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  <session.header>
    <date>2022-02-09</date>
    <parliament.no>1</parliament.no>
    <session.no>1</session.no>
    <period.no>0</period.no>
    <chamber>House of Reps</chamber>
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    <proof>1</proof>
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            <span style="font-weight:bold;" />
            <a href="Chamber" type="">Wednesday, 9 February 2022</a>
          </span>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The SPEAKER (</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Hon.</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">Andrew Wallace</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">) </span>took the chair at 09:30, made an acknowledgement of country and read prayers.</span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>1</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Selection Committee</title>
          <page.no>1</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>1</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present report No. 42 of the Selection Committee relating to the consideration of committee and delegation business and private members' business on Monday 14 February 2022. The report will be printed in the <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> for today, and the committee's determinations will appear on tomorrow's <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>. Copies of the report have been placed on the table.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The report read as follows—</inline></para>
<quote><para class="block">Report relating to the consideration of committee and delegation business and of private Members' business</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1. The Committee met in private session on Tuesday, 8 February 2022.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2. The Committee deliberated on items of committee and delegation business that had been notified, private Members' business items listed on the Notice Paper and notices lodged on Tuesday, 8 February 2022, and determined the order of precedence and times on Monday, 14 February 2022, as follows:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Items for House of Representatives Chamber (10.10 am to 12 noon)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 MR BANDT: To present a Bill for an Act to impose a curfew and related restrictions on aircraft movements at Brisbane Airport, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Brisbane Airport Curfew and Demand Management Bill 2022</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 1 December 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 DR HAINES: To present a Bill for an Act to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Renewable Energy (Electricity) Act 2000</inline>, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Renewable Energy (Electricity) Amendment (Cheaper Home Batteries) Bill 2022</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 DR HAINES: To present a Bill for an Act to amend the law relating to telecommunications, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications Legislation Amendment (Faster Internet for Regional Australia) Bill 2022</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 MR CHRISTENSEN: To present a Bill for an Act about social media services, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Social Media (Protecting Australians from Censorship) Bill 2022</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 MR BANDT: To present a Bill for an Act to impose a moratorium on new coal, gas and oil projects, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Moratorium on New Coal, Gas and Oil Bill 2022</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">6 MR WILKIE: To present a Bill for an Act to amend the <inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918</inline>, and for related purposes. (<inline font-style="italic">Commonwealth Electoral Amendment (Cleaning up Political Donations) Bill 2022</inline>)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Presenter may speak to the second reading for a period not exceeding 10 minutes</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">pursuant to standing order 41. Debate must be adjourned pursuant to standing order 142.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">7 MR LAMING: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes the recent Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal recommendation to create a new class of medals and clasps which recognise the loss suffered by the families of Australian Defence Force personnel killed or seriously wounded as a result of their service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges the advocacy role taken by former SAS serviceman Kerry Danes and his wife Kay Danes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) thanks the veterans and the families of veterans that made submissions to the tribunal; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) urges the Government to complete the consultation process as soon as practicable and ensure that the proposed recognition be applied to all military service on behalf of this nation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">25 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Laming</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>10<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Next Member speaking</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 1 x 10 mins + 3 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue at a later hour.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">8 MS MURPHY: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) access to high quality education, skills and training opportunities is a fundamental right;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) too many Australian students are prevented by social, economic and geographical barriers from accessing this right;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the inequity in education, skills and training opportunities has been exacerbated by the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Government's decisions to, amongst other things, increase the cost of higher education, refuse to fund free access to public TAFE and neglect of the needs of the school system;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) in contrast, Labor has a range of commitments to make education and training more accessible, including to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) make child care cheaper for 97 per cent of Australian parents;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) support 10,000 New Energy Apprenticeships;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) introduce an Australian Skills Guarantee;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) provide 465,000 free TAFE places and up to 20,000 new university places; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) invest $440 million to improve ventilation in classrooms and provide more counselling and psychological support; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) more needs to be done to assist students who are disengaged in learning, or who do not respond to traditional school programs; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) further notes that one of the standout success stories in achieving this is, Hands on Learning, a program first piloted at Frankston High School in 1999 by Russell Kerr, OAM, that builds wellbeing, engagement, and attendance by creating opportunities for students to discover their talents and experience success through significant and authentic hands-on projects, that results in 95 per cent of Hands on Learning students finishing school, getting an apprenticeship or getting a job.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">remaining private Members' business time prior to 12 noon.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Murphy</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 5 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue at a later hour.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Items for Federation Chamber (11 am to 1.30 pm)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 MS COKER: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) recognises that under the Government, Australia's aged care sector is in crisis due to almost nine years of neglect and funding cuts;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) after 21 expert reports, the Government knew older people were suffering in residential aged care and did nothing to fix the problems;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the pandemic has exacerbated the structural problems and exposed the weaknesses in the aged care sector and the Government has done nothing to protect or support aged care workers or residents; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Government has failed to plan ahead and has failed to supply aged care workers with adequate supplies of personal protection equipment; rapid antigen tests (RATs) and surge workforce which has led to tragic, unnecessary suffering and deaths of residents; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) calls on the Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) urgently supply resources, such as RATs needed to help aged care workers get back to work and to ensure residents in aged care get the care they deserve; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) implement all the recommendations from the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, and end the neglect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">35 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Ms Coker</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 7 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue at a later hour.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 MR FALINSKI: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) recognises that 20 February 2022 marks the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Australia and Poland;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges that Poland and Australia enjoy a significant tradition of cooperation which started much earlier than the establishment of full diplomatic relations on 20 February 1972; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) honours:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the long history of Polish settlement Down Under; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) Polish-Australian bonds of friendship that reflect a true partnership between our nations.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">20 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Falinski</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 DR FREELANDER: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) recognises the significant impact that COVID-19 is continuing to have on the day-to-day lives of Australians;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes that the Government has demonstrably failed in preparing the nation to be able to live with COVID-19, with;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) significant shortages of basic necessities prevalent in our supermarkets and shops;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) many communities being unable to access Rapid Antigen Tests, and countless examples of price gouging of these essential medical supplies; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) issues in supply chains, workforces and a lack of support from the Government continuing to wreak havoc on small businesses and employees;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) further notes that the Prime Minister and the Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services would rather go to the cricket than show up and do their jobs while Australians continue to suffer; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) condemns the Prime Minister and the Government for:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) their lack of foresight;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) their lack of planning;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) their lack of leadership; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) abrogating their responsibilities to everyday Australians.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">45 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Dr Freelander</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 9 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Orders of the day</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">1 ROAD SAFETY PROGRAM: Resumption of debate (<inline font-style="italic">from 22 November 2021</inline>) on the motion of Mr van Manen—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes the Government's ongoing commitment to improving road safety through the establishment of the Road Safety Program (RSP);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) recognises that the RSP supports the fast roll out of lifesaving road safety treatments on rural and regional roads and greater protection for vulnerable road users, like cyclists and pedestrians, in urban areas;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) commends the Government for its funding in the recent budget to provide $3 billion over three years from 2020-21; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) acknowledges the 'use it or lose it' provision as part of the funding, requiring states and territories to use their funding within each six month tranche in order to receive their full allocation of funding for the next tranche, unless exceptional circumstances exist.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">2 SPACE INDUSTRY: Resumption of debate (<inline font-style="italic">from 23 June 2021</inline>) on the motion of Mrs McIntosh—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that the Government has recognised the value of Australia's growing space sector by including space as one of the six national priority manufacturing sectors in the $1.5 billion Modern Manufacturing Strategy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) welcomes the Government's goal of tripling the space industry by 2030 to $12 billion;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) congratulates the new head of the Australian Space Agency, Mr Enrico Palermo on his appointment and notes his significant industry and corporate experience in the sector;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) commends the Government for enabling Australian businesses to become part of the international space supply chain and have a role in NASA's Moon to Mars mission; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) further welcomes the release of the Space Sector Industry Road Map and the opening of grants for this sector under the Modern Manufacturing Initiative's Translation and Integration streams.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">remaining private Members' business time prior to 1.30 pm.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Items for Federation Chamber (4.45 pm to 7.30 pm)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">PRIVATE MEMBERS' BUSINESS</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Orders of the day—continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">AGED CARE SECTOR CRISIS: Resumption of debate on the motion of Ms Coker—</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) recognises that under the Government, Australia's aged care sector is in crisis due to almost nine years of neglect and funding cuts;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) after 21 expert reports, the Government knew older people were suffering in residential aged care and did nothing to fix the problems;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the pandemic has exacerbated the structural problems and exposed the weaknesses in the aged care sector and the Government has done nothing to protect or support aged care workers or residents; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the Government has failed to plan ahead and has failed to supply aged care workers with adequate supplies of personal protection equipment; rapid antigen tests (RATs) and surge workforce which has led to tragic, unnecessary suffering and deaths of residents; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) calls on the Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) urgently supply resources, such as RATs needed to help aged care workers get back to work and to ensure residents in aged care get the care they deserve; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) implement all the recommendations from the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, and end the neglect.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">25 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 5 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">DEFENCE AWARDS: Resumption of debate on the motion of Mr Laming—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes the recent Defence Honours and Awards Appeals Tribunal recommendation to create a new class of medals and clasps which recognise the loss suffered by the families of Australian Defence Force personnel killed or seriously wounded as a result of their service;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) acknowledges the advocacy role taken by former SAS serviceman Kerry Danes and his wife Kay Danes;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) thanks the veterans and the families of veterans that made submissions to the tribunal; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) urges the Government to complete the consultation process as soon as practicable and ensure that the proposed recognition be applied to all military service on behalf of this nation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">EDUCATION: Resumption of debate on the motion of Ms Murphy—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) access to high quality education, skills and training opportunities is a fundamental right;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) too many Australian students are prevented by social, economic and geographical barriers from accessing this right;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the inequity in education, skills and training opportunities has been exacerbated by the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Government's decisions to, amongst other things, increase the cost of higher education, refuse to fund free access to public TAFE and neglect of the needs of the school system;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) in contrast, Labor has a range of commitments to make education and training more accessible, including to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) make child care cheaper for 97 per cent of Australian parents;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) support 10,000 New Energy Apprenticeships;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) introduce an Australian Skills Guarantee;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) provide 465,000 free TAFE places and up to 20,000 new university places; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) invest $440 million to improve ventilation in classrooms and provide more counselling and psychological support; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) more needs to be done to assist students who are disengaged in learning, or who do not respond to traditional school programs; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) further notes that one of the standout success stories in achieving this is, Hands on Learning, a program first piloted at Frankston High School in 1999 by Russell Kerr, OAM, that builds wellbeing, engagement, and attendance by creating opportunities for students to discover their talents and experience success through significant and authentic hands-on projects, that results in 95 per cent of Hands on Learning students finishing school, getting an apprenticeship or getting a job.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">20 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">3 CYBER-ATTACKS: Resumption of debate (<inline font-style="italic">from 25 October 2021</inline>) on the motion of Mr Wallace—That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) a number of Australian businesses have been impacted by cyber-attacks including by ransomware in 2021; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) ransomware is a common and dangerous type of malware employed by cyber-criminals that can affect both individuals and organisations, and cause severe damage to reputation, and business bottom lines;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) records its concern at the impact and frequency of cyber-attacks on Australian individuals and businesses;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) further notes the significant investment by the Government of $15 billion in cyber and defence capabilities, including $1.35 billion through the Australian Signals Directorate/Australian Cyber Security Centre (ACSC), to keep Australians safe online;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) recognises the important work done by the ACSC providing advice and technical support to individuals and businesses affected by cyber incidents;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) urges all Australians to implement good cyber hygiene measures across their home and business networks; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) encourages all Australians to visit cyber.gov.au and take the steps to protect themselves, their businesses, their families, and Australia's digital sovereignty.