becoming increasingly difficult to find. This transition and shift in the TV market is game changing. Probably the only thing to match it was the decision by my predecessor Gough Whitlam to introduce colour TV into Australia in 1975.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, research has found that a significant proportion of the Australian population lacks the skills and knowledge to install and engage with these services on newer devices. I have to engage my sons to help me figure them out—although it is amazing what the world opens when you figure out all these different apps. The end result of this change is there is no longer a level playing field. While free-to-air services are subject to the bulk of the obligations to deliver important public policy outcomes, their new competitors are not. Ultimately, this has the potential to impact access by Australian citizens and consumers to the local content and services they can rely on.</para>
<para>Prior to the 2022 election, Labor made two key election commitments regarding free-to-air broadcasting in order to address these challenges. Firstly, Labor committed to a prominence regime to ensure local television services can be easily found on connected TV platforms. Secondly, Labor also committed to a review of the antisiphoning scheme so that the coverage of events of national importance and cultural significance, such as sport, remain free of charge and accessible to all the Australian public.</para>
<para>Firstly on the prominence reforms: the bill before us, the Communications Legislation Amendment (Prominence and Anti-siphoning) Bill 2023, will amend the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 and the Australian Communications and Media Authority Act 2005 to introduce a prominence framework for connected TV devices. The prominence framework will enable Australian consumers to access free-to-air television with minimal input, effort or capability on the part of the consumer. It will also have positive flow-on impacts for local broadcasting industries without imposing unintended or unreasonable burdens on the manufacturers of regulated television devices. Specifically, the prominence framework will firstly impose an obligation on the manufacturers of internet connected TV devices to ensure their devices comply with minimum prominence requirements to be set out in the regulations. These requirements will include, among other things, that the linear broadcast and broadcasting video-on-demand services of free-to-air broadcasters are available on the home screen of regulated devices. Secondly, the prominence framework will prohibit manufacturers from requiring that free-to-air broadcasters pay a fee, charge or any other consideration for or in connection with the device complying with the minimum prominence requirements. Thirdly, the framework will require that manufacturers take reasonable steps to ensure that audiovisual content provided by free-to-air broadcasters, including any advertising or sponsorship matter, is not altered with. Finally, the prominence framework will provide the Australia Media and Communications Authority, ACMA, with a range of powers to oversee and enforce the framework.</para>
<para>Now to the anti-siphoning component of the bill before us. Schedule 2 of the bill will amend the Broadcasting Services Act to modernise the anti-siphoning scheme, which has been in place for nearly 30 years. The scheme promotes free access to televised coverage of nationally important and culturally significant events. It currently does this by preventing subscription television broadcast licensees from acquiring a right to televise an event on the anti-siphoning list unless a free-to-air television broadcaster has a right.</para>
<para>A comprehensive review of the scheme has found that the objective of the scheme remains appropriate but that the scheme needs to be broadened to incorporate online services. Streaming services are not currently subject to the scheme, and there is no legal impediment to them acquiring the rights to iconic sporting events ahead of a local free-to-air broadcaster. As a result, there is a real risk that the sports will be siphoned exclusively behind online paywalls. Sadly, we've already seen this happen overseas. Such an outcome would be devastating for millions of Australians, who would simply be unable to pay for the coverage of sports that they have traditionally viewed for free—and should be able to view for free.</para>
<para>To be clear: Australians, regardless of age, where they live or how much they earn, should have the right to access free coverage of sporting events that they're interested in. These events create shared experiences, foster a sense of collective Australian identity and contribute to grassroots community based sports participation. The reforms to the anti-siphoning scheme expand the scheme to prevent media content services, including but not limited to streaming services, from acquiring the right to provide coverage of a listed event to Australian audiences until a free-to-air broadcaster has acquired a right to televise the event on a broadcasting service. This effectively extends the scope of the restriction on the acquisition of rights under the current scheme, which applies only to subscription television broadcasting licences. Further, the reforms extend the automatic delisting period under the scheme to 12 months, to better reflect the commercial reality of sports rights acquisition and finally provide a range of powers for ACMA to oversee and enforce the enhanced scheme.</para>
<para>The government commenced the modernisation of this scheme in 2023 by providing equivalent listings of the FIFA World Cup, the men's tournament, and the FIFA Women's World Cup. This listing will increase the likelihood of Australians being able to watch the Matildas for free in future World Cup tournaments, and the government will publish an exposure draft of the new list to assist the parliament's consideration of the anti-siphoning framework as a whole. This will retain the composition of the current list, but it will include a number of additional events, including the NRL Women's State of Origin series, the final series matches of the AFL and the NRL Women's Premiership, and all events that are held as part of the Summer Paralympic Games.</para>
<para>Australians love their sport, and these reforms will ensure that their favourite and most popular sports remain where they should be: free-to-air, available to all. I began my remarks today by noting the breakneck pace of change in the area of technology and communication. This is particularly the case in the area of TV devices and services. Australians have embraced these changes, consuming media content at times and with devices of their choosing. The bill that is before the parliament at the moment will, therefore, promote consumer and citizen access of choice and support a strong and sustainable media industry. I commend the minister on bringing this matter before us and I commend this bill to the House.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>ADJOURNMENT</title>
        <page.no>113</page.no>
        <type>ADJOURNMENT</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Azerbaijan</title>
          <page.no>113</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's critically important that this evening I shed light on a monumental issue concerning the republic of Azerbaijan, a nation nestled among the Caucasus mountains, next to the Caspian Sea. With a population of 10 million, Azerbaijan boasts abundant natural resources, particularly gas and oil, yet it is tarnished by a regime marked by corruption and oppression. For three decades, Azerbaijan has been under the rule of a single family, taking advantage of its vast fossil fuel wealth to perpetuate autocratic policies both domestically and internationally. This regime seeks to whitewash its image through the hosting of prestigious events like the Formula 1 Grand Prix, UEFA Euro 2020, and COP 29, using these occasions to sanitise its tarnished reputation.</para>
<para>Recently, I had the honour of meeting journalist Alexander Lapshin, who shared his story of survival with me. In 2016, Lapshin was arrested in Belarus and extradited to Azerbaijan for simply travelling to Nagorno-Karabakh, also known as Artsakh, a disputed territory, which, since 2023, has been subject to ethnic cleansing of its indigenous Armenian inhabitants by Azerbaijan, after a 10-month siege and a 24-hour military assault, leaving over 100,000 people homeless. During our meeting he informed me that he'd spent seven months in solitary confinement in Azerbaijan before an assassination attempt that saw him extradited to Israel for his own safety. His supposed crime? Travelling to a disputed territory, refusing to say that Karabakh is Azerbaijan, and calling out the Azerbaijani regime for what it was and what it is—a dictatorship. Both the European Court of Human Rights and the United Nations Human Rights Committee correctly found that Azerbaijan was liable for its illegal torture and arrests, but it will come as no surprise that the dictatorship of Azerbaijan ignored the decisions of such internationally respected bodies.</para>
<para>There is no doubt that Azerbaijan is one of the world's most brutal and criminal regimes, on a par with those of Iran and Russia. Azerbaijan's litany of crimes genuinely knows no bounds. From bombing Armenian churches to imprisoning journalists and opposition activists, the regime's brutality is truly staggering. They have even occupied sovereign territory of Armenia and jailed government officials from Artsakh. Yet they continue to evade accountability through bribery and lavish events such as the upcoming COP 29.</para>
<para>Sadly, what's more disturbing is the infiltration of this regime's influence into our own backyard. Victorian Labor MP Natalie Suleyman has aligned herself with Azerbaijan's interests, proudly hosting its representatives, despite their egregious and well-documented human rights abuses.</para>
<para>As Australians, we can never turn a blind eye to such injustice. I implore the Australian government to stand up to this regime, sanction Azerbaijan and hold this criminal petro-dictatorship accountable for its countless human rights violations against journalists, opposition activists and Armenians.</para>
<para>Finally, I implore all Australians to boycott COP 29. No Australian should step foot on the soil of a regime that is covered in the blood of Armenians and journalists. Any visit to this regime would simply represent a despicable act, and I know that a majority of Australians, if they truly understood and were made aware of the outrageous injustices perpetuated by the regime in Azerbaijan, would stand with me in calling out such shameful acts and encourage no Australian to step foot on Azerbaijani soil at COP 29.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Middle East</title>
          <page.no>114</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
    <electorate>Calwell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the ensuing days after 7 October, I stood up in this place and asked the chamber to imagine what would happen in the event of Israel's invasion on a civilian population of over two million people living in the most densely populated place in the world. Tragically, we are now in the 166th day of Israel's invasion and occupation of Gaza, in what is being referred to as the 'forever war', a war that is arguably the deadliest conflict of the 21st century, resulting in a catastrophic humanitarian emergency.</para>
<para>I want to tell the House what the invasion of Gaza now sadly looks like. Over 30,000 civilians have been killed, with thousands more killed and missing—numbers not counted as they didn't reach hospitals, nearly all of which have been destroyed. Seventy per cent of those thousands missing are children and women. More than 13,000 children have been killed. More than 9,000 women have been killed. Seventy-two per cent of the victims are children and women, with those not killed by the war now dying from acute malnutrition and dehydration. There are 17,000 children who have lost one or both parents.</para>
<para>There are 364 medical crew personnel that have been killed, 48 civil defence personnel that have been killed and 135 journalists that have been killed in the deadliest, most dangerous conflict for journalists in recent history. Two million people have been displaced, with 700,000 infected with infectious diseases due to the forced displacement. There are 60,000 pregnant women and their unborn babies at risk because of a lack of health care, 350,000 chronic patients at risk due to a lack of medication and 10,000 cancer patients facing risk of death.</para>
<para>There are 23 million tonnes of rubble and unexploded ordnance scattered across Gaza. These millions of tonnes of rubble are the remains of the 360,000 residential units either completely or partially destroyed and unfit for habitation.</para>
<para>The Israeli army has targeted 32 hospitals and 208 health centres and healthcare facilities and has destroyed 126 ambulances. There are 405 schools and universities completely or partially destroyed, 514 mosques destroyed and three churches destroyed, including the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Porphyrius, the third-oldest church in the world. Cultural sites have not been spared either, with 200 archaeological and heritage sites destroyed. This devastation is the result of 70,000 tonnes of explosives dropped on Gaza, the equivalent of several nuclear bombs.</para>
<para>I now ask this question: What has Israel achieved? What is it achieving, if not the killing and forced starvation of innocent civilians and the destruction of homes and the displacement of people? The Israeli army, with unlimited supply lines, rages against a civilian population that it besieges, kills, displaces and starves. In the midst of all of this human tragedy, there are those who decry the government's decision to resume funding to UNRWA and go further by demanding that UNRWA be defunded altogether. These are the usual suspects that hurl unsubstantiated allegations against the only agency that has the capacity to provide lifesaving support for the Palestinian people.</para>
<para>UNRWA's humanitarian and development mandate is central to the assistance and protection of Palestinian refugees, including those who are victims of this humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza. I did not support my government's decision to initially pause funding for UNRWA, and I now welcome the government's unpausing of that funding. Never has UNRWA's job been more urgent and more critical now and moving forward under its international mandate.</para>
<para>The war in Gaza has touched members of my constituency profoundly, both those who have directly had family members killed and those who are appalled and distressed by what is happening there. I want to pay tribute to the extraordinary resilience of those who, despite their losses and profound feelings of grief, have come together to comfort each other and to rally behind the people of Gaza. They have become the voice of those engulfed by this catastrophe. They have built support networks and embraced with compassion those who have come to our electorate from Gaza. I pay tribute to the organisations who stepped up 166 days ago calling for a ceasefire in their advocacy, offering prayers and holding community vigils: Ilim College, MyCentre, Islamic Community Milli Gorus and the countless others in my electorate from across communities who are doing inspiring work and are deserving of our recognition.</para>
<para>This killing has to end. The children and other people of Gaza have a right to life and to a future, and the Palestinian people have to have their right to self-determination realised.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Mental Health</title>
          <page.no>115</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TEHAN</name>
    <name.id>210911</name.id>
    <electorate>Wannon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Earlier this year, I received an email. As members of parliament know, we receive many emails, but this one caught my eye, and I'd like to read it here tonight:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Hello Dan …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">How are you? I'm reaching out as an Ararat resident and one of the producers (VAM Paddock Productions) of the local feature film 'Just a Farmer', which was filmed at Tatyoon in 2023. I've met you several times at the local polls and your appearances at my place of work, Marian College, and consider you to be a genuine advocate for issues affecting regional Australians. Farming is the most important job in the world, and so undervalued, especially by urbanites and many politicians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Tatyoon farmer Leila McDougall works tirelessly in regional communities to advocate for mental health and suicide awareness and education. She formed the foundation Live Rural to raise funds to support farmers in need, organising hay runs to NSW and QLD during drought, and creating the beloved annual event, Mellow in the Yellow, with a focus on farmers' mental health, whether it be depression, suicide, or alcoholism. Live Rural funds are allocated to rural issues and education (for example, rural educational workshops about having a frank conversation with someone about their mental health, about being suicidal).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The mental illness stigma , the absence of real talk about suicide, the quiet male bravado, needs to change.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In a demonstration of true country grit, Leila wrote a script, and endeavoured to produce a film that would take audiences into the heart of farm life, showcasing the true spirit and strength of farming communities, as well as the realities they face every day and the shattering silent disease that is mental illness.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Leila has done just that. 'Just a Farmer' will premiere in Melbourne on March 14th and in Ararat on March 16th.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As someone in your position to advocate to communities in your electorate, to advocate in Parliament, and to voice rural issues within governmental teams and with access to media, we ask for your support in spreading the message that the mental health of farmers and rural people needs to be a priority. The rates of suicide are not going down; what is currently being done to prevent suicide is simply not working. The conversation needs to be made loud and made now. Farmers around the world now face the additional pressures of taxes, fuel and fertiliser restrictions from governments ignorant about the farming industry.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">We would love to have a conversation with you about bringing this issue to the forefront of the government narrative. The story in 'Just a Farmer' provides a timely segue into a real and raw dialogue.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Finally, on behalf of VAM Paddock Productions, we'd like to invite you to the Premiere of the Australian independent film, 'Just a Farmer' on March 16th at Astor Cinema in Ararat.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Please find attached the official 'Just A Farmer' poster and link to the official 'Just A Farmer' trailer, which was released on February 5th.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Kind regards, we hope to hear from you soon.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Erica McConachy.</para></quote>
<para>I went to the premiere of <inline font-style="italic">Just </inline><inline font-style="italic">a</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Farmer</inline> in Ararat on Saturday night. It is a compelling film that tells a compelling story, and what it has led to is that the film will now be shown in 200 cinemas across Australia. I encourage everyone who is listening tonight to please take the time to go and see this film. It deals with an incredibly important issue that people in rural communities are facing on a daily basis, and it deals with it in an honest and in a raw and in a truthful way. It will enable you to have a conversation with those you love, with your friends, with the broader community about the issues which people in rural Australia are facing right here and right now. It will enable you to have a discussion about the types of supports that we need to continually be providing to people in rural communities, especially those who are working and living on a farm. Go and see <inline font-style="italic">Just A Farmer</inline>. You will be doing Australia a favour.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Jindelara Cottage</title>
          <page.no>115</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PHILLIPS</name>
    <name.id>147140</name.id>
    <electorate>Gilmore</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm so lucky to live and work in the most beautiful region with the most beautiful communities and people. It's not something that is lost on me; I truly appreciate it every day. I was firmly reminded of that beauty again on 8 March when I joined with members of the Lions Ulladulla District Community Foundation, Ulladulla Milton Lions Club volunteers, service clubs and many members in our community for the official sod turning for stage 2 of Jindelara Cottage.</para>
<para>Before the 2022 federal election, I gained a commitment that an elected Albanese Labor government would provide $638,000 in federal funding for this important project, which would provide supported assisted living units for local people with severe disability. The first stage opened in 2018, and stage 2 of this project will include the construction of additional buildings adjoining the original facility, ensuring Jindelara can continue to support families in the local community.</para>
<para>Reaching stage 2 was no mean feat, and I want to pay particular tribute to Graham Sweet and Brian Thompson from the Lions Ulladulla District Community Foundation for their dedication and perseverance through a very difficult process. Builds like this are often fraught with problems, and there are so many hurdles to overcome. Stage 2 involved working with Shoalhaven City Council to purchase the cul-de-sac land alongside the existing Jindelara cottage for the mere sum of $1. One can only imagine the headaches that process involved, but never did it stop the determination of the team. It was quickly determined that $638,000 would not be enough to construct the new buildings, and so the lobbying began to secure more funding. I'm pleased to say that, after much advocacy by myself with the minister for the NDIS, we were able to increase the funding to $800,000, which of course was very welcome news and meant the build could commence. One of the things that strikes me as so special about Jindelara is how this project evolved from a community need, and it was the community who pulled together to support Jindelara all the way.</para>
<para>Jindelara Cottage provides an important respite for carers who face a lifetime struggle to maintain the care for their loved ones that most of us take for granted. Respite care provides some 'normal time' for families who care full time for someone with a disability. The cottage has five private rooms specifically designed for people with a disability, including hydraulic lifts and a terrific communal lounge and kitchen area.</para>
<para>Jindelara has a long history of community involvement. After local families expressed the critical need for short-term respite accommodation, the foundation was established in 2013 with the combined support of the Lions, Apex and Rotary clubs. Community groups immediately set out to raise funds for the much-needed facility, with money raised by things such as the Milton Ulladulla Entertainers' shows and the Mollymook Beach markets. When locals and visitors to the Milton Ulladulla region buy a Lions sausage sandwich, Christmas cake or hot doughnut, they are also supporting Jindelara. The most significant fundraiser is the Ulladulla Milton Lions Preloved Bookshop. A group of amazing volunteers run the bookshop, which collects and sells second-hand books, CDs and DVDs. Would you believe that since the doors opened in 2013 the stall has raised more than $1 million, with every cent going back into the Lions Ulladulla District Community Foundation and supporting Jindelara.</para>
<para>On 8 March I was so thrilled to join with dedicated foundation members; the Ulladulla Milton Lions bookshop volunteers; the Rotary Club of Milton-Ulladulla; Milton Ulladulla Apex; local people with a disability and their carers as well as the Yumaro disability group; the member for South Coast, Liza Butler; Shoalhaven Mayor, Amanda Findley; councillors; architects; builders; and community members for an all-round joyful celebration.</para>
<para>Of course, the highlight of the event was the official sod turning, signalling the commencement of Jindelara phase 2. The second stage will see two new buildings constructed to provide additional short-term respite accommodation as well as permanent accommodation for up to seven residents and their support staff, including notable local resident Scottie Norris, who currently uses the facility one day a week.</para>
<para>The story of Jindelara is one that so many people in our local community can be proud of. It is the ultimate story of love, sacrifice, determination and volunteerism at its best. Congratulations to the Lions Ulladulla District Community Foundation and congratulations to Jindelara. I can't wait to see Jindelara stage 2 officially open.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>HMAS Manoora</title>
          <page.no>116</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr THOMPSON</name>
    <name.id>281826</name.id>
    <electorate>Herbert</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with great disappointment that I update the House that HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Manoora</inline> veterans have been told by a government department not to wear their Australian Active Service Medals. These veterans rapidly deployed from Darwin to Dili in 2000 as part of INTERFET at a time when the AASM was awarded to soldiers, sailors and aviators. It is quite concerning that now, 24 years later, the government department has written to these veterans and told them that they are not to wear the AASM, that they are not to wear the Returned from Active Service Badge and that the decision on whether they can keep their medals is sitting with the minister.</para>
<para>This is disgraceful. I have written to the Minister for Defence and the Minister for Veterans' Affairs and for Defence Personnel, asking why this has occurred, asking for an immediate brief and asking for both of those ministers to walk into this chamber and update the Australian people and veterans as to whether these veterans who have served their nation proudly can keep their medals.</para>
<para>We are leading into Anzac Day and the stresses that this has. It is a time when you reflect on your service and when you reflect on your mates—those who have succumbed to their war within or those who have been killed in action—and we have veterans being told not to wear their medals. We've got young men and women who have served our nation proudly, whether it was in East Timor, Afghanistan or Iraq, thinking: 'Will I be told in 10 years time I can't wear my medals? Will I be told by the government that my service now is lower than what it was 24 years ago?' I think it is quite disgraceful.</para>
<para>On one side you have a government, a defence minister and a minister for veterans' affairs saying, 'Thank you for your service.' And on the other hand they are saying, 'Give us back these medals.' It is not good enough. It is not good enough that it has been sitting on the desk of the minister for some time with no action. We have these veterans at home trying to explain this to their loved ones and trying to explain this to their families.</para>
<para>This has implications for entitlements under the Department of Veterans' Affairs. Under the VEA you need operational service, which means you need the AASM, or you will be treated differently. How does that work? We have a minister who is asleep at the wheel. We have a defence minister who is part time and we have a veterans' affairs minister who is not even sitting in cabinet. It is disgraceful. These ministers have known about this. They have been briefed on this, but they haven't acted. Our Australian Defence Force, our veterans, deserve so much better. They deserve a government that puts them first. They deserve a government that is not stripping them of their medals.</para>
<para>INTERFET, 2000—Peter Cosgrove, the former Governor-General, led this mission into East Timor. We have sailors that have served so proudly, done this nation proud, who have received a letter saying: 'You are not to wear your AASM or the Returned from Active Service Badge until the Minister for Veterans' Affairs and for Defence Personnel, Matt Keogh, and the Minister for Defence, Richard Marles, either say you're allowed to or say they are taking them off you.' That to me is a slap in the face and a kick in the guts not just to every man and woman who has put on the uniform and served this nation but to every veteran and to every Australian. Our brave soldiers, our veterans, have paved the way for the freedoms that we enjoy today. And 24 years later—10 years since they were awarded this medal—to be told, 'You may not be able to keep it. Thank you for your service, but give us back our medals' is disgraceful and disgusting.</para>
<para>The Minister for Defence and the Minister for Veterans' Affairs should march into this place today, or tomorrow, or at any stage that they see fit, and explain to the Australian people and to veterans why this is occurring. Our point of view is you don't strip medals from people; you don't take this award that was earned by these veterans 24 years ago. This is disgraceful, and these ministers need to be held accountable.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Nuclear Energy</title>
          <page.no>117</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STANLEY</name>
    <name.id>265990</name.id>
    <electorate>Werriwa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the last 50 years there have been three significant accidents in nuclear reactors and many more less significant ones. Fifty years ago there was the Three Mile Island accident, in the US. Then there was Chernobyl, in Russia in 1986. More recently there was Fukushima, in Japan in 2011. People in these communities are still dealing with the fallout of these accidents, and there is still no scientific solution to the waste created by the nuclear by-products, which last for more than 245,000 years. But, despite all the evidence, there are some in this place who wish to endlessly relitigate the idea of nuclear power as a viable addition to Australia's power generation capability. There are no details about which communities will be home to the reactors, when they will be built or who will foot the bill. After 22 failed energy policies from those opposite, it is not really surprising we don't have any detail.</para>
<para>The case for nuclear power in Australia is weak. The coalition recently proposed building large-scale nuclear reactors alongside small modular reactors—another distraction from the very real energy transition that is happening right now. The Australian Energy Market Operator—AEMO—Integrated System Plan noted it is highly likely that all of Australia's coal power will exit the system by 2038. A large-scale nuclear industry in Australia will not be operating until at least the 2040s—and that's only if we start today. And it's important to note that nuclear power projects are notoriously over budget and delayed. Hinkley Point C, in the UK, is currently under construction. The project has been delayed by seven years, and costs have almost doubled to 34 billion pounds. This is in the UK, a country with an established nuclear industry.</para>
<para>The Australian people have come to recognise the coalition for these types of vague and unrealistic policy proposals. One only needs to look at the 2023-24 <inline font-style="italic">GenCost </inline>draft report released by the CSIRO to realise how fanciful these proposals are. Variable renewables such as solar PV and wind were found to have the lowest cost range of any new-build technology, whilst the most expensive form of electricity was, unsurprisingly, nuclear small modular reactors. This is the same conclusion as that of the 2022-23 <inline font-style="italic">GenCost </inline>report—however, with two differences that are important to note. The shadow minister for change climate and energy had argued the previous <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> report did not factor in pre-2030 integration costs when determining the cost of renewables. He argued it obfuscated the true cost of renewables. The 2023-24 <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> draft report did factor in these pre-2030 integration costs, and it still found that variable renewables were cheaper than any new-build options. The same can't be said for the coalition's small modular reactors.</para>
<para>The second difference of note in the <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> report was the significant increase in the cost of these reactors. Despite being identified as the most expensive form of power in the 2022-23 report, these figures were based on the theoretical estimates because, despite what those opposite have been claiming, SMRs are not commercially available. The coalition's example of a SMR in the US, which was recently cancelled due to rising costs, was the only SMR that had been approved in the US to date. The project offered valuable real-world data for the most recent <inline font-style="italic">GenCost</inline> report to consider. The new data showed the capital cost for SMR projects in the US has soared by 70 per cent, and, as a consequence, capital costs have significantly increased in the draft report—reiterating the fact that SMRs remain the most expensive new energy power source.</para>
<para>No matter what angle you choose to view nuclear from, it doesn't stack up. It doesn't stack up economically, it doesn't stack up environmentally and it definitely doesn't stack up socially. It's nothing more than a thought bubble that is being kept afloat by climate change deniers that are intent on reigniting the climate wars. It won't work; the Australian people will see right through it. At the 2022 election they voted for climate change and real policies that will address that. The Albanese government is delivering.</para>
<para>House adjourned at 20:00</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>NOTICES</title>
        <page.no>118</page.no>
        <type>NOTICES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>118</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
  <fedchamb.xscript>
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        <p class="HPS-MCJobDate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-MCJobDate">
            <a href="Federation Chamber" type="">Wednesday, 20 March 2024</a>
          </span>
        </p>
        <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">DEPUTY SPEAKER </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">(Mrs Archer)</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>took the chair at 09:34, a division having been called in the House of Representatives.</span>
        </p>
      </body>
    </business.start>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>119</page.no>
        <type>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Grocery Prices, Social Media</title>
          <page.no>119</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>When it comes to Coles and Woolworths and their price gouging, the time for talk is over. Now is the time to take action to stop them, and the Greens have introduced a bill to parliament to do that. We don't need to wait for another parent to come home from the shops without enough food for their family because they cannot afford out-of-control prices. We don't need to wait for another fruit and vegetable grower to sell their farm because they're being bullied by the big two supermarkets into selling their produce for a fraction of what it's worth. And we don't need to wait for Coles and Woolies to yet again record billions in profits, all while ripping off their workers, customers and farmers.</para>
<para>That's why the Greens have introduced a bill to give the consumer watchdog the power to break up the big supermarkets. Right now, Coles and Woolies control 65 per cent of the grocery market—the highest concentration in the world. Because they know we've got nowhere else to go, they're charging customers through the nose. If they can be forced to sell up shop if they abuse their power and rip us off, it will mean lower prices and more options for the rest of us. Labor should back this bill. The US and the UK have laws like this, and it's long past time that Australia did too. We can rein in the profiteering corporations, lower the cost of groceries and ensure everyone gets a better deal at the check-out, not just the profiteering CEOs. Right now customers don't have a choice, but Labor does. It's time to break up the supermarket duopoly.</para>
<para>If you want to know why people are completely fed up with politics, you need look no further than the US government's TikTok ban. People just want free health care and a good life, but instead they get senators who don't know how wi-fi works trying to ban a social media platform that they don't understand. What a joke, and what an embarrassment that the Labor and Liberal MPs are even humouring the idea here in Australia. Misinformation, security and privacy are issues for every social media platform. We should better regulate them all, not just those owned by a company that's a political problem for the United States. We should be consistent. My message to any government that's being called out online for the issues that people care about, like the invasion of Gaza, is this: TikTok is not the problem; it's the government. If your response to criticism isn't to listen and take action but instead to talk about taking away the megaphone, then you've got a lot more problems than you might think.</para>
<para>We are indebted to brave citizen journalists like Bisan, Motaz and Plestia, who've risked their lives to bring the reality of Gaza to our feeds. It was their truth-telling that spurred the world to action when governments wanted us to look away. We are better for the activists and content creators who use their platform to educate, connect, entertain and advocate for the change we need. We will always fight to protect you. Governments shouldn't ban TikTok; they should learn from it.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lawrence Dimech OAM, MOM</title>
          <page.no>119</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOWEN</name>
    <name.id>DZS</name.id>
    <electorate>McMahon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the annual Maltese community Australia Day event this year, which is always a great event, there was a significant announcement. Lawrence Dimech, one of the great leaders of the Maltese Australian community, announced he was retiring from all positions in the community. Lawrence is in his 80s and has done his bit for our country and for the Maltese Australian community. I want to pay tribute in parliament to his service.</para>
<para>Lawrence migrated to Australia in 1954. He founded the <inline font-style="italic">Maltese Herald</inline>, a newspaper very familiar to many honourable members. He also served as editor of the <inline font-style="italic">Malta </inline><inline font-style="italic">N</inline><inline font-style="italic">ews</inline> and was an immigration attache and consul for Malta in the years from 1971 to 1977. He was then appointed by the then federal government as the director of the Community Migrant Resource Centre Parramatta and served between 1977 and 1985. Afterwards, he was an executive officer at the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs from 1985 to 1992.</para>
<para>Lawrence founded the Parramatta Melita Eagles Football Club and served as both secretary and president. This is particularly relevant because the Parramatta Melita Eagles Football Club has been through a period of dormancy and it's coming back; it's being reinvigorated. I'm a very strong supporter of the Parramatta Melita Eagles Football Club. I'm very pleased to be supporting its refounding, and I know Lawrence will be very proud and pleased with that. I'm sure they're going to play a very big role in football in Australia.</para>
<para>Lawrence has been the secretary of Maltese Welfare Inc. and president of the Maltese Community Council of New South Wales. He was a recipient of the Medal of the Order of Australia in 2003 for his service to the Maltese community in New South Wales, and in 2014 he was awarded the National Order of Merit of Malta on the recommendation of the then Prime Minister Joseph Muscat, an award which is generally not given to anybody outside of Malta. An exception was made in Lawrence's case, and it was awarded to an Australian citizen.</para>
<para>Lawrence has been a very good friend of mine over many years—my entire time in parliament—as has his wife, Marlene, who is a constant support for him and a leader of the Maltese community herself. I want to pay tribute to Lawrence and Marlene today on the very significant announcement of Lawrence's retirement from all community activities. He made it clear that he thought it was time for the next generation to be given their opportunity. I know that the entire Maltese Australian community joins me in wishing Lawrence the best. As I often say about the Maltese community, I love them so much that I married one. My family; my wife, Rebecca Mifsud; and I wish Lawrence and Marlene all the very best.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Member for Hartley</title>
          <page.no>120</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEVENS</name>
    <name.id>176304</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, it was my pleasure to attend the celebration of the 10th anniversary in parliament of my very good friend, state colleague and fellow member in the north-eastern suburbs Vincent Tarzia. He was elected at the 2014 state election. I first met him, in fact, in the 2010 state election where he was on the campaign for the seat of Norwood, supporting Steven Marshall's election to the parliament, which I was the campaign manager for. Vincent was preselected and then, of course, successfully elected in the 2014 election, winning the seat of Hartley off of the Labor party. It was a very significant accomplishment of his, but it was just the beginning of many significant accomplishments for Vincent.</para>
<para>First of all, he celebrates 10 years in parliament while he's still in his 30s, which is quite a significant accomplishment. Ten years alone is significant. I don't know if I will be lucky enough to make it to 10 years in this place. But to be in your 30s and be celebrating your 10th year in parliament is very significant. To have won a seat off your opposition party and held it for three elections, to have served as the Speaker of the parliament and to have served as a cabinet minister are all very significant accomplishments. As I say, Vincent has achieved all of these things in just his first 10 years in parliament and he's still in his 30s.</para>
<para>I congratulate Vincent because, first and foremost, despite what he's achieved in higher offices, he is a phenomenal community representative. He is someone that takes up any issue that his constituents raise with him and follows it through to the very end. As the fellow member for the area that he represents, I'm overwhelmed by the number of personal stories that people have about their interactions with Vincent and what he's done to help and support them with the problems they've brought to him and the solutions that he's developed for them. He's achieved so much for local investment in the community across sporting clubs, community groups, intersection upgrades and school upgrades. Anything that's important to the people of Hartley is important to Vincent Tarzia, and he represents them to the very highest standards.</para>
<para>My best wishes to him on his first 10 years in parliament, and I suspect he'll have at least another 10 years ahead of him because he's got such deep connections to the community and such loyalty from his constituents because of his loyalty to them. They know that he stands up for them, fights for them and represents them at every moment that he has. If anything, at times he works too hard. He has a young family, and my best wishes go to his wife and his young son, Leo, as well. Congratulations on that milestone, Vincent. It is thoroughly deserved, and it's an honour to represent with you, in parliament, the north-eastern suburbs.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Dal Baba Bidhi Chand Ji Khalsa Shaouni Temple, Tripod Farmers, Dingo Discovery Sanctuary and Research Centre</title>
          <page.no>120</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAE</name>
    <name.id>300122</name.id>
    <electorate>Hawke</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I recently attended the opening of the brand new prayer hall at Khalsa Shaouni Sikh temple in Plumpton. I was joined by thousands of people on the day. It was an exciting event for the whole local Sikh community and for our community more broadly to celebrate this important new facility as it provides rich opportunities for us. Khalsa Shaouni is such an important community space. For an electorate as multicultural as Hawke, it's amazing to see it continuing to grow, to develop and to engage with the community more broadly.</para>
<para>I was very honoured to be invited to attend the opening of the prayer space, alongside local state member for Melton, Steve McGhie, and special guests who had travelled from India to be there on the day. It was a very memorable occasion. This event was testament to what we can achieve when communities and governments work together to build important local infrastructure. I want to acknowledge my very good friend Gurdarshan and his exceptional team of volunteers for their hard work not just on this day but all the time in our community—supporting vulnerable families and supporting our community every day and every week throughout the year. Without them, this facility and the fantastic opening event would not have been possible.</para>
<para>I recently visited Tripod Farmers in Bacchus Marsh. This is a great family business. Tripod Farmers started in 1989 on just 15 acres. Now, 35 years later, they farm over a thousand acres across multiple sites, growing some of the freshest produce sold right across Australia. I was delighted to be invited along to discuss—over some very, very decent scones and a delicious cup of tea—the opportunities and challenges that their business is facing. I was particularly interested to see their state-of-the-art laser weeding machine, affectionately nicknamed 'Rocky', in action. It was like watching Star Wars race across the paddocks. This machine is the first of its kind in Australia, and it was fantastic to see a local family business able to invest in such advanced machinery to continue growing and expanding the productivity of their business. It was very clear that this is the future of family farming as these businesses grow and technology becomes a greater part of them. My very dear thanks to Angela, Carmel, Joseph, Frankie, Simon and the team for welcoming me to their farm and for their warm hospitality. I look forward to coming back again very soon.</para>