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">30 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 6 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices — continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 MR ZAPPIA: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) notes that naval shipbuilding:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is critical to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the Australian economy;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) sovereign capability; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) national security;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) creates thousands of specialist jobs across advanced engineering and high technology industry sectors;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) further notes:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) that the termination of the Naval Group French submarine contract caused the loss of thousands of jobs and contracts with defence industry sector businesses;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the continued uncertainty relating to the Australia-United Kingdom-United States nuclear submarine announcement about:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) where the submarines will be built;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) who will build them;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) Australian workforce participation in the build;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iv) the workforce skills required;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(v) the number of submarines required;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vi) the cost of the replacement submarines; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(vii) the delivery date of the submarines; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the recent concerns about the performance and few opportunities for Australian firms on the Future Frigates; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) calls on the Government to:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) respond to the questions raised about the replacement submarine contract;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) ensure that all Australian naval shipbuilding contracts maximize Australian workforce participation with public, transparent and audited mandatory minimum content requirements; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) ensure that all naval procurement is fit for purpose, value for money and delivered in a timely way.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">20 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Zappia</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Orders of the day — continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">4 AUSTRALIAN DEFENCE FORCE CADETS: Resumption of debate (<inline font-style="italic">from 18 October 2021</inline>) on the motion of Mr Simmonds—That this House notes that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) membership of the Australian Defence Force (ADF) Cadets:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) gives young people the opportunity to be members of a team, develop their skills as leaders and develop an individual's capacity to contribute to society; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) fosters an interest in Defence Force careers, and is important in developing ongoing support for Defence; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) ADF Cadets contribute greatly to the community and Australian society.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">20 minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">All Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Notices — continued</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5 MR KATTER: To move:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">That this House notes that the Member for Kennedy and the Member for Clark call on the Government to provide for sovereign fuel security in Australia during the transition to reliance on renewable energy and net-zero carbon emissions, including by ensuring:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) a ban on Australian oil exports;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Australian processing, by Australian owned and operated companies, of Australian oil;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Australian petroleum contains a minimum of 33 per cent renewables (algae and ethanol inter alia), by 2027;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Australian manufacture, by Australian owned and operated companies, of drop-in fuel using waste materials, with a targeted supply of a minimum of 33 per cent of the Australian fuel diesel market by 2027;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Australia stockpile a minimum of six months supply of fuels, oils and lubricants, noting that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) these materials are manufactured in Australia from Australian oil; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) where this is not possible, that imports be restricted to those materials genuinely unable to be manufactured in Australia from Australian oil;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) any investment in industrial facilities to meet the requirements of this motion be limited to the genuine need for fuel security, with the object that Australian manufacturers achieve 100 per cent energy supply from renewable energy and net-zero carbon emissions; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Australian manufacture of electric vehicles, and their component parts including battery production, with a target of 100 per cent of all local, state and federal, government vehicles and buses, in metropolitan areas being Australian made by 2035.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">(Notice given 8 February 2022.)</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Time allotted</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline> <inline font-style="italic">remaining private Members' business time prior to 7.30 pm.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Speech time limits</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Mr Katter</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Other Members</inline> <inline font-style="italic">—</inline>5<inline font-style="italic"> minutes each.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">[Minimum number of proposed Members speaking = 4 x 5 mins]</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">The Committee determined that consideration of this matter should continue on a future day.</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">THE HON A. B. WALLACE</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Speaker of the House of Representatives</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">9 February 2022</para></quote>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>7</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Market Bill 2022</title>
          <page.no>7</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6832" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Market Bill 2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>7</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>7</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LITTLEPROUD</name>
    <name.id>265585</name.id>
    <electorate>Maranoa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>It gives me great pleasure to move the Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Market Bill 2022.</para>
<para>Australia's farmers are some of the most important stewards of our land and environment.</para>
<para>They play a key role in maintaining healthy ecosystems on nearly 60 per cent of Australia's land. However, their stewardship of that land is not currently valued by the market.</para>
<para>We need a national voluntary agriculture biodiversity stewardship market that recognises and financially rewards them for their efforts to restore, enhance or protect biodiversity.</para>
<para>A voluntary national agriculture biodiversity market will enable farmers to use land not currently used for agricultural production to improve biodiversity—and receive additional income.</para>
<para>The market will recognise and reward farmers who undertake new plantings of native species, as well as projects where farmers actively manage their land to protect or enhance existing native vegetation.</para>
<para>This market will capitalise on increasing private sector interest in investing in biodiversity, as companies respond to consumer and shareholder expectations about their environmental credentials.</para>
<para>This market will be world leading and allow Australian farmers to highlight their biodiversity credentials to key agricultural trading partners.</para>
<para>It would complement the voluntary carbon market, providing an incentive for farmers to establish carbon plantings that also deliver biodiversity benefits. Environmental plantings deliver carbon and biodiversity benefits, but to date, only carbon benefits have been recognised.</para>
<para>To make a real difference to Australian farmers and the environment, the agriculture biodiversity stewardship market will need to achieve national scale.</para>
<para>Achieving a national market at scale and ensuring landholder rights are protected requires underpinning legislation.</para>
<para>This legislation will provide the integrity, assurance and long-term certainty the market needs to develop, encouraging participation by farmers and private buyers.</para>
<para>The Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Market Bill will provide the legislative framework needed to underpin a robust and readily accessible national market.</para>
<para>The Australian government has met with a wide range of sectors while developing the bill, including farmers, environmental groups, industry, finance sector, indigenous representatives and states and territories.</para>
<para>It is clear from our discussions that if we want a national market to succeed, we need three key elements: integrity, flexibility and participation.</para>
<para>The new legislation provides all of these.</para>
<para>Integrity ensures biodiversity has value—it's the cornerstone of the market—and the bill delivers integrity in a number of ways.</para>
<para>The bill provides a nationally consistent framework to describe and verify biodiversity outcomes on agricultural land. Biodiversity protocols, informed by science, will define project types that will achieve biodiversity outcomes. These will build on those already developed under the successful Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Package.</para>
<para>The bill creates an independent expert advisory committee, the Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Market Advisory Committee. This will provide independent advice to the minister for agriculture on the biodiversity protocols.</para>
<para>This committee will comprise, and consult with, experts from across multiple disciplines including the agriculture sector, environmental scientists and market experts.</para>
<para>Protocols will go through a public consultation process during development. This provides transparency and promotes public confidence.</para>
<para>The bill will create a new form of tradeable property, a biodiversity certificate which is issued by the Australian government.</para>
<para>This certificate will be an asset in its own right, separate from the land, that can be purchased, transferred, claimed or used. This allows landholders to sell the biodiversity on their land while maintaining ownership of their property.</para>
<para>The bill establishes a single public register for the agriculture biodiversity stewardship market, administered by the Australian government.</para>
<para>The register will enable tracking of certificates, provide evidence for claims made by buyers and project proponents and, over time, provide information to inform the market. It will provide transparency and confidence to the market.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill will ensure integrity through government assurance and compliance, with the Clean Energy Regulator to undertake regulatory functions.</para>
<para>Together, these elements will provide assurance and confidence to buyers that they know what they are buying, and they are getting what they paid for.</para>
<para>Flexibility is also key to success. Having spoken to a broad range of stakeholders, it is clear that a key barrier to participation in voluntary markets is that schemes can be complex and costly to access.</para>
<para>This bill will deliver a national scheme that is flexible, simple to access and streamlined. It will allow farmers to decide what activities they are willing to undertake and for how long.</para>
<para>Farmers will be able to supply valuable biodiversity benefits without having to permanently lock up their land.</para>
<para>Make no mistake. This bill is not about locking up land and displacing prime agricultural land to become a haven for pests and weeds, turning local communities into ghost towns.</para>
<para>This bill rewards active, adaptive, appropriate management of land by farmers.</para>
<para>It supports projects that will bring benefits to the environment, farmers and the broader community.</para>
<para>And this bill is not being submitted in isolation.</para>
<para>This is part of an overall package of investment being undertaken by the Australian government in agriculture biodiversity stewardship: investment in online resources and investment on the ground.</para>
<para>On 16 December the Australian government launched the National Stewardship Trading Platform, which provides useful tools for both buyers and sellers.</para>
<para>We are also building capacity and supply through our Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship pilots.</para>
<para>The Carbon + Biodiversity Pilot is demonstrating that farmers are willing to supply biodiversity outcomes to the market.</para>
<para>Given the success of our first pilot we have now launched a second round, expanding into new regions.</para>
<para>The Enhancing Remnant Vegetation Pilot has also proven popular with farmers, with over 100 applicants undertaking formal site assessments, and we're establishing a voluntary Australian farm biodiversity certification scheme that will allow our farmers to showcase their biodiversity management.</para>
<para>We continue to build on all this work.</para>
<para>We will develop guidance and educational materials for market participants.</para>
<para>And we will continue to expand our National Stewardship Trading Platform, providing both a hub of information and a way to connect buyers and sellers.</para>
<para>The Agriculture Biodiversity Stewardship Market Bill will position Australia's national biodiversity market as a trusted way to invest in robust and assured biodiversity benefits.</para>
<para>It will bring together interest from farmers, on the supply side, and corporate and philanthropic buyers, on the demand side.</para>
<para>It will reward and recognise Australian farmers, the stewards of much of our agricultural land, for their hard work and efforts in challenging environments.</para>
<para>This bill will increase and protect biodiversity, secure new income streams for farmers and build on the sustainability credentials of Australia's agricultural sector. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Cyclone and Flood Damage Reinsurance Pool) Bill 2022</title>
          <page.no>9</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6847" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Cyclone and Flood Damage Reinsurance Pool) Bill 2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>9</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>9</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>This bill will establish a reinsurance pool for cyclones and related flood damage. The pool will be backed by a $10 billion annually reinstated Commonwealth guarantee and be administered by the Australian Reinsurance Pool Corporation (ARPC) from 1 July 2022.</para>
<para>Importantly, this bill will deliver on the government's commitment to improve the accessibility and affordability of insurance for households and small businesses in cyclone‑prone areas in northern Australia.</para>
<para>Improved access to affordable insurance is vital to the economic prosperity and resilience of households and small businesses alike.</para>
<para>Over 10 years, the pool is estimated to reduce premiums by $2.9 billion.</para>
<para>The pool will provide coverage to:</para>
<list>residential home and contents policies, including landlord insurance and farm residential cover;</list>
<list>commercial property policies (including commercial strata) with a sum insured of less than $5 million; and</list>
<list>residential strata, including mixed-use strata schemes, where 50 per cent or more of floor space of units in the development is used mainly for residential purposes.</list>
<para>The pool is expected to cover more than 880,000 household, strata and small business property insurance policies in northern Australia. The government will also expand the coverage to include small business marine property insurance policies from 1 July 2023.</para>
<para>The pool will cover claims from damage caused by a cyclone that commences during a declared cyclone event. This includes wind, rain, rainwater, rainwater run-off, storm surge and riverine flood damage, where these hazards are covered under the policyholder's insurance policy. A cyclone event will be declared by the ARPC to commence when the Bureau of Meteorology (BoM) advises a cyclone has formed and conclude 48 hours after the BoM advises the cyclone has ended.</para>
<para>The pool will generate savings by operating on a cost-neutral basis, leveraging the Commonwealth guarantee and taking advantage of economies of scale. The pool is also expected to increase competition by encouraging greater insurer participation in cyclone-prone areas and support higher levels of insurance coverage by property owners.</para>
<para>The bill makes it mandatory for insurers with eligible policies to participate in the pool, except for those insurers who write only a minimal amount of insurance outside of areas with nil or negligible cyclone risk. Importantly, it provides an 18-month transition period for large insurers and an additional 12 months for small insurers. Mandatory participation will ultimately ensure the pool provides the greatest possible reductions in premiums.</para>
<para>In the first three years of operation, the pool will pay the entire eligible claim above the policyholder excess. This will support insurer transition and maximise the premium reductions. The pool will then operate on a risk-sharing arrangement with insurers, with the level of risk retention set by ministerial directions. The pool will continue to cover a significant proportion of eligible claims.</para>
<para>The Commonwealth guarantee will be called upon if the pool and the Australian Reinsurance Pool Corporation's own resources are insufficient to pay eligible claims. If the $10 billion Commonwealth guarantee is likely to be exceeded following a single cyclone event or a series of cyclone events within a single year, the government will therefore be required to increase the guarantee to support the pool to meet all its obligations.</para>
<para>The savings generated by the pool will be targeted to policyholders with medium to high exposure to cyclone-hit risk to drive their premiums down as low as possible, while maintaining incentives to reduce and mitigate risk. Targeting savings ensures that the policyholders facing the largest insurance affordability pressures receive the greatest benefit.</para>
<para>The bill also contains a suite of mechanisms to ensure the pool is delivering for northern Australia. The Australian Reinsurance Pool Corporation will be required to publish an annual financial outlook report that informs government about the current risk affecting the pool's liabilities and provides added scrutiny of premium adequacy and risk-preparedness activities. A regular formal review will evaluate the performance of the pool, ensuring it is fit for purpose in improving insurance affordability in cyclone-prone areas.</para>
<para>Finally, following a direction from the government, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission has begun work to monitor and collect data to ensure that savings are passed through to policyholders and that the reinsurance pool ultimately delivers on its intended outcomes, reducing premiums for those with insurance policies in northern Australia.</para>
<para>Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Tax Integrity and Supporting Business Investment) Bill 2022</title>
          <page.no>10</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6844" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Tax Integrity and Supporting Business Investment) Bill 2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>10</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>10</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>Schedule 1 to the bill makes it easier for small businesses to comply with their record-keeping obligations. If a business is genuinely struggling to keep appropriate tax records, then the Commissioner of Taxation, under this bill, will be able to offer the business the choice of undertaking a record-keeping course rather than paying financial penalties.</para>
<para>The education course will be free, take approximately two hours to complete, and is expected to be delivered online.</para>
<para>Schedule 2 to the bill is part of a package of commitments to secure the FIFA Women's World Cup in 2023. The bill therefore provides an income and withholding tax exemption to FIFA and a local Australian subsidiary, confined to income in relation to the event.</para>
<para>This will maintain Australia's strong reputation as a host for major international sporting events and, in particular, help promote women's sport.</para>
<para>Schedule 3 of the bill amends the depreciation regime for certain depreciable intangible assets—including patents, copyrights and in-house software—by allowing taxpayers the option to self-assess the assets' tax-effective lives.</para>