<para>Last week I visited the Dingo Discovery Sanctuary and Research Centre in Toolern Vale to see the valuable work that they do for these great animals. Completely run by volunteers, the Dingo Discovery Sanctuary and Research Centre's mission is to preserve and conserve the original dingo gene pool while educating the public on the ecological significance of dingoes. It was a wonderful opportunity to learn about these beautiful creatures and have a pat and a cuddle with Pumbah the dingo, a beautiful little animal. Thank you very much to Mel, Lyn, Kevin and the team for inviting me out to visit and for their dedication and effort in running this impressive facility.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rural and Regional Health Services</title>
          <page.no>121</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LANDRY</name>
    <name.id>249764</name.id>
    <electorate>Capricornia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For many Australians living in regional areas, access to quality health care is a constant worry. In Capricornia the story is no different. Towns like Clermont have faced a critical shortage of doctors for years. Imagine the strain this puts on families, especially those with young children or elderly members. A routine check-up can mean a six-hour round trip to Mackay or Rockhampton, a significant burden on time, finances and wellbeing.</para>
<para>Studies paint a concerning picture. People living regionally experience poorer health outcomes. Chronic conditions like diabetes and heart disease and even mental health issues are often left undiagnosed or untreated due to limited access to specialist and preventive care. This lack of readily available health care doesn't just impact physical health; it takes a toll on mental wellbeing too. The stress of long travel times, the worry of not having a doctor nearby and the feeling of being left behind in terms of healthcare resources all contribute to increased anxiety and depression.</para>
<para>This reality was especially harsh for Clermont. For six years, the town of 3,000 people had to rely on a single, overworked GP. This meant limited access to preventive care, specialist consultations and timely treatment. Imagine the impact on someone with a chronic illness who couldn't get the regular check-ups they needed or a parent struggling to find help for a child with a developmental issue.</para>
<para>Thankfully, there's a beacon of hope for Clermont. Dr Tim Lane, a young doctor raised in a small regional town himself, recently arrived in Clermont with his family. He understands firsthand the challenges of living regionally and the crucial role that quality health care plays in a community's wellbeing. Dr Tim isn't just another doctor filling a temporary position; he's committed to being a permanent fixture. He becomes the first doctor in years to hold a permanent position at both the Clermont Hospital and the nursing home, ensuring continuity of care for patients.</para>
<para>Dr Tim's dedication extends far beyond the hospital walls. Recognising the need for broader access to various medical services, he has also taken the initiative to reopen a private practice in Clermont. This means that residents will no longer have to travel vast distances for routine check-ups, prescriptions or basic medical services. Imagine the relief for a parent with a sick child who can now simply walk down the street for immediate care, or for an elderly resident who can receive regular check-ups without the stress of a long journey.</para>
<para>Dr Tim Lane's arrival marks a turning point for Clermont. His commitment to the community signifies a brighter future for health care in the region. With a dedicated doctor providing quality care at the hospital, the nursing home and a private practice, Clermont residents can finally breathe a sigh of relief, knowing they have the healthcare access they deserve. This in turn will not only improve their physical health but also contribute to their overall wellbeing and mental health.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>West Greenwood Primary School, Lions Club of Noranda, Stirling Adriatic Centre</title>
          <page.no>121</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ALY</name>
    <name.id>13050</name.id>
    <electorate>Cowan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There's a lot that's been happening in the wonderful electorate of Cowan, and I rise to just give an update on a few of those things that are happening.</para>
<para>First of all, last week I visited West Greenwood Primary School, where they've just completed the capital works for their new undercover area. I was quite excited to check it out because, when Labor made the commitment to deliver this project at the last election, I knew just how much this would mean to the students at West Greenwood primary. The undercover has not seen any upgrades for—get this—the last 40 years, so you can just imagine how excited the students and the school community were to have their favourite play area renovated, with fresh new carpets and equipment. I want all students to have access to quality facilities to learn and to play, and West Greenwood Primary School is just one of the 22 commitments that Labor made to public schools in Cowan at the last election. I also take this moment to acknowledge the Minister for Education, Jason Clare, and the WA Minister for Education, Tony Buti, who have delivered full funding for all WA public schools.</para>
<para>I also visited the Lions Club of Noranda for the Lions Children of Courage Awards, and what a heartening event that was. It was so inspiring because it was an event that was filled with incredible stories of bravery and resilience. The awards are a testimony to the extraordinary bravery shown by children with complex needs every single day—not just them but their siblings and their carers as well. As parents, we all want our children to be courageous, brave and strong, but these children demonstrate such qualities every single day of their lives. It was really amazing to see them acknowledged for the bravery that they and their siblings and carers show. Congratulations to the 30 recipients of the awards. Their strength and resilience inspire us all.</para>
<para>Lastly, I visited the Stirling Adriatic Centre, a local bowls club in my electorate that has been there forever. I went to check out their new solar panels, but when I got there they wanted to take me to see something else that they were very excited about. Boy, let me tell you: when I saw it I was super excited too. They have donated some land and infrastructure to build an early childhood education centre at the club. The centre will be run by Wanslea, which is a not-for-profit. It's amazing to see a community coming together to build a not-for-profit facility to provide children in the area with access to quality early childhood education.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Energy</title>
          <page.no>122</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HASTIE</name>
    <name.id>260805</name.id>
    <electorate>Canning</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As Australians, we are blessed with an abundance of resources. We are world leaders in coal, gas, uranium, iron ore, critical minerals and rare earths. These commodities are the source of our prosperity and that of our regional neighbours. In fact, our trade has helped many of our partner economies grow and develop. In many ways we are the envy of the world, and many of the good things we enjoy come about through traditional energy sources. I'm grateful for the gas in my stove, the diesel in my car and the power that keeps my family home running. That's why I'm baffled by Labor's mission to take us backwards—to lower our productivity, reduce our standard of living and make us less competitive as a country.</para>
<para>Labor have coal and gas in their crosshairs as they march towards their target of 82 per cent renewables by 2030. They want coal and gas gone, even though Australia only produces just over one per cent of the world's carbon emissions, as reported by the CSIRO last month. Labor has two new radical green policies. First is their fuel efficiency standard on new four-wheel drives and utes. Many in my region will be hit by this tax—tradies and farmers, the mining sector, seniors who tow their caravan in winter, and regional families who enjoy off-roading, boating and camping. I've spent time with my local car dealers, and this policy is bad news for Aussies who use these vehicles for work and recreation.</para>
<para>The other thing Labor wants to do is build massive ugly wind farms up and down our beautiful coast. They've just proposed one in my patch, from Mandurah to Bunbury. That's right—not in Cottesloe Beach, in Perth's upmarket suburbs, but down in regional Western Australia. Mostly made in China and produced with lots of emissions, these wind turbines will harm our fish, our birds and our whales. They'll ruin our boating and sailing, and they're just ugly. Most importantly, wind farms cost a massive amount of money and deliver unreliable and unaffordable power, compared to our traditional sources. What we need is more gas-fired power in our energy grid.</para>
<para>If we want to keep our standard of living, we must have affordable and reliable power. Renewables can't drive a First World economy, with advanced manufacturing, and regular Aussies shouldn't be forced to subsidise the renewables sector with such bad returns on investment, along with the huge transition and maintenance costs that wind and solar farms impose. It's time we said no to the crony capitalists who clip the power bills of Australian families to pay for their green agenda while at the same time de-industrialising our great country. It's time to reconnect with our strengths. It's time to be grateful for them and not be ashamed.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Watson Electorate: Community Organisations</title>
          <page.no>122</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate>Watson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to acknowledge the organisation Human Appeal Australia, based in my part of Sydney, in Lakemba. This is a charity organisation whose work spans four continents, fighting poverty and responding to emergencies caused by conflict and natural disasters. Within Australia they have played a crucial role, particularly whenever a bushfire or flood has occurred. They load up the trucks with local supplies from local stores. The donations come flooding into Lakemba and, before you know it, they are on site—sometimes the first at the scene—providing support to Australians who are facing emergencies. They provide food hampers and sanitary products to those who are most vulnerable.</para>
<para>More recently, the organisation has bolstered its efforts to provide relief and aid around the world and, right now, to those affected by the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Gaza, by forming partnerships in the region to exchange resources and expertise. From floods in Libya to earthquakes in Morocco and Afghanistan, Human Appeal Australia is unwavering in the face of catastrophe. Amidst the civil war in Sudan, the famine in Yemen or the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, the organisation is steadfast in its commitment to provide aid and support to those affected. Many of its donors themselves don't have a lot of money but still find enough to help those in need in Australia and around the world.</para>
<para>Human Appeal also works to uplift and provide greater opportunities for youth in my part of Sydney. It does this through curating programs and events that are aimed to develop Muslim youth and improve their participation in leadership. I want to thank the director of Human Appeal, Mr Bashar Al-Jamal, and his dedicated volunteers for assisting those in need not only here in Australia but also abroad.</para>
<para>I also want to acknowledge the organisation CASS, the Chinese Australian Services Society, based in Campsie. CASS run everything from child care through to aged care. They serve around 7,000 families across Australia, with over 650 employees and 350 volunteers. Their work spans metropolitan Sydney and Wollongong and is beginning to get traction in Victoria. CASS is dedicated to delivering a variety of high-quality services across a range of culturally and linguistically diverse communities. In addition to their work in the care sector, they support newly arrived Chinese- and Korean-speaking migrants with settlement issues such as housing, employment, education, health and welfare.</para>
<para>People from all around the world have chosen to call my part of Sydney home. CASS is one of those organisations that assists people in that transition. I want to acknowledge the foundation chair and honorary executive director, Mr Henry Pan OAM; the chair, Professor Stephen Li; and the rest of the committee for their ongoing commitment and dedication to support the most vulnerable, not only in my local community but across other parts of Sydney.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Fairfax Electorate: Youth</title>
          <page.no>123</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TED O'BRIEN</name>
    <name.id>138932</name.id>
    <electorate>Fairfax</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Much is said in this parliament about national leadership. As I witnessed last week, when I held a morning tea forum with student leaders across the Sunshine Coast, leadership is found right across our country, in different parts of our community and at different ages. The student leaders with whom I met will be running this country come mid-century—around that point of 2050, they'll be the ones running this country.</para>
<para>We went through an exercise in scenario planning. As a result of that exercise, these student leaders made crystal clear that their vision for Australia is not a big Australia with a massively exploding population but rather an Australia that continues to grow incrementally over time. They also made it very clear that, as Australia does grow, they do not want to see urban sprawl right across the country but rather more care taken around creating density, especially with the very smart use of technology and infrastructure. They want to see a diverse mix of infrastructure used so that we are not just reliant on the car and on the road. They also made it clear that they want to see an Australia that might be more united but still maintains very distinct cultures, in acknowledgement that people come from different places, in acknowledgement of not just our First Nations people but the fact that we are, indeed, the most successful multicultural country in the world and in recognition that we will share a common set of values that does not impinge on our ability to also express some differences in cultural heritage.</para>
<para>These students were from Sunshine Coast Grammar School, Coolum State High School, Nambour State College, Matthew Flinders Anglican College, Burnside State High School, Nambour Christian College and Suncoast Christian College. Paralympian Jenna Jones, a true inspiration, joined us on the day. It was a reminder to all of us who are given the opportunity to lead, in whatever walk of life, that, if we are prepared to be persistent and to hang on and fight for our dreams of what we want the future to be, then they can come true, as they have for Jenna. I thank those students for their leadership. They're going to be running this country not long from now.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Holt Electorate: Telecommunications</title>
          <page.no>123</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms FERNANDO</name>
    <name.id>299964</name.id>
    <electorate>Holt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In this digital age, where technology is part of every aspect of our lives, access to good mobile connectivity is not merely a luxury but a fundamental necessity. Whether we are communicating with loved ones, accessing vital information, finishing work or study, or seeking emergency assistance, the ability to stay connected at all times is crucial.</para>
<para>While access to mobile connectivity is comparable to access to water or electricity in the modern world, there continue to be communities that face difficulties in availing good mobile reception. This includes the suburbs of Clyde and Clyde North in my electorate of Holt. A recent survey of these suburbs commissioned by me returned shocking results. Not only did an overwhelming majority of people rate their coverage to be below five out of 10, but many also detailed horror stories they have experienced. These included living in perpetual fear of not being able to call triple 0 in an emergency, having to drive to the nearest Macca's to access the internet during an NBN outage and being totally isolated from connectivity when walking or driving around the suburb. Thanks to the 4,000-plus households who responded to my survey, I have been able to relay their feedback to the major telecommunication providers and the City of Casey, the local government area within which Holt is located.</para>
<para>I am pleased that the Albanese government is committed to bridging the digital divide. The government's Peri-Urban Mobile Program, PUMP—established to target longstanding coverage and reception issues on the peri-urban fringe, in areas like Clyde—has been crucial to this commitment. I'm also delighted that the Albanese government recognises that mobile connectivity is essential to modern societies like Australia's. This is demonstrated through the government's Telecommunications in New Developments policy. This policy places expectations on developers to actively consider the inclusion of mobile infrastructure in new developments to help ensure residents have access to a reliable mobile service when moving into a new home. Through policies like these, I am confident that residents in future developments will not have to experience the same issues as my constituents in Clyde and Clyde North.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>144732</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 193, the time for members' constituency statements has concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>124</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>124</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7163" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>124</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024 comes about by virtue of a decision of the Federal Court. Section 53(1)(c) of the Child Support (Assessment) Act, as inserted by the Family Assistance and Child Support Legislation Amendment (Protecting Children) Act 2018, prevented the Child Support Registrar from making an interim period determination whenever a previous care determination was revoked under other sections of the Child Support (Assessment) Act. Effectively what this really meant was that it severely limited the circumstances where an interim period determination could be made, as a determination would in most circumstances require the revocation of an earlier determination. Practically this means that we're trying to restore the situation as it was before.</para>
<para>One of the key aspects in any type of child support or child maintenance situation is that both parents have a responsibility in terms of care of their children, but also they have a responsibility financially. That doesn't mean to say that the parents equally pay for the child's financial needs. It must be equitable. This depends on people's financial circumstances, their assets and a whole range of other factors. If you're not happy with a child support determination, under section 117(2) of the Child Support (Assessment) Act appeals can be made and reviews can be done, where it's just and equitable and otherwise proper, having regard to any factors in that subsection, to vary the child support assessment.</para>
<para>This is the unintended consequence of a decision and some faulty drafting that happened in 2018. We do not want parents to benefit in terms of family tax payments and child support by contravening court orders. The concept of an interim period can often last, depending on the circumstances, up to 52 weeks, but it does allow and has allowed the registrar in the circumstances to not benefit that person that does the wrong thing. What we're trying to do is restore that situation here so that orders and agreements that are put in place can be fulfilled. It is about reducing litigation and making sure that people do not benefit from doing the wrong thing.</para>
<para>Part VII of the Family Law Act makes quite clear the responsibilities of parents. Children have a right to know and be cared for by both parents, regardless of the marital status of their parents. But children have a right also to be protected from domestic and family violence and abuse and neglect. But they have other rights also. Parents need to take responsibility. It's clear in determining parenting decisions and in part VII of the Family Law Act that courts take into consideration how parents respond, not just in caring for children but whether they meet their financial needs. Children need a lot of financial support. It's commonly thought that a child needs about $1 million to support them through to the age of 18. When I was practising as a family lawyer, parents who were the payers were often surprised when I would show them the Lovering or Lee tables, which were updated from time to time to the CPI et cetera, to indicate the real cost of caring for children. I said: 'Imagine just how much you'd pay if that child were living with you. You'd be putting your hand in your pocket all the time.'</para>
<para>This is a technical amendment we're making today, but it really does have an important aspect to it, a good social policy aspect. It prevents parents who are doing the wrong thing from benefiting. I remember when I first started practising in this jurisdiction. People would have to bring applications for child maintenance, as it was in those days, to the court. Put yourself in the situation where you're a mother or a father and the other party is not paying you child maintenance. You're not likely to have a lot of money hanging around to pay a lawyer—particularly a CBD lawyer like me in Brisbane—to bring your case in the Magistrates Court. So the amount of child maintenance that was being paid was very, very low, and parents were evading their obligations massively.</para>
<para>Ex-nuptial children—children born outside of wedlock—had a different situation than those children born in marital situations, and eventually, through cooperative federalism, we got to the situation where children were being treated the same way, and the Child Support Agency, the Child Support (Assessment) Act and the Child Support (Registration and Collection) Act came into force. It was a landmark reform.</para>
<para>Not everyone is happy with the assessments and determinations made in terms of child support. But, if you ask any parent, they all know they've got to financially support their children. It is sad, in my experience, that parents don't often take regard of the fact that the person they loved, cared for and lived with still has the same degree of affection, love, compassion and decency in caring for their children notwithstanding the marital and relationship status between those two parents. We've got to make sure that we are child focused not just in our legislation but in our decision-making.</para>
<para>This particular act that we will bring in through this bill today is a good act. It's an act of good public policy. It does make a technical amendment, but it fixes up a mistake of the previous government. I want to make it clear at the outset that we—and I think it's a bipartisan position across the chamber and the crossbench as well—should be and are committed to the child support scheme being fair and equitable in this country and to ensuring that adequate and fair financial support is provided to all children, regardless of the marital and relationship status of their parents. The child support scheme was brought in by the Hawke government in 1988. It changed that concept from child maintenance to child support. It does have review provisions, as I alluded to before, and if people are unhappy with that there's always that review process through the AAT arrangements. There are also internal review processes.</para>
<para>I would encourage parents in my electorate and elsewhere to fulfil their financial obligations to their children. It costs a lot to feed and clothe your children and to make sure that those kids get the best chance in life, whether it's through sport or cultural pursuits, so they're not disadvantaged or in any way adversely affected by being embarrassed that they can't afford certain shoes or go to school excursions and the like. There are 1.2 million parents who have a child support arrangement in place for about a million children. When you consider that we have about 27 million people in Australia, that's a large percentage. Last financial year, there were $3.7 billion in child support payments transferred between 1.3 million parents for 1.1 million children.</para>
<para>This is not some oblique or opaque issue. This affects Australians every day. Most Australians don't commit criminal offences. Most Australians don't get involved in car accidents. Most Australians aren't injured at work. But so many Australians are separated from their partners and have children in situations where they once were in relationships of love and affection but find themselves separated, unfortunately, because of whatever circumstance, and they're single. We want to make sure that there are accurate and timely child support payments, and that's critical for the families' and those children's financial security, irrespective of the marital or relationship status of parents. We must take seriously the responsibility to ensure the scheme is effective in the assessment and review process.</para>
<para>As I say, the government last year was aware of the fact that there was a problem as a result of the decision I alluded to before and that the previous government had basically messed it up. We're fixing up a mistake of theirs. In my experience it happens quite commonly that there's a legislative drafting error and a decision was made that results in us having to bring forward another bill to correct that error. The bill reinstates the intended operation of the interim period provisions by clarifying the circumstances in which they can apply, and that's really important. As I say, this is a technical amendment. It clarifies the circumstances where those provisions apply, and it will make sure there's no uncertainty.</para>
<para>Child support payments and family tax benefit entitlements are based on a parent's percentage of care for a child. Ordinarily, this is based on their actual care. Whether there's a written care agreement in place for a child, such as a child order, a parent's percentage of care is based on that written care arrangement for an interim period. That's important. It's important to encourage compliance with those written care agreements. In my experience, nothing frustrates more parents than circumstances where you've got a court order in place and the other parent contravenes that. It results in contravention orders, often with contravention proceedings taking place. Therefore, there are consequential implications for child support. There's no way in the world that it's in children's best interests to have their parents fighting, in or out of litigation, because they can't agree on certain aspects of care.</para>
<para>Interim periods prevent a parent who is withholding care of a child from benefiting financially through higher child support payments and FTB payments. They ensure that the other parent is not financially worse off through what we're doing. Importantly, there are existing rules to protect parents and children at risk of family and domestic violence, and they will continue to apply. This means that, if an arrangement has changed due to fear of violence, Services Australia is able to ensure that child support and FTB payments are based on actual care and that the parent at risk of violence will receive an appropriate amount of financial support.</para>
<para>Interim periods are not permanent and can only apply for a period of up to 52 weeks to strike an appropriate balance when things can change, litigation can take place and contravention proceedings can happen. This reflects the key principle of the child support scheme, which must always be in the best interests of the children, where parenting orders are made, parenting arrangements are made for the children and child support is paid. The best interests of the children must be the paramount consideration. That is, indeed, our international obligation. That is reflected in the Family Law Act. It is also reflected in the child support legislation.</para>
<para>For the interim period to apply, the person with reduced care must take reasonable steps to comply with that care arrangement. In other words, they need to take steps to bring litigation—for example, trying to work out with the other parent to reinstate care arrangements, either through their lawyers or through their personal relationship; communicating with each other; seeking assistance through a dispute resolution service; starting legal proceedings; or notifying the police that the child has been taken without consent. It can be a lengthy and expensive process, and that is why there is a 52-week provision. Where they have done so, these orders can be made to reflect the court's decision about what is in the best interests of the children. The orders should be followed unless special circumstances exist. Importantly, existing rules will continue to apply to protect parents and children at risk of violence. If the care arrangements are due to fear of violence and neglect, Services Australia can take steps to make sure they don't apply.</para>
<para>This is an important clarification provision. It's in the best interests of children. It restores past decisions made since 2018 and is in line with the intended policy to make sure these arrangements do not benefit—to put it in colloquial terms—'the bad parent', who contravenes the order, and 'the good parent' doesn't suffer. It's important that we do this.</para>
<para>We've made other changes in child support and family law. These amendments build on the Albanese government's legislation that came in on 1 July 2023 to make sure the system is fairer by improving the timely collection of child support owed to parents and helping prevent future debt among low-income parents. These changes were intended to address the still outstanding and disgraceful situation where there is a staggering $1.69 billion in the child support debt pool that has accrued over the last 35 years. That's an indictment on us as a country. I would encourage all parents to do the right thing by their children.</para>
<para>We must be very mindful of the difficult financial circumstances and cost-of-living pressures. Nothing impoverishes people more than marital separation or relationship separation. Living in two separate households costs a lot more, and we know it does, but think of the children. I would encourage people to think of the children, what they're entitled to and how it's in their best interests that they continue to be supported.</para>
<para>In the 2023-24 budget, we committed $5.1 million over five years for a package of reforms to implement the recommendations of the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Family Law System to improve the scheme over a long time. We've established the Child Support Stakeholder Consultation Group, which provides feedback to government on policy and service delivery. Looking ahead, we're looking to build on the evidence base for longer-term improvements to child support.</para>
<para>The system is not perfect, as anyone who deals with the system knows, but it's a lot better than it was before 1988. If anyone is not happy with any decision, I would encourage them to seek a review of that decision. The system is by no means perfect, but it's a lot better than we had before.</para>
<para>In conclusion, the government has a responsibility to ensure the system promotes the best interests of children and is informed by people's real-life experience. We know there's more work to do to make sure this child support system is fit for purpose. I can assure the parliament that the best interests of children will always be the paramount consideration as far as I am concerned, and I think that should be the policy of this country—that we look at the best interests of children, whether it's in decision-making by the courts, decision-making by parents or decision-making in relation to child support agency arrangements; this should always continue.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STEGGALL</name>
    <name.id>175696</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024. We know child support is often a fairly vexed and contested area in family law. Sadly, having practiced as a family law barrister, I know very well it is often an area of quite acute contention, where there are fears of control and abuse that have come from the debates and the arguments around the payment of child support and where the financial insecurity of a parent with the predominant care of a child means the payment of child support can be used as a tool to manipulate, control and harass. Then there is also the vexed question where people feel the system is taking advantage to withhold time in exchange for greater payments and support through child support.</para>
<para>There has been an incredible number of inquiries looking into our child support system, and there have been a number of recommendations around how we can make it fairer and also more reflective that ultimately parents bear a financial responsibility for the children they bring into this world and, as such, that responsibility remains regardless of changes of circumstances and breakdown of relationships or decisions to remarry and have further children. That responsibility, once you have had children and brought them into this world, remains. I don't know that the system currently properly reflects that. I support this amendment in terms of this tweaking of the rules, but I would encourage the government to go further and to look more fully at this question because it is vexed and many people feel very strongly about this system.</para>
<para>Currently child support payments are calculated based on parents' total income divided by the proportion of care they provide to the child or the children. A set amount is subtracted from parents' own costs and then payments are worked out using a cost-of-children table. For example, parents' own costs is often a vexatious question depending on repartnering and whether further children are had and what additional costs come under the parental responsibility. Then also the cost-of-children table is problematic because it is very hard to say that one-size-fits-all meets the cost of children, especially if there are special needs or additional considerations. So you often see tension in this system. The parents' own costs are calculated by a measure called the 'male total average weekly earnings'. I urge the government to consider amending that descriptor, because even just the way it's described seems gender biased.</para>
<para>Our Warringah office hears from single parents struggling with the cost of living and some are additionally impacted by the unfairness of the child support they receive or pay, with it not aligning with the percentage of care they are doing. We have heard from single parents who have the added impact of domestic abuse. They want policy that takes into consideration the financial impact of this. I commend the government and the Attorney-General, who have already introduced a number of reforms when it comes to the Family Law Act in relation to where domestic violence interacts with the system.</para>
<para>Today, the technical amendments in this bill provide an opportunity as well to talk about the broader issues with the child support system. The child support system in Australia is decades old and, I would argue, needs wider, more fundamental reform. It's a fact that, today, 40 per cent of marriages end in divorce and a number of non-marriage relationships end as well. So it is sadly a frequent event that there has to be, on the breakdown of relationships, a sorting out of the financial responsibility to children. According to the Australian Institute of Family Studies, the proportion of divorces involving children under 18 is 48 per cent. So very, very frequently children are involved.</para>
<para>People are impacted by the breakdown of family relationships, and the current cost-of-living pressures are adding to those pressures felt by single-parent families. Sadly, as an advocate, I saw all too often how financial pressures bring on the breakdown of relationships, but the breakdown of relationships exacerbates and brings on greater financial pressures on the individuals involved. Caring for children costs money, and the higher the percentage of time that parents spend with children in their care the greater the impacts are on their weekly expenditure—there's no doubt about that. I urge the minister to review that table when it comes to the cost of the child, because I would argue that some of those formulas are quite outdated and certainly don't always take into account all the particular circumstances of a child.</para>
<para>We know as well that unfortunately the payment of child support is also frequently weaponised and used to withhold support and to impose a level of duress on the ex-partner and, by association, on the child. Too often the parents are so involved in the conflict that they lose sight of the fact that, ultimately, the person paying the price is the child. They ultimately have a responsibility to that child, having decided to bring that child into this world. About one-third of all parents paying child support have fallen behind, and it is predominantly men that have that liability. Collectively they owe some $1.7 billion in unpaid child support. More worryingly, we know that the nonpayment of child support, or the withholding of child support, can be used and abused to jeopardise the financial safety of single parents and children.</para>
<para>A 2023 report, by several academics, called <inline font-style="italic">Financial abuse: the weaponisation of child support in Australia</inline> highlighted some very stark issues with our current child support system. Following the separation from their partner, women—it's not always women, but more often than not it is women—are faced with ongoing financial abuse. We know legislation has now been introduced in several state jurisdictions to start addressing coercive control and those kinds of issues, but we shouldn't have a situation where a legislated system such as child support is used as an additional abusive tool.</para>
<para>We know—and the statistics show—that abuse primarily affects women, who continue to carry the burden of unpaid care work in Australia, and they are overrepresented in victim-survivors of family violence. The way the child support scheme can be weaponised means the results can be devastating for mothers and their children. According to the weaponisation report, 80 per cent of women reported that their ex-partner had replaced physical abuse with financial abuse through the child support system as a way to assert coercive control. Ex-partners' coercive control was enacted, according to study participants, by threatening to reduce child support payments; to not lodge tax returns, in order to deliberately lower payments or avoid a payment increase; or to simply work off the books so that it is not reflected in a liability to child support. This stands in stark contrast to what the system was set up for, which was to ensure that children are financially supported by both of their parents following a parental separation.</para>
<para>The bill at hand identifies and deals with what Services Australia identified in 2023: the concerns that the 2018 amendments to child support and family assistance legislation were not operating as intended, because of unclear drafting. Instead of strengthening the interim period provisions, the 2018 amendments unintentionally limited the circumstances where an interim period can apply. A Federal Court ruling in February found this to be the case, and, under the current legislation, an interim period can only apply at the start of a new child support assessment or family tax benefit claim when the breach of the care arrangements occurs at that point.</para>
<para>Under the amendments in this bill, there are a broader range of circumstances where interim periods will apply for child support payments. What are interim periods, and why are they so important? They're often used as part of court orders to determine a percentage payment that a parent must make as part of child support arrangements. Where that level of care is established is dependent on the size of the child support payment. Interim periods are also used to ensure a parent withholding care does not financially benefit through higher family tax benefit payments.</para>
<para>I should note that there have been changes to the Family Law Act, through the Attorney-General and amendments, in relation to that withholding of time and contravention of orders. There is this horrible nexus between abusing the system, of withholding care at times, and seeking to increase financial support or child support payments. Too often, parents are already in a high-conflict situation and feel that the other is using the system to punish, abuse or take advantage. We need to make sure the system works in a way that avoids those kinds of situations. An interim period in which care might have changed, or when there's a withholding of time prior to a decision by the court, will be simplified so that these things can't be used to ensure that the withholding of care will mean a financial benefit through a higher family tax benefit payment or impact on child support.</para>
<para>I support this bill. These amendments are important and they affect a large number of Australian families. Families don't need the added stress and time of chasing up payments that they're entitled to—invariably, single parents, and women. It should be up to the government to make sure that a fair system is in place. The amendments to this bill would see that existing rules apply to protect children and parents who are at risk of domestic and family violence. If a care arrangement has changed due to fear of violence or neglect, Services Australia will be able to ensure that child support and FTB payments are based on actual care and that an interim period doesn't apply. I understand that changes will be put in place under the amendments to make sure that interim period decisions made since the 2018 legislation will be brought into line. This should be done to minimise the impact on parents and carers who may otherwise be disadvantaged financially by having these decisions disrupted.</para>
<para>But where can we go from there? I would argue to the minister that we certainly need to review the definitions used in the act, including the definition that identifies male total average weekly earnings. This is problematic and should be changed as a definition. I think we also need to look at some of the issues identified in the 2023 weaponisation report. The government could look at the feasibility of implementing a guaranteed child support payment, where it would underwrite and pay child support up-front. It would be the recovery agent from the parent with the liability to pay, as it is from a tax point of view. This would take away the pressure and responsibility of being the cop on the beat when collecting those child support payments for single parents who are already struggling and dealing with the impacts, usually, of domestic violence and abuse. The government would then seek collection of payments and enforce compliance on the parent paying, whilst ensuring that violent ex-partners are not rewarded for abusive behaviour. The government already recovers payments through the tax system and it would be of assistance to single parents if the government stepped in in this way and underwrote support. We wouldn't have the situation where single-parent families, frequently women, go without any support but still have the responsibility of meeting costs for the children.</para>
<para>As I said, the current formulas used within parts of the child support system are out of date. They don't properly reflect the cost of a child to the parent who is the primary carer. In this instance, the current formula reduces the financial contribution to the children they already have when there's a change of circumstance or if there's a decision to have further children. The situation then means that the cost of the existing children falls disproportionately on the other parents. Again, this gives rise to added tensions, and I think it should be better addressed.</para>
<para>Many situations have been investigated, and panels established by the government in 2023 could contribute. One is the Child Support Stakeholder Consultation Group, which provides a direct voice to government about issues impacting on families. I look forward to seeing what recommendations come out of that system. Its membership includes national peak bodies and organisations representing separated parents and their children, or who provide services, programs and other expertise related to separated parents and their children. Then there's the Child Support Expert Panel, which includes academics with expertise in child support research, family law and expenditure data. Its scope is more focused and technical in nature than that of the stakeholder group. It will provide oversight of research into the cost of caring for children and will develop a methodology to review the child support formula on a more regular basis to ensure that it continues to reflect the cost of raising children in Australia.</para>
<para>There are fundamental problems with the system. It's very difficult to come up with the right formula, and I don't think there's any government which has come up with the magic wand. There are definitely tensions where child support payments are linked to nights of care; sometimes parents have daytime care of children and that's a disproportional financial burden as opposed to a time burden. I'm encouraged that the minister is engaging with the issue, and I urge the government to go further, to try to bring the child support payment up to modern-day standards.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise in support of the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024 as brought to the House by the wonderful Minister for Social Services. Australia's child support scheme began in 1988, and I think the minister would be old enough to remember 1988, when Expo 88 was in Brisbane. I think this building opened in 1988, and I actually married a Canadian that year. Two out of those three things worked out alright! When we separated, we didn't have children, so we didn't have to consider child support.</para>