<para>Currently, these assets must be depreciated according to an effective tax life set by the law. Allowing businesses to claim depreciation deductions in line with a relevant asset's economic life, instead of its prescribed taxable life (which may be longer), makes it more attractive to invest in these assets.</para>
<para>This also aligns the tax treatment of depreciating intangible assets with that of most tangible assets.</para>
<para>This measure will apply to eligible assets acquired from 1 July 2023, after temporary full expensing ends.</para>
<para>Schedule 4 to the bill strengthens the existing protections against unfair contract terms in the Australian Consumer Law and the Australian Securities and Investments Commission Act 2001, improving small business and consumer confidence when entering into standard-form contracts.</para>
<para>The existing unfair contract terms protections provide that where a court finds a term is unfair, the term is merely void. This approach has not provided sufficient deterrence against the use of unfair terms, which remain common in standard-form contracts.</para>
<para>The amendments introduce civil penalty provisions prohibiting the use of, and reliance on, unfair terms in standard form contracts. This will enable a regulator to seek a civil penalty from a court. The existing definition of an unfair term remains unchanged.</para>
<para>The government's expectation is that regulators will continue to take a reasonable and proportionate approach to enforcing the unfair contract terms protections, including affording businesses an opportunity to respond to allegations of unfair terms before commencing any legal proceedings.</para>
<para>The Legislative and Governance Forum for Corporations was notified in relation to the amendments in schedule 4 to the bill as required under the Corporations Agreement 2002.</para>
<para>Schedule 5 to the bill provides an income tax exemption for qualifying grants made to primary producers and small businesses affected by Tropical Cyclone Seroja, which had a devasting impact on communities in Western Australia in April last year.</para>
<para>On 29 July 2021, the Prime Minister announced that primary producer and small business recovery grants of up to $25,000 would be activated under thejoint Commonwealth-State Disaster Recovery Funding Arrangements 2018. Schedule 5 makes these qualifying grants non-assessable non-exempt income for tax purposes, assisting affected communities as they begin and continue to rebuild and recover.</para>
<para>Schedule 6 to the bill makes amendments to reduce the effective tax rate on certain income earned by foreign resident workers participating in the Australian Agriculture Worker Program or the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme from 32.5 per cent to 15 per cent.</para>
<para>The amendments seek to increase Australia's attractiveness as a destination of choice for foreign resident workers, while ensuring that workers of all skill levels pay tax at an appropriate rate on their earnings in Australia.</para>
<para>Schedule 7 to the bill amends various laws in the Treasury portfolio to ensure those laws operate in accordance with the policy intent, make minor policy changes to improve administrative outcomes or remedy unintended consequences and correct technical or drafting defects.</para>
<para>The amendments further the government's commitment to the care and maintenance of Treasury laws and will make it easier for Australians to comply with current laws.</para>
<para>Full details of the measures are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Income Tax Amendment (Labour Mobility Program) Bill 2022</title>
          <page.no>12</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6843" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Income Tax Amendment (Labour Mobility Program) Bill 2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>12</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>12</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>This bill makes amendments to impose a tax relating to schedule 6 to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Tax Integrity and Supporting Business Investment) Bill 2022.</para>
<para>Together these bills reduce the effective tax rate on certain income earned by foreign resident workers participating in the Australian Agriculture Worker Program or the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility scheme from 32.5 per cent to 15 per cent.</para>
<para>Full details of the measure are contained in the explanatory memorandum.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 1) 2021-2022</title>
          <page.no>12</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6839" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 1) 2021-2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
            <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Normal">Message from the Governor-General transmitting particulars of proposed expenditure and recommending appropriation announced.</span>
            </p>
            <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Normal">Bill and explanatory memorandum presented by <span style="font-weight:bold;">Mr</span><span style="font-weight:bold;"> Sukkar</span>.</span>
            </p>
            <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Normal">Bill read a first time.</span>
            </p>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>12</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():</para>
<para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>Appropriation ( C oronavirus R esponse) B ill ( N o. 1) 2021-2022</para>
<para>Today, the government introduces the Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 1) 2021-2022 and the Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022.</para>
<para>These bills seek authority from the parliament for additional appropriations to cover the cash flow requirements for coronavirus response programs through February and March 2022. These bills are necessary because of the significant impacts of the COVID-19 variants, for which funding is required before the usual time for parliamentary passage of appropriation bills (Nos. 3 and 4) 2021-2022.</para>
<para>The bills together propose appropriations of nearly $5.2 billion to the Department of Health and the National Recovery and Resilience Agency solely for the purposes of supporting responses to COVID-19 variants.</para>
<para>The bill proposes appropriations of $2.2 billion for the National Recovery and Resilience Agency for further pandemic leave disaster payments to ensure funding is available should claims continue at high levels consistent with the most recent emerging demand.</para>
<para>The remaining $935 million will be provided to the Department of Health for a range of measures that support the national vaccine program, the treatment of coronavirus and rapid antigen testing for the Australian community and health sector.</para>
<para>These amounts in the bills are quarantined to the relevant programs, and if they are ultimately not required to the extent provisioned (for instance if demand for pandemic leave disaster payments moderates), any residual will be returned to budget.</para>
<para>As with all annual appropriation bills, these bills also propose a new Advance to the Finance Minister (AFM) provision, to address urgent and unforeseen pressures which may arise. The bill strictly, however, limits the use of the provision to address only coronavirus pressures and it sets this contingency at $5 billion, approximating unknown risks to the level of the known pressures for which the bill provides funding. This AFM provision will be subject to the same transparency and accountability undertakings as are applied to the AFM provided through the annual appropriation acts. These transparency arrangements are contained for the first time in the explanatory memorandum to the bills.</para>
<para>It is critical that these bills be passed before the end of this week, to support delivery of the relevant programs at the necessary pace to achieve the intended health and social support outcomes.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Leave granted for second reading debate to resume at a later hour this day.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022</title>
          <page.no>13</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6840" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022 along with Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 1) 2021-2022 which was introduced earlier, seek authority from the parliament for additional appropriations to cover the cash flow requirements for coronavirus programs, to address pressures arising from the significant impacts of the COVID-19 variants before the additional estimates bills are passed into law.</para>
<para>This bill seeks approval for appropriations from the Consolidated Revenue Fund for the Department of Health. This appropriation is necessary to support urgent purchases of personal protective equipment and rapid antigen tests as part of the National Medical Stockpile.</para>
<para>These measures are intended to mitigate the risks arising from recent rates of spread and to ensure appropriate supply for COVID-19 variants.</para>
<para>It is critical that both coronavirus appropriation bills be introduced and passed before the end of this week, to support delivery of the relevant programs at the necessary pace to achieve the intended health and social support outcomes.</para>
<para>I commend this bill.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
<para>Leave granted for second reading debate to resume at later hour this day.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill 2022</title>
          <page.no>13</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6835" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill 2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>First Reading</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>13</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HOWARTH</name>
    <name.id>247742</name.id>
    <electorate>Petrie</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a second time.</para></quote>
<para>It is more important than ever to ensure our regulatory settings are the best they can be. The Morrison government is committed to implementing regulatory settings that cement our economic recovery that is led by business, and delivers benefits to all Australians.</para>
<para>The deregulation agenda is taking a whole-of-government approach to regulatory policy. This will make sure regulations are well designed, fit for purpose and support businesses to grow and create jobs.</para>
<para>Under the deregulation agenda, this government has:</para>
<list>Cut cross-border red tape for skilled workers, increasing the mobility of Australia's workforce and helping businesses operate more seamlessly across Australia</list>
<list>Launched the online employment contract tool to help businesses employ their first person by guiding employers through a series of questions to generate an employment contract</list>
<list>Streamlined enrolment for international students and Australian education providers by simplifying the collection of international student information, and</list>
<list>Modernised Australia's business registers by consolidating 32 business registers into a single register to make it easier and faster for business to interact with government.</list>
<list>Delivering a national work plan to reduce the burden of overlapping regulations, with ten priority areas, agreed by National Cabinet.</list>
<para>Regulator performance</para>
<para>The government understands in relation to regulator performance that even well-designed regulation can be undone by poor implementation or culture.</para>
<para>The government's stewardship approach to regulatory reform is focused on maintaining essential regulatory safeguards while reducing the compliance burden on business and communities and administrative burden for government.</para>
<para>As part of its stewardship approach, in October 2020, the government established a regulator performance function in the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet.</para>
<para>This function is working across Commonwealth agencies to increase accountability, promote best practice, build the professionalism of regulators and support cultural change.</para>
<para>The performance of our regulators is important. Regulator responsiveness throughout COVID-19 has showcased what can be achieved when regulators are flexible and pragmatic in delivering solutions while maintaining essential safeguards.</para>
<para>Through its regulator performance work program, the government has stepped up to make sure regulators are clear on what we expect from them and what best practice looks like.</para>
<para>In June last year, the government launched the new Regulator Performance Guide. The guide sets out the principles of best practice that underpin the government's expectations of regulators.</para>
<para>Regulators are required to demonstrate, in their performance reporting, how they are delivering against these expectations.</para>
<para>By being clear on what we expect from regulators, we hold them accountable and support them to demonstrate best practice.</para>
<para>As part of this approach, ministers are setting out tailored performance objectives for regulators within their portfolios through publicly available ministerial statements of expectations. These statements are issued by the responsible minister to a regulator. They provide clarity about government policies and objectives relevant to the regulator's statutory objectives and how it conducts its operations.</para>
<para>The regulator responds to a ministerial statement of expectation with a regulator statement of intent that identifies how it will deliver on the government's expectations.</para>
<para>These statements are now being integrated into performance reporting as required under the PGPA Act. This supports accountability, and builds trust and confidence in our regulatory settings.</para>
<para>The guide is just one of the important pieces of work under the deregulation agenda which will continue to have a positive impact on Australia's regulatory landscape for years to come.</para>
<para>Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill</para>
<para>Today I am introducing a further mechanism that supports best practice regulator performance: the Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill 2022.</para>
<para>This bill will fix a broad range of administrative or legacy laws that frustrate regulators, businesses and the community.</para>
<para>For too long, both businesses and regulators have been wading through a sea of unnecessary paperwork or process. It is time to update the laws which prevent our businesses and regulators from operating effectively in 2022.</para>
<para>This bill is the first of its kind in the Commonwealth to take a whole-of-government approach to regulator best practice and performance.</para>
<para>The bill responds to feedback received from the Regulator Leadership Cohort.</para>
<para>The cohort comprises senior Commonwealth regulatory leaders brought together by the Secretaries Board to provide a regulator's perspective on the government's program of work to lift regulator performance.</para>
<para>The cohort has identified that outdated administrative legislative provisions can be a constraint on regulator effectiveness. They can prevent regulators from engaging with business and supporting compliance in a modern and flexible way.</para>
<para>The bill brings together 46 administrative amendments across 18 Commonwealth acts, which will support best practice regulator performance by:</para>
<list>streamlining processes or improving regulator efficiency;</list>
<list>reducing the regulatory impost on regulated entities; and</list>
<list>clarifying legislation for the regulated community.</list>
<para>The measures in the bill are not controversial. This does not mean they are not significant. Collectively, the measures will help to reduce the regulatory compliance burden and support business investment and jobs growth.</para>
<para>Measures in the Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill</para>
<para>For example, the bill will streamline the indexation of certain thresholds and amounts under the Bankruptcy Act 1966.Indexation will now occur annually rather than biannually or quarterly, reducing the administrative burden on the regulator and regulated community.</para>
<para>The proposed amendments will mean the Australian Financial Security Authority can provide simpler and clearer information for debtors and creditors. Also, insolvency practitioners, and broader users of the system such as financial counsellors, will only need to update their systems and websites once a year.</para>
<para>The bill introduces more flexibility into how classes of products can be defined in a determination made under the Greenhouse and Energy Minimum Standards Act 2012.</para>
<para>The proposed measure will allow the intended use of a product, rather than just the product's technical specifications, to be the basis for regulating a product class. The amendments will help to get more energy-efficient products onto the Australian market, enable better alignment with international standards, and could reduce double regulation of products.</para>
<para>Under the National Health Act 1953, a pharmacist can request that the Minister for Health and Aged Care exercise their discretion to approve the supply of pharmaceutical benefits at particular premises. This is currently a two-stage process, which can take up to six months. This is frustrating and time-consuming for the applicant. It also delays the community's access to pharmaceutical benefits in circumstances where the minister decides to exercise their discretion, and imposes an administrative burden on government resources.</para>
<para>In this bill, the two-stage process is proposed to be streamlined and condensed into a single-stage process of up to four months. This will help to reduce a significant administrative burden. And it will provide the community with more timely access to pharmaceutical benefits.</para>
<para>Finally, the bill gets rid of redundant legislation. For example, the bill proposes the repeal of the Cockatoo and Schnapper Islands Act 1949. Although the act is administered by the Department of Defence, they have not managed the Cockatoo and Snapper Islands for many years.</para>
<para>The repeal of this act will remove a piece of redundant legislation from the statute books. And it will create certainty for the Sydney Harbour Federation Trust and the Department of Finance about their current management of the islands.</para>
<para>Consultation on the Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill</para>
<para>The Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill is the first Commonwealth bill to take a whole-of-government approach to regulator practice and performance. It showcases listening to and acting on changes put forward across seven portfolios and 13 regulators.</para>
<para>An exposure draft of the bill was released for public consultation from 13 December 2021 to 14 January this year. This ensures that the bill is informed by business and community expectations of regulators.</para>
<para>Submissions on the exposure draft were supportive, with many stakeholders welcoming the proposed changes to legislation in their remit. Minor changes were made to the final version of the bill following consultation, to reflect feedback received.</para>
<para>States and territories were also consulted on amendments to the National Vocational Education and Training Regulator Act 2011 and the Greenhouse and Energy Minimum Standards Act 2012.</para>
<para>It is clear that all stakeholders are fed up with unnecessary red tape that costs them money and time. The Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill is a welcome mechanism for regulators and businesses alike.</para>
<para>Conclusion</para>
<para>The Regulator Performance Omnibus Bill is an important piece of the architecture that supports our regulatory stewardship approach.</para>
<para>If passed, it will be a key moment in the story of the Australian government's deregulation agenda.</para>
<para>The bill will make the jobs of regulators easier. It will make doing business easier. And it will support the growth of the Australian economy.</para>
<para>Let's get rid of unnecessary laws and get on with doing business.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>TARIFF PROPOSALS</title>
        <page.no>16</page.no>
        <type>TARIFF PROPOSALS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Customs Tariff Proposal (No. 1) 2022</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WOOD</name>
    <name.id>E0F</name.id>
    <electorate>La Trobe</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Customs Tariff Proposal (No. 1) 2022.</para></quote>
<para>Customs Tariff Proposal (No. 1) 2022 is for amendments to the Customs Tariff Act 1995 to insert the correct heading to which blood grouping reagents are classified and to replace previous tariff subheading 3808.93.90 with new subheading 3808.93.00 in the tariff scheduled for the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement. he Customs Tariff Amendment (2022 Harmonized System Changes) Act 2021 created new heading 3822, to which blood grouping reagents are classified. A corresponding change was not made to a reference to blood grouping reagents in paragraph G of note 1 to chapter 13 of schedule 3 to the Customs Tariff Act. This proposal is to amend the existing reference to heading 3006 and replace it with heading 3822 to reflect this change.</para>
<para>The Customs Tariff Amendment (Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement Implementation) Act 2021 inserted tariff subheading 3808.93.90 into schedule 14 of the Customs Tariff Act. Due to the change in tariff classification of the herbicide paraquat dichloride, this subheading was replaced by 3808.93.00 in schedule 3 to the Customs Tariff Act 1995 to reflect this change. This proposal is also to repeal the reference to subheading 3808.93.90 and insert subheadings 3808.93.00 for goods that are herbicides, antisprouting products and plant growth regulators. The amendments contained in this proposal operate from 1 January 2022 and will ensure that importers are able to more accurately classify their goods.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>16</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 1) 2021-2022, Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022</title>