<para>Child support ensures that children from separated families are financially supported by both parents in line with each other's financial capacity and the consideration of how much of their time is spent caring for the child. The guiding principle of the child support scheme has always been to promote the best interests of the child—something that's sometimes forgotten. But this amendment reflects that consideration. Decisions around the appropriate level of financial support can often be a lengthy, stressful, emotional and expensive undertaking for parents. It's not uncommon, when love turns to hate, for there to be children outside of that whole process, children who are obviously the expression of love from the start of the relationship. Hope distils, and then you often up with—and we see this as members of parliament—adults who have become quite hopeless at dealing with their children. It's vital to ensure that the processes are fair. It's also crucial to ensure that the outcome of the assessment and the collection of child support are fair. Child support must not be used by parents to carry out post-separation abuse or financial control. I repeat: it should be all about promoting the best interests of the child or children.</para>
<para>The bill before the House today contains a technical amendment which ensures that the child support scheme operates as the Family Assistance and Child Support Legislation Amendment (Protecting Children) Act 2018 intended. Due to unclear drafting of the legislation at the time, the protecting children act limited the circumstances where interim periods could apply, rather than broadening them as intended. Interim periods have been a longstanding and key component of the Australian child support system. When concerns are raised about legislation, it's vital that good governments act swiftly to resolve them.</para>
<para>In this case, during the 2023 Administrative Appeals Tribunal proceedings, concerns were identified by Services Australia regarding the operation of the interim period provisions. A subsequent Federal Court ruling in February this year found that the 2018 amendment did not operate as intended. The intention was to strengthen the interim period provisions; however, it unintentionally limited the circumstances where an interim period can apply. The Albanese Labor government is committed to quick action on legislative reform through this bill, which will clarify when interim periods can be applied.</para>
<para>To work out child support payments and family tax benefits, each parent's percentage of care for the child or children is assessed. This is usually based on each parent's actual care of the child. However, sometimes there is a written care agreement in place; it might be a parenting plan that both parents have agreed to, or it's not uncommon for it to be a court order when they couldn't resolve it themselves. In these cases, the percentage of care and the percentage payment a parent has to make can be based on the written arrangement for an interim period. Interim periods are important as they promote compliance with written care arrangements. They can also ensure that a parent withholding care does not financially benefit from higher family tax benefit payments and, conversely, that the other parent is not worse off with higher child support payments and lower family tax benefit payments.</para>
<para>Currently, an interim period can only apply at the start of a new child support assessment or family tax benefit claim when the breach of the care arrangement occurs at that point. The original design of the 2018 amendment was to ensure a greater period of time before a child support assessment is recalculated when there is a dispute about the care of the child. In some cases, the short interim period, which was 14 weeks at the time of the original amendment, meant that a child support assessment could be changed while the parents were actually working to reach a parenting agreement. Therefore the amendment focused on an increase to the interim period when one parent was exercising their rights under a parenting order and undergoing a dispute resolution process. This amendment will provide clarification on the usage of interim periods. As the minister said, passage of this bill is essential to ensure child support legislation clearly outlines where interim periods can apply. The permissible length of the interim period will increase to 52 weeks, and, after this time, the percentage of care will be based on the actual care being provided by the parents.</para>
<para>The application of an interim period can also have a positive effect on resolving complicated family disputes. For an interim period to apply, the parent with reduced care must demonstrate their efforts to comply with the care arrangements. One bit of parenting advice that my Canadian wife gave me is that we should always lean in when children are doing the right thing, and that includes adults as well in this situation. This can take the form of trying to work with the other parent towards reinstating the care arrangement or working with a dispute resolution service. It can also mean starting legal proceedings or keeping the police up to date with developments, such as a child being taken without consent.</para>
<para>The limited time—the 52 weeks of an interim period—also balances the opportunity for parents to comply with written care arrangements to ensure that child support goes to the parent caring for the child. It's important to note that the amendment in this bill will not affect the existing rules that apply to protect children and parents at risk of domestic and family violence. Decisions made for written care arrangements are made in the best interests of the child. If a care arrangement has changed due to information about family violence or child protection issues such as neglect, Services Australia can enforce child support and family tax benefit payments based on actual care percentages. In these cases, no interim period would apply. The bill also provides direction to ensure that decisions made since the 2018 amendments are legally valid and in line with the intended policy in order to minimise the impact on parents and carers if the decision is disrupted.</para>
<para>The amendment under discussion today is just part of the Albanese Labor government's commitment to strengthening the child support scheme. An estimated 1.2 million parents and one million Australian children have child support arrangements in place. It's a source of much conflict. The member for Blair, who has spoken on this bill, and I did an inquiry into this over a decade ago, and it's still an issue.</para>
<para>In the last budget, the government committed over $5 million of funding to implement recommendations from the Joint Select Committee on Australia's Family Law System. I was a member of that committee, and one of the committee's recommendations was the establishment of the Child Support Stakeholder Consultation Group to provide information to the government on issues affecting families. That committee also recommended the development of the Child Support Expert Panel, which includes people with expertise in child support research, family law and expenditure. Part of the panel's role is to design a methodology for reviewing the child support formula when expenditure data, like the ABS's living costs in Australia survey, are made available. This will ensure that child support payments are at an adequate level of financial support. Further initiatives include review and compliance with child support scheme to ensure vulnerable single-parent families are financially supported and to gain an understanding of how to support parents with caring responsibilities.</para>
<para>The bill is technical, but it's nevertheless an important piece of the child support system. It will ensure the child support scheme operates as initially intended in previous amendments. It has my full support, and I commend it to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:43</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RISHWORTH</name>
    <name.id>HWA</name.id>
    <electorate>Kingston</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In summing up, I'd like to thank all of those who have contributed to this debate on the Social Services Legislation Amendment (Child Support and Family Assistance Technical Amendments) Bill 2024, which is a technical amendment to ensure that the child support scheme operates as intended. Through this bill, the government is taking action to quickly resolve legislative uncertainty and restore the parliament's intent from the 2018 bill. The passage of this bill is essential to ensure that child support legislation clearly outlines where interim periods can apply. I'd like to thank the member for Deakin, the shadow minister for social services, for showing practicality and bipartisanship to move this legislation through the parliament promptly.</para>
<para>Interim periods are an important, longstanding feature of the child support scheme. Interim periods are important because they encourage compliance with written care agreements. The bill clarifies provisions in the child support and family assistance legislation to ensure interim periods are available in a broader range of circumstances, consistent with longstanding policy and practice. While not known as an interim period, child support assessments have been able to reflect the contravention of a court order or parenting plan since 1998. Interim periods in their current form have existed since 2010, when child support and family assistance legislation were aligned with the same care determinations. The bill includes retrospective provisions to ensure decisions made since the 2018 bill and in line with the intended policy are legally valid. This is important to minimise the impact on parents and carers who may otherwise be financially disadvantaged by having these decisions disrupted. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
<para>Message from the Governor-General recommending appropriation announced.</para>
<para>Ordered that this bill be reported to the House without amendment.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>131</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <a href="r7148" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>131</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GEORGANAS</name>
    <name.id>DZY</name.id>
    <electorate>Adelaide</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It gives me great pleasure today to speak on the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024, a bill that has come to fruition through the Albanese Labor government. This bill overturns the former government's decision to wipe out community TV in Australia. I am pleased that the communications minister has announced that the last two community TV channels, C31 and C44, will survive beyond 2024. It has been on the minds of those community TV stations for a long time, because from year to year they didn't know whether they would have the funding to exist into the future. It's a great bill.</para>
<para>The bill delivers on the election commitment that was made by the Albanese Labor government. It was also something I campaigned for, together with Senator Marielle Smith, in the electorate of Adelaide, because C44 is in the federal seat of Adelaide. We took it to the former government, but to no avail. We spoke to our shadow ministers at the time, and there was great interest in it. I'm pleased that the Minister for Communications has brought this bill and it has now come to fruition. It will save community TV, especially C31 in Melbourne and C44 in my electorate of Adelaide.</para>
<para>This was a commitment that we made at the '22 election, and we've now delivered on it. This will keep the two remaining community television stations operating and on the air until there is an alternative use for the radio frequency spectrum that they occupy. They do a great job. I speak on behalf of C44 and General Manager Lauren Hillman, who advocated fiercely and continuously for the survival of C44 in South Australia. We know this bill will ensure they have a future where they can plan things, and it will ensure that the people they service are still able to watch the community broadcasting on C44 and C31.</para>
<para>Community television does a great job in briefing the community. In my electorate, during COVID-19, we saw messages coming out of C44 informing the public in different languages. Many community groups were very isolated and perhaps couldn't speak English, and C44 played a real role. At the forefront of my memory is one of the great community roles they played during the Orthodox Easter. A lot of older people and pensioners in my electorate attend church during Holy Week, the week leading up to Easter, but for the first time they couldn't go, because the churches were shut. C44 broadcast live church services so people could participate in the Easter celebrations, as they had done for years and years. They played a very effective role during COVID in 2020 and 2021 by ensuring they were informing different communities, which perhaps weren't locked into the traditional media that we watch, in their own languages. But they also had a vital role in the cultural and religious aspects of things. They do a great job in South Australia. It is an alternative viewing on TV that perhaps the other commercial stations don't broadcast or have an interest in; they're not dictated to by advertisements. It's a very, very good community service that they provide.</para>
<para>This bill will reverse the coalition's attempt to send the remaining community TV stations in Melbourne and Adelaide off air, and that was meant to start this year in June. This bill will overturn that, which means they will survive and continue to serve the diverse communities. What we've done here is not rocket science. It was very simple. It just wouldn't be done by the other side when they were in government. Of course, when an alternative use for the spectrum is found, then we can talk about how they go to that alternative system. But, until an alternative is found, there is no other choice. You must keep them on air because of the services that they provide.</para>
<para>As a result of the amendments, the two community television operators in these two cities, Adelaide and Melbourne, will have greater certainty beyond 30 June 2024. If you need to operate, you need that certainty to make sure that you prepare your budgets and have everything in place. When there's no certainty, you can't prepare for the future. It's very important, certainly not just for C44 and C31 but also, for the audiences who rely on these community stations, it'll mean there is surety for the future. The bill will replace that expiry date with the new ACMA-led process for determining a future day when the apparatus licensing for the remaining community television channels will cease. Under the bill, in the future the ACMA will be granted power to declare by notifiable instrument that an alternative use of the broadcasting service's band spectrum utilised by these licences has been found. That's subject to certain conditions being met at a later time than what was previously determined by legislation as the date for the cessation of those licences.</para>
<para>Community television plays a big role in our communities. It informs the public, including those who perhaps need a different type of process for that information to be given. I gave the example of the church services that they were broadcasting when people couldn't attend church, which was a big thing for me and my community in my electorate. Many people were praising them and saying that they felt like they were participating in those Easter celebrations when they couldn't attend many of the celebrations that took place. C44 was there, live broadcasting the church services with, of course, no parishioners in the church service. But people felt connected to it. These are the things they do that are different from commercial radio stations, pay TV, Foxtel and all the other broadcasting stations that are on air. They're very important. They play an important role in our community, and we want to make sure that they're viable and continue to service the very diverse community that they serve.</para>
<para>Community TV, as I said, plays a vitally important role in the diverse migrant community. I saw it first-hand in my electorate and I still see it. They still have programs in many different languages, religious and sporting programs that perhaps you wouldn't see on TV or paid channels that require a fee every month or every week or a one-off fee. They're playing a vital, important role in diverse communities, especially the migrant community. They both serve as information and entertainment platforms, with diverse entertainment. They provide religious communities with access to services. As I said, an example was when COVID-19 was happening.</para>
<para>I would like to congratulate Lauren Hillman, who has advocated continuously now for at least a number of years, wanting certainty. They now have that certainty. I am sure that C44 and C31 will continue to broadcast and they will continue to service their communities and reach out to all those communities that perhaps wouldn't otherwise have that information and that news that they are getting from these two wonderful channels. I commend this bill. I hope that it is supported by everyone in this place just on the fact of the important role that these channels play.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEVENS</name>
    <name.id>176304</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I indeed commend my friend the member for Adelaide's contribution, particularly on channel 44. Of course, the member for Makin is in the chamber as well. We are probably going to give similar speeches about the value of the service these channels provide. I can assure the member for Adelaide that the coalition supports the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024.</para>
<para>I'll just commence by picking up on the comments from the member for Adelaide about COVID and how vitally important community television was in keeping our communities connected. I know in this debate there might be some in the more advanced tech space of the modern era of technology and digital connectivity and various platforms, particularly online through the internet and social media et cetera, that may feel that there are those kinds of digital avenues to communicate to people and broadcast to people. That has been one of the reasons why this debate has been had in the past. COVID showed us that there is a very vital role for traditional community broadcast television to keep communities connected.</para>
<para>The member for Adelaide made excellent points and referred to some examples. The member for Makin will probably touch on similar examples. I will use particularly an example regarding the Italian community in the eastern and north-eastern suburbs of Adelaide and the vital role that Channel 44 played in broadcasting important religious ceremonies, such as mass and vespers, through a period when unfortunately the community could not have that important attendance at mass and vespers that brings the community together. That was particularly so in the example I highlighted of some of the Italian community events that happen in my electorate and more broadly in Adelaide. It was Channel 44 that was there and available to broadcast services and also coverage of broader events through the days as they could be held, slowly but surely, as we opened up from COVID. There were obviously times, particularly for more vulnerable people, when it was not safe for them to physically go and participate because of the challenges and risks of COVID. What they did was provide access through traditional broadcast means.</para>
<para>Quite understandably, it's not reasonable to expect particularly elderly people to have connectivity through modern social media channels and the sorts of technology that younger people might be more comfortable with and used to using. It was great to have religious ceremonies livestreamed on certain platforms, but broadcasting is a traditional way that television reception could receive and, therefore, everyone had a variety of options. For some people, that was the only option to stay connected to those important religious services and other multicultural events happening in the community. It was very important.</para>
<para>COVID is the best example, but it is an ongoing requirement, particularly with an ageing population and people who find it more difficult as they get older to physically attend certain events. They can still participate in them by viewing them, by seeing the annual events that they might have attended in person for decades. They may be now in a position where they can't physically attend, particularly because of ageing and being in residential care and the like and having vulnerabilities that make it a risk to go to such events. That's where Channel 44 provides one of the great services that we should acknowledge and defend. Certainly, in the last government this was a hot issue, and I had a lot of discussions with the then minister, the member for Bradfield, about the imminent risk of the service coming to an end and the spectrum being removed from them. It was a good and important decision that Minister Fletcher made, and this bill gives even more significant security to Channel 31 and Channel 44. I respectfully leave comments about Channel 31 to my Victorian colleagues because they are in the best position to talk about the value of Channel 31, and I'm certain it is commensurate with the value of Channel 44, which is the example in Adelaide.</para>
<para>In Adelaide, the service that Channel 44 provides is very important. It's community led. It's volunteer led. They obviously work very hard to finance and fund the service they provide. There's a lot of volunteerism associated with what they do. And, of course, a lot of people learn great skills and get excellent early opportunities in the sector as well through people like Channel 44. I've got the South Australian Film Corporation in my electorate, and we in South Australia are very proud of our history more broadly in broadcasting, film and screen. Both the on-camera expertise and technical expertise that are needed to produce broadcast-quality product, like Channel 44 do, are also very important skills that are supported in that broader ecosystem in South Australia.</para>
<para>The coalition supports this bill. I reiterate my great appreciation to Channel 44 for what they do to serve the Adelaide community. They provide a vital service and, in particular, that connectivity in a more traditional way, through broadcast television of important community events, which means that people that have been disconnected in different ways, such as through COVID, are able to stay connected in a way that would not be possible without Channel 44. So thank you to them for what they do and provide. With that, I commend the bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms THWAITES</name>
    <name.id>282212</name.id>
    <electorate>Jagajaga</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm very pleased to be speaking in support of this bill, the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024, delivering on our government's commitment to secure the future of Channel 31 in my home town of Melbourne and Channel 44 in Adelaide. Channel 31 does hold a special place in the hearts of many Melburnians, and the key, I think, is in the name: community TV. This channel provides a real community service to so many people in our city.</para>
<para>It provides specialised, unique programming that viewers can't find anywhere else. You can get this just from a quick look at the TV guide for Channel 31. There's the multicultural programming: Korean, Chinese, Serbian, Tamil, Macedonian, Indian, Greek, Latin American, African, Sri Lankan, Indonesian and Croatian. There's the very popular fishing programming. I must say I'm not a fisher myself, but I do know how popular this particular part of Channel 31's service is. The shows include <inline font-style="italic">Fishing </inline><inline font-style="italic">Trips </inline><inline font-style="italic">with Skip</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Fishin</inline><inline font-style="italic">g</inline><inline font-style="italic">with Ferg</inline><inline font-style="italic">y</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Fishing</inline><inline font-style="italic">Mad</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Savage Seas Adventures</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Happy Fisherm</inline><inline font-style="italic">a</inline><inline font-style="italic">n Fishing Adventures</inline>. That's a group of programs there that I know have a very dedicated audience. There are car shows—again, not something I am personally familiar with, but for many people this is an area of interest, and the shows include <inline font-style="italic">All </inline><inline font-style="italic">Offroad </inline><inline font-style="italic">4x4 Adventures</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Aussie Garage TV</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Bumper </inline><inline font-style="italic">2</inline><inline font-style="italic"> Bumper</inline>. There are many more programs, like <inline font-style="italic">Vasili's Garden to Kitchen</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Woodworking Masterclass</inline>, <inline font-style="italic">Creatives </inline><inline font-style="italic">o</inline><inline font-style="italic">n the Couch</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Move It or Lose It</inline>, all keeping people connected—all giving people interest and connection that they wouldn't otherwise have.</para>
<para>Of course, these programs don't attract ratings at a level that make them a viable proposition for a commercial channel, but they are so important to our community and they all deserve a place for people to be able to tune in and see their passion, their interest, on the television.</para>
<para>I've had direct feedback from people in my community, in Jagajaga, about the value that Channel 31 has for them. Kathy from Greensborough wrote to tell me about the importance that Channel 31 has for her and, she knows, for other Victorians and that it was particularly important during the lockdowns that Melbourne experienced during the COVID pandemic. For Kathy, Channel 31 in fact was an invaluable resource to help her stay active and connected. She said that the morning exercise program for older people is particularly important to her. It's actually part of her routine. Again, as I said, this is a service that is so community based and is valued by so many people in our community.</para>
<para>Another important role that Channel 31 plays in Melbourne is in supporting local news. It provides a training ground for emerging journalists and screen practitioners, including those going through university or TAFE. I have personal experience of this: my first role on TV when I was studying to become a television journalist was on Channel 31. If anyone goes way back to the early 2000s they could find me on Channel 31. I dug around to see if I could find some of my early stories, and I found the VHS tapes but I no longer have a VHS player to play them on! Having that real-life experience of my story go on community television was certainly an invaluable experience for me, and I know there are many more famous people than me who have had their start on Channel 31. It's really important that we continue to give people that training ground which community TV provides.</para>
<para>This is Labor delivering on our election commitment to keep community TV stations Channel 31 Melbourne and Channel 44 Adelaide on air. Community TV adds to media diversity, local news and content. It supports local business and community organisations and, as I said, it provides a much-needed training ground for journalists, producers and the industry talent of the future. This is something that Labor has a proud track record in supporting. For years we have stood shoulder-to-shoulder with the community TV sector in fighting to keep them on air. As I noted, some of Australia's most popular media personalities came through Channel 31, like Rove McManus and Hamish and Andy. Rove has said of Channel 31:</para>
<quote><para class="block">What I gained from my Channel 31 experience was collaborating with fellow creative people in a group environment that taught me how to be a host and them how to be producers, camera operators, lighting technicians, set builders and editors.</para></quote>
<para>All of those skills from one place—a real service to the community.</para>
<para>Actor and comedian Nazeem Hussain created two different panel shows on Channel 31: <inline font-style="italic">Ramadan </inline><inline font-style="italic">TV</inline> and <inline font-style="italic">Salam Cafe</inline> aimed to provide a voice for Muslim Australians. As he said: 'We were sick of seeing Muslims on TV who looked and sounded nothing like the Muslims we knew and hung out with. We were able to make TV that we had never seen before on a channel that is known for being experimental and giving a voice to people who don't have a voice elsewhere.'</para>
<para>Community TV plays a vitally important role as an information and entertainment platform in our diverse migrant communities in Melbourne. It provides religious communities with access to services. I spoke before about the role that Channel 31 played during lockdowns in helping to keep people active, and it also kept religious communities connected by helping people to attend services that they would normally attend in person. They were able to do that through community TV—again, giving people the opportunity to continue their routines and their traditions.</para>
<para>Our government does believe that community television is a vibrant part of Australia 's media landscape, and that's why we fought, and will continue to fight, attempts by those opposite to boot it off air. It was of course Malcolm Turnbull, back in the days when he was still saying how happy he was to be part of Tony Abbott 's team, who told community TV that its time was up. At that time, Malcolm Turnbull did not think it was worth having community TV taking up broadcast spectrum. He suggested that this service, which, as I've explained, is so valuable in so many places to so many diverse members of our community, could be an internet-only service. I will acknowledge that of course the internet plays an ever-expanding role in our lives and in our communities, but a significant number of Australians still use and rely on broadcast TV and radio. People know the routine of turning on their TV and tuning in at a particular time for a particular show. That's what those opposite, under Malcolm Turnbull, were looking to take away from people.</para>
<para>We recognise the importance of this service, and that's why it's so important that this bill is before us today. It reverses the coalition's attempt to send the remaining community TV stations in Melbourne and Adelaide off air in June this year. We will support them to continue to serve their diverse communities. This bill repeals the legislated expiry date for channels 31 and 44, removing the deadline that was legislated by the former Liberal-National government.</para>
<para>I want to pay tribute to community TV itself and its many, many supporters, who I know have run such a hard-fought campaign to make sure that they were in this position today, that they were safe, that they weren't forced off air. Obviously having that date put in legislation by those opposite was very difficult for all of those people, many of them volunteers, who give their time to community TV. They put that work in to provide the service. It was very difficult for them to think that they were about to be forced off air. As I said, it is a tribute to them that we are here today to ensure that community TV stays on air. It's a tribute to the minister, who I know has been a passionate supporter of community TV and has stood with them through this campaign to make sure that the important role they play in communities like mine is recognised and that they can continue to do that work.</para>
<para>This bill gives the two community television operators much more certainty beyond 30 June this year. The audiences of all those programs I listed earlier will continue to have access to these services as the Future of Broadcasting Working Group considers the future of broadcasting in Australia as a whole. The bill also harmonises the code of practice regime for community TV, bringing both existing operators under the definition of the 'same section of industry'. This will allow the development and registration of one code of practice by the peak community television body, the Australian Community Television Alliance, to cover Channels 31 and 44.</para>
<para>As I said, our government values community TV. We want to see it continue. It is a valuable service to so many people in my community. As I said, I have personally benefited from the role that community TV plays in nurturing new talent. For all these reasons, I am so very, very proud to be standing here today supporting it and seeing community television continue to thrive.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I begin by supporting the comments of all three previous speakers, who I think very eloquently demonstrated the importance of the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024. I support the legislation and I believe the comments made very well sum up why community television—and, indeed, community broadcasting more broadly—is so important.</para>
<para>As other speakers have said, this legislation delivers on a Labor commitment to keep Channels 31 and 44 going. Whilst I appreciate the comments of the member for Sturt, who said that he also supports this legislation, the reality is that the previous coalition government attempted to close down those channels, and it was only because of the constant campaigning and a commitment by the Labor government and the minister, who is in the chamber with us today, that we now see that those stations will be able to continue.</para>
<para>Community TV and radio are an important sector of our society. Collectively, community radio and TV employ about a thousand people, and some 17,000 volunteers contribute their time to working in community radio and television stations. I know, from speaking to many of them whom I know in Adelaide, that it is something they do with great passion and they enjoy it. It fulfils them, and they would be very disappointed if they weren't able to do it. I understand that there are currently about 500 community radio licences throughout Australia, but there are only two TV licences left. Whilst they serve in a similar way, there are also some critical differences, and I will come to those in a moment.</para>
<para>What's also important with community broadcasting is that 77 per cent of it, I understand, is in regional and remote Australia, places where sometimes reception for the national broadcasters is terribly poor but, even more importantly, the kinds of services that community broadcasting provide would never get any airing whatsoever, because they simply wouldn't be important enough to be transmitted through the major television and radio stations. In that respect, it provides critical services to those communities. The same applies now with Channels 31 and 44. Those channels are able to pick up on programs, services, information and opportunities that the major broadcasters would never, ever engage with and which are yet so important for what I would call niche sectors of society.</para>
<para>We've heard from other speakers to date that those channels provide an opportunity for new talents and careers, whether for actors, performers, newsreaders, producers, camera operators, sound technicians or whatever. If the career is associated with broadcasting, it gives people somewhat of an opportunity to get involved in that industry sector without knowing that they are under scrutiny in a way that would otherwise make it impossible for them to have a go. By having a go, they can then decide whether it's a career they want to pursue. Quite often, because they've had a go, someone notices how good they are and picks them up, ultimately leading to a professional career.</para>
<para>As I've said, it also enables the broadcasting of local news. I often switch on Channel 44 and watch programs I think I would never have known about were it not for Channel 44 being the broadcaster, because those programs are simply not the type that would be relayed through commercial television stations or the like.</para>
<para>There's another area, of course. I noticed the member for Adelaide talked about this at length, and I'm happy to add to it. These stations allow culturally diverse communities to broadcast their programs. Again, they wouldn't get a run on mainstream TV stations, but they do through Channel 44 and Channel 31. That is important. Whilst it might only be a narrow sector of the community who listens and watches, for that narrow sector it's important. For example, on Sunday morning, I attended La Festa di San Giuseppe, or Saint Joseph's Festa, in Adelaide. It was the 52nd year that that festa had been run in the Salisbury community. While it wasn't on Channel 44 in Adelaide, two radio stations of Adelaide—Radio Italiana 531 and Radio Italia Uno 87.6—were both there broadcasting the mass and in fact the whole day's events. Those people who couldn't attend, perhaps due to being in an aged-care home or at home unable to travel, were able to at least feel that they were participating and to know what was going on. Even as I drove away after I attended, because I obviously had to come to Canberra, I tuned into the radio station to listen to what was happening. It gave me a sense that I was still there, even though I wasn't. Many of the people who would have loved to have been there are now aged; they're older people. They simply can't get there. But, through the broadcasting services, they were able to do so. It's even better than listening to the radio if you can see what's happening by switching on the television program on Channel 44 in Adelaide. Both the member for Adelaide and the member for Sturt commented on just how invaluable this all was during the COVID period, when both stations would have been broadcasting to communities live events that would otherwise never have been transmitted.</para>
<para>Another area that I want to touch on with respect to Channel 31, Channel 44 and broadcasting more broadly, including through radio stations, is that broadcasting is important to our democracy. Broadcasting diversity is important to our democracy. We live in a world where too much of the daily news is filtered by and serves the interests of media moguls and sometimes national governments. Depending on which country you're in, both have an effect on what news is relayed and broadcast to the rest of society. That, in my view, is not good for democracy. Others have quite rightly also pointed to the fact that the internet has enabled us to break through much of that. Yes, the internet does serve a purpose. But, as we all know, for most people the simplest thing to do is to switch on either their TV or radio and then choose what they might want to watch. To some extent, those people who know that a particular program is being broadcast on a community radio station will actually do that.</para>
<para>Many years ago, I was involved in setting up one of the local radio stations in the Salisbury area. That station is still going strong after about 40 years, which just shows the importance at the time of getting it going but, more importantly, that it wasn't just a short-term phase of the local community in wanting to have a broadcasting station. Again, that station, like all the others, focuses on many local issues that would never get any airing otherwise.</para>
<para>It's also important because in a democracy we need truthful reporting. It's fundamental to a healthy society. Again, allowing different sectors to come on air and express their points of view about an issue gives everyone a chance to think, 'At least I have now heard the alternative side of the argument,' if there is a contentious issue being debated and so on.</para>
<para>So, for all of those reasons, community broadcasting is, I believe, fundamental and so important. It's why it was brought in in the first place many, many years ago, and it's sad that we only have two stations that are still operating. The previous government, as other speakers have noted, would have been happy to see those close down as well. This legislation does the opposite; it keeps those two television stations going. But, just as importantly, if for some reason the licences need to be terminated, the legislation provides adequate notice and an adequate time to transition out. For all of those reasons, I think this legislation is important. Keeping those stations alive and going is important. I commend the minister for her support of this legislation.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ANANDA-RAJAH</name>
    <name.id>290544</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Just recently I had the honour of representing the Minister for Communications, Michelle Rowland, who is in the chamber today, at the awards ceremony for community television in Melbourne. This was an absolutely joyous event. It was a real spectacle, a celebration of diversity, in the broader sense of the word, of people from all walks of life, and a fantastic array of media and entertainment content. It was also a celebration of location, because the content that community television champions is very much local and community focused. The kinds of stories that are told you will just not find on commercial TV. It was also a celebration of our nation's storytellers, musicians, producers and creators. After all, it is community TV that is the training ground for Australia's future media talents, and that was evident on the night. There were young people and older people. When the awards were handed out, there was riotous applause from the crowd. Honestly, it was a lot of fun.</para>
<para>The content that received the awards was diverse. There were migrant offerings, there were motorsports and there were youth takes on politics, for example. That was interesting to see. Our young people are engaging in politics and they are watching what we do in this House. There were shows on fishing, shows celebrating food and wine and, of course, shows on the great Aussie icon, the four-wheel drive, and where it can take you in this country. What was evident is that these young people use community television as a means to hone their skills and spread their wings often to other arenas with a much bigger stage, like commercial TV, either in Australia or internationally.</para>
<para>It is for these reasons that I am very pleased to speak about the reforms being put forward today. The Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024 effectively kills the Liberals' kill bill on community TV. Under the previous Liberal government, community TV would have ceased to exist in Melbourne and Adelaide by June of this year. This was part of a campaign to essentially gag and shut down community TV that was waged over many years and that we in the Labor Party fought against.</para>
<para>The bill repeals the legislative expiry date of C31, the channel that I celebrated, and C44 in Adelaide of 30 June. It allows community TV to have the certainty to continue broadcasting into the future. Instead, the bill will replace this expiry date with a new ACMA-led process for determining a future date for when the licences of the remaining community TV channels will cease. So it won't be up to the government of the day, at their whim, to decide when community TV continues or stops. The process will be led by a statutory body, ACMA, that will be held at arm's length from government, and that is a good thing.</para>
<para>I want to see community TV continue to prosper, to broadcast and to suck in our talent from our schools, our universities and our training institutes in order to deliver that talent to much bigger stages. After all, we have a wonderful story to tell in our country, but we need those talented young Australians to enter the media sector and to see it as a future career for themselves, and community TV is a very important stepping stone in that journey.</para>
<para>Labor has a proud legacy of supporting community TV, and for years we have stood shoulder to shoulder with the sector fighting to keep them on air. This reform will enable community TV to thrive for many years to come. I commend this bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROWLAND</name>
    <name.id>159771</name.id>
    <electorate>Greenway</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank members who have contributed to the debate on the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Community Television) Bill 2024. Across the parliament, there is a great level of support for community broadcasting, including for community television. I acknowledge members' support for the sector and its role in the community as well as in the media industry.</para>
<para>The Albanese government recognises that community television services Channel 31 Melbourne and Channel 44 Adelaide provide an important platform for local news and content and local businesses and are training grounds for talent. We want the engaging, informative programs these services create to be accessible for their communities to enjoy over terrestrial broadcast for as long as there is a spectrum available for them to do so. That is why the government is delivering on its promise to keep Channel 31 and Channel 44 on air until an alternative use for the spectrum they currently use is realised.</para>
<para>Over the past decade, there have been multiple amendments to set an expiry date for these services. This has created confusion and uncertainty. The approach set out in the bill reasserts the objectives of broadcasting and radio communications policy and the role that the broadcasting industry and its regulator, the Australian Communications and Media Authority, have in facilitating efficient planning, allocation and use of the spectrum.</para>
<para>The bill replaces the existing reliance on fixed expiry dates with a new framework that affords the broadcasting industry and government flexibility to respond to as yet undetermined future uses of spectrum, while allowing Channel 31 and Channel 44 to have confidence in their own forward planning and decision-making.</para>
<para>The bill will amend the Radiocommunications Act 1992 to provide the ACMA with the power to make available the apparatus licences for both channels until it declares that the spectrum they access is required for other purposes. The ACMA is well placed to make such decisions in accordance with the objectives of law, as the regulator with expertise in spectrum management and broadcast licensing.</para>