          <page.no>16</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r6839" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 1) 2021-2022</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6840" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
            <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Normal">Cognate debate.</span>
            </p>
            <p class="HPS-Normal" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Normal">Consideration resumed of the motion:</span>
            </p>
            <p class="HPS-Small" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
              <span class="HPS-Small">That the bill be now read a second time.</span>
            </p>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6840" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Appropriation (Coronavirus Response) Bill (No. 2) 2021-2022</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>31</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021, Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>31</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r6821" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6819" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6820" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>31</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LEESER</name>
    <name.id>109556</name.id>
    <electorate>Berowra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Too often the only thing people know about the Christian faith is what they learnt before they left primary school and what they see in the news headlines. At the heart of this is the growing hostility, at first in radical circles but increasingly in broader circles, to the holistic view that Christians have of marriage, life and family. Properly presented, Christian teachings are not threatening, but they are at odds with the zeitgeist. Today those teachings are attacked by people who have a different view, some of whom have hostility to organised religion and Christianity in particular.</para>
<para>The diminished public standing of the church is not a problem created entirely by its own detractors. Some of the decline in the standing of the church as an organised religion is self-inflicted. Failures of leadership and moral corruption have undermined the standing of faith communities and faith leaders. Among ordinary churchgoers, people of faith have at times been unwelcoming and usurped God's role as judge by failing to take a pastoral approach to those who differ or find themselves falling short of the standards the church encourages. But, despite being sorely tested, the church has always had countless good leaders and faithful people whose lives demonstrate extraordinary virtue, which contributes immeasurably to the common good. The central tenets of Christian faith—love for your neighbour, practices of forgiveness and confession, and a commitment to holiness coupled with a commitment to grace—have enriched the lives not only of faith filled people but of every one of us.</para>
<para>Since European settlement, Christian values have been reflected in our laws, even if not explicitly stated. Yet over the years these values have been undermined. But today, too, Christians are increasingly suffering discrimination. In a case brought by the Human Rights Law Alliance in 2020, a committed Christian was banned from a Canberra cafe for reading the Bible and praying with her friend who has autism. Staff at the cafe saw the two ladies reading the Bible and praying and assumed that the woman with autism was being taken advantage of. When the two women went up to pay, the manager accused the first woman of brainwashing, and banned her from the cafe. In another case, a Christian GP displayed a notice in her practice advising patients that she didn't consult on contraception, assisted reproductive technology or the termination of life. When her notice went viral on social media, the public furore was intense. Two activists lodged complaints to the medical board about her practice, challenging her professional registration. The practice was embroiled in a media firestorm.</para>
<para>When I brought faith leaders in my community together about two years ago, I heard things that I thought I would never hear in the Australia in which I was raised. I was told by Christians about being worried about quoting the Bible and sharing Jesus's teachings, about what they can teach in their schools, about who they can employ, about the use of discrimination law as a weapon and about a deep-seated media bias against Christians.</para>
<para>Then there's the legislative attack on Christians. Whatever the Labor Party may say to faith communities, my message to faith leaders is not to listen to what Labor says but to look at what Labor does in government. One only needs to look at the Andrews Labor government in Victoria to see the way in which, at every turn, the Andrews Labor government has sought to restrict the space in which people of faith are able to exercise their freedom of religion, from the attacks on the seal of the confessional and multiple attacks on the exercise of religious conscience, to the attack on the right to gather to protect human life and the attack on the right to provide preference in employment, or even the attack on the right to pray. All of these rights have been under a full-scale assault by the Victorian Labor government and provide the best insight into what a federal Labor government might do. All of these factors contribute to the need for this bill.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge the Attorney-General's very thorough consultations on this bill. It's hard to imagine a bill that has been the subject of more community input, from all points of view. No-one has got everything they wanted, but everyone has had their opportunity to be heard.</para>
<para>I know others have spoken about amending the Sex Discrimination Act. Those sensitive matters will be properly and soberly considered by the Australian Law Reform Commission, and, save for government amendments to this bill, the appropriate time to deal with them is after the ALRC process has concluded. They too deserve the same level of extensive consultation and input that this bill has had.</para>
<para>The discussion about religious freedom is essentially about how we can live together with difference and create a truly pluralistic society, and how we can respect people of faith and of no faith. In the same way we protect people from being discriminated against on the basis of their sex, race, age or disability, we should also protect people from being discriminated against on the basis of their faith.</para>
<para>Religion is, however, different to other protected attributes in two ways. First, religion is about more than just identity. The nature of being male, old, black or disabled may mean that you have certain experiences in common with others who share that attribute, but they're derived from a state of being. However, the nature of being a person of faith is different because religion provides a moral and ethical framework ordained by God, or whatever supreme being a person might believe in, and a series of related practices by which they should live. These help guide people on not only their identity but the meaning of their life. To the genuine believer, religious doctrines, practices or commands are not suggestions. When a Hindu doesn't eat beef, it's not like vegetarians choosing to be vegetarian because they don't like meat. They are not eating beef because they believe that the cow is a sacred animal.</para>
<para>Second, religion is different to other protected attributes because it's inherently communal. Unlike other protected attributes, religion often requires practices to be done in concert with other people for the actions to be religious. Therefore, unlike other protected attributes, religion doesn't just require the protection of the individual believer but the religious institution, be it a church or an organisation established by people from a religious community. It may be for a purpose of education, social welfare, health or aged care, but it is a way in which a group of believers come together to put their beliefs into action.</para>
<para>Finally, I want to observe that this bill has had the unintended benefit of bringing faith leaders together—this has occurred in many cases for the first time—to work in common cause to protect people of faith from discrimination and to allow faith based organisations, in the words of the Catholic archbishop of Melbourne, Peter Comensoli, to 'embody and pursue their religious mission'. This has created deeper relationships across faith communities and helped faith leaders to better understand the particular challenges each face. The strengthening of these relationships can only lead to a stronger and more harmonious Australia.</para>
<para>Last year, faith leaders representing a wide range of Christian denominations, including Catholic, Anglican, Baptist, Presbyterian, evangelical and Maronite churches, as well as Muslim and Jewish communities, penned a letter about the Religious Discrimination Bill, setting out their views. In it the leaders noted that, while there were a range of provisions they would have liked to have seen included in the bill, including greater protections for conscience and protections against employer codes of conduct, 'We welcome this bill because it will protect people of faith from discrimination on the basis of their religious beliefs and will allow faith based organisations to act in accordance with their doctrines, tenets and beliefs without this being disallowed as religious discrimination.'</para>
<para>This bill doesn't give everyone everything they want, but it's a balanced and reasonable compromise. I commend it to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr HAINES</name>
    <name.id>282335</name.id>
    <electorate>Indi</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Freedom of thought, conscience and belief is a fundamental human right. I support that right and I support the intent of this bill, the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, to protect people of faith or nonfaith in Australia from discrimination on that basis. I know that the people of Indi, who I represent, support that intent. No-one should be declined a bank loan, treated differently in a rental application or asked to leave a cafe because of their faith, for example. No-one should be unwelcome simply because of their faith.</para>
<para>I believe we can all agree on that, and if that were all this bill sought to do then I could offer it my wholehearted support. But that isn't the case. As many of us who have spoken before me have pointed out, this bill does not just create a shield from discrimination on the basis of belief; it also creates many swords. Whenever we talk about human rights, be those the right to religion, the right to life, the right to privacy or countless others, we must ensure that in protecting one right we do not gratuitously supersede another. This idea of getting the balance right is not a new one and, in my view, we haven't yet got the balance right on this legislation.</para>
<para>Firstly, the government's amendments to section 38 of the Sex Discrimination Act, revealed only yesterday, do not afford LGBTQIA+ students and teachers adequate protections from discrimination in religious schools. That's simply a fact. As it stands, religious schools will still be in the position to proactively discriminate against LGBTQIA+ students and teachers—except specifically for expelling gay students. As we know, LGBTQIA+ students are often subject to bullying and other discriminatory tactics that lead to those students dropping out or changing schools. This happens and yet allows the school to say that they were never formally expelled. Schools have been known to prevent gay teachers and students from bringing their same-sex partners to school events, for example. This sends such a clear message that their love is not acceptable and that these people are somehow lesser and othered.</para>
<para>The amendment that is here at present will not offer wider protection to these students and teachers, and I feel that it must. The amendment also provides absolutely no protection for transgender students, without justification. It is truly horrifying. That we, as a federal parliament in 2022, could actively choose to afford no protection to these young people is not something that I can support.</para>
<para>With this knowledge, I cannot say, hand on heart, that we have the balance right in this legislation. When the Prime Minister committed to protections of this nature during the Wentworth by-election in 2018, he said that he did not want any child to be discriminated against. I don't believe the amendments that we have in front of us live up to that aspiration. I know that many MPs within the government's own ranks know this too. Some have sought to extend the feeble protections offered in the government's amendment, but to no success at this hour. If we are prepared to legislate and, indeed, elevate the rights of religious schools, we must be prepared to offer full protections for LGBTQIA+ students and teachers too. That's the very least we could do, and we haven't done that here.</para>
<para>The second reason I cannot support this bill is that it rolls back current anti-discrimination laws in favour of a proactive right to discriminate on religious grounds. Under section 12, employees, students or people accessing health care and other services will have to accept offensive, uninformed, insulting, demeaning or damaging statements made about them regarding their age, their disability, their gender or another protected attribute because of a religious belief. I want to be clear here: I believe in the fundamental right to hold such a religious belief. But legislating a right to put that view into the public square at the expense of other protections is a step too far. While there are some safeguards, like the need for the statement to be made in good faith and without malice, it's still unclear to me, to the committees which reviewed this bill and to the Australian public just how far this roll-back will go. Countless stakeholders on both sides oppose these provisions too, from the Australian Human Rights Commission itself to Diversity Council Australia and the Uniting Church.</para>
<para>I simply cannot support such a monumental steamrolling of our antidiscrimination laws, based on two hypotheticals in an explanatory memorandum and a lack of broad based support. Again, it's obvious that we haven't got the balance right. We're not there yet.</para>
<para>This bill was an opportunity for us to come together and legislate this protection in a measured and collaborative way. I know that the people of Indi, who I represent, wanted that to be measured and collaborative, to bring us together. I've heard from people of faith and non-faith who seek balance, compassion and safety for all. As a legislator and a member of this broader Australian community, I can't give them that assurance right now. I don't think we've achieved those things.</para>
<para>Australia is a proud secular society. Over time, we have striven to be as inclusive as possible of diverse faiths and have come to celebrate that diversity. I want us to continue in that direction.</para>
<para>I'll be watching the Senate debate very carefully, when that comes about, and any further proposed amendments with great interest—with great interest. I will watch them conscientiously, and I will reassess this bill if it returns to the House in a better form. But it would take a lot. There is a world in which this bill could be improved to a standard that I could support, but right now we are not there. Unfortunately, the time for passing this bill is not now.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAMILTON</name>
    <name.id>291387</name.id>
    <electorate>Groom</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you to all who have written in to me on this issue, both in support of and in opposition to this bill, the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021. Overwhelmingly, the correspondence received by my office has been in favour of the bill, and perhaps, from my electorate, that is not surprising. What was very clear in the correspondence we received was a level of passion on both sides, clearly articulating concerns that exist, needs that need to be filled and the desire, across the board, for certainty.</para>
<para>My area is often described as a strongly conservative place. I think of the German Lutherans and later the Irish Catholics who settled in the Toowoomba region and had a significant impact on the way of life that continues to this day and can be felt very much. Toowoomba is a place where people feel free to make expressions of faith in confidence that they'll be met in a spirit of good faith and respect. Having lived all around Australia, I appreciate very much that this is not a universal. It is something that Toowoomba should be very proud of. In fact, I would argue that the region's approach to religious expression is one of the reasons we've been so successful as a haven for recently arrived refugees—something we're very proud of—many of whom come to these shores with very strongly held religious beliefs and who, in some very sad cases, as in that of the Yazidi community, were persecuted for holding those beliefs before coming here. I'm very glad they feel proud to come to Toowoomba and feel at ease in expressing their religious beliefs. I'm very proud that we are a refugee welcome zone.</para>
<para>Toowoomba's brand of conservatism is not an act of resistance to change but rather a desire to continue Western civilisation's momentum through small and regular steps towards the righteous and the good. That balance we seek, of progress and stability, of freedom and security, was well displayed in the communications I received. Once again, I thank all of those in my community who reached out. I spoke to many this morning, preceding this speech, thanking them for taking that time.</para>
<para>I believe this bill does seek compromise. I believe this very fully. While not everyone who wrote in to me will get what they want, what they will get is an improvement upon what is.</para>
<para>I'd offer a personal reflection as part of my contribution: I wasn't a church goer. I seldom make an expression of my beliefs at all. Neither right nor wrong, good nor bad, I was raised to see religion as an intensely personal matter. I'm not sure this view will prove, in the long term, compatible with political life, but, for now, it's how I've lived. I've lived largely free of personal experience of discrimination on the basis of my beliefs, and I would guess this is the experience of most Australians. But, for now, my contribution comes from my role as a parent, overseeing with as much care as I can the growth and education of my own children. I obviously didn't attend a religious school, but two of my three children have benefited from Catholic education, attending the same school as their mother, St Saviour's College in Toowoomba. It was there I had my first experience of the sense of religious community and family continuity.</para>
<para>It's with a view towards the impacts on educational institutions that I'll address the bill. I think it's appropriate I do so, as the member for Groom. We are something of an educational hub. We have 28 independent schools. About a quarter of the schools in our region are faith based. We have people come to Toowoomba from all across western Queensland and northern New South Wales. We are even lucky enough to be able to host a couple of flights of people from Arnhem Land every year, who come down and board in our educational facilities. My wife and I chose Catholic education, as many parents do each year, right around Australia, not just because of the high quality of educational outcomes delivered but for that somewhat intangible element that religious education provides. It's not just the words that are read out to the kids. It's not the historical facts or fables that hopefully help our kids to become better and more just and compassionate versions of themselves. In fact, I think of one constituent, a good friend, who told me the story of taking the time as a parent to find the right school for his kid, as a Catholic. He went to all of the Catholic schools in the region and eventually settled on the local state school, as it was the best fit for his child. I think this understanding of what a school offers, what its beliefs are and how they will come out to play in act, indeed, is what's important to parents. It's not in the words spoken but rather in the deeds practised that the full value of education is revealed. As a parent, I look for that ability to apply those teachings in one's life as a demonstration of a good education. This is, for me, an issue of practice and habit rather than one of instruction, and these are the freedoms I believe this bill seeks to protect.</para>
<para>We here in Australia enjoy many freedoms—freedom of thought, freedom of association, expression of belief—and this bill seeks to enshrine in law something of each one of these. In this place, much work has been done to prevent discrimination on the basis of race, sex and ability, and it's right that that work has been done. I have lived in countries where that work has not been done, where there are no protections afforded to the vulnerable in the community, where systemic discrimination denies equality of opportunity. During my time in Saudi Arabia, I lived amongst a people whose potential could not ever be met, not because of any fault in themselves but because, by design of government, they were restricted and limited in their freedoms. It may perhaps be an extreme example, but it is one I make to highlight the advantages of addressing discrimination and what that brings to the nation. It is within the context of this broader framework of antidiscrimination that I believe this bill is best appraised. I would encourage the House to view the bill as a welcome addition to the suite of existing legislation that is of so much credit to this nation.</para>
<para>It would be wrong at this point to ignore the events of recent days—the debate sparked by the actions of Citipointe Christian College. It is right that the college has expressed regret for their actions following what was very clearly a declaration of community expectations. I know that the leaders of the religious schools in my area that I've spoken to share this view. This episode, however, raises two points that I believe both speak to why this bill is needed. Firstly, there exists a void in our legislative framework when it comes to religion and religious expression, and it's a void—a pothole, perhaps—in a high-traffic area. Every year, parents, much like Louise and I, engage with religious schools on the basis of certain understandings. We enter into these agreements well informed as to the school's offer, and, in many cases, the school goes to some effort to understand the needs and commitment of the parents. This is, in the view of a humble engineer, a simple market transaction, an understanding between two bodies. However, as the Citipointe case reveals, there is a lack of certainty as to what legislative protections are in place.</para>
<para>As mentioned, most parents enter into this agreement with their eyes wide open, and so they should. They have certain expectations as to the words and, most importantly, the deeds in the religious instruction that they sign up for. I think this leads to the second point, which others have addressed, and that is how religious freedoms relate to other freedoms that we in this place have worked to achieve. How do we ensure that we don't create a hierarchy of freedoms that privilege one over the other in a way that is contrary to our social expectations? I very much welcome the recommendation to review the Sex Discrimination Act to ensure that religious freedoms do not enable discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. I think this is a perfectly sensible approach to bringing together a raft of different protections. I would see this as a positive step, and one that acknowledges that we have much to do. We have much work in front of us and we shouldn't shy away from that.</para>
<para>With respect to those who've spoken against the bills on the basis of the problems that are created when we look at religious discrimination in light of other areas we've already covered—as I mentioned, discrimination on the basis of sexuality, race or disability—I would argue that this is not a challenge that should prevent us from taking a step forward. Rather, it's something we should see as a challenge that we must inevitably overcome, and it's a challenge I very much believe we can overcome. It's clear, when taking a broader view, that we are going through a period of change in our society and we have yet to find the balance. Perhaps we'll always be going through periods of change, and so we should—that's how we bend Western civilisation ever more in the arc towards a better place. We have to find that balance where in both word and deed religious institutions can engage with confidence and comfortably make expressions of their beliefs.</para>
<para>This is the outcome that I would seek to focus the debate on to ensure that we as a society can continue to benefit from the contributions that religious organisations have made to our society. When a parent picks up their kids from school and asks them what they learned that day, there should be no surprises, and that statement cuts both ways. It has taken us a long time to get to where we are today in regard to sexual discrimination. We're certainly not perfect; we're not yet at an end point. But we are better and we are continuing to get better. That is what working to enshrine freedoms does: it improves us. This legislation is not the silver bullet that the previous speaker sought, but rather a step that must be followed by many others as we continue down the path to a better, more just and more compassionate world.</para>
<para>I thank the House for the respectful way in which they've conducted this debate. I think being able to have these conversations very much reflects the spirit of this bill. While some contributions have focused on the extreme implications of this legislation—and it's important to acknowledge those; those unintended consequences should be unacceptable to a diligent House—I would like to end my contribution by noting that in the majority of instances this legislation is enshrining the everyday. This is how we are. I would argue that freedom of religion has long been a core value of Australian society and today it's thankfully largely respected. Again, I would say that goes both ways with the freedom of religion to express our religious beliefs or our non-religious beliefs. But as we've moved to legislate other core values, I'm glad to see us doing so in this legislation. I commend the bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>While the country is tuned in to listen to Grace Tame's and Brittany Higgins's fight for more equality, the Prime Minister is here legislating for more discrimination and hate. Make no mistake, this bill is a Trojan horse for hate. It looks like it's not just the government that's backing it but that the opposition might as well.</para>
<para>This bill will mean more discrimination, not less. This bill does harm. The debate around this bill is already doing harm. We know that already, under existing law, it is legal in many places to discriminate against, victimise and bully people on the basis of their identity. We've seen that play out over recent weeks, as a school says it's going to start expelling students on the basis of who they are. That is under the existing law. The response of the government and the opposition isn't to come in here and say, 'Let's fix that up.' It's instead to take trans kids and throw them under the bus. The debate, before this bill has even passed, is already doing harm. No child in this country should have to wake up to headlines that say they are being traded off as political collateral in an attempt to get a hateful bill through. But that is what is happening just with the debate, and it will get worse if this bill passes. It will get worse.</para>
<para>It's worth reminding ourselves of a couple of basic things. The first is that I suspect everyone in this parliament would agree that we should stop victimisation on the basis of religion. A simple piece of legislation that's based on our existing discrimination laws could do that. But that's not what this bill is. This bill doesn't just have some shields; it has a lot of swords, and those swords can do a lot of harm. Why does this bill have so many swords? You have to remember the second basic fact: how did we get ourselves here? We didn't find ourselves here because there was an identified gap in the law—even though there is, and it's one that we could fill with, I suspect, unanimous support if the government had goodwill. We're here because the hard right of the government didn't want marriage equality. They didn't want love to be equal in this country. So the price they secured for allowing a vote on marriage equality was to be able to come back and unwind some of those protections by increasing discrimination against some of the people who fought for and obtained equality in the first place.</para>
<para>That is why this bill is before us. That is why this bill contains provisions that allow people to go and do things tomorrow that would not be lawful today, as well as extending so many things that are lawful today but shouldn't be. If this bill proceeds, with Liberal and Labor support, then a doctor will be able to tell their patient that they think their illness is a punishment from God because they're gay. A school will be able to sack an unmarried teacher because she's pregnant and that's against the school's beliefs. That is where we are going with this legislation.</para>
<para>Worse: if you've got existing protections under state laws, because you and your community have fought so hard for equality, those protections are going to be taken away. This bill explicitly says that the ability to do all of those things takes away protections you've got under state law. This bill is based on the presumption that, somehow, trans kids are victimising and discriminating against religious bodies and that, somehow, religious bodies need protection from trans kids and people. That is wrong. And that is why this bill does harm: because the discrimination and the hurt are happening the other way around. As a parliament, we should be able to say that we can protect one group of people without taking away the rights of another group. But this government is so intent on delivering for the Tony Abbotts and the Eric Abetzs, and all of those lobby groups that come out and preach hate that it is willing to throw others under the bus. That is unacceptable.</para>
<para>This bill trades the rights of trans people for votes, and it looks like Labor's also getting ready to support it. As things stand at the moment, thanks to a few members of the government backbench who have seen sense and understand that in modern-day Australia we need less discrimination, not more, it looks like the government might not have the numbers to get the bill through. It looks like the only way the government will get its legislation through is if the Labor Party backs it. In other words, the Labor Party is in a position to block this bill. We are calling on the Labor Party to join with the Greens, the members of the crossbench and the members of the government backbench, who know this bill is wrong, and block it and send the government back to the drawing board to come up with a bill that protects people's rights without taking away the rights of others. That's what we could do.</para>
<para>Quite a few of us are going to be pushing for amendments in this place and in the Senate. We hope that we will improve a bad bill. The numbers may be there to do that. The question is: what happens if those amendments don't get passed? What happens if, after all those amendments, the government says, 'No, we still want it to be legal for a doctor to tell their patient they're sick as a punishment from God,' or 'We want it to be legal for a trans kid to be expelled from school,' or 'We want it to be legal for an unmarried teacher to lose her job because she's pregnant'? What happens then? That's what we should do when we have the numbers to block his bill. It is not enough to say, 'Oh, we might fix it up later on.' I've heard that script before, and these things tend not to get unwound. That happened with marriage equality. It got passed in this House, with Labor voting for it, and it took us years and years of campaigning to get those freedoms back. It didn't happen overnight, and a lot of harm was done in that time. We now have the opportunity in this place to stop hurt and discrimination from happening. We know that hurt is happening right now. People in the community are listening and watching and reading the debate and saying: 'Why am I political collateral? I am a kid trying to live my life; why do you want to make it easier for people to discriminate against me and hurt me?' We can stop that.</para>
<para>In this government's dying days it is trying to fight a culture war because its got nothing else left in the tank. It is trying to increase discrimination and hate, because that's what it promised the preachers of right-wing hate it would do. I am pleading with the Labor Party not to throw the Prime Minister a hate-filled life raft in the dying days of this government by trading off trans kids for votes. Yes, we will all come in here and try to improve this bill. The question is: what do we do if it's still a bad bill and we can block it? Do we block it or do we wave it through? Over the weekend, I was really proud to march again in the Pride March in St Kilda. I saw members of the Labor Party there. I think it's great they were there. They were wearing T-shirts that said 'Equality is non-negotiable'. Let's find out whether that's true. I sincerely hope that we block this bill. That will be a great day.</para>
<para>We expect hate from this government, because, as I said, this bill is only here as a sop to the far Right within the government. It's not here out of a genuine desire to protect religions from victimisation. This government has perpetrated victimisation against so many groups. I've heard the Islamophobia coming from this government and members of this government. I've heard them round on groups in my community when they thought it would win votes. This government doesn't care about protecting people from discrimination. It wants to increase it, so we expect it. We expect it from this government. But, if this government is supported, and this Trojan Horse for hate gets through because of the Labor Party, we will let every person in this country know, right up until the election and beyond, that the Labor Party just facilitated the Prime Minister's bill to increase discrimination and increase hate in this country. That will be something that every voter needs to hear, because it's about what you do when you have some power, how you exercise it. Do you exercise it on behalf of those who need help or do you trade them away in the hope that you might win some votes somewhere else?</para>
<para>I'll tell you this. As a member who has been privileged enough to represent the diverse electorate of Melbourne for a few years now, I know what it is to fight against Islamophobia and to fight against the discrimination and victimisation that so many of our Muslim Australians feel on a daily basis, at the same time as fighting to defend the rights of our LGBTI communities. We had the highest yes vote in the country during the plebiscite, and we have also led the charge against Islamophobia. When you fight on the basis of your values and you say they are not for sale, people respect it. When you start trading off your values and saying that a group of people who struggle every day to go to school, to go to work, to get up in the morning in many instances—not in all but in many instances they do, and the research tells us that many of them are doing it harder because of the messages that come out of places like this. They're the people you fight for when you've got the chance. They're the people to whom you say, when you've got the chance to vote, 'We are going to defend you.'</para>
<para>When we finally achieved marriage equality in this country, after years and years of pushing—the Greens, the community groups, eventually getting others on board—it made a difference. It made a difference not just to people who wanted to get married but to everyone who didn't, because it sent a message from this place that all love is equal, and that's the message we should be sending. That's the message we should be sending now: no matter who you are, you are loved. It is our responsibility as parliamentarians to remove discrimination and say to everyone—every young kid who is growing up in a country town who is unsure about who they're attracted to, everyone who is turning up to school worried about whether they're going to fit in—'You are loved. You are loved the way you are, and we will always defend you.' That's what we will do as the Greens. That's what all of us have the opportunity to do in this place and that's what we should do by rejecting this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>12:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VAN MANEN</name>
    <name.id>188315</name.id>
    <electorate>Forde</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's always interesting to follow the contributions of the member for Melbourne, but I'll agree with him on this point: we should treat people with love, dignity and respect. But too often today I think that becomes a one-way street, and certain political views or religious views are to be removed from the public square, but other, approved views are acceptable. It's part of the reason that I think it's important that we're debating the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 today and that this bill be passed. People's religious views form an integral part of their culture.</para>
<para>I represent an electorate in a city—the city of Logan—that has people from 200-plus different cultural backgrounds, and I'm pleased to say that, by and large, the people from those different cultural and, by extension, religious backgrounds get on extraordinarily well. I think it's one of the great traits of this country that we have a multicultural society that respects people's religion and cultural values, and in many regards we now celebrate the food and culture of those different backgrounds and we enjoy that experience ourselves. In looking across the spectrum of public debate today, I came across a quote from the late Rabbi Jonathan Sacks from several years ago. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">There must be some set of principles that we can appeal to, and be held accountable to, if our common humanity is to survive our religious differences. Religious freedom is about our common humanity, and we must fight for it if we are not to lose it. This, I believe, is the issue of our time.</para></quote>
<para>I think that is a great summary and illustration of the importance of this bill and why we're debating it.</para>
<para>Many mount the argument about organised religion, and there are arguments about what people believe or do not believe. This bill covers those who take part in organised religion, but, equally, it protects people who are of no religious faith as well. But what's important and common for all of us in that space is that we all have a belief system. We all have a belief system that underpins our values and our view of the world, and that should be protected. We protect other rights, through the Sex Discrimination Act and various other acts. Equally, I believe we should be protecting the right of people to hold religious views—or to not hold those views—and to articulate those views in a considered, thoughtful manner.</para>
<para>Despite some of the comments that others have made about the ability for people to say hateful, hurtful things as a result of this bill passing, that is not the case. If that were the case, I wouldn't support this bill, because I don't believe that is appropriate. It certainly would not assist our nation going forward if people had open slather to say hurtful, hateful things to other people on the basis of their religion or their sex or any other attribute. But, in my experience across my electorate, I don't see that that's the case. There might be the odd person who does. That person should be held to account for expressing views that seek to ridicule or demean others who might have a different view on life or a different set of beliefs. As Rabbi Jonathan Sacks said, we need to work together to focus on our common humanity and see how we can make our society a better place for everybody to live in.</para>
<para>A point a number of people have made in this debate is around the actions of our schools. I was particularly disappointed by the decision that Citipointe made. They made that decision for whatever reasons they decided to make it. But, over the 11 or so years that I have been the member for Forde, I have never encountered that sentiment in the Christian schools and independent schools in my electorate. I have never had a representation from a parent that their child or children have been treated in such a manner at a school. And that is not only in the private school sector but also in the state school sector. Both have done an extraordinary job of looking after our children and supporting them, wherever they are at.</para>
<para>I would say the same applies to the many faith based organisations across my electorate, who each and every day go out and do an extraordinary job in our community, helping people from all walks of life. I've seen firsthand the work they do. They don't ask people what religious background they come from. They don't ask people if they have a particular lifestyle. They seek to help those people where they're at. There are those in this debate who wish to demean or cast aspersions or negative reflections on the work that these groups do, and who say that, because of this bill, those groups are now going to do something different from what they currently do. I find that extremely disappointing. In my experience of talking to and working with those groups, that is very, very far from being the case. They want to help those people where they are at, in whatever situation they are in.</para>
<para>As I've said, this bill will implement three recommendations from the Religious Freedom Review. It's important to remember that this is not something that we have come to in just the last five minutes, as others have tried to argue. To get to this point, this has been worked on for the last three years, with hearings, discussions and reviews. It has been an enormous piece of work, and I think this legislation will go a long way to addressing a number of the issues raised by various bodies. It implements recommendations 3, 15 and 19 of the Religious Freedom Review. Importantly, it broadly follows existing federal antidiscrimination law structure and would operate alongside those existing antidiscrimination laws.</para>