<para>When the time comes for these two remaining community television services to vacate the spectrum, the bill ensures they will be granted at least 12 months notice to transition to online platforms. It is expected the government and the ACMA will work with industry in the identification of any new uses for the spectrum and on the eventual transition to other services.</para>
<para>It is important to note the bill does not provide for the ACMA to consider issuing new community television licences. This reflects the ongoing policy intent that the spectrum currently used by Channel 31 and Channel 44 may ultimately be required for other purposes. Without being able to predict when an alternative use for the spectrum will be identified, it is not possible to provide reasonable certainty to prospective new licensees. They could risk dedicating time and resources to applying for a licence and, if successful, investing in broadcasting equipment and other set-up costs only to lose access to the spectrum before they have had time to recoup their investment.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill further streamlines regulatory arrangements for the licensees and the regulator through amendments to the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 that will allow for Channel 31 and Channel 44 to operate under the same code of practice. This bill demonstrates the government's support for the staff and volunteers of community television services, as well as our ongoing commitment to facilitating a positive operating environment for all sectors of Australia's broadcasting industry. I commend the bill.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
<para>Ordered that this bill be reported to the House without amendment.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Legislation Amendment (Modernising Administrative Processes) Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>137</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r7160" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Agriculture Legislation Amendment (Modernising Administrative Processes) Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>137</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I again thank the chamber for bringing the Agriculture Legislation Amendment (Modernising Administrative Processes) Bill 2024 on. This bill will ensure administrative processes and regulation under agriculture legislation remain fit for purpose. It amends the Primary Industries Research and Development Act 1989 to modernise and streamline administrative processes, such as allowing for a more efficient process for selection committees to nominate directors for appointment to research and development corporations.</para>
<para>The bill will also repeal the obsolete Rural Adjustment Act 1992 and make amendments to the National Heritage Trust of Australia Act 1997 that are consequential to the repeal of the Rural Adjustment Act 1992. The bill will ensure that administrative processes under agriculture legislation remain fit for purpose for modern times and contribute to the cleaning up of the Commonwealth statute book by repealing obsolete legislation. I commend the bill to the chamber.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
<para>Ordered that this bill be reported to the House without amendment.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Charges Bill 2024, Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024</title>
          <page.no>138</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r7158" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r7157" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Charges Bill 2024</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r7159" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>138</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Panama tropical race 4, the Asian honey bee, myrtle rust, leaf miner, zebra chip, golden potato cyst nematode, longhorn beetles—this exotic-sounding list is actually a roll call of pests and diseases which have the potential to devastate agriculture in Australia. In fact, the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, or DAFF, lists these amongst the top 40 risks to Australia when it comes to exotica and unwanted plant pests. If pest infestations and diseases take hold, they could result in huge losses to our $100 billion agriculture, fishery and forestry industries. That's not to mention the potential impact on employment, with more than 63,000 people employed in the horticulture industry alone, and the fact that these pests and diseases could devastate our unique environment.</para>
<para>I know, Deputy Speaker Andrews, that you'll be interested to hear about my recent trip to Darwin on 4 March to look at the laboratories, where we saw the incredible work that the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry staff do in fighting something as simple as the fruit fly. That's why a strong and well-funded biosecurity system is crucial to Australia, and it's why I rise in support of the three connected bills: the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Charges Bill 2024 and the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024. These bills will help to safeguard Australia's biosecurity. The Beale review in 2008 suggested that biosecurity is a responsibility shared amongst government, industry and the community. This suite of bills reflects that. As I said, government, industry and the community: three pillars.</para>
<para>I come from the small town of St George in the Balonne Shire out in south-west Queensland. Growing up, a lot of my friends were the sons and daughters of sheep and cattle people or cotton farmers, and some were veggie growers. I know how hard primary producers work. My brother-in-law and my sister had a cotton farm, and I know the incredible hours worked there. I also know about the devastation that comes when a pest or disease gets in amongst the cotton or other agriculture.</para>
<para>Maintaining Australia's biosecurity is critical for our agriculture, fisheries and forestry industries and for our unique environment, our economy and the lifestyle that we all enjoy—especially in Queensland. Australia has a very proud biosecurity history—cane toads aside—and, while we have the strong foundation of being an island nation, our biosecurity success is also due to the systems that have provided such vigilance and fast action. These have ensured that we are one of the few countries in the world which still remain free from some of the world's most invasive pests and diseases. There's no foot-and-mouth disease here and no African swine fever or avian influenza on our shores, and we must work hard to maintain that.</para>
<para>We only have to look at the spread of the cane toad to see how dangerous it can be. I'm more than happy to be called cane toad around state-of-origin night, but their spread is alarming. They're now well beyond Queensland—up into the Top End and the Kimberley, and fast heading south into New South Wales. While they're an introduced species, their seemingly unstoppable spread and hugely detrimental effect on native species illustrates the danger that exotic pests pose to Australia.</para>
<para>Changes such as the growth in the volume and complexity of trade, the effects of climate change, and the ever-increasing spread of pests and disease around the world are putting pressure on our existing systems. Now is the time to invest in our biosecurity system, to future-proof it and to make funding sustainable, predictable, equitable, transparent and secure. This was an election commitment and, once again, the Albanese Labor government is delivering on its commitment.</para>
<para>Obviously, a strong biosecurity system benefits all Australians—in the urban areas as well as in the bush. My electorate of Moreton contains the Brisbane Markets, the third-largest of Australia's six central markets for fruit and veg. It's where I like to go on weekends to pick up cheap fruit and veggies, and it's also a bustling place all week. Over 4½ thousand people work or do business there daily at 170 different businesses: fruit and veggie growers, wholesalers, providores, food processors, retailers, independent supermarkets and the food service industry. Brisbane Markets is a key part of the fresh produce supply chain, not just for Queensland but for the eastern part of Australia. Looking after biosecurity is looking after the people who work up and down the primary produce supply chain and the regional and remote communities at its core. This is another example of the Labor Party looking after the bush, something that the Nationals rarely do.</para>
<para>Our world-class biosecurity system needs investment so that we all keep benefiting. Labor understands this. In last year's budget we directed new and permanent funding to this of over $1 billion over four years, an extra $270 million per year ongoing from 2027 to 2028. It's all part of the strengthened and sustainably funded biosecurity system outlined in the last year's budget, and it's a first for Australia. Despite repeated expert recommendations, this country has never before benefited from sustainable and predictable biosecurity funding. It took a Labor government to make this happen and to put these critical protections in place for the 1.6 million workers in the Australian agricultural supply chain. This measure provides funding security and has been welcomed by industry. When we consider what's at stake if our biosecurity system is underfunded or has unpredictable funding levels, it's astounding that, under the former coalition government, biosecurity funding would have decreased by almost $100 million a year by 2026-27. The minister in the previous government, the member for Maranoa, thought that they could do biosecurity on the cheap. In fact, the Leader of the Nationals continues to talk about making the so-called risk creators pay more towards biosecurity, but it has taken a Labor government to take biosecurity seriously and deliver this. The member for Maranoa had over 1,300 days to get this done, but he failed comprehensively to make importers pay their fair share.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government has increased the contribution from importers. In total, they are contributing almost $100 million more in 2024-25, compared to the final year of the coalition government. Despite what those opposite would have you believe, importers are actually contributing the lion's share in additional funding to biosecurity. I repeat that: it will be importers who are contributing the lion's share in additional funding to biosecurity. By making importers pay their fair share, we are increasing biosecurity funding by around the same amount that the coalition cut from it. It will increase by $100 million per year.</para>
<para>The measures contained in the agriculture biosecurity protection levies and charges suite of bills are focused on increased payments from those who benefit from Australia's tough biosecurity system and from those who put it at risk. Primary producers benefit from our robust biosecurity controls. It allows them to sell a product at a premium. Over 70 per cent of all Australian agricultural production is exported. There are 26 million Australians, but we basically grow enough food for 75 million. These exports were valued at over $82 billion in 2022-23 by ABARES. Stringent biosecurity measures put Australian primary producers in pole position when it comes to ongoing access to export markets around the world. So, yes, we are asking them to pay an additional 5c for every $100 they produce. You might hear some fear coming from those opposite, so I just want to put that in context. It's 5c for every $100 they produce.</para>
<para>These bills were supported by industry in our initial consultation process. The Cattle Council of Australia, as it was known then, stated that biosecurity is a shared responsibility and that all parties must contribute. The National Farmers Federation agreed. The Australian Food and Grocery Council advocated a shared funding model. The Invasive Species Council called for funding from risk creators, then beneficiaries and, finally, government.</para>
<para>This suite of bills implements a new legislative framework to provide for the imposition, collection and administration of the new biosecurity protection levy. There are two imposition bills. The first is for biosecurity protection levies that are duties of excise for agriculture, fisheries and forestry products and goods produced in Australia. The second is for duties of customs in relation to these products being exported from Australia. The third bill provides for the collection and administration of those levies and charges.</para>
<para>The biosecurity protection levy will generate around $50 million per year in new revenue from primary producers. This equates to around six per cent—yes, I said that right: not 60 but six per cent—of the total $800 million cost of Australia's biosecurity system in 2024-25—six per cent. It's important to acknowledge that many primary producers already invest in wonderful biosecurity measures both on the farm and through membership fees for Animal Health Australia, Plant Health Australia or industry groups. These are a crucial part of the biosecurity jigsaw, but they do not fund the extensive work required to keep Australia safe and to protect those Australian jobs.</para>
<para>Protecting Australia's 60,000 kilometres of coastline is a complex job. The Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry does the grunt work, using X-ray machines—huge X-ray machines, as we in the public works committee saw up in Darwin recently. They have quarantine measures, surveillance programs, detector dogs and screens. They inspect and clear millions of mail parcels, cargo containers, plants and animals. They have comprehensive biosecurity protection measures that are also taken offshore and at the border. Behind the scenes, there's also research on risk detection, the sharing of information and the continued review of risk in whatever is coming into Australia.</para>
<para>Labor will also introduce a biosecurity charge on imports with a value of less than $1,000, a measure that is forecast to recover around $27 million annually. We're also implementing a modest increase to the passenger movement charge for international travellers.</para>
<para>This suite of bills ensures that the cost of biosecurity is shared. Forty-four per cent of the cost will be contributed by everyday taxpayers. Importers will pay 48 per cent, so they're doing the grunt work. Primary producers will carry six per cent of the load, and Australia Post will pay two per cent. The biosecurity protection levy rate will be reviewed by the department every three years along with the review of the operation of the new system to make sure it's functioning effectively.</para>
<para>The Albanese government is committed to transparency regarding biosecurity systems. We recently announced the formation of the Sustainable Biosecurity Funding Advisory Panel. Members from the agriculture, fisheries and forestry sectors, importers and research organisations will meet three times a year and provide feedback on biosecurity priorities. The measures contained in this suite of bills position Australia to adapt and maintain our enviable biosecurity systems in the complex and changing global biosecurity environment.</para>
<para>The Nationals' amendment seeks to criticise the government for changing its mind on how the biosecurity protection levy is calculated. However, this is the result of genuine consultation with industry. Labor governments listen to feedback. As a result, we have made our new levy more equitable, more proportionate and more transparent, and we will continue to listen through the Sustainable Biosecurity Funding Advisory Panel. As I said, I'm sure we will hear fear campaigns springing from those opposite, but I commend this bill to the House with pride.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BIRRELL</name>
    <name.id>288713</name.id>
    <electorate>Nicholls</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This would be laughable if it weren't so serious. The Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024 is based on an unfair and completely flawed principle that goes against the ethos of encouraging entrepreneurship, small business and primary production. That unfair and flawed principle is that the business owner, in this case a farmer, must pay for the costs of their competitor importing products into the country to compete against them. What sort of government does this to people? These are people who are out there trying to create wealth, jobs, economic activity and, in this case, fantastic Australian-grown food.</para>
<para>What's in these bills? The government's package of three bills seeks to impose a new biosecurity protection levy to be payable by certain producers in the agricultural, fishery and forestry industries in Australia. Two of these bills seek to implement a biosecurity protection levy or charge to be inflicted on Australian farmers to pay for biosecurity activities which are undertaken by the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry. The third bill, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024, will enable the collection of the levy, and the biosecurity protection levy will use each industry's proportional share of total gross value of production. For example, if the GVP—gross value of productions—of an industry sector is five per cent of the total GVP that it produces, that sector would collectively contribute five per cent of the biosecurity protection levy's revenue. Commencing on 1 July this year, Labor's biosecurity protection levy is expected to collect around $50 million per year over the next three years.</para>
<para>The principle of making farmers who are already doing it tough pay for their competitors to import produce into the country to compete against them is just another example of this government being anti agriculture. I ask this Labor government: what do you hate about farmers so much? They're doing a fantastic job out there in electorates such as mine, and it's really difficult work. They don't need the government working against them, but the government are working against them. I'll give you some examples.</para>
<para>The Murray-Darling Basin Plan was developed over a long period of time. Both sides gave a bit, and I can tell you that my electorate gave more than a bit. A huge amount of irrigation water was removed from production to be put into an environmental account, and that takes wealth away from communities because, when water isn't being used to grow commodities, all the people employed in the production or sale of those commodities don't get employed anymore. That's had a huge impact on my electorate of Nicholls, in the wonderful Goulburn Valley. But this government has decided that the deal that was already done, which saw a huge amount of water taken away from productive use in my electorate, doesn't go far enough, and now it wants to come after another 450 gigalitres.</para>
<para>This government has torn up the agriculture visa program that the previous coalition government put together, which was welcomed by people in my electorate, particularly those within the dairy industry. Wonderful families came from overseas to work on our farms and in our agriculture industries, and the ag visa gave them a path to permanency. It was welcomed not only by the agricultural businesses and the farms but also by the communities that nurture these people who come from overseas. This has led to an overreliance on the PALM scheme, from the Pacific islands, even though the scheme can't fill the estimated agriculture workforce shortfall of 172,000 people.</para>
<para>Then there's the ideological and reckless decision to ban the live sheep export industry. I don't have live sheep export in my electorate, but I did go on a fact-finding mission to Western Australia to talk to people. Yes, I'm a Nationals member and, yes, I believe in regional industries, but I had an open mind about live export. What I found was an industry that has seriously cleaned itself up over the last 15 years and put in some of the most incredible animal health measures to look after the sheep that get shipped overseas. I met with a vet working for one of the companies and I met the stock people. I saw a ship being loaded. I talked to the people out in those regional Western Australian communities. The thing about this one is that there is a market for live sheep in the Middle East, and we've got to accept that. If we're in it, then the live sheep that come from Australia get treated well, with the world's best animal welfare standards. If we get out of it, they'll source the live sheep from somewhere that doesn't have our animal standards. The activists are fine with sheep being mistreated, just as long as they're not Australian sheep. I think it's an ideological decision and it's ridiculous.</para>
<para>There's been billions cut from regional funding. Whole programs have been scrapped—infrastructure projects that are necessary for regional communities. For a place like Nicholls, which I represent, road projects are essential for getting produce from farms to processing facilities or to the port of Melbourne, where it can be exported. The projects that the previous government set up have now had the money withdrawn from them—for example, the attack on the pharmacy sector, particularly the regional pharmacy sector. You might wonder how that relates to agriculture. These agricultural industries only exist when there are communities and community infrastructure there to sustain regional communities.</para>
<para>Now, on top of all of that, the Labor government is targeting hardworking Australian farming families, people who have to get up early—a lot earlier, I would suggest, than a lot of people who work in this place, not to denigrate them—to milk cows, pick fruit, prune orchards and put grain into the ground. Labor wants those families, who are already doing it really tough, to pay a levy to fund biosecurity—to fund the people who are going to bring stuff into the country to compete against them. The overseas competitors will import produce that carries biosecurity risks, so they should be the ones to pay. If they want to import stuff into this country that's fine, but they should be the ones to pay for that.</para>
<para>I want to bring up the fact that this is being debated here in the Federation Chamber. This is not to denigrate the Federation Chamber or you, Deputy Speaker Young, but my understanding from talking to colleagues is that controversial legislation—important legislation such as this—is debated in the House. I think the fact that this has been put in the Federation Chamber indicates just how little Labor thinks of agriculture and controversial agricultural bills that should be debated in the House of Representatives. It's up here, out of sight and out of mind, like agriculture itself.</para>
<para>I would like to suggest to all the Labor MPs listening to this, including my friend the member for Tangney here: next time you go to Aussies, the trough or the Members and Guests Dining Room and get yourself a plate of food, before you grab your knife and fork and hoe in, have a look at what's on that plate. Have a look at what's on the plate and think about what people went through to get that onto your plate. There's salad, meat and fish. For all of these products, and the dairy products in particular, the amount of work, capital, labour and risk—I would argue there's more risk than any other business—that Australian people have gone through to put that on your plate is significant. The people who do that need a government that's going to work with them, not against them. This is an example of a government working against them. I want everyone who goes to the trough today and gets one of those good salads to have a think about what people went through to get that produce onto the plate.</para>
<para>I worked in agriculture for a number of years before coming into this place, and this is what it's like: really long hours and really hard work. It's hard, physical work, but it's also tough mentally, and that's because there are a lot of seasonal and climatic pressures. There's a lot of price variability and a lot of market insecurity. A lot of people ask, 'Why would you do it?' We do it because we believe in Australian agriculture and we believe that it is a noble profession. Putting food on the table of people around Australia and the world is one of the most satisfying and noble things you can do with your life. Yes, farmers want to make money, of course. The profit motive is there, as it should be. But the reason people put up with some of the things they have to put up with is that they love doing it and they believe in it. Farming is in people's blood, and you don't have to have been born into a farm for it to be in your blood. There are people who were born in cities and who go out and work on farms because they want to do that noble thing for their fellow Australians, which is produce food.</para>
<para>What you don't need on top of all the things I just described—the long hours, hard work, seasonal and climatic pressures, price variability, and market insecurity—is your government working against you. You don't need that. The perverse outcome we get from this is a fresh food tax. This is just another tax. Farmers have got to pass on all of these costs, and this is just one of the many costs. State and federal governments always look at farmers, or often look at farmers—the previous coalition government was an exception. I wasn't in this place then, but I was working with agriculturalists, and it was a good government for farmers. They haven't got a good government now. But the state and federal governments look at farmers and say: 'How can we clip the ticket on the way through? How can we get a little bit more money from them?' They always say it's a little bit. The member for Moreton was saying it was only little bit. But every government is in there trying to get a little bit, and it makes it more difficult to run a farming business.</para>
<para>Farmers then say, 'If we can, we've got to try to pass this cost on.' And then it becomes a cost-of-living pressure because food becomes more expensive, becomes more difficult to grow and becomes unprofitable in some cases, and we lose farmers. If we lose farmers we'll have less supply. If we have less supply—and I saw this in the dairy industry in my electorate—then the price will go up, and people will pay at the checkout.</para>
<para>I'm sure a lot of the conversation and the debate, particularly from the Labor Party, will be about needing stronger biosecurity. I know that. I worked as an agronomist, I worked in pests and diseases in orchard crops and I've seen the ravages. For example, there's a disease called fire blight, which affects apple crops in the United States, and it could decimate the pear industry. If the pear industry were decimated in my region, that would be a terrible outcome, because the Goulburn Valley produces over 95 per cent of Australia's pears. So, yes, we need a strong biosecurity regime and we need to keep out fire blight, foot-and-mouth, and all of these things. But this debate is about who pays.</para>
<para>There was a much better solution that was proposed by the previous government: a container levy. The principle of that was you make the importer, the person who wants to come in and compete, pay. We're a trading nation—I'm not arguing for protectionism—and if we want to send our goods overseas, we've got to wear the fact that people are going to try to import agricultural goods into this place to compete. But our system said to the Australian farmer, 'We're going to make the person who's importing the food pay.' This new piece of legislation makes the farmer pay a proportion of that. That is a deeply unfair and flawed principle.</para>
<para>The then agriculture minister, the Leader of the Nationals, announced this policy prior to the last election. It was going to be a container levy on the importers. That would have been a fairer outcome; it would have meant that if people who were competing against our Australian farmers and who wanted to make a profit out of bringing stuff into Australia—and good luck to them; I'm about the free market and a market economy—were posing a biosecurity risk then they were the ones who had to pay for it. That sounds fair. This policy is another attack on agriculture and regional Australia by a government that just doesn't seem to understand life beyond the suburbs. This Labor government sees primary production as a cash cow to exploit rather than an industry to nurture.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs MARINO</name>
    <name.id>HWP</name.id>
    <electorate>Forrest</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. For the benefit of those opposite, I'm actually a proud dairy farmer myself, so I take this issue very seriously. Let's be really frank here: this is just another Labor government tax. It's either another direct tax on farmers or a tax on fresh food, as the member has just spoken about. It's cost-shifting by the government.</para>
<para>If we look at it, farmers are already paying $500 million a year in various levies—they already pay that amount of money. For those who have no experience in farming: my husband and I bought our first dairy farm property on the day we got married. In those days we bought a run-down old property—it was all we could afford and we had a massive debt. Our interest payments were $1,300 a month, and in those days you struggled to make $2,000. We had to do all that work ourselves, to build up the property and even to stay in farming. That's how tough it was. So we actually do need governments which support us. Young people who want to get into this industry need the support of a good government which says, 'We value and respect those of you who produce some of the best food and fibre in the world'—no question.</para>
<para>But this fresh food tax is where farmers will have no choice but to pass on that additional $50 million every year that they're going to cop on this one. It's a recurring cost either to farmers or to consumers, because this tax adds to the cost of production. That's how it is on your farm. I don't know what those opposite think life on a farm is like, but it's really hard work. I got a message very early this morning from my son, who was on his way to get the cows. It's hard work; we milk 365 days of the year. We can look at the increased costs that farmers have had to absorb into their businesses recently—much of that because of the decisions of this government. Put electricity on the table to start with: you might have to cool thousands of litres of milk, and then the government adds another tax on top of that. It's as if every cent doesn't matter. In our business, every cent matters. So, if we don't pay it as farmers, the consumer is going to pay it at the checkout, and those costs will be passed on at the time of a cost-of-living crisis. It's a very smart move!</para>
<para>Alternatively, the $50 million annual and recurring additional tax will have to be borne by individual farmers when either the supermarket or the buyer of their product doesn't actually pass that cost back to the farmers themselves. This also probably shows the lack of understanding of the agricultural supply and value chains demonstrated by the Office of Impact Analysis. It said that the tax would not impact on producers because the cost would be passed through to consumers. So it's either a fresh food tax on consumers or the farmers have to pay. But, as to the Office of Impact Analysis, when was the last time any of them tried to negotiate an increase in price from Coles, Woolies or other buyers for a perishable product, like milk, that has to be produced, processed, sold and consumed pretty well immediately? You are in a very vulnerable position as a producer of that product. And what happens when the processor has signed a multiyear contract with one of these and the new government, the Labor government, is simply adding yet another tax and cost to that production and processing cost? Will the supermarket pass the costs on to consumers or refuse to negotiate with the processors or those with direct contracts in relation to these additional costs?</para>
<para>We know that milk production across Australia has actually fallen, and it is a critical product. The Standing Committee on Agriculture in November 2023 actually recommended that the Australian government, as part of the National Food Plan, develop a specific strategy for reinvigorating the Australian dairy industry, one which lifts profitability and production while addressing the economic and environmental sustainability of the industry and identifies the resources and pathways required to achieve this. What we don't need is more taxes. A funny thing—the report didn't refer to the increased taxes on farmers now being proposed by the government. Often they have very finite margins.</para>
<para>However, the government will definitely contribute to further decreasing milk production through its 450 gigs of buybacks from the farmers in the Murray-Darling Basin. Milk manufacturers came to see me last year and said, 'We are really concerned about the lack of throughput and whether we can remain viable.' But clearly the government has no understanding of any of these realities or the impact on the farmers themselves. I can tell you what I see here. This is just Labor's latest attack on our farmers and another example of what I see as just the absolute contempt that they have for us as farmers, the men and women who are producing some of the best food and fibre in the world. What I see in this is just sheer contempt. Why otherwise would any Australian government tax their own farmers to pay for the biosecurity risk created by international competitors just to bring their products into this country? They are saying, 'You farmers pay.' That is just utter contempt. There's no other word for that.</para>
<para>Effectively what the government is saying means that we farmers, working our hearts out on the farm, are subsidising our competitors to compete against us in our Australian markets. Well, that's a great government initiative! What a contemptuous thing to come up with. Can you imagine? I thought, 'What would that discussion have been like around the cabinet table?' I wonder how many farmers were around that table. Minister Watt would have maybe said: 'I've got a great idea. Let's increase taxes on our Australian farmers to pay for the biosecurity risks created by their overseas competitors.' Obviously those around the table said: 'That's a genius idea. Let's make our farmers less competitive.' This is just saying, 'Let's tax our farmers to subsidise overseas farmers.' What a great idea!</para>
<para>Our farmers already operate in a high-cost-of-production environment made even worse by Labor's increased costs of energy, increased shortage of workers and overwhelming red and green tape. The list is endless. But I suspect this is just the next step the Labor government will actually use to get rid of more farmers by default after shutting down the live sheep exports and putting sheep producers and associated small businesses out of business. I was at Wagin Woolorama last week. You want to walk a mile in those communities where those farmers and those business people are already in great distress. Some of them I could see already have mental health problems.</para>
<para>Perhaps the government sees this as a way of reducing emissions by default and freeing up more productive agriculture and food-producing land for wind, solar and transmission lines. After all, the government is supporting the NHMRC's attack on the consumption of red meat, and here I actually thought the National Health and Medical Research Council's purpose was to develop and support high-quality guidelines for clinical practice and public health, not to attack farmers and food production in Australia. Perhaps the NHMRC and others think there's a better impact on the environment from shipping beef and meat into Australia from overseas rather than consuming local, high-quality—the best—meat produced here in Australia. Perhaps the NHMRC doesn't support the health benefits of a typical 150-gram serving of great Australian beef that actually contains 12 essential nutrients recommended for good health and is a great source of protein, iron, zinc and vitamin B. That's not a bad outcome, but that's just another example of a government that does not respect and value our Australian farmers but literally shows contempt for them. To every farmer out there today who is working their heart out: thank you for the food you produce; it's some of the best and highest quality food in the world. I don't want to see you face even more costs because of this government.</para>
<para>There is a lot missing from the bill before the House. Who is going to pay? How much will each one pay? Who are those certain producers mentioned in the legislation? The government is clearly ignoring the levies already being paid—that $500 million already being paid by farmers annually towards biosecurity, research, innovation and development. We are carrying our own weight. How's the government going to collect the tax from industries that currently do not even contribute to the existing industry imposed ag levy system? Good luck with that one! How much of the $50 million raised every year will actually go to the new levy or tax collection agencies and bodies you will need to do this?</para>
<para>Even more importantly, Labor clearly sees this tax as a revenue raiser; it's just going into consolidated revenue. We hear about a new body, but who knows exactly where and how the Labor government will actually spend this. It may not necessarily go into managing biosecurity at all. But I've got a good suggestion. Perhaps the Labor government could use it to better protect our northern borders, where, recently, boatloads of asylum seekers came ashore. They came from Indonesia, where two major threats to the Australian livestock industry exist: foot-and-mouth disease and lumpy skin disease. Yet these people are walking into the Top End of Australia, putting at risk at least $31 billion in production value—what about that very live biosecurity risk?</para>
<para>Australian farmers feed up to 75 million people, here and overseas, with really great quality food. We're constantly under pressure with layer upon layer of red tape. The pressure is on us in business, just to survive. One of my local dairy farmers said to me: 'We lived through the enormous pressure of the Aboriginal Heritage Act, and now we're facing the Nature Positive Plan. We don't know what's in that for us, as farmers, either, but it is going to add more pressure to our businesses and ourselves.' This farmer said to me that he produces milk that feeds 60,000 people a year. He said, 'Nola, wouldn't it be great if someone just said thank you and let me get on with it?' That's what I'd say to this government: don't add further cost to the very good people who get up at all hours of the morning and work their hearts out to provide Australians, and people overseas, with some of the best quality food and fibre in the world. Do not treat these people with contempt. Show some respect and value what they do, because if there are shortages of nutritious food then there will be a massive challenge for the government of the day.</para>
<para>In Western Australia, we only have just over 100 dairy farmers left to produce great quality fresh milk. What we don't need is the next tax—and what I see as a lack of respect for what we do in applying this tax in the first place. How many other countries that we export to charge their local farmers for biosecurity measures from the products that we export into those countries? How many other governments actually do that to their farmers? But that is what we've got here: a government that says, 'We're going to tax you farmers to pay for the risk created by those people who are going to put those other products'—I'll use dairy again; there's a lot product that come from overseas—'on our shelves.' They compete with our products every day. What this government is doing is saying: 'Too bad, so sad. You not only have to compete with them on the shelf; you also have to pay for the biosecurity risk that they pose to this country.' This takes some real beating, doesn't it? It just confounds you to think that a government would show this level of disrespect and contempt for its farmers.</para>
<para>As a very proud dairy farmer, but one who had to start out on a very steep learning curve, I would say this to every member of parliament and everyone who hasn't been on a farm, or lived our life, or worked their heart out and looked after the environment as we do, or produced some of the best quality food and fibre in a country where we haven't lived through the ravages that some of the Europeans did during World War II, when they were desperately hungry. In this country we make sure that Australians, as much as they can afford, have access to great food, and we do it day in and day out. All we ask for is a little bit of respect for the job that we do, and we don't need a government doing what we've seen today.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BOYCE</name>
    <name.id>299498</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024. The federal coalition firmly opposes Labor's biosecurity protection levy, also known as Labor's fresh food tax. This is a tax that will increase cost-of-living pressures and drive up food prices, impacting families across Australia. This legislation is another example of the Labor government biting the hand that feeds it. The levies will charge Australian farmers for the biosecurity costs of importers. In what universe would the Australian government tax their own farmers to pay for foreigners to bring their products to this country to compete with our own? Ultimately, farmers will be forced to pass on costs if they possibly can, which will mean families will spend more on their fresh food.</para>
<para>The federal coalition recognises that a strong and robust biosecurity system is crucial for protecting Australia against the threat of exotic pests and diseases. The federal coalition has always supported a sustainable funding model for biosecurity. However, in contrast to Labor's approach, taxing farmers was never considered to be a part of the mix. In the May 2023 budget, Labor announced a $153 million biosecurity protection levy that would apply from 1 July this year, which was essentially a fresh food tax on our hardworking farmers. At Senate estimates on 13 February 2024, in response to widespread opposition from across the agricultural sector to this proposed levy and its equitable application, the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry announced that it would be rejigged. The Albanese Labor government will now set the tax rate of the biosecurity protection levy as a proportion of an industry's average gross value of production over a three-year period, instead of the former base rate of 10 per cent on industry led agricultural levies.</para>
<para>On 28 February 2024 the government introduced a package of bills into parliament to impose the new biosecurity protection levy. The legislation that has been introduced into parliament lacks any detail on the cost to farmers or how the levy will be collected. It also stipulates that the biosecurity protection levy can be set to nil, in case the cost of collecting the levy in some sectors exceeds the revenue that it raises. Labor's biosecurity protection levy remains a fresh food tax on Australia's 85,000 farmers.</para>
<para>Shamefully, this government has decided to inflict the new tax as a hit on Australian farmers to make them pay for the biosecurity risks of their international competitors. The industry was blindsided by the announcement of this levy. There was talk of budget measures to address the funding shortfall of the Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry, but at no stage was a levy suggested as the solution. It was stated that consultation on the levy had occurred as part of the government's sustainable funding and investment into strengthening biosecurity. However, there is no mention of a levy in the 2022 discussion paper.</para>
<para>The Office of Impact Analysis determined that the policy proposal for the BPL was not good practice. The lack of a regulatory impact statement also does not give industries confidence in the department's ability to deliver effective biosecurity measures through the BPL. Levies are charges imposed by government, at the request of industry, following extensive consultation with stakeholders. Funds are spent on what industry requests. A recent departmental consultation process outlined that this levy would not be subject to producer voting arrangements in relation to its establishment or change, nor will producers or their representative bodies have a direct role in determining its use.</para>
<para>There are growing concerns that funds raised will not be put back into better biosecurity practices for the agricultural sector but, rather, will go into consolidated revenue. Stakeholder feedback has pushed for the levy to be renamed a tax or an excise to better reflect its functions. If the levy is to be implemented, industry has requested regular updates and transparent reporting from the department as to how the funds are being spent.</para>
<para>The industry is already investing heavily and co-funding biosecurity programs. These contributions were not considered when costing the levy. Not only is this inequitable but it has the potential to undermine pre-existing biosecurity efforts by increasing the cost of production for farmers and decreasing their ability to contribute to the levies they were previously contributing to. This threatens the statutory levy system by diverting funds away from existing levies that could be used to respond to a biosecurity threat.</para>
<para>If funds from the levy are not well targeted or not allocated to the industry at all—which is possible, given the funds would be transferred into unconsolidated revenue—the levy could disadvantage Australian producers in the wake of a biosecurity threat. Existing contributions should be recognised by the levy if it is to be implemented. My question to the agriculture minister is: can the minister guarantee that every cent raised by this levy will go back into biosecurity and the agricultural sector?</para>
<para>In contrast to the Albanese government, the federal coalition's approach to sustainably funding Australia's biosecurity system is targeted at the risk creators—the importers. Under a federal coalition government, Australian farmers will not be punished for the biosecurity risks that others pose. As the Leader of the Opposition announced in his response to the 23 May budget, instead of taxing farmers for biosecurity the federal coalition will introduce an importer container levy, as recommended by the independent Craik biosecurity review. Under the former coalition government, we were a considerable way down the path to implementing this approach; however, this has not been taken up by the current Labor government. Applying a charge to containerised cargo coming into Australia—an importer container levy—is a sensible and fair way forward. This is what the coalition stands for.</para>