<para>The bill provides specific and general exemptions to the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of religious belief or activity. Others in this debate have outlined a variety of circumstances where that has occurred and why these bills are important. This bill will also provide that certain conduct by religious bodies would not constitute discrimination. Under the bill, 'religious bodies' are defined to include religious schools, religious charities or other religious bodies that are not primarily or solely engaged in commercial activities. Clause 7 of the bill provides that it is not unlawful for certain religious bodies to engage, in good faith, in conduct that a person of the same religion as the religious bodies would reasonably consider to be in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of that religion. Importantly, with any of these things, there is always a responsibility on the individual who has the capacity to make a comment to consider the impact of that comment on others. This has not become an open-ended opportunity for people to say things to deliberately denigrate or hurt or inflict pain on others. I would caution those who seek to, or think that they can, take advantage of that; it's not what the intention of this bill is.</para>
<para>As I've touched on, the faith community across my electorate has spoken to me at length about this. As with anything, there's a variety of opinions. I've had people write to me in support and I've had people write to me in opposition to this bill. I take all those comments and all that feedback into account. But, on the balance of what I see in this bill and the importance of this bill in providing protection for people of religious faith—not just of Christian faith but of all religious faiths, and, equally, those who hold no faith—I'm very pleased to stand in this House to speak on this bill and to be part of a government that seeks to introduce these very important protections. Importantly also, as part of this bill we will establish a religious discrimination commissioner in the Australian Human Rights Commission. The Australian Law Reform Commission will also be tasked with some further work in review.</para>
<para>It's essential that we have legislation against all forms of discrimination. We have that in many other areas. That's why it's so important that this bill pass, to protect religious freedoms. The combined bills will work together to improve the confidence of those in Australia who have faith, or have no faith. Equally, they'll work together with other legislative mechanisms we already have in place. I commend this bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SHARKIE</name>
    <name.id>265980</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 and the related bills. Last September I was sitting on a chair outside Brisbane Airport when I saw a taxi in the queue, with other cars shuffling around the car and going to the front of the queue. I was a little intrigued. Had the car broken down? What was going on? Then I saw a man on his knees, on his prayer mat, on the pavement. He was praying. He was uninterrupted; he quietly and earnestly practised his faith. The man then rolled up his prayer mat, opened his car door, started the car and rejoined the taxi queue.</para>
<para>I smiled. I remember at the time being so proud of our Australian community, thinking that in so many countries of the world such an open act of faith could face persecution and perhaps even death. I don't believe there's a single person in this place who does not support the concept that a person should be able to practise their faith and not incur fear, abuse or obstruction. I think that view is also universally shared across the Mayo community. I note we have many churches and Christian schools held in high regard by my wider community because of their inclusive culture and the care they've provided to our whole community. This was particularly seen during the bushfires and, more recently, during COVID.</para>
<para>I consider myself a person of faith. I don't attend a specific church with regularity, but I do believe that it's a determinant of the depth of my faith or relationship with God. I attended a Catholic secondary school and all three of my children have attended faith based schools.</para>
<para>Firstly, I would like to thank the hundreds of people from Mayo who have written to me to express their views about this bill. Some were campaign emails for and some against. Many were heartfelt and personal, and I thank them for helping me to shape my position in voting on this bill. While I support protection against discrimination on the basis of religious belief or activity, I do hold a number of concerns about this bill. It will privilege some and yet weaken existing protections for others. Specifically, this bill has the potential to cause a real harm to women, to people with disabilities, to people from the LGBTQIA community and to people who rely on other anti-discrimination laws to protect them from offensive, insulting, humiliating and intimidating conduct. In short, I cannot support this bill in its current form.</para>
<para>I'd like to mention to the House the particular clauses that I have concern with. Clause 9 gives licence for religious hospitals, aged-care facilities, accommodation providers and disability service providers to discriminate by allowing such bodies to have a hiring policy that would privilege employment of those of the same religion or denomination. Essentially, a Catholic aged-care facility could have a policy of only hiring Catholic employees. Effectively, we are saying to institutions that sit within a secular society, which effectively operate due to government funds for the delivery of services, that they can take secular dollars and create an exclusive club on the grounds of religious belief. I believe this is harmful and unnecessary. Surely the threshold should be that the employee hired—whether that be a nurse, a careworker or indeed a doctor—is qualified and competent? Surely those employed could be more representative of the people they serve and of Australian society?</para>
<para>Clause 11 is another clause that I have particular issue with. It provides powers to override some state and territory laws. Effectively, this clause gives schools the right to discriminate in their employment practices, which would override state and territory antidiscrimination laws that prohibit such schools from terminating employment or refusing employment based on sexuality or gender.</para>
<para>The following are some examples of discrimination that have occurred in the past. These were highlighted by the Independent Education Union and detailed in their submission to the bill. I think it's important to mention some of these examples, as discussed, but I have to say that they are difficult to hear:</para>
<quote><para class="block">A male primary school principal in western NSW was contacted by the Catholic Education Office to advise that they "had become aware" that his marriage had broken up and that he was reportedly in a new relationship, as was his wife. The view of the employer was that his current lifestyle was no longer compatible with that of leadership of a Catholic school and that he needed to move.</para></quote>
<para>Another example:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Two women teachers had been in a same sex relationship for over ten years. One was in a co-ordinator role in a metropolitan Diocese secondary school and the other worked in a Catholic independent school. They decided to have a baby and were subsequently reported to the Diocese Bishop after being seen with the baby at a shopping centre (not in area of the school). CEO said that it had no other option than to move their employee to another school and remove her co-ordinator's allowance. She did not accept the offer and resigned …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A teacher at a Christian school had been associated with the school for over 25 years and three of her four children were also at the school. When her marriage broke up, with some associated—</para></quote>
<para>family violence—</para>
<quote><para class="block">issues which required time for medical, counselling and legal appointments … the Principal spoke to the member about the responsibilities of Christian marriage. The implication was that the member's current marital status was no longer consistent with her role at the school and that she should consider moving on——</para></quote>
<para>So, effectively, there was the loss of a marriage, domestic violence and the loss of a job—</para>
<quote><para class="block">A teacher at a Brethren school in WA was separated from his wife an in the process of obtaining a divorce. He commenced a relationship with another partner. He was dismissed by the school.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">A teacher employed by a Catholic diocesan school was dismissed as a consequence of becoming pregnant via IVF.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">… regional diocese is currently requiring applicants for employment to fill in a form that the union says would permit discrimination on the grounds of disability as a detailed medical history, which is not limited to issues relevant to the requirements of the job, is required to be disclosed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Regional diocese. Divorced teacher. A male colleague's car was seen outside her house. The member was formally warned and lost her position of leadership. There were no consequences for the male colleague.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In an Islamic school, an issue arose concerning a lesbian teacher whose partner is pregnant. The employer advised her that she could not claim leave. In the event that she does seek leave she has confirmed with school that dismissal will follow.</para></quote>
<para>One of the arguments, I think, that is missing from the conversation is that a teacher, a nurse or a student can be a person of faith and can be divorced, gay or transgender, and many people of faith are single parents. These are not mutually exclusive elements, and surely the threshold for employment for a teacher or a nurse is for that person to hold appropriate qualifications, and with respect to a teacher that they can willingly and competently teach the curriculum as presented to them.</para>
<para>Clause 12 is, I believe, perhaps the most concerning element of this bill: the statements of faith. This effectively will create, I believe, open mic night for some organisations and perhaps some people of faith to say and do whatever they like no matter how hurtful, no matter how discriminatory. It is an incredibly powerful clause that allows such a statement of faith to override existing federal, state and territory laws. I'm always concerned in this place when we seek to override state or territory laws. It is an overreach by the Commonwealth, and in this case it seeks to water down the protection of people in some states and territories. The statement of faith will ensure that discrimination will flourish and bigotry will prosper. As mentioned by the Australian Lawyers Alliance, this statement of faith is:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… effectively legislated bigotry, by enabling religious statements of belief to be used as a cloak for sexism, racism, homophobia and other prejudices.</para></quote>
<para>Many others have touched upon the concerns for same-sex attracted students. We must ensure that all children, all young people, are loved and supported in their school environment. It is supposed to be a nurturing place. Many students do not have a choice of where they are educated and, sadly, for many children and many young people school is the safest place. We need to ensure that it remains so.</para>
<para>Whether you look at the Commonwealth anti-discrimination statutes—the Racial Discrimination Act 1975, the Sex Discrimination Act of 1984, the Age Discrimination Act 2004 or the Disability Discrimination Act 1992—the one element that all of those bills share is that they are set up to be shields, and the main purpose is to provide protection from discrimination. However, I don't believe this bill is the same. It does provide a shield and it does protect people to practise their religion, which is widely supported, and, again, the greatest merit in this bill is that factor. However, in equal measure, it provides a sword—many swords—in the ability to discriminate against others and it privileges the freedom of religious expression above other freedoms from discrimination. Is that the Australia we want to create—a society that places some people's rights and beliefs above others? I don't believe so.</para>
<para>After listening to the debate and reading through many, many submissions, I cannot support this legislation as it currently stands and call on the government to instead introduce a universal bill of rights. We are, I believe, the only Western democracy that doesn't have one. We need to ensure that everyone shares the same freedom and protections. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs WICKS</name>
    <name.id>241590</name.id>
    <electorate>Robertson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak in support of the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 and acknowledge the contributions of all members of this House on this very important issue. I rise to speak in part as a person of deep faith whose parents have been involved in Christian ministry in one form or another for over 40 years. I also speak as the member for Robertson, on behalf of the many faith based communities and individuals in my electorate. I also speak today as a member of a government who took to the Australian people a commitment that we would deliver this bill. I also want to acknowledge the many voices in this debate, the many perspectives, the thoughtful contributions that have been made over the course of the duration of this debate and the conversations that've been had around Australia, including in my own electorate.</para>
<para>The legislation that's before the House has not been rushed. It's been carefully considered. There's been an extensive public consultation process, including two exposure drafts and two parliamentary committee inquiries. It delivers on the government's commitment to introduce legislation to prohibit religious discrimination and is consistent with the government's response to the recommendations of the religious freedoms review report. It aims to navigate the various freedoms and to balance those with the rights and protections in Australia's antidiscrimination acts, such as the Age Discrimination Act, the Racial Discrimination Act and the Sex Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>I have held a number of local roundtables in my community to be able to hear the various views expressed by members in my community. I have spoken at length with the Prime Minister, the Attorney-General, a number of my colleagues, and a common theme that I'm hearing is the recognition of the importance of balancing the rights and freedoms that we as Australians enjoy, and I know that this bill seeks to address that.</para>
<para>Beyond this being an election commitment, over 60 per cent of our population consider themselves to hold a religious faith and I believe we, as a government, do have an obligation to ensure that we protect the freedom of religion.</para>
<para>This bill will affect individuals, organisations or corporations regardless of whether they identify as religious. As I said before, it does implement a number of the key recommendations from the religious freedom review. It aims to recognise the freedom of all people to have and to hold a religion or belief of their choice and to eliminate discrimination on the grounds of this belief.</para>
<para>In my own electorate of Robertson over 65 per cent of residents identified as being of religious faith at the last census. While the vast majority identify as having a Christian faith of one denomination or another, there are other faiths as well in my community, including Jewish and Buddhist. There are over 50 churches or places of worship across our region. There are also a number of well-known and well regarded faith based schools across the Central Coast, including, in my electorate, Green Point Christian College; Central Coast Adventist School; Our Lady Star of the Sea Catholic School; St Edward's College; my own former school, St Philip's Christian College and many others. This bill is about protecting the freedoms of these faith based schools and other organisations and of each individual to practise their religion. It will prohibit both direct and indirect discrimination on the ground of religious belief or activity. It will guarantee that certain religious bodies, including schools and charities, can make decisions that are consistent with their values in employment, education and a range of other areas of public life.</para>
<para>I recognise that this is a really important and yet somewhat challenging subject. It is an area of much debate in Christian schools and a common topic of conversation when parents of faith decide how to raise their children. It's also a topic that I understand from a deeply personal perspective, having grown up and attended a Catholic primary school and then a Christian school when my family relocated to the Central Coast. I do feel a great sense of privilege to have had the opportunity to complete my schooling in these environments. I do have some very good memories of that time. In the mid-1980s my parents moved our family from Walcha in rural New South Wales—where, as I said, I'd attended a Catholic primary school—to the Central Coast. It was here on the Central Coast that my family really put down our roots and embedded ourselves in the local community that I now have the honour to represent. My father was the principal of a small Christian community school in Point Clare, which then relocated to Narara. But when I first joined the school was very small with only around 50 to 60 students at the time—in the mid-1980s. It quickly became a tight-knit community for me that offered a wonderful education and also instilled in me deeply personal values, including the importance of giving and investing in others, of respect, of kindness towards one another. It also helped me to really nurture, inside of my own perspectives, what it means to build for tomorrow and what it means to help make a difference in the lives of those around me. And I do believe that my time at the school did help to shape my desire to one day seek to serve the community that I now have the privilege to represent as well as the nation that I live in—the greatest nation in the world.</para>
<para>I graduated in year 12. I remember a deep sense of connection to the school and, as such, I came back and served for a few years as a teacher in that same school. So I feel that I have, to some degree, an empathy and a nuanced understanding of what it means to be a Christian educator in a Christian school, where the intent was to uphold the Christian faith as well as academic excellence in the school community. I can see and understand some of the many concerns that have been raised by other members in relation to some of the provisions contained in this bill, but I do acknowledge that adherence to and the everyday embodiment of the values that were articulated by the school was asked of all of us as educators.</para>
<para>Clause 7 of the bill enables certain religious bodies—including faith based schools, as I've just outlined, such as the one I attended and taught at—to engage in conduct in good faith that a person of the same religion would reasonably consider aligned with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teaching of that religion. This could include giving preference to those of the same religion in employment decisions. This clause enables certain religious bodies to make decisions that are consistent with their beliefs and values in employment, education and other areas of public life covered by the bill.</para>
<para>Clause 9 provides narrower protections for religious hospitals, aged-care facilities, accommodation providers and disability service providers in relation to employment decisions and partnerships. This ensures that these bodies are able to make employment decisions but not discriminate in other areas of public life, such as providing services to the public. Conduct by these organisations must be in adherence with a publicly available policy that outlines when they will rely on provisions, ensuring the position of religious bodies is clear.</para>
<para>This bill provides that simply making a statement of belief in good faith would not be deemed discrimination under any Australian antidiscrimination law. This only applies to statements of religious belief which are made in good faith, and which the individual considers to be in line with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of their religion. This provision does not apply to statements which are malicious or which a reasonable person would consider would threaten, intimidate, harass or vilify a person or a group of persons. Nor does it apply to any statement that a reasonable person would consider counsels, promotes, encourages or urges conduct that would constitute a serious offence. While many are concerned that this legislation will increase discrimination towards members of society, accompanying limitations will help ensure this does not occur. The intention of this bill is not to belittle other people's freedoms, rights or choices, and the bill does not offer freedoms to one group of people at the expense of another. But it is designed to create additional protections for religious people in our community, and close a longstanding gap in the federal antidiscrimination framework.</para>
<para>Australia is a free nation. Our people are free people. We're free to speak, free to move and free to act in accordance with our convictions. We cannot prevent the passage of this bill simply because the religious views of one might offend another. To do so would not only be inconsistent with previous anti-discrimination laws, but mean a large part of our community would be without their fundamental and universal right to respectfully express their religious views.</para>