<para>The Albanese government should apply some common sense, take the action that is required and scrap this tax. Two independent reviews of the biosecurity protection levy, conducted by the Productivity Commission and the Australian National University, have found that this policy is flawed. Adding to the frustrations of the agricultural sector, these bills outline no details on who the relevant producers actually are when it comes to determining who pays this new tax or how much. In fact, these crucial details will be set out in regulations, which can then be changed or amended. By the time the tax rejig was confirmed in February 2024, it was obvious that the government had no idea what the financial impacts will be on different industries. At Senate estimates, the department said they would 'formally advise industries of their rate in the coming weeks or months'.</para>
<para>A major issue is that these bills do not indicate who will be paying the biosecurity protection levy. The legislation only mentions 'certain producers'. It is expected that it is not just farmers who will be captured by this tax but also fishers and foresters. The chaos, confusion and absence of detail surrounding this new tax—which is due to take effect in July—is simply not good enough. When it comes to this policy, Labor's consultation process with the agricultural sector and industry stakeholders has been appalling. Additionally, the government does not know how it will collect this levy from the industries which do not currently contribute to the existing industry-imposed agricultural levy system.</para>
<para>Based on legislation, it is also not clear whether collection agents are aware how they will collect the levy change from an impacted industry. This is a Labor government that is making policy on the run. This Labor government is incompetent, directionless and not across the details of what they are proposing. The imposition of the biosecurity protection levy—a new fresh food tax on Australian farmers and Australian families—is yet another damaging blow to the agricultural sector, which is under constant assault by the Albanese Labor government.</para>
<para>Harmful changes are already being inflicted on our agricultural sector. These changes include tearing up the dedicated agricultural visa, which was the biggest structural reform to the agricultural workforce in our nation's history. With Australia's top peak food industry bodies identifying that agriculture is facing a shortage of 172,000 workers, the decision to scrap this visa was an absolute disgrace. There's Labor's hopeless reliance on the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility, or PALM, scheme to fill workforce shortages and then changing it so that farmers will be forced to offer a minimum of 30 hours a week despite the agricultural sector being seasonal. There's the ideological and reckless decision to ban the live sheep export industry. Labor is destroying an industry that is worth $85 million and that supports the livelihoods of more than 3,000 people.</para>
<para>There have been enormous cuts to regional infrastructure and water projects, including the federal government pushing back the start date of the beef corridor upgrade from the 2025-26 financial year to the 2027-28 financial year. These delays place a question mark over the sealing of more than 450 kilometres of Queensland's beef roads—a project that has had the support of seven mayors from seven Queensland local government authorities. The roads have been identified as some of the most important roads that would have the biggest impact on supply chains across Central Queensland. The roads that will be sealed under funding are the Clermont-Alpha Road, May Downs Road, Diamond Downs Road, Alpha-Tambo Road, Dawson Developmental Road, Fitzroy Developmental Road from Bauhinia to Duaringa, Fitzroy Developmental Road from Taroom to Bauhinia, Duaringa-Apis Creek Road and the Glenroy Road Corridor, including the crossing. So, on the one hand, the Labor government is betraying the agricultural producers by imposing a levy for something that is not even their product, and then, on the other hand, betraying Central Queensland by delaying the beef corridor upgrade, an upgrade that will not only improve road safety for all users but also form a strategic web of agricultural supply chains from east to west.</para>
<para>The Labor government has shown its lack of concern for the Great Artesian Basin by joining with the Greens in voting down an attempt by the Nationals in parliament to ensure that important safeguards are put in place to protect Australia's largest and greatest underground water source. The Great Artesian Basin is the largest underground water source in the world. We must protect this water asset of Australia, especially when it comes to carbon sequestration, for future generations and for the future of the whole water system in general.</para>
<para>The current EPBC Act does not go far enough in ensuring the appropriate approval process is in place. The fact that Labor and the Greens didn't support these amendments shows they are nothing but hypocrites when it comes to environmental protection. The Nationals are doing everything we can in Canberra to put some protocols around this carbon sequestration—the injection of carbon dioxide into the Great Artesian Basin—to ensure the prosperity of this water source for the future.</para>
<para>The Labor government has signed on to a reckless race to 82 per cent renewables by 2030, which means 28,000 kilometres of transmission lines, at a cost of $80 billion, will rip up agricultural land while also chopping down thousands of hectares of native bushland and pristine farmland for wind and solar factories. They've introduced a proposed carbon tax on new vehicles, whereby Australians could pay up to $25,000 more for their favourite SUV or four-wheel drive and up to $18,000 more for their favourite ute, according to research undertaken by the Federal Chamber of Automotive Industries.</para>
<para>A new tax on farmers will inevitably be passed on to consumers, which means higher grocery bills for all Australians. As the federal member for Flynn, I'm determined to stop this tax on our farmers and on our food. It is unfathomable that the Labor government would ask farmers to pay a biosecurity levy for risks from international importers from other countries. Instead of taxing our farmers, the future coalition government will scrap this tax. Under our plan, importers of foreign products will pay for the biosecurity risks that they pose—not the Australian farmers. That is the way it should be.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PEARCE</name>
    <name.id>282306</name.id>
    <electorate>Braddon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm honoured today to support this amendment moved by Mr Littleproud in relation to the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. In doing so, unlike many of our bureaucrats and politicians who seem to sit around a shiny table in their nicely pressed shirts and suits and make decisions that affect the agricultural sector within this country, I'll come from a very real place. In fact, I'm a farmer from the north-west coast of Tasmania, and I grow beef cattle down there, as well as spuds, peas, beans, broccoli, carrots, onions and opium poppies.</para>
<para>So I know what it's like to borrow money. I know what it's like to employ people. I know what it's like to take risks. I know what it's like to work in a buoyant international and domestic commodity-price market. I know what it's like to work with the myriad of compliance issues that we're continually bombarded with as an industry and that inhibit our growth. I know what it's like to deal with bureaucrats that have absolutely no idea. I know what it's like to deal with politicians who don't understand the fact that people on the land are growing food that feeds our nation and our world. I understand the very real risk that exists completely across our agricultural sector. To that end, I want to talk from that perspective today in relation to this proposed bill.</para>
<para>It has obviously been outlined that the Albanese Labor government will now set the tax rate of the biosecurity protection levy as a proportion of the industry's average gross value of production over a three-year period instead of the former rate of 10 per cent on industry-led agricultural levies. Effectively, what that means to me and my cohort of farmers right across the country is that we're now being asked to fund a biosecurity levy to have our competitors from overseas import products that compete against us in our domestic market. It makes absolutely no sense. In what parallel universe does anyone expect a farmer to pay for their competitors to operate on the same playing field as them? It's daft at best.</para>
<para>Farmers have got enough to put up with, and I'm going to cite a few facts. These are not speculative, anecdotal numbers; these are facts. The first thing that they have to deal with is the cost of farming. In my state of Tasmania, the average cost of an acre of land—that's an acre, not a hectare—is between $15,000 and $25,000. That's just to start off with. So you're already operating in an inflationary type market where you are borrowing that money at an interest rate. We know that, over the last two years, interest rates have gone up, up and up, and—guess where the cost of doing business has gone?—the cost has gone up, up and up.</para>
<para>The cost has gone up for fertiliser, like nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and sulphur—NPKS—which are the building blocks for growing food. The price of fertiliser has increased by 153 per cent in the last two years. When it comes to 'N'—that's the first letter in the NPKS—the price of any nitrogenous fertiliser has increased in excess of 170 per cent. The reason for that is it's driven by the petrochemical gas industry. Urea, or nitrogen, is basically solid natural gas. Guess what Mr Bowen's done to the price of natural gas? It has gone—that's right—up, up and up. Consequently, that's been borne by the farmer who has to put that on to his land.</para>
<para>We can look at phosphates, which used to come out of Ukraine and Russia. They no longer do. We're now having to go to Morocco and other places, and the price has gone up by 300 per cent. We can look at potash, the price of which has, again, gone through the roof. The price of sulphur has gone through the roof. My colleague who spoke previously talked about the cost of water infrastructure and irrigation for our farmers. Without water, plants and animals don't grow. How can we restrict the amount of water that our agricultural sector is using, up the price of fertiliser and up the price of interest rates when it comes to borrowing money to buy the land? That's without even stocking and planting the land. I'll talk about that briefly.</para>
<para>We can talk about the scale at which we need to operate nowadays. No longer can you have 100 acres, 70-odd hectares, and expect to make a living out of that. Now it's big, big, big, in order to get enough scale so that we can make a reasonable living. When you start doing that, you need bigger machinery. We've got tractors down there that cost in excess of $300,000. At the moment, they're digging spuds on my place with a $300,000 tractor and a $600,000 spud harvester. The people on the back of that spud harvester—there are half a dozen of them—are seasonal workers. There's another problem. All of a sudden, the price of employing labour, particularly seasonal labour, has gone through the roof. Farmers have to bear that. Farmers have to cop that. Farmers are expected to absorb that. Well, they can't. They've absorbed enough, and enough is enough.</para>
<para>There is the cost of diesel, the cost of energy, the cost of pumping water onto paddocks, the cost of irrigation, the cost of operating machinery. I've got tractors on my place now using 500 litres a day, and in the state of Tasmania we're paying $2.17 per litre. That's just to run a tractor. Then that product has to go on a truck, and of course that runs on diesel. So far as I'm concerned, we're a long way off coming up with a beautiful EV solution when it comes to tractors and trucks. That is the simple fact, the reality. The point I'm making is that the cost of getting your product to market, to the factory, has increased exponentially as well.</para>
<para>There are more insurance costs, because the risk involved with farming has increased because of seasonal variability. Farmers are expected to pay that. Farmers are expected to insure their crops and to take that risk. Farming is about mitigating risk, and that costs money. At the end of the day, that costs dollars and cents, and that's something that people in Canberra here who are making these daft decisions simply don't understand—the amount of risk that that farmer has to take every day just to make that crop grow or make that pen of animals grow to trade weight. They don't understand.</para>
<para>Shipping costs in the great state of Tasmania, and international shipping costs, have increased, and the time lag involved in getting empty containers, empty trailers, back into the state so that we can reload them and fulfil that logistics chain has been stretched out. Time is money, and that's something that people in this place need to get. Every day that that farm isn't operational, every delay that we place on the agricultural sector—or any industry, for that matter—costs someone, somewhere, money. Time is money in business, and I wish, I pray, that more people in this bloody place would realise that. I withdraw that.</para>
<para>The risk with production of a crop, and the risk with just being in agriculture more generally, when it comes to international commodity markets is exponential when it comes to securing your price for your product. On top of all of that risk, all those costs, all those delays and all that compliance that I talk about, we are now expecting our farmers to pay a levy on spuds from Europe being imported into Tasmania to be sold on our domestic market. We are expecting our farmers to pay for it! It doesn't make sense.</para>
<para>What should a farmer do—jump in their ute? They'd say, 'Oh, no, we can't jump in that, because the price of that is just about to go through the roof.' They won't be able to afford utes before long. This is just another indictment of attitudes to our industry. People in Canberra, people in the bureaucratic system, have got to realise that outside this place there's actually a real world where people take risks, and it's their own money that's involved. People have got to realise that. I wish that more thought was put into the person on the ground in our agricultural sector who is doing nothing but the right thing. Spare a thought for them. As far as I'm concerned, not much thought for them has gone into this particular piece of legislation. For the life of me, I can't understand why it would even be drafted in the first place.</para>
<para>I am vehemently against this. I support our agricultural sector. I believe strongly in biosecurity measures; don't get wrong. One infestation of a foreign product, pest, disease or pathogen in our ag sector could bring it down. I get that. We need to protect that. But it's not the responsibility of our domestic Australian farmers, the people doing the right thing, to pay to protect against foreign pests coming into Australia; it should be the responsibility of the person importing that. When it comes to the international playing field, we're expected to pay a levy as we export into foreign countries. Why shouldn't it be the same way in the opposite direction, for those importing? There should be user-pay arrangements whereby the person, business or country that's bringing those products in is responsible. And, quite frankly, they expect to pay.</para>
<para>In conclusion, you can close your eyes, Deputy Speaker, and imagine how disgusted I am with these proposed changes and how emotional I am about protecting the viability of our most precious resource: our farming industry. The government need to remember that they are biting the hand that feeds them and that eventually it's going to bite them back—enough said.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PRICE</name>
    <name.id>249308</name.id>
    <electorate>Durack</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the government's package of bills regarding agriculture biosecurity levies: the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Charges Bill 2024 and the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024.</para>
<para>I'd like to begin my contribution to this debate by acknowledging the importance of maintaining a strong and robust biosecurity system. Ensuring we are protected from exotic pests and diseases is critical to the preservation and future of local food production, and I'm sure that Australia's 85,000 farmers would agree. Recent events surrounding the threat of foot-and-mouth disease so close to our borders have highlighted how we must remain ever vigilant to this threat. However, it must be said that the approach that's outlined in this package of bills before us today is absurd and completely unfair.</para>
<para>The so-called biosecurity protection levy will charge Australian primary producers $50 million per year to pay for the biosecurity costs of importers. Under this legislation, farmers and fishers from my electorate will be forced to cover the risks associated with foreign competitors. How ridiculous! Let's reflect on that proposition for a second. Australian producers, who are already struggling with the cost-of-living crisis, staffing shortages and issues relating to natural disasters, will be burdened with further fees in order to ensure that their competitor's produce does not present a biosecurity threat. It sounds like a joke. It sounds like someone has made it up. Why should it be the responsibility of grain growers in the Wheatbelt, in my electorate of Durack; of my cattle producers in the wonderful region of the Gascoyne; or of the cray fishermen in the Mid West to fund this process? This is just another stab in the gut for struggling producers and will no doubt adversely affect Western Australian producers. This bill is just the latest attack on WA farmers by this Labor government.</para>
<para>Again, I call on the minister for agriculture to release the live sheep export report that has been sitting on his desk since October, probably at the bottom of a very, very large in-tray, collecting dust. That trade is fundamental to the lives and livelihoods of so many Western Australian communities, and, at the very least, they deserve answers and some honesty from this government about what its plans are for this industry. The arguments to abolish the live sheep trade are not based on facts, and I believe this decision—if indeed there is a decision, but we do not know because the report is at the bottom of the in-tray—is simply a method to win metropolitan seats from the Greens political party. It has nothing to do with animal health. It's all to do with politics. Shameful!</para>
<para>It's worth noting that, just like their decision to end the live sheep trade, the introduction of the biosecurity levy is also pretty well universally opposed by producers around Australia. The Albanese government has failed once again to have a legitimate consultation process that takes the concerns of our Australian farmers and primary producers into consideration. In fact, over 50 industry organisations, many of whom represent farmers and producers in my electorate of Durack, have written to the government calling on them to axe this tax and take a different approach.</para>
<para>This morning I had the wonderful pleasure of catching up with Colin, Duncan and Barry from Grain Producers Australia. I'd like to thank them for their strong leadership and for standing up for Australian farmers. I must say that their frustration with this new tax was palpable. Barry Large is the chair of the GPA and is a WA grain farmer from Miling in my electorate of Durack. Barry has pointed out that Australian producers already pay hundreds of millions of dollars each year in various levies. They're already doing this, and now the government wants them to pay more. What they're already doing is delivering many public benefits, including opportunities for more research, as well as environmental gains.</para>
<para>Adding to the agricultural sector's frustration is the staggering lack of detail. These bills fail to outline exactly who will be paying the levy and only mentions 'certain producers'. This basic detail is expected to be set out in regulations and will likely cover farmers, fishers and foresters. Also missing is how much producers will be charged or how the levy will be collected. Incredibly, from all accounts that we've heard, the money that will get raised through this levy might not even contribute to the strengthening of our biosecurity system and will instead just be dumped in consolidated revenue. Honestly, you cannot make this stuff up.</para>
<para>If passed, these reforms are set to apply from 1 July—that's 1 July this year, just a couple of months away. That is just three short months away, yet so many important questions remain unanswered. This is despite the policy being announced in May 2023. The incompetence of this Labor government is, quite frankly, next level. This is just the latest example of this government making policy on the run and failing to properly consult with regional Australia. And it's not just industry and the coalition who are against this bill. Two independent reviews, conducted by the Productivity Commission and the Australian National University, have found it is very flawed policy indeed.</para>
<para>And it is no wonder, as another important consideration is that the cost of this levy will inevitably be passed on to consumers. As if the Australian public weren't doing it tough enough as it is, the government's going to make it harder, not easier, for them to put food on the table. This levy will drive up prices at the supermarket when Australians can least afford it. Through this legislation, Labor are essentially introducing a fresh food tax on Australian produce.</para>
<para>It's worth noting that I think even those opposite understand this legislation is a dud. Last time I checked, there were more than 20 members from our side, the coalition side, who are listed to speak on this debate. Of all the speakers in this debate, let me tell you, members of the public, there was only one person from the Labor government—the people who are creating this legislation—who had their name down to speak. Whether they have spoken or not, I'm unsure, but it was only one. When I informed my visitors from Grain Producers Australia about this, they weren't surprised to hear it, but they were very, very disappointed.</para>
<para>So I must ask: if this is such a good piece of legislation, backed by the government, where are all the Labor members of parliament lining up here to talk about this fabulous legislation? Where are they, particularly the ones from regional Australia—all those who say that they care deeply about regional Australia? Where are they? They're not here! Why aren't they lining up here to defend this ridiculous and useless piece of legislation? Their silence represents their contempt for, or at least their apathy about, regional Australia.</para>
<para>They were all too eager to speak about the so-called cost-of-living tax cuts bill a couple of weeks ago, to pretend that an extra $15 is going to make a significant difference. Inflationary measures like this one won't make that $15 go very far at all. If this bill is passed, Australian families will have to pay more for local meat, seafood, fruit and veggies in order to subsidise produce from overseas. Time and time again, Labor are responsible for implementing policies that drive inflation further and prolong this cost-of-living crisis. I don't know how long the Prime Minister and the Treasurer will continue to point the finger at somebody else when this is a crisis that they're responsible for. Guess what? Given my conversations across Durack, I think that regional Western Australians have woken up to this fact, and I'm sure that people in Perth and other capital cities are starting to as well. Unfortunately, Labor does have the numbers for this bill; soon, when we leave the Federation Chamber and head back to the main chamber, I'm sure every single one of these Labor politicians who say they care about regional Australia will line up and support this legislation. They should hang their heads in shame!</para>
<para>For those listening at home: the legislation will then make its way to the Senate. Given the multitude of issues with this legislation, I call on the Senate crossbenchers to do their homework—please. Understand what this will do to regional communities and make sure that this useless package of legislation receives proper scrutiny before a committee. It should not be rushed through to meet the deadline of 1 July without all these answers being resolved. At the very least, maybe we will actually get rid of this useless piece of legislation.</para>
<para>I want to conclude by returning to the point I made at the start of my contribution: we do need a strong biosecurity system. On this side of the House, we have a plan that's reasonable, makes sense and is supported by industry and independent review. Our approach is targeted at the risk creators, not at our local Australian producers. When we return to the government, which I'm sure will be very soon—after the next election—we will introduce an importer container levy. That will see the importers—yes, the importers: the people who are creating the risk—paying to cover the cost of our biosecurity system. Applying a charge on containerised cargo coming into Australia will mean that local farmers aren't punished for the biosecurity risks that others create. This was an important recommendation included in the independent Craik biosecurity review. Unfortunately, it has been rejected by this hapless government. If producers overseas want to sell their product in Australia, that's fine; that's the way international trade and markets work. But we shouldn't punish Australian farmers to enable this. If producers want to sell their product in Australia then they should be the ones paying to ensure that it's okay and doesn't present a risk.</para>
<para>Those opposite have reflected on the fact that the coalition has been the party of no. They've talked about it a lot. The fact is that when you put up rubbish legislation like this, which is almost universally opposed by stakeholders, favours international competitors over local producers and leaves all the important questions unanswered, then of course we're going to say no. They give us no choice but to reject this useless piece of legislation. Of course we're going to say no to yet another attack on regional Australia which this government seems hell-bent on pursuing. But we aren't just saying no; we've offered an alternative, which I sincerely hope those opposite take up. It's an alternative which would be welcomed by Australian producers and also by consumers who want to continue to enjoy local Australian produce.</para>
<para>I'm tired of hearing from farmers right across my electorate who are already struggling under this government. They need help right now—not another Labor policy that makes things even worse. I will not support this package of legislation and I call on the minister of agriculture to do his job, and to put Australian farmers first for a change. It's time to reverse course and to scrap this tax.</para>
<para>Sitting suspended from 12 : 55 to 16 : 0 5</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr HAINES</name>
    <name.id>282335</name.id>
    <electorate>Indi</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I represent an electorate that's home to a productive, dynamic and diverse agricultural community, from large dairy, beef and grain producers to world-class vineyards and smaller farms growing berries, cherries, apples and nuts. Agriculture in Indi doesn't just contribute to feeding the nation; it's also a major employer. More than 5,000 people in Indi work in agriculture, forestry and fishing, so it's with these farming businesses and workers in mind that I approach these bills, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Charges Bill 2024 and the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024.</para>
<para>As a regional Independent member of parliament, I consider each bill before me on its individual merits, and these bills are no different. I ask myself: Are they good for the nation? Are they good for regional Australia? Are they good for Indi? I also ask: Are the bills ethical? Do they reflect the principles of good governance, the principles that governments of all stripes must uphold? I hold concerns that these bills are not good for regional Australia and they're not good enough for the farmers in my electorate. I'm concerned about the consultation process that the government undertook in designing these bills, a process that does not demonstrate to me truly good governance. I will be voting against the bills at this time, until I can see that the government have listened to the farmers and primary producers that are so vital to feeding and clothing all of us.</para>
<para>These bills implement a 2023-24 budget measure of $47.5 million per year for a strengthened and sustainably funded biosecurity system. They do so by imposing levy rates on primary producers that are based on each industry sector's proportional share of total gross value of production, or GVP. So a large sector like beef will pay a higher rate than a small sector like potatoes. The government says that this levy will mean primary producers contribute to only six per cent of biosecurity costs, with the bulk of biosecurity funding being paid by the taxpayer and by importers.</para>
<para>With this legislation, the government intends to build a secure and sustainable biosecurity system, and I agree that we desperately need such a system. For a long time, we've benefited from our status as an island nation, where we can closely monitor and control biosecurity risks to our food and fibre production. But, with increased travel to and from Australia, added complexity in running farming businesses, a rise in the cost of delivering biosecurity measures and a flat line in revenue to fund these services, our biosecurity system has been faltering for some time. It has never been clearer to me than when fears of a foot-and-mouth disease outbreak arose in 2022. After the disease was detected in Indonesia, the fear in regional communities that it would come to Australia was palpable.</para>
<para>I was raised on a dairy farm, and today I raise beef cattle. I'm well aware of the potential damage that foot-and-mouth disease could cause. For full declaration, I am a fifth-generation member of a farming family. My family still farm in south-west Victoria. So I share the fears of farmers, across my electorate and more broadly, who were anxious that an outbreak would decimate their livelihoods and community and the broader Australian food system and economy. Like these farmers, I reviewed my farm's biosecurity plan in 2022 to be as prepared as possible in the event of an outbreak. I had locals writing to me asking me whether they should shut down the accommodation side of their business. Others were asking whether they should minimise visits with family and friends outside the property. These people were prepared to take measures into their own hands because they didn't have faith in the Commonwealth biosecurity system. I had constituent after constituent write to me concerned about the government's commitment to a strong biosecurity system. Others were upset about lax enforcement of mitigation measures while travelling through airports. This shows that the government must do more to build trust with agricultural communities and to reassure farmers and producers that their contribution to biosecurity is truly being put to good use.</para>
<para>But it's critically important that we get the design of any new biosecurity system right. Before I talk to the design of the new biosecurity levy on primary producers, I want to talk about the consultation the government undertook on the new levy. You can't get good policy without good consultation and, when in government, you must gain the trust of the people that will be impacted by your policy or your levy. Between August and October last year, the government undertook consultation with key stakeholders on a levy that would collect an amount equivalent to 10 per cent over past levy rates. After the significant blowback they received from farmers in the consultation period, they responded in two major ways. First, in response to concerns the levy was inequitable, they changed its design. Instead of a 10 per cent increase, the government moved to impose a rate based on the industry sector's proportional share of GDP. Second, in response to concerns that the levy would be going to general revenue and not directed to biosecurity, the government announced the Sustainable Biosecurity Funding Advisory Panel. This panel would allow the government to meet regularly with those who have a stake in strong biosecurity protections and give them a say on biosecurity priorities. These stakeholders will also get to see where the biosecurity levy is going. That's an important transparency measure.</para>
<para>At face value, these two responses are fine and perhaps they are the right way forward, but they were not the ideas taken to the consultation period with stakeholders. Indeed, the advisory panel was announced on the same day that these bills were introduced. As I said earlier, good policy is the product of good consultation. So I really urge the government to send these bills to the Senate Standing Committee on Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport so that they may be properly scrutinised by stakeholders and there's a real, genuine opportunity for concerns to be addressed. I implore the government to give a decent amount of time for submissions to be made and scrutiny to be undertaken. It needs to be very genuine and it needs to have sufficient time.</para>
<para>In my own recent discussions with stakeholders, I've heard concerns that the GDP model will be an administrative nightmare for producers. Many will not know this levy is coming, because the new model will be imposed on some industries that don't have these levies in place at all. They may only see a new line item on an invoice from a livestock agent, for example, with no idea that this is actually for biosecurity measures. Since these bills were introduced only a few weeks ago, I have attempted to consult with the hundreds of primary producers in my electorate, But I get the real sense that not many of them know anything about it at all. The government have a clear responsibility to tell people about laws that will impact them, to tell farmers about a new fee they will be charged, and they are currently failing to fulfil this responsibility.</para>
<para>The government justifies a levy on farmers by saying that everyone has a role to play in strengthening Australia's biosecurity system, including contributing to cost—that is, farmers should pay a little bit to protect what underpins their livelihoods. They also say that the estimated cost for producers will be small, and a lot smaller compared to the fluctuations in farmgate prices. But, in criticising this bill, farmers are not asking government to do all the work, because they already contribute to biosecurity measures via existing levies, on-farm activities and much, much more. So, while farmers are under increasing pressure to produce cheap food while supermarket giants and others rake in huge profits, this new tax, no matter how small, will only add further pressure to farmers.</para>
<para>The Office of Impact Analysis, run out of the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, has also found that some of the levy cost applied to producers would be passed through the domestic supply chain to consumers. Again, while the government may say that the cost paid by consumers will be very, very small, we are in a cost-of-living crisis, so any changes that may impact on the price paid by consumers will be felt. Every cent counts when we go to the supermarket to buy our meat, fruit, vegetables and milk.</para>
<para>Another major concern held by key stakeholders like the National Farmers Federation, the grain producers and others is that this new levy will be going into general revenue. There's no disbursement bill associated with this new charge and it won't go to the Biosecurity, Imported Food and Export Certification Special Account, which is used to provide biosecurity services. So there is no guarantee that this new charge on farmers will actually go to biosecurity measures, and that is an area of key concern. The government must address these serious concerns if it's to win the support, cooperation and backing of primary producers and farmers.</para>
<para>It's not just the farmers that are critical of the levy raised under these bills. Analysis undertaken by tax experts, the Productivity Commission and the Australian National University does not support the levy. They found that the overall cost of funding these measures will be higher if it comes from primary producers than if it were to come from general revenue. They also found that the lack of industry support, as is currently the case, and the cost imposition on a sector that will ultimately deliver a broader public good are important considerations in opposing such a levy from moving forward. The Productivity Commission was clear that, where a public benefit exists, like biosecurity measures, funding should be drawn from general revenue streams.</para>
<para>What are the alternatives to the model proposed by the government? A 2017 independent review of the capacity of Australia's biosecurity system, led by Wendy Craik, recommended that funding for the national biosecurity system should be increased by implementing a per-container levy on incoming shipping containers. The Craik review identified a container levy as an appropriate way to target the overseas risk creators and a justified measure to improve environmental biosecurity monitoring and surveillance. Many farmers and key stakeholders agree with this recommendation of the Craik review. The government have stated that the Craik review recommended a container levy or an increase in the full import declaration charge. They say they decided to increase the full importation declaration charge, which has resulted in full cost recovery for biosecurity measures at the border. With respect to the government, this is not entirely true. Recommendation 34 of the Craik review clearly recommends:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Funding for the national biosecurity system should be increased by:</para></quote>
<list>implementing a per-container levy on incoming shipping containers …</list>
<para>The review said that such a levy, combined with other measures, is the best option. There is no such equivalent recommendation for a full import declaration charge. There are simply two small paragraphs suggesting it should be considered if a container levy is unacceptable. The Craik review did not recommend that the full import declaration charge be increased, and the government should not state that it did.</para>
<para>With this in mind, the government must address head-on why it will not support a container levy on importers. To date, they've indicated that it's complex and that such a levy could risk Australia's free trade obligations—seriously! This may be the case, but primary producers and farmers calling for this are yet to be given a wholly definitive answer, and they need one. I urge the government, via the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, to communicate a clear and final answer on this point. Let's get clarity. If it is the case, let's put that to bed.</para>
<para>The government must not pass this bill until it goes back to the drawing board to consider the concerns of farmers. I urge them to refer this bill to committee and to do so with care, not rush the bill through parliament. To make biosecurity work in this country, it's critical to have the full support of farmers. With that, I have no more remarks to make at this stage. I wait to see that committee being stood up and this bill going there.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr WEBSTER</name>
    <name.id>281688</name.id>
    <electorate>Mallee</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>If you ever needed an example of the disconnect between the Australian Labor Party and regional Australia, this bill, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, is it. My National Party colleagues have queued up to speak on this bill because we have rarely seen a bill unite our farming sector like this one does. It is not positive for Labor. The peak bodies in agriculture and horticulture, as well as farmers in my electorate of Mallee, oppose this levy—specifically the element of hitting farmers for the costs brought into their farm gate by importers. Can you imagine, Deputy Speaker Sharkie, asking workers to pay a levy to prevent labour hire companies or employers taking work away from their workers? The unions would be up in arms, filling the galleries. This is no different.</para>
<para>National Farmers Federation president and Mallee resident David Jochinke said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The agricultural sector, along with supply chain participants, have overwhelmingly objected to the levy—</para></quote>
<para>a position ratified by the NFF Members' Council in October. In my home state of Victoria, the Victorian Farmers Federation said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">With the levy set to be implemented on 1 July this year, farmers are apprehensive about the additional financial burden and the lack of detailed information on how the levy funds will directly enhance biosecurity measures on farms.</para></quote>
<para>The New South Wales Farmers Association holds a similar view, as do the farm organisations in every state and territory that complained, during the submissions process, of a complete lack of consultation and a lack of transparency on how the funds would be spent, and claims that producers would be unfairly slugged. More than 50 agricultural representative groups signed a joint letter to Prime Minister Albanese, united in their opposition, including Grain Producers Australia, Cattle Australia, Sheep Producers Australia, WoolProducers Australia, the Red Meat Advisory Council, Australian Grape and Wine, the Australian Table Grape Association, AUSVEG and many more. Grain Producers Australia described the levy as 'a fundamentally flawed policy proposal which fails to deliver better biosecurity protections'. They said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It also undermines fundamental trust and confidence in the long-standing partnerships created through existing compulsory levies.</para></quote>
<para>GrainGrowers chair Rhys Turton said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The discussion to date has all been around revenue raising, but industry needs to understand how government will deliver better biosecurity outcomes in a rapidly changing environment …</para></quote>
<para>The independent Tax and Transfer Policy Institute at the Australian National University proposed an alternative policy approach—precisely what we in the National Party have been calling for:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The first is to increase charges for those who create the biosecurity threats, such as importers and travellers, and the second is to further fund biosecurity protection through general revenue, given that the benefits flow to all Australians.</para></quote>
<para>Hear, hear! The Tax and Transfer Policy Institute also highlighted:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Normally taxes would be applied on net proceeds, where production costs have first been subtracted from gross revenues.</para></quote>
<para>Speaking of experts, the Productivity Commission in its report on industry levies recently said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Funding via general revenue is generally cheaper than funding via industry levies. For primary producers that currently do not have a levy, there will be a clear increase in administrative costs.</para></quote>
<para>Citrus Australia CEO Nathan Hancock, who is also a Mallee resident, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… while our stance remains a firm no to this tax, there are still key elements missing in the Minister's statements, firstly that the funding raised through these measures is not hypothecated and secondly that industry still doesn't have a say on how the money is spent …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Probably most frustrating for the agriculture industry as a whole is that the recent statements continue to ignore calls for other sectors to contribute to biosecurity incursion responses, for example through a container levy.</para></quote>
<para>The CEO of Summerfruit Australia, Trevor Ranford, who received the 2022 Australian Biosecurity Award, industry category—you'd think he'd know a thing or two—has called on Prime Minister Albanese to 'dump' what he describes as 'an insidious burden on Australian farmers'. Mr Ranford says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">All primary producers have been paying their share for Australian biosecurity for the past 26 years, since the Plant Health Australia and Animal Health Australia organisations were formed. This new tax is nothing more than 'double dipping' by the government to try and improve their budget bottom line.</para></quote>
<para>Even the freight industry is against this levy, with the Freight & Trade Alliance and the Australian Peak Shippers Association presenting a position paper which proposed that Labor not proceed with its levy against producers but instead change the full import declarations arrangement to cover the cost. In a joint statement, they say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We well and truly understand the need to protect against biosecurity risks and would be prepared to pay an additional levy or cost recovery fee on the proviso that an appropriate proportion directly translates to commensurate improved and immediate trade facilitation measures.</para></quote>
<para>Given all those opposed to the levy, my question to the minister is: which peak body or grower group supports this levy? Where is the demonstrated widespread support? I would like him to report this back to the House.</para>
<para>The Nationals are listening to our primary producers. We committed soon after the budget that a future coalition government would abolish this levy. Labor's fresh food tax doesn't hit farmers in a vacuum. It comes after drier than expected years have halted very positive momentum towards a united target for primary industry in government, set under the former coalition government, to reach $100 billion in farmgate value by 2030. As momentum falters, Labor is slugging the industry with a $153 million tax over three years to 2027-28 to pay for the biosecurity risks farmers' foreign competitors bring into the country.</para>
<para>Our farmers work very hard in an unpredictable environment, but Labor's heavy-handed fresh food tax puts the handbrake on Mallee farmers' productivity by increasing their operating costs. Farmers will wear this cost and, consequently, Australian families will pay that cost through higher prices at the supermarket checkout. That's just what we need in a cost-of-living crisis! Indeed, Labor has kept farmers in the dark about the exact costs and the rate at which farmers will be taxed. We are expected to trust a government that wilfully breaks its promises to show us the costs when the regulations are produced. Labor's obfuscation has created more unnecessary confusion and anxiety. By contrast, the coalition government was well on its way to imposing the biosecurity cost where it was being created through an importer container levy.</para>
<para>The Craik review recommended such a levy to fund Australia's biosecurity levy system, recommending that funding should be increased by implementing a per-container levy on incoming shipping containers of $10 per 20-foot equivalent unit and a levy of $5 on incoming air containers. The proposed cost recovery on items of individual value of $1,000 or less would mean each item attracts a cost of around 40c. That's less than a third of the cost of a postage stamp. What if, whatever the levy rate ends up becoming—because the bill is before us, and maybe it will be decided by regulation—instead of hitting farmers with this levy, perhaps consumers are instead asked to pay with 50c instead of 40c on low-value imports? What about 75c or a dollar, perhaps? It's still short of the cost of a postage stamp. I think consumers would wear that cost, knowing that in doing so they are protecting our farmers from khapra beetle, varroa mite, marmorated stink bug or other risks they are bringing in from buying goods from overseas.</para>
<para>Speaking of which, this bill comes in the context of major biosecurity loss for Australia and a big scare in recent years. We lost the battle against varroa mite, and there isn't time left for me to trace the history on that, but now under Labor we have shifted from an eradication to a management setting on the outbreak that came through the Port of Newcastle. In addition, we had a close call on both foot-and-mouth and lumpy skin disease, with outbreaks in Indonesia that took considerable vigilance. I also recall it took the shadow minister for agriculture, David Littleproud, badgering Minister Watt and federal Labor to impose stronger travel precautions, particularly coming from Bali, which ultimately detected—among other things—a Darwin traveller fined thousands of dollars for failing to declare fast food brought back from Bali.</para>
<para>We also have a mandatory electronic sheep traceability system being set up nationwide, modelled on Victorian arrangements. This has been so mishandled by the Albanese Labor government that WoolProducers Australia have withdrawn their support after calls for many months for an equitable funding arrangement. In short, the industry expected government to fund its fair share and it is not. WoolProducers CEO Jo Hall said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">While the funding commitment that has been received to date from state and federal governments is welcomed, it is still a long way short of the required financial assistance.</para></quote>
<para>And there's the rub. When Labor look at farmers, they see a cash cow. Labor's disconnect with country Australia means they don't see the cost of production, the struggle farmers go through, the compliance costs and the huge cost burdens. They don't even get that farmers' competitors often have a lot more government support. It is not a level playing field, and our farmers do a mighty job in our great exporting nation. Labor looks at all the primary production land in Australia and sees an opportunity to rob the regions to buy votes in the city. It has been in Labor's DNA for some time now, as opposed to generations ago, when Labor actually got it. They like to dust off their 'Country Labor' label, but it's an oxymoron now. There's no country left in Labor, and that's a fact.</para>
<para>Let's take an example: buying back water from irrigators for environmental benefits. The Commonwealth Environmental Water Holder has on average, since its inception, carried over 32 per cent—call it one-third—of its water every year. In other words, it hasn't used it. In the 2022-23 year, it carried over more than half—51 per cent. Labor's solution is to buy even more water to carry over every year, to mothball farms and to go away from patchwork quilted, irrigated and dry farms. Now it's going to be 'spot the farmer'. It really beggars belief, and it's all so Labor can hang on to the electorate of Boothby in Adelaide, because they figure that green concerns might sway the vote there.</para>
<para>The former coalition government introduced the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme, but Labor is undermining it by imposing by a 30-hour week, whether or not there is a crop and whether there's rain, hail or shine. Yet again, Labor is looking at workers through its union goggles and hasn't got a shred of understanding of the realities in regional Australia and for our farmers. The Department of Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry highlighted, in late January, that the number of workers in farm labour fell 29,300 in the last three reporting years, and that was a loss of overseas contracted workers. The largest horticultural farms—and we have some big ones in my electorate of Mallee—accounted for almost all of the horticultural workforce losses. The agricultural visa, initiated by the Nationals and created by the coalition government, was meant to help with the huge horticultural workforce shortage, and, after it was undermined by elements in the union movement, we've finally got 1,000 workers coming in from Vietnam under the ag visa.</para>
<para>Thankfully, the coalition's PALM initiative stepped into the breach, with the department estimating in late January that, in the 2019-20 reporting year, 58 per cent of the horticulture workforce comprised PALM workers, and that became 82 per cent in 2021-22. PALM workers are not ideal for every context in agriculture and horticulture, and I urge the government to work diplomatically with our nearest neighbours to undo the badmouthing of the ag visa by union representatives and to broaden the labour pool through the farm workers that regional Australia desperately needs. Time will prevent me from speaking about Labor's pay-off to their union masters and about the industrial relations laws that have passed this place and that are no help to the agricultural sector.</para>
<para>In conclusion, this biosecurity levy is yet another blow for our farmers, and it yet again shows that Labor is robbing the regions to buy votes in the city.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOYCE</name>
    <name.id>e5d</name.id>
    <electorate>New England</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Madam Deputy Speaker Sharkie, I know that you're very aware, coming from a rural area, of how important rural produce is. It sits at the cornerstone of the economy. I know that the member beside me, from the tomato industry, is very aware of how industries such as these work. We try to do so much. We go in the paddocks—I'm in the cattle industry—we manage the stock, we try to manage the weeds, we manage the wages that are involved and we pay our levies. When we go through the saleyards we have to pay a levy. We're just sick of people lumbering new costs onto us! We're actually delivering to the nation's profit and loss; we're putting things on the 'P' side of profit and loss. We're actually making the nation wealthier. We're feeding and clothing people, and now it looks like we're going to pick up another tab—for $153 million, as put forward in the budget. We're price takers; we can't do anything about that and it's just going to come straight out of our pockets.</para>
<para>One of the frustrating things for so many people in regional areas is that they can pick out so many other things the government does and ask about wasting money on things like the Environmental Defenders Office or subsidisation of wind farms. These are swindle factories; there are secret agreements and we don't know exactly what these Chinese, Singaporean, Dutch or French companies are being paid. But I bet it's a lot more than $153 million for the taxpayers who are paying for it! I can assure you of that. And, for that, we get ripped off at the power point. These are costs.</para>
<para>Biosecurity is incredibly important. My father was a vet and I remember growing up through the brucellosis eradication campaign and the bovine tuberculosis eradication campaign—which we were successful at, by the way; we actually eradicated those diseases. As the ag minister I was responsible for getting rid of white spot in prawns, which got into Australia—and we were successful, with a great team. So I know all about biosecurity: cactoblastis to get rid of prickly pear; calicivirus and myxoma virus to get rid of rabbits. And I'm very aware of the threats; if foot-and-mouth disease got in here, and it's right next door, there would be an immediate stop. People think, 'Oh, it's about the cattle industry.' No! It goes beyond that. It's any earthworks, anywhere—things that have moved across soil all stop. It's a complete shutdown. It would be disastrous for Australia and would cost us tens to hundreds of billions of dollars. So I understand how important biosecurity is.</para>
<para>Might I say, just as a tangential issue to that: now that we have people arriving by boat on our shores, in the north-west of Western Australia, rather than being found at sea and arriving at Christmas Island, God help us if they decide to bring a pig with them or something like that. We're opening ourselves right up to foot-and-mouth coming into Australia. Away from whatever people's views are on immigration and refugees, we have to be very, very careful about that issue.</para>
<para>What I can't work out with this bill, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, coming forward is that it's yet another cost. It's the easy way out. Seeing that the farming industry is basically putting the money on the plate for Australia—just like the coalminers are and the gas exporters are—then actually help us to do our job and we'll earn you more money. Don't just come in and put your hands back in our pockets to take more money out. This is an isolating industry, and a biosecurity levy is something which is incredibly clumsy. I know that it's biosecurity on us sending things out, but is it coming in from the other direction? Are things coming into Australia going to be hit with this levy? Is it going to hit them, or just us? Of course the answer to that is that it's pretty crook: the competition doesn't get the levy but we do. We have to make sure that what we do for our nation assists our nation to become stronger.</para>
<para>We're also now having to deal with the 30 per cent environmental restoration act that's coming in. That's 30 per cent of the countryside—how's that going to work? This will be dynamically bad. If we look at it in its purest form and say that 30 per cent of the countryside will now revert to scrub, then that's exactly what it will become. It won't become pristine rainforest; it will become scrub. If you want a biosecurity problem then you'll have a massive one there. The countryside will be full of feral pigs and feral goats; that's exactly what happened in our area. Once you lock up an area for a national park, it just becomes infested with feral animals and weeds. So we've got to do this in a different way. The coalition has said that they don't support this. From the most recent discussions—and I say this on the record—if we get into government, it will be removed; it will be reversed. I'm saying that clearly on the record so that, even on our side, there's no walking away from this at a later date. It will be removed.</para>
<para>When I was the ag minister, this was bowled up to me so many times, over and over and over again, and the answer was always the same: 'Go back to your department and absorb it.' I will sit down as a parliamentarian, as the member for Dawson would and as so many others would, and say: 'Open your books and I will show you $153 million. I will show you an alternate place to get $153 million. If you're looking for $153 million, I will find it for you!' In support of land rights claims and legal fees on Indigenous land rights claims, we spend well in excess of a billion—$1.3 or $1.4 billion. We support farmers who have to go to court on these things. I think that's at about $40 million. We're even getting rid of that minor support. So there's some fat in that budget; you could trim it off that. You could look at some of the so-called arts projects, as marvellous as they are, and I bet you could find $153 million in that portfolio.</para>
<para>I've sat down with public works in the past, and I've seen some of the defence costings. I remember there was a kilometre-and-a-half of road, and they built it out of $3 million—to grade it! You can find the money. But this is a very clumsy way to find yourself $153 million, because you're actually going to the people you want to make as much money as possible. For example, take our operation: it's a small operation. We pay the levies when the cattle go in. We pay McDonald Bros Transport for moving the cattle. We pay for the seal posts. All of these things have GST. We pay for the drenches. We pay wages. They pay their pay-as-you-go taxes. We pay the tax rate at the end of the year. It's not as if you're not making money out of it. There's excise on the petrol. With the diesel fuel rebate, we get the excise back. But we don't have those vehicles on the road, that's why they don't pay the excise. But every way we go, we're paying money to the government. And when you've got hopeless roads, no doctors, no local post office, no local hospital within easy reach and no public transport, the question that gets asked by so many people is: why do we get hit with a new levy?</para>
<para>If you looked into the lives of those in regional areas, you'd see the price per person of support that a person in a city gets, with child care, multiple hospitals, better roads, public transport and arts precincts, is vastly in excess of what we get in country areas. That is another reason to look deeper when you come up with levies and say: 'What is the actual government support for these people in these areas? Are we putting a levy on people who are at the bottom end of support from the taxpayer?' Why are we hitting them with a levy?</para>
<para>We all understand how important biosecurity is, whether its screw-worm fly, rabies or foot-and-mouth disease. There are the boring insects and the decimators. There are so many other issues around. We were the only country without varroa mite and now it's here. We do need to be protected from these issues, but that is an investment from the government, just like they have an investment in the Defence Force. Do we have a levy for the Defence Force? Do people have to pay a levy in regional areas? Should we go to Sydney and say, 'Well, you've got the naval base there, so we're going to have a certain levy just because you've got the benefit of that there'? Should we go up to Newcastle and say, 'Williamstown is there, so we're going to put a levy on you'? Should we go to Perth and say, 'Well, you've got HMAS <inline font-style="italic">St</inline><inline font-style="italic">i</inline><inline font-style="italic">rling</inline><inline font-style="italic">,</inline> so we're going to put a naval levy on you for protection'? You'd say: 'Hang on. It's the role of the nation to protect our nation's sovereignty if someone attacks us.' This is another sovereign protection, and it seems peculiar that you'd go back to the farmers and ask them to pay for it. When you think about it, even in another form, it's a biosecurity levy.</para>
<para>On our places, we're not going to give anybody foot-and-mouth disease or anything like that, because it's not here. If it's going to arrive here, it's going to arrive from overseas. So why am I paying for a problem that I can't possibly deliver to anybody? Why am I paying the levy for something that I can't cause? The things that are going to cause the problem are the products coming in, not the products going out. It's a levy to protect us from diseases coming in; it's not a levy to stop diseases going out. So you're even going to the wrong person and charging them for this outcome.</para>
<para>It also fundamentally goes to this question: is the Labor Party going out and actually talking to people in regional areas? I've got no problem when people say, 'There are hardly any farming seats or farmers in the Labor Party.' That's not an issue at all for me. The issue is when a government member in that portfolio has a lack of interest and actually doesn't spend time on the road checking things out.</para>
<para>Senator Murray Watt is the Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry. I'd imagine, if Senator Watt's doing his job, he would have a lot of delegations of people saying to him that they don't want to pay a levy on what they produce in order to subsidise something coming into the country and not going out of the country. If it's the biosecurity defence foundation, it should be absorbed and it shouldn't be putting a levy on anybody. It should be paid for by your taxes—that's how you pay for it. But I don't think that Senator Watt is actually going around the countryside. I can't remember him being in New England. He might have dropped in there or walked through there, but there wasn't an intense interest. I don't know whether he's been down to Bowen or if he's had an intense interest in what's going on there.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, what I have noticed about the government, at this stage, is that they have an intense interest in taking money away from us. There's the Bowen pipeline, Urannah dam, Dungowan dam, Hells Gate dam and Emu Swamp dam. The Inland Rail is now basically in mothballs. They've stopped that. So many of our beef roads and the Black Spot Program, the Roads to Recovery Program and the Bridges Renewal Program—in these things, when we do see the government acting, it's usually to take money away from them, not to invest in them.</para>
<para>It's not as if we're a cot case. We're actually putting money on the table for Australia and we're doing our very best not only to feed Australia but to feed our very small section of the world. We're not the food basket of the world, but we feed a very small section. We assist in stopping people from starving to death. We assist in clothing people. It's an honourable profession, and we do our very best.</para>
<para>But what this says to farmers is, 'For your labours and your endeavours in the job that you do'—which is an inherently moral and good occupation, one of feeding and clothing people—'we're going to find another arbitrary tax and flick it your way.' When really, if you gave some diligent thought about how to do it, you would find so many better alternatives that would be able to fund the $153 million.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILLCOX</name>
    <name.id>286535</name.id>
    <electorate>Dawson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak on the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Charges Bill 2024 and Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies and Charges Collection Bill 2024. For me, these bills aren't just political. They are personal. These bills will hurt my people.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government is calling this a biosecurity protection levy. But let's call it for what it is—it's a tax. It is a tax on our hardworking, underappreciated and undersupported farmers, who supply this country with the food and fibre we need to sustain life. It is a tax on the individuals and families who make their livelihoods working the land and who support our economy. It's a tax on the same individuals and families who are being ripped off at every turn—by supply chains, by Mother Nature, by supermarkets and now by the Albanese Labor government. It's also a tax on every single person in Australia struggling through this Labor-created cost-of-living crisis, and the people of Australia have every right to be as appalled at this bill as I am.</para>
<para>On 8 January 2022 the current Prime Minister tweeted this:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Our farmers deserve our respect for providing us with the essentials wherever we live. They need a government that listens to their concerns and acts on them.</para></quote>
<para>Then, on 30 January 2022, the Prime Minister reinforced his support for farmers by tweeting:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We will invest in a future made in Australia—we must make Australia more self-reliant and that starts with ensuring our agricultural sector is thriving.</para></quote>
<para>On 2 January 2024 the Treasurer, Jim Chalmers, sent out a media release announcing the ACCC inquiry into supermarket price gouging, which read, 'We want a fair go for families and a fair go for farmers.' Well, I have something to say to the Prime Minister and the Treasurer: if you had any conviction whatsoever, you would not be doing this. For me, as a third-generation farmer, the idea of being forced to pay for my competitors' imports and supply makes me sick to the stomach. What Australian government in its right mind would tax its own food producers, its own farmers, to pay for the biosecurity risks of their international competitors bringing competing products into Australia? No country in the world does this to its farmers and food producers—not one—so why would we?</para>
<para>Those opposite can't even make up their minds on how the policy is going to work. Firstly, they misguidedly but confidently announced, 'We will hit Australian farmers with a bill equivalent to 10 per cent of their existing industry-led agricultural levies.' Those levies, by the way, already collect $500 million a year, which goes towards biosecurity activities as well as research, innovation and development. I'm no mathematician, but I think everyone in this room can figure out that 10 per cent of $500 million a year is an enormous amount of money for an already struggling industry.</para>
<para>Then, in true Albanese Labor government style, they flip-flopped like a fish out of water before announcing they would be rejigging this tax. The Labor government has now announced that it will set the new tax rate as a proportion of an industry's average gross value of production over a three-year period for certain producers. It is estimated to collect around $50 million each year over the next three years, which, by a quick calculation, is the same amount they were proposing to collect from the original model. Isn't that amazing! At the same time, the legislation states that the rate of the levy can be set to nil. In some sectors the cost of collecting the levy actually exceeds the revenue raised by it.</para>
<para>Not only do those opposite have no idea what they're doing with this legislation; their rejigging of this tax has done our farmers no favours at all. Those opposite cannot even tell us who the relevant producers are when it comes to determining who will pay this new tax, or how much. Instead, the legislation only mentions 'certain producers', with the department saying at Senate estimates on 13 February 2024 that they will formally advise industries of their rate in the coming weeks or months. I just want to make sure that I've got this right. This policy is set to come into effect on 1 July this year. The department will advise industries of their rate in coming weeks or months, and we're now in mid-March. We have April, May and June, which is three months. The Albanese Labor government are so generous to the industry that they're going to give a whole three months notice, and, if not, that's too bad.</para>
<para>The arguments for this new tax aren't even sound. Those opposite say that Australian farmers should have to pay the fresh food tax because they benefit from strong biosecurity. The reality is that those opposite are ignoring the fact that our farmers already contribute to biosecurity through their existing industry-led agricultural levies. Those on the other side say that the supermarkets are taking our farmers for a ride. However, those guys are the ones operating the roller-coaster. This is another example of the Albanese Labor government making policy on the run. It's another example of a Labor government who are incompetent and directionless and not across the detail of what they're proposing.</para>
<para>The one thing the Albanese Labor government and the minister have done, though, is they have managed to successfully unite every industry and organisation in their outrage against this policy. The scale of widespread concern about this policy was demonstrated in December last year, when 50 industry organisations cosigned a letter to the Prime Minister expressing their unified opposition and concern about this flawed proposal. Two independent reviews of the biosecurity protection levy, conducted by the Productivity Commission and the Australian National University, have found that the policy is flawed, with major issues surrounding who will be paying this tax. It is expected that it won't just be farmers who will be captured under this levy, but our fishers and our foresters will be too. If this is true, you can almost say goodbye to Australia's world-class fishing industry completely.</para>
<para>Everyone has heard me speak about the decision by the Minister for the Environment and Water, Tanya Plibersek, to ban the use of commercial gillnet fishing, which will not only destroy an entire industry in my electorate of Dawson but drive down supply of Australian local, wild-caught fish nationwide and ensure that we have to import lesser-quality fish from international suppliers.</para>
<para>The Albanese Labor government now wants these producers to foot the bill for these importers. This is just ridiculous. You couldn't make this up! What about the approximately 1,500 farmers and farm managers in my electorate of Dawson, who would normally employ more than 70,000 people? During a Labor created cost-of-living crisis, when the cost of everything is going through the roof, this policy is going to be more severe and more detrimental and have massive impacts on farmers and families in my electorate.</para>
<para>Farmers are already struggling with increased operational costs. There is a shortage of up to 174,000 workers Australia-wide—thanks to the Albanese Labor government's decision to scrap the dedicated agricultural visa. There are enormous cuts to regional infrastructure and water projects. Then there is the Labor government's reckless race to renewables which will see 28,000 kilometres of transmission lines rip through prime agricultural land, not to mention the thousands of hectares of native bushland and pristine farmland that will be decimated to make way for wind and solar farms. Plus, there's the announcement of a carbon tax on new vehicles, and that could see Australian farmers pay up to $25,000 more for a suitable vehicle, just to do their job. Those opposite want to make these Aussie farmers pay more so that their international competitors can import goods into our country. Who do you think is going to wear those costs? It will be the consumer, who is already being held hostage by a cost-of-living crisis. The consumer is inevitably going to end up paying more at the checkout. Tell me how this is fair.</para>
<para>Under the Albanese Labor government, our farmers have been under siege since the beginning, with every announcement and policy sending shockwaves through the industry, even forcing the National Farmers' Federation to take the extraordinary step of launching its largest protest campaign in almost 40 years. Labor continues to decimate the industry and the regions. These decisions are not good enough, and I cannot in good conscience support these bills as they are here today. I could not go back to my electorate, look at the people in the face and tell them that I am fighting for regional Australia if I support these bills as they stand today.</para>
<para>The federal coalition does not underestimate the importance of biosecurity for our nation. In fact, our experiences and backgrounds mean that most of us understand these risks better than anyone. We also understand the need for a sustainable and commonsense approach, but what we have achieved under this Labor government—what we've seen and received—is proof that they truly have no idea. In contrast to the Albanese Labor government, the federal coalition's approach to sustainably funding Australia's biosecurity system is targeted at the risk creators, and they are the importers themselves. It's quite simple. Those who pose the risk should pay the cost.</para>
<para>As the Leader of the Opposition announced in response to the May 2023 budget, instead of taxing farmers for biosecurity, the federal coalition will introduce an importer container levy as recommended by the Craik biosecurity review. Under the previous coalition government, we were well on our way to implementing this approach. And then the Labor government decided not to continue it. Those opposite will do and say anything to throw a good policy in the bin if it comes from a different side of politics, even if it means destroying our nation's productivity and economy.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister said, 'No-one left behind,' and, 'Everyone gets a fair go'. Where is the fair go for our farmers and their families? Prime Minister, you once said that farmers deserve our respect for providing us with essentials wherever we live and that they need a government that listens to their concerns and acts on them. So where are you? Why aren't you listening? Our farmers are hurting, our families are hurting, our people are hurting and our nation is hurting. It all starts with the primary industries that the Prime Minister and his government are so intent on destroying.</para>
<para>We all know the importance of biosecurity. But the biggest security risk to Australia right now is this current Albanese Labor government. Our farmers are in for the fight of their lives, and if we lose this fight, we all lose. I will stand shoulder to shoulder with our farmers and fight to get rid of this outrageous tax. After all, without farmers, we all starve.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr COULTON</name>
    <name.id>HWN</name.id>
    <electorate>Parkes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to speak on the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. Let me start by saying that biosecurity for this country and the agricultural sector is paramount. We're an island; that gives us enormous advantages over our competitors, and our clean, green image is second to none anywhere in the world. That's why it's so important that we protect our borders and make sure that diseases, pests and insects that are impacting other parts of the world do not come here.</para>
<para>Thirty years ago in Florida I saw the impact of fire ants in that part of the world. At the moment, the fire ants have a bridgehead, if you like, coming out from South-East Queensland. If we can't contain that outbreak and it spreads across to other agricultural areas, then it will not be possible to run small animals like sheep, goats or poultry in free range, because fire ants, from my observations, completely obliterate any industry that is vulnerable on the ground. Lambs or goats or whatever would be incredibly vulnerable to them.</para>
<para>At the moment, we have an explosion in wild pig numbers. Just in my electorate, there are millions of feral pigs. Just on my own little farm, in the last break when I was home, we put out considerable kilograms of bait, and we still are battling those feral pigs. I am convinced that, if we got foot-and-mouth disease in this country and it got into the wild pig population, we could not eliminate it. We could not eliminate that.</para>
<para>I'm just saying this to reiterate that security of our borders, for biosecurity reasons, is paramount. That's why, in the last government, the agriculture minister, Mr Littleproud, had got to a point of getting an agreement that importers would pay a levy to make sure that there were appropriate amounts of scrutiny placed on our borders. It only makes sense that the people that are supplying the risk factors pay the price. Things like the varroa mite, fire ants and noxious weeds mostly would come in on an unclean container, and that needs to have the correct scrutiny.</para>
<para>To ask Australian farmers to pay for the risk that their competitors are posing to their own industry seems incredibly bizarre to me. To put it into context, if you sell a load of cattle to a saleyard, a feedlot or an abattoir at the moment, a levy is paid on that consignment. I'm assuming—because some of the guidelines are not particularly clear—that this extra $50 million that is to be raised will be tacked on, and that will be the point where that will happen. If the cattle are going to an overseas market, then there would be an obligation for that consignment to be paid for by the Australian connections, whether it's the processors or the farmers going into the other country. It should be the same when products come back again. We're subsidising products that are coming in to compete with the products that Australian farmers are producing, whether processed meats or the like.</para>
<para>In some cases, the information is very vague. In some of the emerging smaller industries, there is not really a process identified as to how this will be delivered. One of the concerns is that the cost of putting in a framework for compliance will actually exceed the income generated from that industry. The other issue around these levies is that it appears that they will go into consolidated revenue rather than going directly to where that money needs to be spent to protect our borders. It's just another case of how this government really has contempt for regional Australia and farmers.</para>
<para>The fact that I'm speaking today in the Federation Chamber on such an important issue as this while downstairs there is a debate about an issue that quite frankly the Australian public would not know or care about, I think, is a clear indication of the contempt for the agriculture sector. There is no reason for this. I have been here for a long time. This is my 17th year and, quite frankly, I have never seen legislation as important as this debated in this chamber. Don't get me wrong; this is a very important place for debate, and for a while as Deputy Speaker I had the responsibility for this Federation Chamber. But it was never, ever designed to debate legislation that will have a critical impact not only on the farming sector but on the rest of Australia as well. But it ties into a pattern that we are seeing on the lack of understanding of regional Australia. The attack on the Murray-Darling Basin, on the farmers and communities in that area, is just a clear indication of the lack of understanding. We're now seeing advertisements on TV saying this government is going to stop the rivers from ever drying again. They are ephemeral rivers. They have been since time began. Good luck with that! But that's the sort of blind ignorance and misinformation we are seeing from the government on this.</para>
<para>This can be fixed. We need to make sure that we do have the processes in place. There's no argument about that. But this is having the farmers paying for their opponents, and there are already levies paid. Just on our little farm, we pay a levy now for biosecurity to the local land services that provide a great service. The farmers are paying for that. Just in the last two days in this place I have been talking to grain growers from all over Australia, from Western Australia right through to Moree in my electorate. They are terribly concerned about what it's going to cost them—whether it's in a container or whether there's a levy to what goes out in bulk. I also had a meeting today with representatives from the wool producers. They are terribly concerned about what it's going to mean for them. They have some other issues that the government needs to work through around a national identity scheme. Now that the price, particularly of mutton, has come back in the saleyards, we are seeing that sometimes the electronic tag that is compulsory in Victoria is nearly half the value of the sheep that is being sold. So farmers are copping it from every direction.</para>
<para>I represent a large agricultural area and a large livestock area. The Pastoralists' Association of West Darling represent those big stations, as the name would suggest, west of the Darling River. They have incredible concerns about the costs that are being inflicted on their industry in an area on fairly steep margins. It's low-rainfall country. Their management skills and ability to care for the land mean that they can operate in that part of the world. But they don't have a surplus of cash that will enable them to be paying levies willy-nilly.</para>
<para>In just this last couple of weeks we have seen the other impost—and the member for Dawson mentioned this—on the essential tools that livestock farmers rely on: the utes and SUVs that they need. There's no replacement for them as yet. They are going to be hit in the neck again when it comes time to replace those vehicles because they'll have no options. The electric ute that's on the market now wouldn't even get you to town if you lived on a station near Broken Hill. It's got a range of 150 kilometres with a half-a-tonne load on it.</para>
<para>I'm incredibly disappointed that we have got to this point where we are debating such an important issue and there appears to be a complete lack of empathy or understanding of the issue. This just seems to be an easy hit that makes it appear that the government is doing something—and why not let the farmers pay for it? If you're cynical enough, they're saying, 'They don't vote for us anyway, so they can pay for this.' The short-term impact on farmers is great, but the longer term impact of not having a biosecurity system in place that's robust, paid for by the people that use it and paid for by the people who are introducing risks to this country is greater. This is a very poor, second-rate proposal compared to what we could have. I'm thoroughly disappointed that we've got to this point, and I will not be supporting this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr GILLESPIE</name>
    <name.id>72184</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's rare that you get such a united front in the agricultural world, but what we are seeing now is a universal rejection from the whole industry of the concept which is embodied in this legislation. The Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024 is basically a second GST on primary production. Let me be clear. It is a second GST. It is a thought bubble which will be counterproductive. It's based on a false premise that primary producers don't already provide funds to support biosecurity in their industry and in the broader food and fibre production of our country.</para>
<para>The attitude behind the bill is there in black and white when you look at the comments. When the proposed bill was described in one of the departmental responses to consultation and analysis of the impacts, they said the levy is set to be negligible to consumers, given the value of what they pay at retail. Hello? It is not going to be retail alone where things hit trouble. The GST value of 10 per cent will be added onto existing levies. The producers have no say. The representative bodies have no say. There's no detail of exactly what these charges will be. People down the value chain of agricultural production, such as the administrators of saleyards and brokers buying and selling on-farm produce or delivered farm produce—a lot of them are just realising that they're going to be the ones collecting it.</para>
<para>The cost recovery system is applied in many other industries, but the same principle applies. The government provides these sorts of services—the protection of the nation, the protection of our food and the protection of our health. These are government responsibilities. Already, there are many industry levies that the industry bodies and the producers have a say in, and they are already contributing to their own biosecurity. We did provide a policy that the biosecurity levies for importers of food and other products should be increased—because current producers in Australia pay their industry levies and they also pay on the arrival of their product in other countries. But, instead, our producers are going to be contributing the vast majority of the fees that should be levied on people bringing risky product into Australia. This is a double whammy for our producers—paying in the country that they're going to as well as in their own country. It's just bizarre that someone thought this was fair and equitable!</para>
<para>On collecting it: as I mentioned, there are 7,000 agents involved in livestock saleyards. There are brokers and a huge numbers of collection points, and many of these agents will be drawn into the collection nightmare. Nothing is safe. It will apply to grain, wool, cotton, hydroponic food production and forestry products—even little old fungi and algae get a mention. It will be on all horticultural produce; wild-harvested livestock and flora; hunting and trapping; grape production and viticulture; fishing—you name it. It will be on lambs, goats, beef cattle and dairy—you name it.</para>
<para>So I won't be supporting the bill. We all understand the importance of biosecurity, but we have a system in place that is fair and equitable. As the former speaker mentioned, we pay for local land services. These are state administered bodies which also look after biosecurity. We can't expect the primary producers of the food and fibre that feed and clothe our nation and our neighbours to continually carry the can. Once this is there, we'll get a lot of low-margin food and fibre production, which may have a margin of only 10 per cent or lower, depending on what the commodity prices are, coming in. It's not like when you're a salary earner, and you know what you get for every hour you work. There are so many variables in the production of primary products: the weather is variable, and there are fertiliser costs, energy costs to harvest and to sow, and chemical bills for protection. All those things are basically out of your control. So if someone comes along and says, 'You're going to get another 10 per cent on the existing value of your product,' it might mean that harvest or that amount of protein won't make a profit for that person.</para>
<para>I think the government should go back to the drawing board and make sure that the industry bodies do what they're doing. And if the departments are going to recover their costs from the industries that they're supporting then why do those departments get an appropriation in the budgets at state and federal levels? They're not driving any efficiencies themselves. Leave agriculture—food and fibre production, viticulture, horticulture, fishing, seafood and all of those things, those primary products that are already doing their fair share—alone.</para>
<para>We need to put a levy on the containers that are coming into this country which are competing against our food and fibre production. There's a misguided concern by some people that this is against World Trade Organization and trade agreements. That is wrong; if you're applying biosecurity levies like that, as long as you're not using them to make a profit, it's allowable under free-trade agreement deals. So there's no excuse; they need to go back to the drawing board and stop cooking the goose that laid the golden egg, which is primary production.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SHARKIE</name>
    <name.id>265980</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am pleased to speak on this Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, although I must say that I'm deeply concerned about it. I'd like to draw the attention of the House—and, in fact, the nation—to the lack of government speakers on this bill, and to the fact that we're debating this bill in the Federation Chamber. This is a critical bill on biosecurity, and when I look at the list of who is speaking on it, it is a long list when it comes to the opposition and regional members on the crossbench. But, apart from one speaker that I can see, nobody from the government side, apart from the minister, has actually come into this place and prosecuted the argument for this tax on farmers. And that's exactly what it is: a tax on farmers.</para>
<para>Biosecurity is critical for Australia's wellbeing—not just the wellbeing of primary producers but the wellbeing of all of us. Lumpy skin disease, foot and mouth, varroa mite—there are so many biosecurity risks on our doorstep. We are somewhat fortunate; we are an island. But the risk is forever present. But what this bill is going to do is charge farmers for it. Primary producers are going to pay a tax for not the risk that they create but the risk that is created by importers. That is nonsensical. We're talking about grape producers. We know that the wine industry and grape producers are having a perilous time at the moment. It's going to impact fishing. We're going to be saying to the local fishing industry: 'You need to pay a levy, you need to pay a tax, because of imports of fish.' Horticulture, sheep, lambs, forestry, cattle, dairy—it's going to cover the lot.</para>
<para>No peak body is supporting this bill—none; not one. In fact, this has united all primary production peak bodies against it. And there's the time frame for this. We are now coming towards the end of March. This is supposed to be implemented by 1 July. Again, it's nonsensical. It's a bad bill, it's poorly consulted on and it's just a tax on farmers when they can least afford it. I think it's rather galling that we don't have members of the government speaking on this, and it's highly inappropriate that we're using the Federation Chamber for this incredibly important issue of biosecurity.</para>
<para>I guess you can tell, Deputy Speaker Chesters, I do not support this bill. I implore the government to investigate alternative approaches that are fair, that are equitable and that are not saying to primary producers in this nation, 'You should bear the cost, to the tune of $153 million, for the risk that importers will cause.' It's not us here. It's not those who were up at four o'clock this morning milking cows. It's not our Australian farmers. It's those from overseas.</para>
<para>The other issue is that our farmers already pay around $500 million worth of levies. In fact, the first industry levy was introduced in 1929 to finance the marketing and research and development for the grape industry, known as the wine grape levy. Since then, the number of industry levies has grown to at least 248 across all sectors.</para>
<para>In 2016 the Productivity Commission reported on the regulation of Australian agriculture, and they found that farm businesses are subjected to many regulations which are complex and in place at every stage of the supply chain. They are often the wrong policy tool, they are inconsistent across or within jurisdictions and they are costly. The regulations across the agricultural supply chain include: native title; environmental protection; biodiversity conservation; agricultural and veterinary chemical standards; biosecurity, including pest surveillance and export control; national land transport regulatory frameworks; water access and regulation; animal welfare; livestock identification; food labelling and standards; food safety and certification; and statutory marketing. The list goes on. Honestly, I'm exhausted reading this.</para>