<para>I've spoken with a number of local pastors and community leaders from across my electorate who do feel strongly in support of this bill. Father Greg from the Catholic Diocese of Broken Bay at East Gosford said to me that 'this bill is long overdue and necessary for the future of Australia' and 'the federal government is right in taking it up.' Pastor Martin Duffy from Elim Church Global said, 'The bill is a positive development for the protection and preservation of faith based religious organisations.' Pastor Joel Small of Erina Community Baptist Church said that he'll 'always advocate for the welcoming and inclusion of all people.' He said 'the gospel of Jesus is above all a gospel of love' and he does not see how this bill runs contrary to that value. 'It's not about discrimination. It's about freedom of belief and practice in a respectful way,' he said.</para>
<para>Finally, this bill establishes a Religious Discrimination Commissioner in the Australian Human Rights Commission who will be required to conduct a review of the Religious Discrimination Act within two years of its commencement. This is an important safeguard to ensure that the legislation is working as intended whilst also looking at possible amendments that may enhance its operation and address unintended consequences.</para>
<para>In speaking in support of this bill, I want to say that I am deeply honoured to have the privilege to represent my community. I acknowledge that there are a diversity of views and opinions in my electorate on a whole host of matters right across the Central Coast, but, in relation to this particular bill, I am expressing my support for this legislation. I would like to place on record my thanks to the Prime Minister for supporting this legislation for the protection of all Australians who choose to live their personal lives guided by their faith. This is an incredibly important commitment. It's one that we made to the Australian people at the last election, and I commend the bill to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CHESTERS</name>
    <name.id>249710</name.id>
    <electorate>Bendigo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the few minutes I have before we break for members' statements, I want to start my contribution on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 by saying how disappointed I am at the way in which the government has handled this debate. I stand here, like many members in this place, really feeling for our constituents, for the amount of grief that this government has caused, for the amount of hurt this government has caused and for the amount of anguish this government has caused. People are confused, scared and worried about the consequences of this bill because the government has not taken the time to bring our community with us. I'm standing here, saying to the government: 'You've still got time to do the right thing. You don't need to rush this through in the last days of this parliament.' I'm pleading with them to listen to what the community is saying. This is not the right time to be pushing through this bill. This bill should be a shield. It should be about supporting and protecting people of all faiths. It should not be a sword. This bill, because of the way in which the government have been conducting this debate, is dividing our communities.</para>
<para>In my speech, I want to set out where people in Bendigo are coming from. When I talk to faith based organisations in my electorate, particularly those in aged care, they don't want to talk to me about this bill. They want to talk to me about how they can get staff on their rosters. They want to talk to me about PPE. They want to talk to me about access to RATs. They want to talk to me about how they can get extra money from the government to increase the wages of their aged-care staff. They want to talk to me about how they're exhausted. We're in the middle of a pandemic, and what they don't want to be having is a conversation with their staff about how under these proposed laws they may or may not be able to sack them based upon a religious reason. They don't want to be having those conversations right now. They want to be having conversations about how their staff, who are doing a tough job, can feel supported and protected during the middle of a pandemic.</para>
<para>It's the same for our teachers. Right now our teachers, particularly those in primary schools, are under pressure, where not a lot of children have had the opportunity to be vaccinated or to be double-vaxxed. It's the wrong time to be having a conversation in our community about the right of a school to sack a teacher based upon religious beliefs. The government, by trying to force this bill through, is creating real anxiety in schools, in schoolteachers and in school communities. They're creating fear and anxiety for families, particularly our rainbow families—a lot of families that are still quite hurt because this government, in the previous parliament, put them through a very painful marriage equality plebiscite. We're talking about people—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Order. The debate is interrupted in accordance with standing order 43. The debate may be resumed at a later hour.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS</title>
        <page.no>43</page.no>
        <type>STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Hunt, Mr Harry, OAM</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STANLEY</name>
    <name.id>265990</name.id>
    <electorate>Werriwa</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This morning I was advised of the passing of one of my community's great citizens, Mr Harry Hunt, OAM. Harry was affectionately known as 'Mr Liverpool', and anyone who has driven down the Hume Highway to Canberra would have passed the motel he had owned and operated for about 50 years. Mr Hunt, for many years, was the president of the local chamber of commerce, always talking to anyone who would listen about the wonderful community that is Liverpool and the opportunities he saw for betterment in the area.</para>
<para>For more than 20 years, Harry hosted a Christmas lunch for significant numbers of our disadvantaged community members because he wanted to ensure that everyone would enjoy Christmas and their community. He was always a generous sponsor and supporter of fundraising events in our community. On a personal note, he was generous with his support and counsel to me and my other colleagues who represent our community, more than willing to provide helpful advice and encouragement. Harry was always smiling infectiously about life and the opportunities it held.</para>
<para>While the loss to our community is immense and will be felt keenly in the days and years to come, it will be so much worse for his family. I send my condolences to Sybra and their family, from me and our community at this sad time. Vale, Harry Hunt. Thank you for everything you've done.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Waldock, Mr John (Jack)</title>
          <page.no>43</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr LLEW O'BRIEN</name>
    <name.id>265991</name.id>
    <electorate>Wide Bay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Happy birthday to one of Gympie's great characters, Jack Waldock, a returned serviceman who celebrated his 102nd birthday yesterday. Christened John, but all his life known as Jack, the Gympie-born butcher served in Milne Bay, Port Moresby, in Papua New Guinea, where he survived Japanese attacks, malaria and even a midnight mission onto a live minefield to recover cattle carcasses. Jack learnt to butcher in the Great Depression, delivering meat on horseback when mince was twopence a pound. So, when cattle set off landmines, it was Jack—a sapper in charge of minefield defence around airstrip No. 3 at Milne Bay—tasked to recover the carcasses. After all Jack's effort, butchering with only a hacksaw after rescuing the cattle from the live minefield in the dark, the meat was so tough that the troops were stuck eating mince.</para>
<para>Before COVID, Jack would go to the RSL every Tuesday to support his brothers and sisters in the service and share his stories of being stalked by the enemy aircraft and serving with the Rats of Tobruk. Since he could not go to them, about 20 Gympie RSL members drove to him, surprising Jack on his birthday morning with signs, cupcakes and a rendition of 'Happy Birthday'. Once again, happy birthday, Jack.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Timor-Leste, Collaery, Mr Bernard</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GOSLING</name>
    <name.id>245392</name.id>
    <electorate>Solomon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On 19 February 1942, Darwin was bombed. Labor Prime Minister John Curtin said that Darwin had been bombed but not conquered. We will soon commemorate the 80th anniversary of those events.</para>
<para>What is less known is that that evening and the following morning, 20 February 1942, the Japanese imperial forces simultaneously invaded East and West Timor. The Timorese people assisted the Australian soldiers, called 'Sparrow Force', to escape and evade the Japanese soldiers in a classic guerrilla warfare campaign, and the Australian commandos knew that they owed their lives to the Timorese.</para>
<para>But, following the INTERFET mission in 1999 to 2000, the Howard coalition federal government thanked Timor-Leste by looting their natural resources rather than doing all that they could to support the young sovereign nation. Australians Bernard Collaery and Witness K blew the whistle on Australia's poor behaviour regarding the Timor Sea Treaty, and successive coalition governments have responded by prosecuting them.</para>
<para>I commend the Timorese National Parliament for their vote of solidarity with Mr Collaery on Monday. The Timorese parliament also reaffirmed its solidarity with the Australian people. I seek leave to table that vote of solidarity from the Timorese parliament.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Mackellar Electorate: Northern Beaches Clean Up Crew</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FALINSKI</name>
    <name.id>G86</name.id>
    <electorate>Mackellar</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It might interest the member for Lingiari to know that it's Gareth Evans's signature that sits on the bottom of that treaty, not John Howard's.</para>
<para>The most impressive organisations are often those that do not seek the limelight, that quietly go under the radar and get the job done. The Northern Beaches Clean Up Crew is one such organisation. It began as a group of concerned locals cleaning up litter from beaches, and over the last three years it has expanded into an organised and dedicated part of the local community. This non-profit is able to run due to the selflessness of its volunteers, who give up their time on the last Sunday of every month. They pick up plastic, styrofoam and other detritus from our beaches, rubbish that would otherwise be left to pollute our natural environment. While they have not been able to conduct their clean-up since the pandemic hit, their resolve remains strong. They are committed to their aims.</para>
<para>Kobie Joyce is a Terrey Hills local who has been involved in the group since the very beginning. He attributes the increased success of the initiative to social media and the power of community, which has helped to steadily grow the number of volunteers. On behalf of our community, who, as you know, lives in the most beautiful part of Australia, and indeed I'd go as far as to say the best part of Australia—and I disagree with Michael McCormack when he suggests he has the best beaches; everyone knows the northern beaches are the best—I thank Kobie for making that a reality. I thank the selfless locals of the northern beaches, who have bettered our community through their service. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Health Care</title>
          <page.no>44</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr FREELANDER</name>
    <name.id>265979</name.id>
    <electorate>Macarthur</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise today to pay tribute to our incredible nurses and to thank them for their ongoing work on the front lines of this pandemic. Our nurses undertake incredibly valuable work, and the COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated just how much we rely on our highly skilled nursing workforce. However, they work in often extremely difficult environments, and, tragically, nurses experience ridiculously high levels of workplace violence. In fact, a 2018 study found over 90 per cent of our nurses and midwives had experienced workplace aggression, and 25 per cent had experienced inappropriate physical or sexual contact while at work. We've heard horrible stories of nurses and midwives being forced to work 12-hour shifts or longer in full PPE, which is no mean feat; having sick leave denied; and having gag orders put in place on their comments. We have a depleted workforce, particularly in aged care, and people are leaving the profession in droves.</para>
<para>I recently met with the Australian College of Nursing, which identified a number of crucial priorities for the government to address this crisis. Firstly, the ACN is seeking an enhanced pandemic bonus to thank and help retain our valuable healthcare workers. We need to enable families and carers to visit their loved ones. Among other core objectives, the ACN wants the government to highlight and actively prevent the trauma and abuse that our dedicated healthcare workers frequently experience. The pandemic and the coalition's ongoing aged-care crisis need immediate action. I thank our nurses for everything they do. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Sturt Electorate: Kensington Gardens Reserve</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEVENS</name>
    <name.id>176304</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Four weeks ago it was my pleasure to represent the Deputy Prime Minister at the opening of the Kensington Gardens Reserve redevelopment, of which we were a happy cofunding partner with the local Burnside council and the South Australian state government. This is a project that I was able to commit to before the 2019 election. At that stage it was a partnership between the federal government and the local government, so it was a thrill to be there less than three years later to be opening the finished product.</para>
<para>It's an excellent outcome for my community and particularly the residents of the Kensington Gardens, Kensington Park and Magill areas of my electorate. It is a major upgrade to a local open space that is used recreationally. Also, as an excellent environmental outcome, we removed the old duck pond, which had become an environmental hazard and a safety hazard for young children, and now we have a beautiful natural wetland installed that is also going to see natural cleaning of the water that comes along Stonyfell Creek into the Torrens catchment zone. We also realigned and resurfaced eight hard-court tennis courts and brought them up to Tennis Australia standards, which is excellent for the tennis club there. We've also been able to coinvest with the state government on a parkrun circuit and a local Kaurna Indigenous interpretive trail. It's a great outcome for the community and a great example of us working in partnership with state and local government to deliver for my constituents in Sturt.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corangamite Electorate: Telecommunications</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms COKER</name>
    <name.id>263547</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Imagine your husband has collapsed. You try to ring the ambulance, but there is no signal. You run outside and finally get through. The ambos want you to monitor your husband, but you can't, because he's inside on the floor, and you're outside in the only place you can get a signal. This is not an isolated incident for people across the Bellarine in towns like St Leonards, Indented Head and Curlewis, just 30 minutes from Geelong. Recently I met with the St Leonards Progress Association to hear firsthand the connectivity challenges in their communities. They shared stories of frustration and, for some, a real anxiety that they may face a medical emergency without the ability to call for help.</para>
<para>What needs to be done for all those people who pay for and rely on their mobile service when they're isolating, working from home, homeschooling or just need to ring a medical specialist? Such complaints have motivated me to launch an online survey. This survey, which you can find on my website, will help me to fight for better connectivity for the Bellarine. I will talk to the telecommunications companies, armed with survey data, make strong representations and get better communications infrastructure. It must be said that, in an age of modern communications, it shouldn't be necessary to fight this battle. The Morrison government has dropped the ball. Labor in government will improve mobile coverage in regional and vulnerable communities. But, sadly for the people of the Bellarine, they are paying the price of the Morrison government's incompetence.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lindsay Electorate: Floods</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:41</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs McINTOSH</name>
    <name.id>281513</name.id>
    <electorate>Lindsay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It was almost a year ago that my community experienced those devastating floods, particularly in Llandilo, Castlereagh, Londonderry and Agnes Banks. There were families there who lost everything in their homes. I took the Prime Minister there to see the devastation in person. This is why I really welcome the investment from the Morrison government, along the New South Wales government, of $33 million in funding to identify more than 100 infrastructure improvements to boost the resilience of the flood evacuation network in the Hawkesbury-Nepean Valley. This project will provide a plan of works to improve flood evacuation such as road widening, bridge structures, road raising, pinch point upgrades and drainage improvements.</para>
<para>I look forward to these upgrades and initiatives being rolled out as quickly as possible. As I said, there were a number of families quite devastated by those one-in-50-year floods. It's something that we don't want to happen again. This is one measure to address those serious issues as they impact our community. We are a community who love our Nepean River, with homes built quite close. Seeing that in person, up close, was hard to handle for a lot of people in our community. So I look forward to these upgrades, worth $33 million, getting started as quickly as possible.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Live Animal Exports</title>
          <page.no>45</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILKIE</name>
    <name.id>C2T</name.id>
    <electorate>Clark</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Later this month the Department of Agriculture, Water and the Environment will complete a regulatory review into live sheep exports, deciding whether to reduce the number of days that live export ships are prohibited from travelling to certain locations during the blistering Northern Hemisphere summer. Disappointingly, draft recommendations from the review reduce the prohibition period on summer sailings, which would be an astounding move after the terrible ministerial decision to grant an exemption for the <inline font-style="italic">Al Kuwait </inline>to sail in 2020. Remember, tens of thousands of Australian sheep suffered terribly on that voyage. It was animal cruelty on steroids.</para>
<para>At the very least, we should not export live sheep to the Middle East and South Asia during their scorching conditions between May and November. More to the point, this vile trade should be banned outright. That's why I've introduced bills to end the live export trade many times, and each time my office is flooded with calls from across the country from people who agree. There is simply no doubt that the live export trade lacks community support, not least because it's been proven time and time again that the industry is systemically cruel and not in Australia's economic best interests. Hence this latest, cynical move to reduce the summer sailing ban is unquestionably cruel and unnecessary, much like the live export trade itself.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Regional Australia: Employment</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The jobless rate in regional Australia at present is 3.8 per cent, a remarkable statistic. There are vacancies in the regions—figures given to me today by the Regional Australia Institute—of 70,000. A total of 700,000 jobs across the nation were saved by JobKeeper. It's effectiveness and timeliness is best demonstrated throughout regional Australia. Country towns have so many bespoke and unique small businesses providing goods and services to our rural and remote communities. When they needed support, this government had their back.</para>
<para>One such recipient of federal funding, through JobKeeper and the Stronger Communities Program round 6, is the Parkes Services squash and sports centre. It's run by Jay and Judy Kross and offers more than just a sporting opportunity for locals and visitors. At the weekend, 40 junior squash players participated in the western region silver event on the refurbished courts. The Kross's 11-year-old son, Henry, who is No. 1 in Australia for 13s, took part. This was a good and sound investment. Regions matter. The $18,000 has revitalised the facility and given squash a new lease of life in Parkes. As Judy said: 'JobKeeper saved our butts. Quite frankly, we would have been in big trouble without it.' Her words echo those of small-business people right across the nation.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gilmore Electorate: Agricultural Show Societies</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PHILLIPS</name>
    <name.id>147140</name.id>