<para>Knowing that this is what our primary producers are already managing, the fact that this government wants to put an even further burden, a tax, on farmers is appalling—knowing that they're also working seven days a week for us. There's no Christmas Day off if you're a dairy farmer. There's no 'I don't like to work Sundays' or 'Do I get paid time and a half?' Not at all. They get up and they go to work, whether it's drought or it's flood.</para>
<para>It's unbelievable that we are doing this. What we should be doing is one of two things. Either the money should come out of general revenue or there should be a container tax targeting the businesses that are creating the risk, rather than charging our farmers. That makes sense; that is equitable. We're effectively saying to the victim, 'You should pay for the pest incursion; you need to pay protection money, rather than it being on the importers and containers.'</para>
<para>I have 1,965 agriculture, forestry and fishery businesses in my electorate, and 1,934 are small businesses with fewer than 20 employees. These businesses are being squeezed out of existence with rising power costs and labour costs, exacerbated by industrial relations changes and supermarket duopolies dictating prices. Potentially, we might see the price go to the consumer, but I doubt it, because our farmers are not price makers; they are price takers. This levy is wrong. The minister needs to go back to the drawing board and work with the community and work with industry to get this right. This is just a tax on farmers, and it needs to be stopped. I urge the government: do the right thing—pull the bill. And let's do this right.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms LANDRY</name>
    <name.id>249764</name.id>
    <electorate>Capricornia</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today I stand alongside my fellow coalition colleagues in resolute opposition to Labor's biosecurity protection levy, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. This is simply a fresh food tax. It is a poorly disguised attack on our farmers, a burden on Australian families and a missed opportunity for collaboration on a critical national food security issue.</para>
<para>The 1,714 farmers in my electorate of Capricornia are already battling significant challenges. They are the backbone of our nation's food security and they deserve our support, not additional burdens. This levy adds another layer of pressure, squeezing their already tight margins. The inevitable outcome: farmers will be forced to pass these costs onto consumers, pushing up grocery prices at a time when affordability is a major concern for Australians. Imagine a young family struggling to make ends meet. Every dollar counts when it comes to putting food on the table. Labor's fresh food tax will make this even more difficult, forcing them to choose between essentials like fresh produce and other necessities.</para>
<para>This biosecurity protection levy is not just bad economics but also a betrayal of trust that undermines the very foundations of Australian agriculture. Biosecurity is not a partisan issue. It's the bedrock of Australian agriculture, a vital national security that safeguards our $80 billion industry and the livelihoods of tens of thousands. From the early days of Australian agriculture, when strict quarantine measures were implemented to prevent the spread of animal diseases, successive governments have recognised the vital role biosecurity plays in protecting our agriculture industries, like the vitally important Central Queensland beef industry.</para>
<para>The coalition has a strong track record. We established the Department of Agriculture, Water and the Environment in 2020 and we invested $49 million to aid communities in the management of feral pests, including species like wild pigs and deer, and weeds like gamba grass. Additionally, the coalition government dedicated $20 million towards eradicating yellow crazy ants in the wet tropics region. Also, in 2021, in spite of the worldwide pandemic, the former coalition government recorded a striking increase of over twofold in the detection of pests and diseases through air and sea cargo compared to the preceding year.</para>
<para>We understand the need for a sustainable funding model for biosecurity, but this levy is not the answer. It unfairly targets our most successful industries and risks jeopardising the very security it aims to achieve. Let's be clear: this tax is a tax on Australian success. Our farmers are world leaders in innovation and productivity. They invest heavily in biosecurity measures, from on-farm biosecurity protocols to cutting-edge technologies. This levy penalises this very investment. Imagine a scenario where a farmer adopts new biosecurity technology only to be hit with a higher levy for their proactive approach. This discourages innovation and hinders our collective biosecurity efforts.</para>
<para>The impact of this levy extends far beyond the farm gate. Our agriculture sector is the backbone of regional communities. Millions of Australians rely on jobs in agriculture and related industries. These communities thrive on the economic activity generated by our farms. A levy that hurts farmers will inevitably hurt these regional communities. Consider a town like Clermont in my electorate of Capricornia. Many families there rely on the income generated by the local farms. This levy isn't just a tax on farmers; it is a tax on the very fabric of regional Australia.</para>
<para>The levy also creates immense uncertainty for the agriculture sector. Critical details such as who will be taxed, by how much and how the levy will be collected remain shrouded in mystery. Initially Labor proposed a blunt 10 per cent increase on the existing industry levy. This one-size-fits-all approach ignored the vast differences between agriculture sectors. For some industries, a 10 per cent levy increase could be crippling, while for others it might be less impactful. This lack of consideration for the specific circumstances of each industry highlighted the deeply flawed nature of the policy from the outset. Following widespread criticism from farmers, producers and industry groups, the government announced a so-called rejig. However, this doesn't change the core problem; it simply changes the calculation method from a flat percentage on an existing levy to a levy based on a percentage of an industry's production value. While this might seem like a concession, it remains an unfair and unsustainable approach.</para>
<para>Firstly, the levy fails to account for the varying profitability of different agriculture sectors. A sector with high production volume but low profit margins could be disproportionately impacted by this levy. Secondly, the legislation offers no clear information on how the exact levy will be determined for each industry. This lack of transparency creates uncertainty for farmers and discourages investment.</para>
<para>Independent reviews by the Productivity Commission and the Australian National University have slammed the levy as 'flawed'. These independent bodies known for their rigorous analysis raised serious concerns about the equity and effectiveness of the levy. Yet the government continues to ignore expert advice, clinging to a policy clearly out of touch with the reality faced by Australian agriculture. This lack of transparency adds stress to farmers already grappling with rising input costs, workforce shortages and volatile weather, such as inevitable droughts and flooding rains. These are hardworking Australians who deserve clarity and certainty, not a poorly conceived tax that throws their businesses into disarray.</para>
<para>The details surrounding this levy remain shrouded in confusion. The legislation offers no clear information on who exactly will be responsible for paying the levy, how much they will be charged or how the collection will be implemented. This lack of clarity creates chaos for farmers. Farmers are left scrambling to understand the financial impact, while collection agents already overburdened with regulations are thrust into this mess with minimal guidance. This is policymaking on the fly and it is a recipe for disaster.</para>
<para>The biosecurity protection levy represents a missed opportunity for collaboration. The coalition have always advocated for a collaborative approach to biosecurity. We believe in working hand in hand with industry stakeholders to develop effective solutions. Labor's unilateral approach, with its complete disregard for industry concerns, is a recipe for disaster. Consider the frustration of organisations like the National Farmers Federation, who have expressed unified opposition to this levy. Their voices, representing thousands of farmers across the country, have been ignored. This is not how we build a robust biosecurity system. It's how we erode trust and hinder progress.</para>
<para>The coalition proposes a far superior solution—an importer container levy. This levy would directly target the source of the biosecurity risk: imported goods. An importer container levy is a well-established and proven approach that's already used successfully by many of our trading partners, including the United States and New Zealand, and is a fair and sustainable way to fund biosecurity, ensuring that the cost is borne by those who introduce the risk, not by our own hardworking farmers. The importer container levy is simple and efficient to administer. This stands in stark contrast to Labor's complex and confusing levy scheme, which will be a bureaucratic nightmare to implement.</para>
<para>The biosecurity protection levy is just one example of Labor's poor track record on agriculture. From scrapping the agriculture visa to reckless water buybacks, Labor policies are hurting farmers and our regional communities. We need a government that supports Australian agriculture, not one that burdens it with unfair taxes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms WATSON-BROWN</name>
    <name.id>300127</name.id>
    <electorate>Ryan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Biosecurity breaches are a huge threat to our country. Funding biosecurity threat abatement is an absolutely critical investment in our nation's future. Every dollar is an insurance policy against potentially catastrophic costs to our communities, environment and agricultural producers. This threat is expected only to multiply over time. The climate crisis and increased trade and movement mean Australia will need to fortify and strengthen our biosecurity prevention systems over the coming years. As we've seen with the recent varroa mite outbreak, biosecurity breaches are very costly. The impacts on community health, businesses, the environment and agriculture extend well beyond the billions in response funds needed when outbreaks occur.</para>
<para>The Senate Rural and Regional Affairs and Transport References Committee recently took evidence that 40 million bees have been euthanised in the last 18 months following the varroa mite outbreak. Livelihoods have been devastated, and the threat from this biosecurity breach is likely to become more serious over time as we move from eradication, which has failed, to management or living with this pest. It was reported only this week in the <inline font-style="italic">Sydney Morning Herald</inline> that red imported fire ants alone could end up costing Australian taxpayers $38 billion if funding responses are not up to the task. That's just one invasive pest. Our biosecurity offices and workers deal with multiple threats on a daily basis.</para>
<para>In my home state of Queensland, the government was warned about this 20 years ago. In 2001, it launched the National Fire Ant Eradication Program, which was supposed to have fire ants eradicated by 2006. And yet, after spending almost $1 billion of public money, Queensland has seen the area of infestation increase tenfold. That's over 800,000 hectares. It's absolutely out of control and threatening the entire country. Senior scientists warned the program that there was little evidence to show that eradicating the entrenched fire ant infestation was even feasible. They said to instead look at containment options lest we end up where we have actually ended up now, with thousands of infestations across the country.</para>
<para>The Queensland government chose to adopt a doomed-to-fail eradication program because it knew it could send most of the bill back to the federal government rather than having to fork out money for containment. Then, when senior officials within the program tried to raise the issues of mismanagement and misreporting, they were sacked. The government was warned that its programs were failing, and instead of doing anything about it, it tried to quietly sweep it under the rug. Despite the ongoing inquiry into the spread of red imported fire ants, it seems the government hasn't learned its lesson and continues to stick to its line on poorly governed and mismanaged eradication programs.</para>
<para>That's why the Greens support the imperative for the Australian government to implement a sustainable funding model for biosecurity now and into the future. It appears that pretty much everyone in this debate agrees on this crucial point. When considering priorities for a new sustainable funding model for biosecurity, the government should be prioritising the environment. The government could do this by committing additional funding packages for environmental biosecurity protection and response measures. This levy is a significant matter of public interest and concern, and this parliament needs to find a way forward.</para>
<para>Basically, biosecurity funding has two key components. The first is prevention programs to stop problems before they start. Prevention is always better than a cure. The second component is responding to biosecurity breaches and funding for response measures that can be sourced directly from stakeholder levies in the agricultural sector. Farmers pay levies and can vote on the manner in which these levies are directed through priorities for the sector and areas of most need. Plant Health Australia and Animal Health Australia receive their funding directly from these levies paid by producers. It's really understandable that farmers have concerns. Not only are they now paying a second levy for biosecurity but also they will have no input into or avenues for feedback for accountability. The Greens believe that, on this point, the government has reflected these concerns in its commitment to a taskforce constituted from agricultural groups. However, we're yet to see the full detail on how this would work or allay farmers concerns. It's also reasonable that some farmers are asking why they should pay a levy on the basis of food production when this food passes up through a supply chain where numerous other interests profit from the work of farmers, but in this bill they are not being asked to also contribute.</para>
<para>The Greens have met with many stakeholders and listened to their concerns about this bill, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. We understand that farmers are doing it tough, including being forced by the supermarket duopoly to accept rock-bottom prices for the food they produce. Many of the concerns raised with the Greens are very worthy of interrogation in the Senate.</para>
<para>The Greens have serious concerns about the lack of transparency and oversight applied within the bill itself in regard to the allocation and dispersal of the revenue collected from this levy. The direction of collected levy funds into consolidated revenue is a key concern with the bill in its current form. The current structure and application of this legislation needs work. My colleagues in the Senate will be doing their job to properly interrogate and scrutinise this bill and any sensible amendments that may be required.</para>
<para>We also believe that risk creators, like importers, need to pay their fair share. The Greens will be pushing the government to commit to progressing a levy on risk creators in the form of a container levy, or similar, as a matter of priority. We acknowledge that risk importers are being asked to contribute more through other elements of the government's biosecurity funding plans.</para>
<para>Recent revelations around taxpayer funding into the red imported fire ants eradication program have raised red flags over efficacy, over governance, over transparency and over accountability of funding of these types of biosecurity responses from consolidated revenue. The Greens want to ensure accountability around how the government undertakes its role on biosecurity. Too much money has been wasted. We want to see clear performance measures against contributions made by primary producers through any new levy.</para>
<para>The Greens will be voting against this bill in the House of Representatives and reserving our final position in the Senate, pending consultations with the government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm very pleased that I have been joined here in the Federation Chamber by the member for O'Connor. The reason I'm pleased is that he understands farmers and he understands agriculture. He represents an electorate, as large as it is, that in an average year produces 10 million tonnes of wheat—10 million tonnes of wheat a year. I know that the Grain Producers Australia chief executive officer, Colin Bettles, is also in the chairs behind me, and I acknowledge his presence. Both the member for O'Connor and Mr Bettles were in parliament earlier this week to celebrate all that is good about grain production, all that is good about farmers and all that is good about agriculture. I note, too, on the speakers list—and I'm not using it as a prop, so I'll give it back—that it is dominated by coalition speakers, appreciating that the member for Ryan from the Greens just spoke. But this list is heavy with coalition members addressing this very important matter.</para>
<para>Every member of this House should be speaking on this bill, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, because it is that important. As Labor has finally admitted—after being dragged, kicking and screaming, to the table—we are in a cost-of-living crisis. It's a crisis, I would argue, that has been brought about on Labor's watch because of its policies. Yet here we are, talking about slugging our farmers—our hardworking cockies; the best in the world, make no mistake—with what Labor calls a levy, but I'll call it what it is: a tax—a tax on them to do what? To pay for the biosecurity of their competitors' products coming in from overseas and going onto the same shelves as their own products. What other nation in the world would do something like this? What other country would be so god damn stupid as to slug its farmers, who produce the world's finest food through their hard work and sweat, to pay a biosecurity tax to prop up the not-so-good products coming in from overseas by their competitors? It just makes no sense!</para>
<para>That is why I can't understand why there are very few, if any, speakers from the Labor side. I saw and appreciate that the member for Moreton is on the list. He speaks on most pieces of legislation, and good on him for speaking. I can't understand why, when we are in a cost-of-living crisis, why every Labor member isn't speaking on this bill, particularly every Labor regional member. They should be defending what they're doing and explaining what this bill is all about, because the essence of this bill will mean that consumers will pay more at the grocery checkout. They'll pay more for their food. They'll pay more for their vegetables. They'll pay more, whether its imported food or whether it is home-grown, fresh produce.</para>
<para>To a degree, I don't really care that Paraguayan pawpaws—I'm not sure if they even grow pawpaws in Paraguay, but possibly they do.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Ramsey</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Sure they do!</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm told by the member for Grey that they do. The member for Grey would know, he is another good farmer—a very good member from a farming electorate. I don't really care whether some of those products that we get in, Portuguese pears or whatever they may be, are going to be more expensive than what we produce here in Australia. That's because what I want to see is our farmers not only being able to compete fairly with the supermarkets and the duopoly prices that they give them—farmers, let's face it, are price takers not price makers—but I also want to see our farmers treated fairly when it comes to the prices paid at the grocery store. I don't want to see our farmers slugged unnecessarily because they have to pay for the biosecurity charges to assist their competitors from countries that, quite frankly, many Australians would not even be able to pronounce.</para>
<para>I say that with all due respect, because often you have to look at a label to see where the product comes from. Many of the products that we are getting are coming in from overseas, and I know that there are a lot of WTO arrangements in place but, gee whiz, I've seen too many cases of dumping over the years to know that our farmers are up against it. They are up against it. I know the WTO rules prevail and I know that there have been a lot of cases brought forward, but our farmers should not have to be treated unfairly by our government—their government—the government that is bringing in these new biosecurity taxes on my people, on the member for O'Connor's people and on the member for Grey's people.</para>
<para>It doesn't matter to Labor that our farmers are going to have to pay for this, which is a sad aspect of this wholly unnecessary, ill-thought, ill-conceived legislation. Don't take my word for it, Barry Large from Grain Producers Australia is encouraging all members of parliament, especially crossbench senators, to carefully consider the findings of the report that has been produced and to talk with producers actually impacted by this bad policy. His words were 'actually impacted by this bad policy'. Here's the challenge to Labor members opposite: start talking to your constituents, particularly if you are in a regional area. But, more importantly, don't just talk to them; listen to them. Thankfully there aren't too many regional Labor members, but I urge and encourage those of them who are in this place to listen to their producers, whether they're producing small volumes or large. Particularly listen to them.</para>
<para>Mr Large had this to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Producers across all farm commodities have provided a strong and unified voice against this proposal, given we already pay enough in levies to fund multiple public good outcomes—including environmental benefits and increased taxation generation for the nation.</para></quote>
<para>The member for Ryan talked about the environment coming first. I don't necessarily disagree with her, but let's put people first. Let's put people at the heart of this. Yes, the environment is important. The best stewards of our environment are who? Our farmers. The member for Grey knows. They are our farmers, because, without good soils, without sustainable rivers, they wouldn't be able to grow the food that is the finest in the world, which is now going to have to compete, unfairly, with overseas interests.</para>
<para>Mr Large also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's unpalatable and we really believe it should be scrapped … a good consultation period in the beginning would have saved us all a lot of grief.</para></quote>
<para>Haven't we heard that over and over again, ad nauseam—the fact that Labor doesn't consult as it should, that it rushes through ill-thought-through policy? Mr Large also said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Australian producers take biosecurity seriously on our farms every single day. That's why we already pay significant amounts to fund biosecurity protections directly within our own businesses.</para></quote>
<para>He's right. He added:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We also pay directly through other compulsory industry levies that raise hundreds of millions of dollars, including biosecurity levies.</para></quote>
<para>Here's the rub. Whatever amount of money this raises to pay for biosecurity—which is what Labor say it is for now—Labor, knowing how they love taxes and new taxes, will use this as a cash cow. This is the thin end of the wedge, because, when Labor see that this works and raises $10 million here and $10 million there, they'll say: 'The farmers are pretty easy to touch up. We'll whack 'em more. Why not? They make plenty of money.' That's what Labor think.</para>
<para>Our farmers work so hard, and, during COVID, along with our miners, they kept this nation going. Make no mistake; they kept this nation fed. They kept other nations fed besides. They kept our exports up, as did our miners. And our health professionals saved people's lives. Yet we hear, over and again, the Treasurer saying, 'What have we got to show for a trillion dollars of Liberal Party debt?' Well, it wasn't just the Liberal Party—it was the National Party as well—but there is not a trillion dollars of debt. It's nowhere near a trillion dollars, and absolutely every time he says that, and absolutely every time Labor get their talking points and read that directly from them, because they can't think for themselves, it should be disparaged.</para>
<para>David Jochinke, National Farmers Federation president, said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We call on Senators to see commonsense and hit pause on this legislation so they can listen carefully to the criticism this flawed policy has drawn.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It's not just Australia's 85,000 farmers who have raised alarm bells, it's also the Productivity Commission, the Australian National University, the Office of Impact Analysis and even importers.</para></quote>
<para>That's what he said. He called on senators. I call on members. Why doesn't the phone in the Labor whip's office start ringing hot with Labor members wanting to speak on this bill? Why isn't there a long list of Labor speakers? The member for Corangamite is just about to walk in, and I welcome her. I hope she is going to start the flood of Labor members of parliament coming in to speak about this important bill and to defend it passionately. At the moment, there is no defence of this bill. There is absolutely no defence of this bill, because it's bad policy. It's not just me saying that; it's the NFF president and the Grain Producers chairman saying that. It's Michael Guerin, the AgForce Queensland CEO, who says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Let there be no doubt, this biosecurity levy is a tax in thinly veiled disguise, and farmers resent being blindsided in this way.</para></quote>
<para>My father wasn't a protester. He was a good, hardworking sheep-wheat farmer. He didn't like meetings. He once gave me the advice: 'Don't get on too many committees, because you'll have to turn up to too many meetings.' I really listened to him in that regard, didn't I! I like to think that I do my bit for farmers by being a political representative. But my father did turn up to the big rally outside this place when Bob Hawke was the Prime Minister, and Bob Hawke actually listened. He didn't do what the farmers wanted, but he actually listened. That is what a good government and a good prime minister do.</para>
<para>I hope that Labor starts to listen instead of just bringing in these flawed policies and this ill-conceived legislation at a time of a cost-of-living crisis, when people are already paying way too much at the supermarket checkout, when people are hurting, when food banks are getting people who would never have presented before, never have gone to Salvos or St Vinnies, turning up to get food hampers because they can't afford it.</para>
<para>What are we going to do? We're going to slug our farmers unfairly. We're going to cripple them with even more taxes that they can ill afford and can't pay. For what outcome? Nothing! It's a typical Labor policy which does nothing to help our good country folk, those people who don't mind getting dirt under their fingernails to grow the food and fibre that prop this nation up, that help support, feed and clothe this nation and many more nations besides. I say to Labor members: get off your backsides, get out into your regional communities, start listening to the farmers, start listening to the people who make a difference in this country.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Might I say to the member for Riverina, 'Hear, hear!' This is a terrible policy being put forward by the Labor government. Despite its rhetoric, it's pretty clear that the current government has a pretty low regard for people in agriculture. I'm going to take you through a bit of list that I've compiled, Mr Deputy Speaker Wilkie.</para>
<para>Let me start with the abolition of the live sheep trade. Then there are the vehicle emissions standards, which are being spoken about in this place even today, which will add thousands of dollars to vehicles that farmers rely on. There's the recommencement of the indiscriminate water buybacks in the Murray-Darling Basin. Only a couple of months ago, I led the coalition agricultural policy committee up through the Murray-Darling Basin, and we went into communities and talked to them about what these indiscriminate water buybacks will mean. There's the closing of the fully sustainable Gulf of Carpentaria gillnet fishing industry, supposedly to protect the Great Barrier Reef, which is thousands of kilometres away. There's the building of transmission lines and renewable energy parks through high-value farming lands.</para>
<para>There's the abolition of the ag visa program, the reduction in the instant tax write-off for capital purchases and the abolition of the Native Title Respondents Funding Scheme, which was established to ensure that landholders would have equal representation when claims were made against their property. This is a very important policy that was put in place and a very important funding instrument to actually protect farmers, to give them the same kind of standing when they go into court and some native title group says, 'We're going to take our land off you,' or says that it will take their access to it or stop them doing something on their land.</para>
<para>There's the commitment to expand Australia's parks and reserves from 20 per cent to 30 per cent. I think a lot of people let this one slip past them at the last election. That's a 50 per cent increase, going from 20 per cent to 30 per cent. It is enormous. I know where the land's not going to come from. It's not going to come out of the electorate of Clark, I can assure you, Mr Deputy Speaker Wilkie. It'll be coming out of the farmlands and rangelands of Australia—that extra lock-up of land.</para>
<para>Then there's the commitment to strengthen the native heritage acts around Australia. There was the commitment to strengthen the native heritage acts around Australia—remember the debacle in Western Australia? There was the allowing of big emitters to buy up agricultural land to set aside and use to offset emissions in order to comply with the government's safeguard mechanism. I've barely started. I could keep adding topics: increasing fuel taxes, the lack of spending on infrastructure, reams of regulation, moves to make the labour market less flexible and stamp duties on GST and insurance. It goes on and on.</para>
<para>And here we are today, debating yet another attack on the ag sector: imposing a biosecurity levy on farmers to inspect imports brought into Australia by our competitors. This is for foreign food imports and even for non-agricultural businesses, with goods as diverse as televisions, washing machines and electronic games—anything at all. I am just dumbfounded. What a concept! We're actually going to charge farmers a levy to inspect television boxes coming into Australia. It is completely absurd. It's like a protection racket. I know I'm not very good at a Brooklyn accent, but just imagine this: 'It's funny how things burn, sonny! You're going to hand over the cash and I can stop the fires.' That's what this government is saying, 'Farmers, you hand over the cash and we won't let the beasties onto your properties.' It's just absolutely absurd. It's actually penalising the potential victim of a crime. Farmers are the victims of biosecurity breaches; they aren't the perpetrators.</para>
<para>Australian exporters, including agricultural exporters, pay the cost of biosecurity in the markets which their goods need access to. They pay for biosecurity checks in foreign ports in other countries. How can they be responsible here? How can we, as farmers, be responsible when importers are bringing things into our country? We need more resources for the biosecurity challenge in Australia, and I'm not arguing about that. There's a plethora of exotic pests, weeds and diseases which threaten our agricultural production. Top of the list would be foot-and-mouth disease, but the list of threats is almost endless. There are plant rusts, smuts, blotches, blots, viruses like swine fever, and encephalopathy—I knew I'd struggle with that one! There are bird, horse and cat flus and there are weeds from all over the world, all looking for a fertile place to put down their roots in Australia. There are bat viruses and mosquito-borne diseases, and I haven't even scratched the surface. Absolutely, we need good biosecurity. But it isn't farmers who are the actual threat here; it's the importers who run the risk of bringing those things in.</para>
<para>The agriculture sector is worth more than $100 billion a year, and it's about 12 per cent of gross domestic product, from the paddock to the market. I might suggest that if farmers are to pay this, well, it will be the Treasurer—government tax receipts—that will miss out in the long run because it'll drive people out of farming. If we drive people out of farming and keep driving the costs up then they will pay less tax.</para>
<para>So there's no argument: we need good—we even need better—biosecurity. But let's charge the sinner and not the victim. Let's charge the importer of the washing machines, the fridges, the honey, the toys, the pharmaceuticals, the cheese, the processed meat, the potatoes or whatever it is. Surely it's the importer's job to make sure that their container is clean, weed free and disease free. If you import a foodstuff—let's say it's truffles or cheese—the importer is absolutely responsible for the contents of the jar. Why then would they not be responsible for the container in which the jar is packed at the point of dispatch? They're responsible for what's in the jar, and they pack their jars inside the containers, so why aren't they responsible for those containers? It seems that the farmers here in Australia are responsible for those containers. It is just an absurd correlation and does not make any sense.</para>
<para>The government hasn't even shared any detail on how this tax collection would work. It's much like their concept of the Voice, Mr Deputy Speaker—I'm sure you recall that well. Basically it's just, 'Let's vote for it, let's get it into place and then trust us.' That's the last call of the most corrupt businessman in town, isn't it? 'Just trust me and it'll all be alright.'</para>
<para>My information is that the biosecurity protection levy will be calculated by the proportion of the nation's GDP that an industry is responsible for, with the gross value of the production average over a three-year period levied at a rate that is not specified—wow! What on earth does that mean? I haven't got a PhD, but I can't work out what that means, and I'm doubtful that too many people could. It is just complete babble. It sounds like it was invented in Canberra!</para>
<para>It is clear the government have no idea what it means either. And who determines what proportion? Who polices the average? Or who sets the levy? Presumably, it's an already existing levy on an industry which may or may not exist. And at what rate will it be in order to meet the budget objectives of the government? I used to be a farmer—I still own a farm—and we would say that is as clear as mud in the bottom of the dam. You've got no idea what's going on here. It's been roundly opposed by farmers, producers, industry groups and stakeholders, including the National Farmers Federation and their state equivalents. The member for Riverina just listed a number of grower organisations that are opposed to this proposal.</para>
<para>A tax on farmers eventually becomes a tax on fresh food. The cost, we presume—and the government even suggests so—will be passed on to the consumer, even though, as we're finding now with the ACCC and Senate inquiries into supermarkets, farmers often struggle to pass on their costs and are instead expected to absorb them. We've known forever that farmers are price takers, not price setters, in the market, so they can't really pass those costs on easily. Farmers are expected to absorb those increased costs. How do they do that? By increasing efficiency to meet the financial challenge. Given the enormous advances in computing power, electronic monitoring and remote surveillance, it's a pity that government departments don't seem to be able to do the same and meet the same criteria of improving efficiency. I would have thought there are myriad tools available for biosecurity at the moment that weren't available, say, 20 years ago. But instead it seems to require more and more money all the time. The fact that it requires that means we should be questioning the measures. And the money shouldn't be coming out of the farmers' pockets.</para>
<para>There has been little, in fact pretty much no, consultation with the industry. There's been no modelling on the impact and certainly no consideration of the range of pressures coming from other sources. At the beginning of this speech I detailed what those other sources are, and I gave a whole list of attacks on agriculture and the accumulated impacts across the board of these attacks on agriculture. What is the government thinking? Why attack farmers? How on earth will it work?</para>
<para>The opposition has made a clear decision. We will scrap the levy if it should get through the parliament. We will scrap the levy and replace it with an incoming levy on containers. Costs will be met by the importers and rightly passed along to the terminal purchaser. The last person in the chain, the one that actually wants that bottle of truffles, should be the one paying the biosecurity levy. That's as it should be. It's simple, transparent—the user pays—and perfect. That's what the coalition will do, should we get into government.</para>
<para>In the ALP's defence, I don't actually think they hate farmers, even though I've got to give myself a good talking to every couple of days. I don't think they do, but I do think they think that farmers' interests are totally expendable and totally tradable. If the government are under pressure from the Left, from the inner-city Greens—they know they are; just look at the recent Brisbane council elections—they've got to give a bit of ground, and they're thinking: 'The farmers have plenty of money. They're always complaining. They own big properties worth millions of dollars, and we'll just kick them. That'll be alright. They don't vote for us anyhow.' I don't think they hate farmers. I think they actually understand that we do have to have a farming sector, but they don't think that any of these blows will actually make any difference. I listed at least 10 things at the beginning of this speech. The accumulated impacts do make a difference, and it's getting tougher and tougher to be a farmer.</para>
<para>I'll get on to a little bit more about that in a moment if I've got time, but I'll move on to Western Australia. I've just come back from there, and the live-sheep export ban is totally demoralising the industry there and driving people out of livestock. In some of these areas, if you're not in livestock you probably won't be in farming long. That's the simple fact of it.</para>
<para>The black clouds over the WA sheep industry at the moment are incredible. I could not believe the amount of anguish. We held seven different forums over there, and one in Adelaide, in South Australia. The impact of the looming ban in Western Australia is driving people out of sheep. Over 25,000 sheep a week are coming over the border into South Australia at the moment, and our market is running at about 30 per cent of what it was a couple of years ago. We heard from a small grower in Adelaide, and she said: 'I have a thousand ewes. The income from my turn-off two years ago was $144,000, and this year it's $44,000.'</para>
<para>South Australia is not even in the eye of the storm. In Western Australia, in Katanning, 200 sheep didn't get a bid or an offer on the day they were there, but the farmer certainly got a freight bill for them. They'll have to freight them back home again and perhaps put them in paddocks.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Rick Wilson</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>No. They were destroyed.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There we go—they were destroyed. It only cost a bullet. They had to transport them one way; then they had to dig a hole for them and pay for a bullet. It's pretty tough. The government just thinks: 'We can make these decisions. It'll make somebody in the middle of Melbourne happy, and the farmers will be right. What the hell! They've been complaining since Adam was a lad. It'll all be okay.' It won't be okay. You can't just keep pushing it and pushing it and thinking it's all going to be okay in the end.</para>
<para>What these widespread attacks on agriculture—random attacks on agriculture, if you like—and this live sheep trade dispute have done is to draw a line in the sand. It has actually brought some farming organisations out to say: 'We're going to fight on this one. This is it. If we don't have a moment where we all come together and say, "No more," we are going to go under.' The farming organisations have come together in Western Australia. They've launched an appeal to raise $6 million to fight for the five marginal seats in Western Australia, to bring them back. I don't even know that they'll bring them back. They're going to argue for a coalition member to sit in them. Perhaps they'll be voting for an Independent, Deputy Speaker Wilkie, but what they will do is to spread the message: 'Keep me farming. Put Labor last.' That's the message we need to get out there, and we'll do it. If we can get farmers motivated, they will do it right across Australia on the issues that are hurting them in their own constituencies.</para>
<para>This is a bad bill and it should be condemned.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CONAGHAN</name>
    <name.id>279991</name.id>
    <electorate>Cowper</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We know that the Australian agricultural industry is a $100-billion-a-year industry, which equates to about 12 per cent of GDP. The farmers have done this, and they've continued to get out there before the sun comes up every morning, even under the extremely difficult circumstances of the past two years. We've seen electricity prices go up 20 per cent, gas prices go up 27 per cent and fuel prices go through the roof, and the farmers have continued to get out there. We know that they put the food on the table and the fibre on our backs in Australia, and they are recognised worldwide as best-practice farmers. In my electorate alone, I have horticulture—bananas, blueberries and strawberries. There's the seafood industry and the oyster industry, the beef farmers and the corn growers. I could go on. They're out there contributing to Australia's economy and contributing to our regional areas. These are things that people in the metropolitan areas would never dream of. To them, the food simply appears, miraculously, on the supermarket shelves.</para>
<para>What does the Labor government do to thank our Australian farmers for the $100 billion industry and the 12 per cent of GDP, for getting out of bed before sparrow's fart? It puts another tax on them, through the agricultural biosecurity protection levy. It's a tax.</para>
<para>In what parallel universe does the Labor government think that the pub test would be passed where our farmers are paying a levy for biosecurity—which is very important, and I'll talk about that shortly—for things that are being sent from overseas to our country? That doesn't pass the pub test. If you go to any other country—and we export to all these other countries—who pays for that levy? We do. And we should. But the fact is that those countries and those exporters should be paying for the biosecurity levy for things that come into this country. Whether that's a washing machine, a grape or a bottle of olives from Italy, they should bear the cost for their own either reckless or bad biosecurity practices in their country. Why on earth would you punish an Australian farmer for their practices? It does not make sense.</para>
<para>I do not want to see one Labor member stand up in this House and say how good Australian farmers are. If they are supporting this bill, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024, they should hang their heads in shame, because they are punishing our farmers, who are doing it tough already. They are doing it tough with the cost of living and the prices of fuel, electricity and gas, not to mention all the other bad policies that Labor have imposed in the last two years. Biosecurity is important, and we have the best practices here. Our farmers already contribute to biosecurity protection. There are already taxes and tariffs on our farmers. But the Labor government in their wisdom decided to give them another one: 'We'll just tap that farming community.'</para>
<para>What they will do is push our farmers off the cliff. And then what are we going to do? We're going to import our produce from overseas. Farmers are going to walk off the land. They've already started walking off the land. It is getting tougher and tougher, yet there is no recognition for our farmers. They get a slap in the face with this bill, which will make them pay for other countries' bad practices. That's exactly what it is. But don't ask me; ask the people in the industry. I'll give you a few quotes from them.</para>
<para>I'll start with the National Farmers' Federation, who represent all the major agricultural commodities and jurisdictions. In their submission, they cite the following issues with the BPL tax:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Its inconsistency with established levy imposition and collection principles; Its inconsistency with the agreed principles of the National Biosecurity Strategy; The likelihood of a range of negative unintended consequences for agricultural and biosecurity systems …</para></quote>
<para>…   …   …</para>
<quote><para class="block">The lack of recognition of existing producer contributions to the biosecurity system …</para></quote>
<para>Labor is double dipping here. They're double dipping on our farmers, and they're hurting our farmers. They should be approaching those countries who are, with the benefit of increasing their GDP, exporting to our country to pay this levy.</para>
<para>You could ask Grain Producers Australia. They were in the House today. Funnily enough, there was no mention of this levy by the government in question time. Surprise, surprise! They know it's bad policy. It's a bad bill. Grain Producers Australia, who act for 21,000 levy-paying members, say that, without a cost-benefit analysis and without any consultation or a strategy, this is just a money grab—that's 100 per cent; you are spot on—this is just a money grab:</para>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Tax the Importers before introducing a new tax on grain growers. Stop flogging the farmers who take all the risks and already pay levies. Fuel, chemical and fertiliser costs have risen sharply since covid. No more expenses can be tolerated.</inline> </para></quote>
<para>If you're not a farmer and you're listening to this and you're thinking, 'Well, this isn't really going to affect me,' think again. Our farmers cannot, and should not, absorb these costs. If this tax doesn't push them off the cliff, then those costs will be passed on to you and your family sitting at home. Think about how much more you had to pay 18 months to two years ago. For me, I do the shopping. I actually enjoy going to Coles and doing the shopping and doing the cooking. I know that my grocery bill has increased by 30 per cent per week. Are you prepared to absorb the increase from this tax? If you're not, get in contact with one of the Labor members. Email the Labor members and say: 'Why are you beating up on our farmers? Why are you contributing to the cost-of-living pressures that we are facing right now?' Because that is exactly what this will do to you, so you should take an interest. If you're not a farmer, you should take an interest in what this Labor government is wanting to do to our farmers who feed you and put food on the table and fibre on your back.</para>
<para>I digress. AUSVEG also highlighted the exact same concerns, going so far as to say that, while biosecurity is everybody's responsibility, unfortunately, the BPL—this tax—is passing this tax burden to growers who already contribute to the biosecurity protection through their levies and as one of the beneficiaries of the biosecurity system. It is incredibly disappointing that one of the most significant risk creators, the container trade, has not been brought under the fold of the levy.</para>
<para>The Red Meat Advisory Council, which represent the interests of 76,000 businesses, said that it reaffirms its support for an adequate, resourced and sustainable biosecurity funding model and acknowledges the Commonwealth funding for biosecurity outlined in the 2023-24 budget but remains deeply concerned with the proposed biosecurity protection levy and recommends the existing and projected biosecurity funding shortfall be primarily covered by a long-term bipartisan commitment for increased budget appropriation and/or be covered by risk creators. Risk creators are those countries sending their goods here. They need to lift their game. They need to make sure their biosecurity measures are as good as ours. And we need to ensure that our farmers don't get slugged with another tax.</para>
<para>This does not pass the pub test. I have called various people, various farmers, whether they be banana growers or in the fishing industry, and they're gobsmacked. They cannot believe that this government would punish them. That is what it is. It's a punishment on them for farming. We don't see this in any other industry. It's a punishment on them for farming, and yet they are the ones who abide by the highest biosecurity protocols in the world. We have the best biosecurity protocols in the world—they're best practice—and yet the government continues to punish our farmers by making life more difficult and more expensive.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CONAGHAN</name>
    <name.id>279991</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Riverina is so correct: it is unfair. The government is happy to take the money in the coffers from the work that our farmers do and then, on the other side, punish them for the work that they do. It makes absolutely no sense, and we will overturn this. We will change it once we get back into government. I urge all the farmers to get out there leading up to the next election and let everybody know what this government has done to them. But I would expect most people, whether farmers or not, would know what this government has done to them, because they are hurting. We will overturn this because it is unfair. Those people who create the risk should be paying for the levy. We will change that.</para>
<para>I will finish by referring to a direct quote from the president of the National Farmers Federation where he said just a couple of weeks ago:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We're shocked to say the least that they'd ignore the unanimous voices of farmers, importers and policy experts. If they aren't listening to this broad church of voices who are they listening to?</para></quote>
<para>The answer is: no-one.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise this evening to speak on and strongly oppose the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. I want to begin by acknowledging my coalition colleagues who are here to support me. We support each other and we certainly support our communities. The members for Riverina and Casey are from great agricultural electorates and areas that produce tremendous produce.</para>
<para>I also want to acknowledge the presence here in the chamber tonight of Mr Colin Bettles, the CEO of Grain Producers Australia. The reason why Mr Bettles is an important player in this game is that he represents much of the Australian grain industry.</para>
<para>In my electorate of O'Connor we produce about 70 per cent of the Western Australian grain crop. In 2023, that crop fell to about 13 million tonnes. The previous year it was 23 million tonnes. So we produce a very large part of the Western Australian and Australian grain crop, but my electorate of O'Connor also produces a lot of other wonderful produce. I will come to that later.</para>
<para>This legislation is some of the most egregious I have seen come forward in this parliament in terms of the process being proposed and the impact it will have on my community. Firstly, the notion that the farmers should pay this biosecurity levy, not the creators of the risk—that is, the people who are importing product into this country—is extraordinary. There is a view, I think, amongst the government members that, because Australia has such a good track record with biosecurity—and we are one of the cleanest and greenest countries in the world—the farmers are the ones that benefit from that. Yes, they do, but let me tell you, as a farmer: if, for example, a strain of rust comes in and I can no longer grow a particular plant, then I will grow a different plant. But the person who will suffer is the consumer, who will pay more for that particular product. This notion that farmers should pay so that we continue to produce the cleanest, greenest and, for many, the most cost-competitive agricultural products in the world is an absolute nonsense.</para>
<para>The coalition policy, quite rightly, is that the creators of the risk—the importers, the people who bring in product in containers—are the people who should pay for biosecurity to continue to protect our country from many of the exotic diseases that we currently don't have. I completely support that policy. Hopefully, when we return to government in a little over 12 months time we will be able to implement that policy and, if this very egregious legislation passes, put it to rights.</para>
<para>I came up earlier to listen to the member for Ryan from the Greens party. She seemed to indicate that the Greens are not going to support this legislation in the Senate, which is very interesting given that the Labor Party and the Greens are usually in lock step on many of these issues. But even the Greens can see what a terrible piece of legislation this is. The member for Ryan certainly indicated that the Greens were supporting the container import levy, and that shows an unusual degree of common sense from them.</para>
<para>As I said earlier, my electorate covers an enormous area of the Wheatbelt, but it also has some of the best horticultural country in Australia. Within that, in the Southern Forests, in the Manjimup area, there is a little piece of paradise called Channybearup, which is in amongst the karri forests, with rainfall of about 1,000 millimetres. In amongst the 300-foot karri trees, there is some of the most amazing horticulture country that you will see—possibly anywhere in the world, and certainly in Australia. I have received a letter from the owners of Moonlight Forest Avocados, Eugene and Gail Henningheim. I'm going to read from their letter about what the impact of this may be on their family business. Eugene and Gail say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The policy—which will impact on us and our business and nearly all of Australia's 80,000 producers and thousands of supply chain participants—will come into force … on 1 July 2024.</para></quote>
<para>Let's hope that doesn't happen. They continue:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Australian avocado industry—</para></quote>
<para>which is a very successful and strong industry in that Manjimup-Southern Forests region—</para>
<quote><para class="block">has already invested millions in Australia's biosecurity system and is committed to future funding through biosecurity response plans. This is true of all Australia's producers who already contribute significant amounts to biosecurity activities and pest and disease management, through their existing levies systems, on-farm activities, investments in traceability systems and contributions to state and regional landholder agencies. The Federal Government needs to stop, recognise and quantify this existing financial support BEFORE it puts a new levy/tax burden on farmers.</para></quote>
<para>That is an extremely sensible and pertinent comment to make. They go on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry was said to say that the Biosecurity Protection Levy was to fund border security, this is the responsibility of the Federal Government NOT FARMERS. Risk creators, such as importers, who instigate the introduction of foreign materials into our country are also key stakeholders who should contribute to Australia's border security and the biosecurity system.</para></quote>
<para>Eugene and Gail go on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">We, like our fellow farmers, remain disappointed that the proposed Importer Container Levy has not been implemented by the Government. The agricultural and environmental sectors have both supported a broad-based charge on risk creators, importers. The reasons why the Importer Container Levy is not being implemented should be made clear.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">It is important to note that representatives of major importers, including the Freight and Trade Alliance (FTA) and Australian Peak Shippers Association (APSA), are publicly advocating their willingness to absorb the 'complex proposed levy against producers.' These organisations are just the latest in a chorus of parties concerned about the complexity of the proposed levy and calling for an alternative approach.</para></quote>
<para>Those are some very, very sensible comments and contributions from Eugene and Gail Henningheim of Manjimup.</para>
<para>The legislation that has been put forward doesn't actually specify how the levy is going to be collected or what the mechanism is. This is extraordinary. As previous speakers have mentioned, it's kind of reminiscent of the Voice debate, where the government said: 'We're not going to give you any detail. Just trust us once the legislation is through.' I don't think anybody in this place should be voting for and supporting legislation which doesn't actually specify how this tax is going to be collected. It would be an extraordinary precedent that the parliament would pass a piece of legislation that allows for the collection of a tax without having specified the mechanism for how that tax would be collected.</para>
<para>There are many other speakers on this particular issue, and I'm looking forward to the contribution from the member for Casey. Tonight I simply wanted to get on the record the concerns of my grain producers, as represented here by the CEO of Grain Producers Australia and also by a very heartfelt, very well researched, and well put-together contribution from some avocado growers in the most beautiful part of the most beautiful electorate in Australia.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VIOLI</name>
    <name.id>300147</name.id>
    <electorate>Casey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Firstly, I want to commend the member for O'Connor not just for his words and his tireless advocacy for his community but also for his work as the deputy chair of the agriculture committee. I'm lucky enough to serve with the member for O'Connor on that committee, making sure that we're a voice for agriculture. Last year, we completed an inquiry into food security. Unfortunately, while it was a bipartisan committee report, the government clearly didn't take the time to look at the report, because what it showed is that Australian farmers are struggling and they're under pressure. The member for O'Connor, I and anyone in the farming industry knows that. They are under significant pressure at the moment, and clearly this government didn't take the time to read that report and understand the pressure they're under.</para>
<para>We need to understand that, if we can't feed ourselves as a nation, what are we as a nation? If we can't feed ourselves, what are we? Let's not muck around and beat around the bush. Australian farmers are doing it as hard as they have ever done it. The pressures coming at them from the left, right and centre are harder than ever. The Prime Minister can stand up and do a little bit of a showpiece about the ACCC and about the Coles and Woolworths duopoly—and there's no doubt that that's putting pressure on farmers across the country—but let's be serious and realistic. The constraints on inputs and the pressures on them is crucifying them as well.</para>
<para>I'm proud to represent the community of Casey, which has a strong history in agriculture. My family made their way in this country when they came in 1952 from Italy and started a farm in Silvan in my electorate. I know the member for O'Connor was a farmer. The member for Riverina is a great journalist, but I'm not sure—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCormack</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Came from a farm.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VIOLI</name>
    <name.id>300147</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Came from a farm! I'm happy to admit that I didn't work on the farm much, but I got out there on school holidays to wrap the strawberries, back when we did it manually, and I still remember burning myself. But I do say with all sincerity that, while I do not have the hands of a farmer, I've got the heart of a farmer because I've spent my life watching my uncle, my cousins and my family struggle with some of the challenges in farming. We wouldn't be here today without farming and without agriculture. I wouldn't be making this speech today without farming and without agriculture.</para>
<para>There are many great lessons I learned from my Uncle Sam, but there are a couple in particular that stay with me when we're talking about levies. He was the president of the Victorian Strawberry Growers Association and president of the national strawberry growers association for decades. When I got into this role, he went, 'Never forget that those levies are not government money; they're farmers' money. Never forget that it's farmers' money when you talk about those levies.' That's something I'll never forget.</para>
<para>I also remember Christmas Day 2011, when his crop was destroyed by hail. The strawberries were wiped out. Our community was destroyed by that hail. He sat down and ate his Christmas lunch while my cousins were a little bit stressed, and he said, 'Well, what are you going to do? That's farming. We can't control the weather.' But that's why bills like these are so abhorrent. Farmers can't control the weather. They can't control if their crop gets destroyed by hail or by flooding or by any other disaster. But we can control the inputs and the impost that we put on farmers. This is putting an unacceptable impost on farmers.</para>
<para>We all know the importance of biosecurity for our country and for agriculture. There were many lessons learned through the last few years, and biosecurity importance was one of those. But let's understand the ridiculousness of what the government is asking: it is asking farmers to pay money—to incur a cost—to support their competitors. This government is asking Australian farmers to pay more money, at a time when the costs of growing their produce are as high as they have ever been, to bring more competition into the country and bring their sales down. It makes no sense at all. As one small example, I was talking to a strawberry farmer in my community about two weeks ago. The labour costs on his produce are 60 per cent, before he can think of anything else, and this government wants to add another charge to that. But, to make it even more ridiculous, this levy is not going to be charged on profits; it's going to be charged on revenue, which shows no understanding of the cost base, the profits or the loss that farmers go through.</para>
<para>There are close to 100 strawberry farms within Victoria. However, the majority of the farms, 75 per cent, are located within my community of the Yarra Valley. I want to add my comments to those of many other speakers who are representing, and have given quotes from, industry today—because it is clear this government has ignored industry. I'm going to read a few quotes from Berries Australia. They described it as 'unfair' and a 'poorly conceived levy'. They said, 'The so-called biosecurity protection levy should be called out for what it is: a tax on farmers.'</para>
<para>Berries Australia Executive Director Rachel Mackenzie said: 'Berries Australia, along with more than 90 other industry associations, provided submissions vigorously opposing the levy and the proposed mechanism to base contributions on the existing levy system. Not a single submission supported the proposal, but the government is going ahead regardless.' She continued, saying: 'They are now basing the contributions on industry GVP, which disproportionately impacts horticulture, as our crops are high value but also high cost. Very rough initial figures put the contribution of strawberries and blueberries at the $300,000 a year mark and the rubus industry at $150,000 per year.' Continuing, she said: 'Taxing on turnover, not profit, is ridiculous. Once again, there was no consultation, just a knee-jerk reaction.'</para>
<para>It's clear that this government does not understand farming and agriculture. Wanting to add additional costs at a time when Australians can least afford it just shows how out of touch the Prime Minister, the Treasurer and the government are, and how they make the wrong decisions for the Australian people. Let's play out what will happen for farmers in my community at a time when 60 per cent of their costs are for labour; their energy prices are going through the roof; their fuel prices are going through the roof; the price of plastic punnets for berries, as an example, is going through the roof; every input is going up; and they are under pressure from Woolworths and Coles and other supermarkets to bring prices down in the shops.</para>
<para>Logically, a couple of things have to happen. To be sustainable and absorb this levy, the cost needs to be passed on to the consumer; the consumer has to pay more. If the consumer doesn't pay more to absorb this cost, the farmer has to absorb it. That makes many of their crops unprofitable, putting their livelihoods at risk. It's an accumulation of hit after hit to our agriculture communities. They need to be profitable when there's a good yield to cover them for when there's a bad yield or a significant weather event, like hail. They need some buffer to survive. This is not packaged goods; it is not a set-and-forget. This is the problem that we face.</para>
<para>Our industry is under pressure. We need to be honest: our industry is ageing. In my community, many older farmers are retiring and their children are not taking over. That's really sad, but the children are thinking, 'Why would I get in when we're getting hit after hit and the government is continuing to take us for granted?' We need to find better ways. The fact that this government wants to tax farmers, not the importers, who are the risk creators, is outrageous. In no other country would this happen. It again shows that this government is out of touch.</para>
<para>This bill also lacks detail, like many of the government's bills. We don't know how the levy will be collected. We don't know who the affected producers will be. This is the standard formula for this government: 'We'll work it out after we pass the bill.' That's not acceptable for our farmers and for our community. It is another example of the Albanese Labor government making life harder for the Australian people, making it harder to put food on the table for farmers and for the Australian community. It is disappointing that this government is refusing to listen to industry. We have to sit in question time and hear the charade of this government talking about consultation. They haven't consulted with industry, as we've heard from the many examples from speakers on this side. It is disappointing and it is a shame that this government continues to make bad decisions that impact the Australian people.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BUCHHOLZ</name>
    <name.id>230531</name.id>
    <electorate>Wright</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank you, Deputy Speaker Wilkie, and acknowledge your high office in the Speaker's chair. I will firstly give an overview of my electorate, situated in Queensland, in which the largest contributor to GDP is agriculture. Beef production is No. 2 and horticulture is No. 1. All of my growers—my horticulturalists and my graziers—are captured by this. I look around this Chamber, to my coalition colleagues to my left and my right, and I see how instrumental agriculture is to both of the members in this House. The reason why they're in this Chamber is not to have the argument, not to just participate in the debate, but to genuinely encourage this government to reconsider a very poorly constructed piece of legislation, the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. It's poorly constructed for a number of reasons. This afternoon I had the great privilege of spending some quality time with two growers from my region, who are in the parliament today for another function being hosted in Parliament House. Both of them, without prompting, raised this piece of legislation as a catastrophic concern for them moving forward.</para>
<para>In a nutshell, what it looks like is that this is a levy. The two gentlemen that I spoke with that were here this afternoon are significant growers. They grow for our big retailers, and they're participating in the Senate inquiry. But they're also exporters. What they were able to very loosely articulate to me was that, when they compete in the international market and export their product in shipping containers or by airfreight, depending on the shelf life of the product they're sending, they pay for the biosecurity risk that goes into that country. That is part of the receiving country's risk profile. That's part of their business model. They're happy to participate in it. But this piece of biosecurity legislation is obscene. When competitors from other countries send their shipping containers into our market here in Australia, this is what they are being asked to do. When we send stuff out, we have to pay our biosecurity costs to other nations. But this piece of legislation is asking that, when competitors send their product to Australia, our growers have to pay it with no benefit. We're being asked to pay for the biosecurity risk at $150 million over three years, estimated to be $50 million a year. It's uncertain at this stage where that cost is going to be generated from, and I'll get to that later on in this speech.</para>
<para>To give you an overview, this is the obscenity of this piece of legislation. When we trade internationally, we pay our biosecurity costs for the countries we export to, and we own it. But we do not want to be paying the biosecurity risk for the very product that will sit on our domestic shelves and compete with our products when we don't have to do it in other jurisdictions. That is the fundamental flaw of this. When you drill down to it, the federal government has always supported a sustainable funding model for biosecurity. That's not our gripe. We will always back up and pay our fair share when it comes to biosecurity, because it is a very powerful tool that we weaponise in protectionist ways, particularly with bananas, which can be imported from other countries. It is a powerful tool. However, in contrast to Labor's approach, taxing farmers was never part of this mix. Can I say that we have to encourage the government to reconsider this cost and where the funds—the $150 million, which is 10 per cent levy—will be generated from. It is obscene that we would be asking this of our growers, who are already doing it tough enough with increased fuel prices.</para>
<para>I'll try to give you some statistics from the WA Grains Group situation report. I noticed earlier on that we had someone there in the gallery from this organisation. This was prepared in March 2024, so it's a very recent report—for your consideration, Mr Deputy Speaker. Their opening comment is that Australian grains production is already at crisis point, with cost pressures, uncertainty in government policy and direction, instability in global markets and the increasing costs emerging at the farm gate. This report goes on. I will pull some dot points out of this, and then I will speak to the AUSVEG report. In this report earlier today, I was able to find this. When it comes to profits for a farmer, these are some of the costs that they endure as a sector before the government can think up another tax to lay on top of them. The receival fees that they pay when they're exporting products are up 26 per cent. The source of this is the WA Grains Group situation report. The cost of freight to port, from paddock to port, is up 64 per cent just here in Australia—increased costs because we're going through an inflationary period. Freight to the silo is up 58 per cent. But it's not all doom and gloom. They're saying that, as a result of the Ukraine conflict, the price of grain has gone up due to global demand and supply. The farmgate value is up 50 per cent. That's so I'm being absolutely transparent and not just painting a political image of a holocaust. Levies are up 56 per cent, and the end point of royalties is up 21 per cent. Wages on farm and onboard ships across the sector are up 104 per cent. Fertiliser and soil inputs are up 125 per cent. Fuel and oil are up 99 per cent. Chemicals—pesticides and herbicides—are up 54 per cent. Repairs and maintenance are up 109 per cent. That would be mostly tied to labour force pressures. The cost of machinery and replacement is up 71 per cent.</para>
<para>You've got an industry outlining just how tough it is to compete in this sector, and you have a government with its eyes shut, running around the country, saying: 'Hey, we've got a great idea. We've thought of a whole new tax that you'll get no benefit from, that we can inflict on you'—the Australian farming sector—'and let's make it an arbitrary 10 per cent.'</para>
<para>This is one of the few things I have seen in this place that has overwhelmingly united the agricultural sector, which can be mercurial and fragmented in its approach. But this piece of legislation has united all of them—the National Farmers Federation, peak bodies from the states, AUSVEG. There is not one peak body out there which is supporting the government's position on this obscene tax. Why would we disadvantage our local growers and give a competitive advantage to those who are importing products into this country, in an environment which is already crippling?</para>
<para>In the AUSVEG document, the No. 1 point in their conclusion is this: 'No consultation was undertaken with key stakeholders before implementing this BPL.' That's obscene. How does a peak body put that as its first recommendation to a government that has this brain position? You've got a peak body saying, 'We weren't consulted.' Now, of course, the government have a right of reply and will put their position. This is the industry body. These are the state bodies of Western Australia. I cannot find anyone, whether it's the National Farmers Federation or any others, that is claiming that this tax is fair and equitable for Australian farmers. It's a disgrace and it's a sham. The last point in their recommendation is about 'a lack of transparency and appropriation of funds collected towards the industry biosecurity'—there's a lack of transparency. Not only are they saying that there was no consultation but they are saying that it just doesn't make sense. This tax does not make sense.</para>
<para>I do not intend to delay the House any longer. I think I have articulated well enough that this is a tax that is not deserved by a primary industry sector that serves our nation professionally, with integrity, and adopts new technologies in a very sophisticated way to give them global competitiveness. This is an industry that deserves the support of government. This is not an industry that deserves to be treated like this by a government that hasn't consulted. I cannot fathom why the government that sits opposite me today would design a tax to advance an international competitor coming into our market when the same position for us when exporting commodities into other markets is a cost that we bear internally. It's a disgrace.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LLEW O'BRIEN</name>
    <name.id>265991</name.id>
    <electorate>Wide Bay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in favour of the amendment by the Leader of the Nationals, the member for Maranoa, David Littleproud. The amendment is one that effectively speaks against the bill, and that is what I am doing. I'm speaking against the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024. I am doing this is because it is a fundamentally flawed bill. It is an unfair bill. It will not promote agriculture. It will not help our agricultural sector, which is what any biodiversity regulation should be doing. This will actually hold them back. It is unfair.</para>
<para>Once again, history shows that the greatest threat to agriculture in this country is not drought, rain, flood, plagues of insects or even disease and biosecurity risks. The greatest threat to agriculture in this country is the Australian Labor Party. They take to agriculture every time they get into government. They treat the sector like they are some sort of cash cow, and ultimately they implement policies that hurt them. We only have to think about the 2011 cessation of live exports to Indonesia to have the perfect example of how they came in and, after one <inline font-style="italic">Four Corners</inline> episode, shut down an industry, destroyed lives and destroyed businesses. It took years to get over. Not only did it take years to get over but it was ultimately found to be illegal. It was unlawful. They had to pay massive amounts of compensation, and I think that's still ongoing. It speaks to the attitude of the Australian Labor Party when it comes to agriculture: they do not care.</para>
<para>This bill seeks to introduce a tax of $153 million on fresh food over the next three years. That's $153 million! It's tax via a levy that will be placed on farmers and primary producers. These are people we know in our communities. In my community, I think about the pineapple producers around Maryborough and the cane producers. We have avocado producers, macadamia producers and bean producers, and we have wine producers in the west. They will all be subject to this outrageous Labor tax. The reality of it is that they can't afford to bear that cost. That fee or levy has to be passed on, and it will be passed on. It will be passed on to the consumer at a time when the consumer can't afford any further increases in their daily expenses. The cost of food under the Albanese government has already gone up by nine per cent, and they are going to introduce this ridiculous tax on fresh food and agriculture.</para>
<para>The madness of this tax is not only that it's imposed during a cost-of-living crisis, when our primary producers are doing it tough; it's a tax that's actually paying the bills of their competitors. Our producers, who are competing with importers in the domestic market, are paying a levy so that international producers can import their goods to Australia. The biosecurity measures that are required for that are paid by our Australian farmers. It makes no sense at all. We have 85,000 farmers in this nation and that's 85,000 people that this government has just turned its back on.</para>
<para>When we went to the election it was pretty clear that Labor had a platform which said it would be easier and cheaper under them—that the cost of living would be less and electricity costs would be lower. The price of electricity was going to be $275 lower—that was said 96 times by the Prime Minister, but he hasn't said it once since the election. They had all these promises. Imagine if the platform they had before the election actually said what they were really going to do? 'We're going to come in and introduce a whole range of new taxes. One of them is on fresh food. We're going to manipulate the tax cuts that we said you'd have so that a whole big cohort of Australians will pay more tax. Electricity? Well, it's actually going to go up by about 30 per cent.' I don't think they would have had the same result that they had back in 2022 if they had been honest. But I'm not allowed to say that they're not telling the truth on purpose, and I won't.</para>
<para>This bill is just another attack on honest Australian primary producers. There hasn't been any consultation around this bill. Peak groups have said that they weren't consulted; in what consultation there was, those peak bodies gave the absolutely firm message that this shouldn't be done. And that firm message which peak bodies delivered to the government before they made this crazy decision was also backed up by independent reviews. The Productivity Commission and the Australian National University both came out saying that the policy was flawed, and yet the Australian Labor Party, in its ongoing war against agriculture, said: 'No, that doesn't matter. We'll just slap this tax on our farmers and it'll all be okay.'</para>
<para>The coalition agrees wholeheartedly that we need strong policies around biosecurity. That's a no-brainer. Everyone in the nation benefits from that. But it shouldn't just be on the farmers; primarily, it should be on the importers—those who are seeking to access our markets to take an advantage and make a profit out of that market with their goods. They should be the primary ones paying it. If there is an added expense, it shouldn't be directed at our farmers. The government is willing to subsidise every other thing. It's willing to subsidise these crazy renewable projects that are jacking up the price of electricity for everyone. They'll subsidise those but they won't subsidise a farm. They'll actually charge a farmer for something that they don't cause the cost of. It just makes no sense. This is a time when things are so competitive. Our international competitors, those people exporting to us in Australia, are getting subsidised by their own governments. The EU and America are subsidising their agriculture while we're charging our producers with a crazy levy like this.</para>
<para>So I stand with the Leader of the Nationals and the elements of his amendment to this mad legislation. This is un-Australian, and it once again proves that the greatest threat to agriculture in this country is not drought or flood; it is the Australian Labor Party.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PASIN</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
    <electorate>Barker</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I stand to confirm the federal coalition's opposition to Labor's biosecurity protection levy. Let's call it for what it is. It's a tax on fresh food. I've been sitting and listening to the debate, and I'm thinking to myself, 'In what parallel universe do those opposite think that a tax should be imposed on the farmers of our country to pay for the risks associated with foreign farmers bringing their product onto our shores?' You have to be wrongheaded to come up with an idea like that. I called it a very unparliamentary term on ABC radio, and my staff said, 'You can't say that on radio,' and I said, 'Well, I just did.' The reality is that I can't repeat that phrase here, but it describes it perfectly. The best I can say here is that it's simply wrongheaded. And my colleague is right. Those opposite have come to this place with the intention, I'm sure, of bettering the lives of every Australian they represent. Sometimes I wonder whether I can maintain that view, but I still do. I just don't think they spend enough time in the regions to understand the impacts of something like this.</para>
<para>But it's not just this. I'll get more specific on the Agriculture (Biosecurity Protection) Levies Bill 2024 and related bills in a minute. Before I do, let me agree with my colleagues. This is not the only attack that those opposite are perpetrating today or right now on the Australian agricultural sector. There are a multitude. In my own electorate, there is a plan to acquire gargantuan amounts of water entitlements from farmers, meaning that farmers will be pushed off the land and that fresh food will be more expensive. We'll get to the cost-of-living impacts of this decision. It seems that those opposite think you can remove water from productive irrigation systems and not impact those communities, nor will you drive the cost of food up. Well, you will.</para>
<para>There is, of course, the abomination of a decision impacting the sheepmeat industry, where live export will be phased out over a period we're told will be in this term of government. Having spent considerable time in the last fortnight in regional Western Australia talking to farmers impacted, I can assure the Federation Chamber that they regard that decision as an attack on farmers. And having spoken, even today, to producers in my own electorate about the price of sheepmeat in South Australia, many thousands of kilometres away from Western Australia, I can assure those opposite that my producers know why they're not getting paid a fair quid for their prime lamb, and it's because of a decision made in this place.</para>
<para>This is what drives farmers spare. We're happy to deal with commodity price fluctuations—that's farming. We're happy to deal with the vicissitudes of the weather—that's farming. We're happy to pour our hearts and souls into our properties and work every hour God made—that's farming. I'll tell you what we're not happy with. We're not happy when decisions made by people who should be acting in the national interest cause that harm, and that's exactly what we have here. We're in the midst of a cost-of-living crisis, which thankfully those opposite are now cognisant of—almost as if they've been mugged by reality, bearing in mind we spent a long period of time with their focus being on anything but the cost of living. Their focus was principally on an ill-fated attempt to alter meaninglessly the Australian Constitution. But, now that they've got their focus on the cost of living, surely they must understand that asking Australian farmers to pay a fresh food tax will do nothing but drive the cost of fresh food up. It stands to reason, doesn't it?</para>
<para>While I'm on the topic of the cost of living, it would be nice if their energy policy, industrial relations policy, transport policy and environmental policy did something to drive down the cost of living, but of course none of that is happening. In fact, you'd be forgiven, Mr Deputy Speaker, for thinking that their objective in many of these policies is quite the opposite—to deliberately drive up the cost of living. Otherwise why would you have an energy policy that is determined to drive the cost of electricity up? Why would you have an industrial relations policy which drives the cost of everything up?</para>
<para>While we're dealing with fresh food and horticultural products—although this fresh food tax in not limited to horticultural products—I can tell you that horticultural products use a disproportionate amount of labour. The impacts of an industrial relations policy fall sharply on the horticulture sector within agriculture more generally. Why would you have a transport policy that's putting the cost of freight up? Obviously, everything we grow or raise needs to be transported to market. We've also got environmental policies like the one I mentioned earlier, with water buybacks becoming a feature of the Murray-Darling Basin once again, after they were thankfully off the table under a coalition government, for nine years or so.</para>
<para>So it's little wonder that there has been widespread opposition to this proposal from the agricultural sector. Whilst that sector and everyone in it understands the importance of biosecurity, they also understand who poses the risk. In any measured consideration, the entity that creates the risk should be the entity that meets the costs of managing that risk. That's why our position couldn't be more different than the position adopted by those opposite.</para>
<para>When our leadership team got together and considered the need for greater investment in biosecurity, under the guise of the former government, we embarked upon a process that would bring about a container levy on the people who want to bring product into this country and, with it, the potential biosecurity risks that put Australia's agricultural sector—a sector that's growing strongly towards $100 billion by 2040, we hope—at risk. It should be those people who pay the levy that allows that risk to be managed.</para>
<para>The tacticians amongst those opposite thought, 'No, that's not the right approach.' I wonder if that's just how you transition from opposition into government. You just oppose everything and then, when you get there, you're stuck with that position of opposition. But the reality is that their decision was to slug Australian farmers in the midst of a cost-of-living crisis. I've got to repeat it, because most people in my electorate can't believe it. Having spent some time at the Lucindale field day on the weekend, I've got to tell you that, like we heard earlier from my colleagues, people were simply raising this policy unprompted. They were also raising the muddle-headed idea that you would ask regional Australians to pay more for their vehicles and subsidise EVs for people who are living in metropolitan centres. They were raising that disproportionately as well. Just a word to those opposite: they might want to be careful about both of those policies.</para>
<para>You'd think we'd have the detail by now. The problem is that the legislation has been introduced to the parliament but it lacks detail about the cost to farmers and how the levy will be collected. It also stipulates that the biosecurity protection levy can be set to nil in the case of some sectors, where the cost of collecting the levy exceeds the revenue raised from it. It sounds to me a lot like those opposite who are proposing this approach are a little confused, or at least uncertain, about how they may go about it. I'm sure that they've had some feedback from those that manage the collections—I've certainly had that feedback. It was clear that it would be shambolic. The plan now is to create a whole new collection mechanism.</para>
<para>The former prime minister Tony Abbott once described government to me as a massive ship. I was asking for relatively small change, and he said, 'Tony, what you need to understand about government is that it's a very big ship and it takes a very long time to turn around.' I've got to say that whoever has designed this has no idea of the cost of collecting a levy or a tax like this. We're talking about what are reasonable sums of money but which in the scheme of government—that very big ship—are relatively small sums. And we're talking about collecting it from literally tens of thousands of producers who produce tens of thousands of different products. My family produces prime lambs, but I represent people who grow citrus, avocado, watermelon, cattle, grain, wine grapes, forestry and fishing. How is it going to be structured? This is a levy, a fresh food tax, which I hasten to suggest will end up costing more money to collect than it delivers. We've been there before, of course; when those opposite last had the great privilege of being in government, they were going to raise a mining tax. People may remember that but, ultimately, it cost more money to levy it than it raised. I would have thought that those opposite would still be suffering from PTSD about that. But it seems that we're back right where we started.</para>
<para>The coalition strongly opposes this bill, and I support the Leader of the National Party's amendments. In my final contribution—and my apologies to the member who has attended—I'll say this: could those opposite please think about the farming sector? The continual attacks on them and the failure to support them has them exasperated right now. They feel like there's a very limited future for them. I'll use my wine-grape growers as an example. They're beyond anxious about where they find themselves. There's a three billion litre oversupply of red wine in this country, with a sales to stock ratio of 2.77. That means that if we don't pick another grape for the next two years we'll still have three-quarters of a year's supply for sales of red wine. That's not just domestic; it's total sales. These people are desperate, and they want to know they have a government that has their back. They cannot ask for help from the weather gods, although they do, and they deal with commodity price fluctuations borne of changing attitudes to products. They just want to know that the people who get the great privilege of getting into the Comcars and flying business class to Canberra stand up for them, govern in the national interest and have their interests at heart.</para>
<para>I've got to tell you that, for almost everything that emanates from this building courtesy of those opposite, people are left with a sense that nobody in Canberra cares. I can't even get the minister for agriculture to come to the Riverland and eyeball the very people he won't stand up and support. I can't even get him to come to a meeting. He said: 'Get them to come to Canberra. I can meet with them in Canberra.' These are people who are about to lose their farms and he says, 'Come to Canberra.' They feel desperate. Stop attacking them.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Federation Chamber adjourned at 19:3 0</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
  </fedchamb.xscript>
</hansard>