    <electorate>Gilmore</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to share with the House the rich tradition that agricultural show societies hold across the electorate of Gilmore. From the Kiama Show Society in the north, which just a few weeks ago hosted its 174th Kiama Show, to the Moruya Showground in the south, home to the Eurobodalla agricultural show society, which commemorated a major milestone in January—their sesquicentenary, 150 years of agricultural and pastoral heritage for the region. Then, just last weekend, the Nowra Show Society overcame COVID worries and delivered an outstanding show, with gate takings believed to be the biggest on record. Forward to the first weekend in March, and focus turns to the Milton Show Society and the happiest of rituals, whereby local schoolchildren participate in the Friday grand parade.</para>
<para>Additionally, I need to convey a message of support and appreciation to both the Berry Show Committee and Auxiliary and the Kangaroo Valley Agricultural and Horticultural Association for their respective shows at Berry and Kangaroo Valley, except for the heartbreaking but understandable decision of cancellation again this year. Given the surge of omicron cases, the complexities in delivering a safe environment for volunteers and the broader community visiting was a reckoning factor. Ask anyone involved with their local show and they will tell you that planning for next year starts the very next day after the close. Here's hoping for the return of a full show schedule across Gilmore in 2023.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Women's Shed Week</title>
          <page.no>46</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TED O'BRIEN</name>
    <name.id>138932</name.id>
    <electorate>Fairfax</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I am delighted to announce in this, the Australian parliament, that the inaugural Women's Shed Week will be held this year between 6 and 12 March. Most Australians would be very familiar with the Men's Shed movement, with thousands of sheds dotted across the Australian landscape. But I suspect fewer would be familiar with the Women's Shed movement, with now over 20 sheds across the country. I can assure you they are every bit as impactful in their local communities as are the Men's Sheds. Indeed, the day will come when their number will swell to not just meet but indeed beat the number of Men's Sheds. So mark your diaries: 6 to 12 March is the inaugural Women's Shed Week. It's beautifully timed, by the way, because it will coincide with International Women's Day.</para>
<para>I also want to pay special tribute today to the Coolum Women's Shed not only for the extraordinary work that they do on the Sunshine Coast, connecting women and making sure they have opportunities to socialise and get together; they too have played a lead role in ensuring that the inaugural Women's Shed Week takes place. Well done.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Macquarie Electorate: General Practitioners</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms TEMPLEMAN</name>
    <name.id>181810</name.id>
    <electorate>Macquarie</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Three years ago the Morrison government took away the ability of Blue Mountains medical practices to attract GPs, when the entire mountains east of Blackheath was stripped of its priority status. I've been proud to announce that Labor will fix that and make it easier to attract more GPs by allowing the recruitment of overseas trained and bonded medical program doctors. If elected, Labor will designate the Katoomba-Springwood GP catchment, which is the whole of the Blue Mountains LGA, as a distribution priority area for GPs. It's a significant step towards helping our GPs survive, because right now they're under pressure like I've never seen. They were under pressure before the messy COVID vaccine rollout. A whole lot of them are nearing retirement, but of course the last two years have made things almost unbearable for both them and their GP practice teams with the phone calls, the announcements they see on TV and their inability to take a day off, let alone have a holiday.</para>
<para>GPs worry about their patients: about the pap smears that aren't being done, about the diabetes that isn't being monitored and about the early intervention that just isn't happening because of the volume of vaccines they've been asked to deliver with no hubs in our Blue Mountains community. They worry about the pressure on their practice nurses and their front desk staff, who quite frankly never signed up to have the rudeness that they've experienced. We will make it easier for people to see a GP in the Blue Mountains. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired.)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Flynn Electorate: Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Paradise Dam is a prime example of a failure of the Queensland Labor Party. Labor built it then broke it and now have committed only half the money required to repair it. The Queensland government expect the federal government to swoop in and fix up their mistakes. Paradise Dam is located on the Burnett River, about 20 kilometres north-west of Biggenden and 80 kilometres south-west of Bundaberg. It's a roller compacted concrete gravity dam that was built for irrigation in 2005. Paradise Dam originally stored 300,000 megalitres until in September Sunwater and the state government lowered the spillway due to safety concerns. The dam now is able to store 175 megalitres, 57 per cent of the original capacity.</para>
<para>In 2020 a report was released that found the roller compacted concrete was intrinsically incapable of achieving the required standard of safety. After two years of excuses and delays the Queensland government has committed $600 million to the project, a distraction from the integrity crisis going on at the moment. The total project cost is $1.2 billion. Queensland has called on the federal government to match the funding for the Paradise Dam. The project has been a Labor failure from day one, and now they expect the federal government to come and pay for their mistakes. Taxpayers should be mad. Coulson Lakes farmers are still waiting for the pipeline to their rich agricultural land from this dam.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Blair Electorate: GP Workforce Classification</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Across my electorate of Blair GPs are under pressure. There is a critical shortages of doctors across Ipswich, the Karana Downs region and the Somerset region. The COVID pandemic has exacerbated the issue. Patients are being turned away from GP clinics, and I've spoken to many local doctors who have told me that they are exhausted. We've had doctors come out of retirement or defer retirement during COVID. There is no reprieve, and it's come to a head and been exacerbated by this government's change to the GP workforce classification system distribution priority area from the district workforce shortage area, which has reclassified large parts of my electorate. That means foreign trained doctors are no longer available to many of our GP clinics.</para>
<para>I've written to the former minister about this issue, and he came out to my electorate. I've also written to the current minister about this issue, and they've said to me in correspondence that, until you get a worse health outcome in your area, you will not get it reclassified. That's simply not good enough in my electorate. The government need to change their classification system to ensure better outcomes in regional and rural areas like my electorate. On the eve of the election the government has begun a review of the GP shortages—a review, not action. Labor has announced a major shift in the classification system, if elected. I'm asking this government not to wait until we have a Labor government. Do the right thing right now: change the DPA classification system and reclassify areas of need accordingly.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Barker Electorate: Sports Funding</title>
          <page.no>47</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PASIN</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
    <electorate>Barker</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In October last year I was pleased to announce almost $2 million for stage 1 of the Murray Bridge regional sports stadium. After much discussion with the local council and the Murray Bridge Basketball Association this funding announcement was a significant milestone in their plans to create a regional stadium at the Murray Bridge showground. Basketball is one of the most popular sports in the Murraylands. The Murray Bridge Basketball Association currently has over 500 playing members and is expecting to see this number grow with the region's population, which is booming. This funding is vital as the current stadium simply doesn't comply with Basketball SA standards. It doesn't allow them to host high-level events and it doesn't have the appropriate facilities to encourage female participation in sport. It's holding the sport back at a regional level, and I know that participation in sport helps to make great communities.</para>
<para>The $2 million in funding provides significant support to the council to deliver a new main show court, unisex change rooms, clubrooms and office foyer areas. But it is just stage 1. I am fighting for further funding for future stages of this project because I can see that that would make a real difference to the community of Murray Bridge and surrounds. Great facilities like this one will make stronger communities that are better places to live, work and raise a family.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Morrison Government</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GORMAN</name>
    <name.id>74519</name.id>
    <electorate>Perth</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As omicron begins to spread through my electorate, Western Australians look to this Prime Minister's failures with fear: scared of a man who stands for so little that he would fund a million dollars of Clive Palmer's court costs; fear that the shortages and price gouging of rapid antigen tests in the east will be repeated again in the west; anxiety that Western Australians will be added to the more than 622 aged-care residents who've died of COVID this year; frustration that omicron moves much faster than this 'not a race' Prime Minister and his slow booster and child vaccination program; anger that Western Australian taxpayer dollars go to fund car park rorts across the east coast; a fear that Clive Palmer is going to cut a desperate preference deal with this Prime Minister in the effort to save this terrible government; and, worst of all, that this government and this Prime Minister will lie to all of us about his plans, his failures and his rorts just so that he can win another election.</para>
<para>Western Australians want a better future. They want a new way—one where we learn the lessons of the last two years; where Medicare and our public health system are the backbone of a strong economy; where secure work and investment in TAFE are the foundation of economic growth; and where child care is affordable and accessible for all. If you want a better future, Australia needs an Albanese Labor government.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Braddon Electorate</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PEARCE</name>
    <name.id>282306</name.id>
    <electorate>Braddon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In the past three years more than 330 individuals, not-for-profits, sole traders, small and medium businesses and local councils have rolled out over 700 projects across the electorate of Braddon on behalf of the federal government. They are Braddon's unsung heroes, and I have no doubt that you'd know, Mr Speaker, many people in your electorate just like them. They're the doers in our community, and it's their tireless efforts that's the remarkable story today.</para>
<para>Delivering hundreds of projects during a global pandemic is a badge of honour that they should wear with pride: to put your hand up to build, employ, create, support, celebrate or commemorate when access to trades and materials is enormously challenging, budgets have blown out and goalposts are shifted. Now that's inspirational. I, for one, am not surprised by our region's resilience and perseverance to get the job done. It simply reconfirms what those who live in the north-west, on the west coast and King Island have always known: when confronted with a problem, we don't whinge about it; we roll up our sleeves and simply get on with it. That's why our region continues to surge ahead when so many others are stalling. On behalf of the federal government and the electorate of Braddon, all that's left to say is a huge thanks to Braddon's doers.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Women in Parliament</title>
          <page.no>48</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BUTLER</name>
    <name.id>248006</name.id>
    <electorate>Griffith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to pay tribute to Grace Tame and Brittany Higgins, who've made an extraordinary address in the National Press Club. Their address demonstrated significant integrity and significant leadership, and this nation owes them a debt of gratitude for the work that they are doing to shine a light on cultural problems; to shine a light on violence, including sexual violence against women; and to shine a light on violence, including sexual violence against children.</para>
<para>I was struck by some language from Brittany Higgins when she said, 'If we truly want a gender inclusive society, we need more vocal women in rooms where key decisions are being made to ensure that there is a gender lens placed over national policy.' I agree: I think we need more women in parliament and I think we need more women in government. On that side of the chamber, women are so underrepresented that they only make up about one in five of this coalition in this House. I think that's a real shame because it's a missed opportunity to have more female voices in government.</para>
<para>We need more female voices in government because we need government policy, government decision-making, budgets and laws to better respond to the needs, the interests and the aspirations of Australian women. That will only happen once we have more women in politics in this country and everyone who wants to see cultural change, everyone who believes, as I do, that we need to see more women around decision-making tables, everyone who wants to see a better future for people of all genders in this country needs to make sure that in the future we have more women in parliament, we have more women in government. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Willowie Forest Trails</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>13:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Last week, I was very pleased to participate in the opening of the Willowie Forest bike and walking trails, which are in the southern Flinders, between Melrose and Wirrabara. They are part of the Remarkable Southern Flinders Project, a $10 million project, with 50 per cent funded by the state and the other $5 million coming from the Building Better Regions Fund. It's opening up the national parks. It's creating new parks where Wirrabara Forest stood before it was burnt out in the 2014 Bangor fire, and it's building walking trails, the bike trails, the camping area facilities and viewing platforms. I was at the opening of the bluff platform only in September. Last week, on Friday, I was there with David Speirs, the state environment minister; Dan van Holst Pellekaan, who is the Deputy Premier, minister for resources and also the local member for the Willowie Forest; and mayors Ben Browne, Leon Stephens and Phil Heaslip, from the Northern Areas, Port Pirie and Mount Remarkable councils, respectively.</para>
<para>There is a real boom going on in nature tourism in this part of the world. I'd urge all the people in this chamber—and there's a good crowd here now—if you're looking for a good holiday, come to the Flinders Ranges in South Australia. You won't be sorry. It's a beautiful place, and we're turning on more and more facilities all the time. If you like riding bikes, bring your pushbikes. You'll have a great time.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 43, the time for members' statements has concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONDOLENCES</title>
        <page.no>49</page.no>
        <type>CONDOLENCES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Grimes, Hon. Dr Donald James (Don) AO</title>
          <page.no>49</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this House record its deep regret at the passing, on 20 November last year, of the Hon. Dr Donald James (Don) Grimes AO, a former senator for Tasmania, Minister for Social Security, Minister for Community Services and ambassador to the Netherlands, and place on record its appreciation of his service to Australia, and offer its heartfelt sympathy to his family in their bereavement.</para></quote>
<para>All of us would recall the wonder, awe and trepidation of the first time we came in here to speak in this place. It's a moment that we would never forget, but none of us may have had the experience of Don Grimes. Arriving in the chamber for his first speech, he was greeted by the Labor leader in the Senate, Lionel Murphy, who deftly took the speech off him and said, 'You'll perform better thinking on your feet.' Without notes, Don Grimes gave a word-perfect first speech. Maybe that was because he knew what he wanted to say and knew what he wanted to do in public life. Maybe that's why the man with less than four years in the cabinet can be remembered as a minister of real consequence.</para>
<para>Don Grimes grew up in Albury. He was the son of a railway fitter and turner and a nurse. After his mother died during his teenage years, Don and his sister moved to Sydney to live with their aunty. In Sydney, attending Fort Street, he thrived. He played all three football codes and was accepted to study medicine at the University of Sydney. It was there that serendipity intervened, and he studied under Dr Peter Baume. In ways neither imagined, Australia would benefit from the trust that developed between the two. Don completed his internship at the Royal Hobart and then became a general practice locum throughout Tasmania. He felt comfortable, if not called, to work in communities right across Tasmania, and he ultimately settled in Launceston.</para>
<para>Don Grimes's path to parliament was unlikely. In 1974 he was chosen to be third on the Labor ticket for a half-Senate election—in those days there were five seats up for grabs in total. But that year there was a double dissolution election instead, and another candidate on the ticket pulled out. He then became fifth on the party ticket for the full Senate and he won. He entered parliament at the start of the second term of the Whitlam government, and it was at this time that he hardened his political credentials. As Senator John Button later put it, 'Don Grimes found the political processes of the Whitlam government very unusual. He didn't believe in what he called the utopian Left or in symbolism and noisy issues, to quote him. He saw this as "the means by which you turn your ideas into realities and your visions into practicalities", he said.'</para>
<para>In the 7½ years of the Fraser government, Don Grimes was the shadow minister for social security. It was a portfolio that accounted for one-third of the budget and, without the computing power of today, was a monumental paper-driven bureaucracy. He used that time to absorb the details and nuances of that complex portfolio.</para>
<para>On election to government, Don Grimes was the deputy Senate leader, part of Bob Hawke's leadership group in a cabinet of just 13. It was there he drove three profound changes that live on today. The first was the implementation of the assets test for the pension. Don Grimes believed in equity and a strong safety net that was sustainable. He met very heavy opposition, but it is to his credit that, even today, the foundations he laid still remain. As the social services minister who reformed those asset tests parameters six years ago, I understand the importance and complexity as well as the risk associated with what he achieved. I thank him for his legacy, as well as the significance of the foundation.</para>
<para>The second was in disability services. He established the Disability Advisory Council, because people with disabilities were not part of the policy conversations that were shaping their lives. All too often, it was institutions who spoke for them, and sometimes not with their interests at heart. He was responsible for the Disability Services Act, which, for the first time, linked government funding of organisations to outcomes for people with a disability.</para>
<para>His third most significant achievement related to Australia's response to the AIDS epidemic. As a physician, Don Grimes understood epidemiology. He knew Australia had to move quickly on AIDS, but he was also aware of the fear and prejudice that could hinder Australia's response. With the health minister not part of the cabinet, it fell to him, working with the health minister, Neal Blewett, to convince the cabinet to act. It helped immensely that he was a doctor. And they had an ally in Dr Peter Baume, who was on the opposition front bench, who said, 'You take care of Labor and you leave the Libs to me.'</para>
<para>Don Grimes was the first minister to answer a question in parliament on AIDS and the first minister to raise AIDS in cabinet. As he later told Troy Bramston: 'I had lots of conversations about AIDS. Hawke and Keating and some others initially were very suspicious about the seriousness of AIDS and HIV. We talked it over and, as a government, we handled that issue very well.' True that is. It is to the everlasting credit of Don Grimes, Neal Blewett and Peter Baume that Australia did handle it so well. Untold thousands of lives were saved.</para>
<para>For Don Grimes, life spectacularly intervened in the second term of the Hawke government when he had a massive heart attack. To use the vernacular of that time, he had 'an appointment with the Black+Decker'—open heart surgery, a triple bypass—and it did change him. He quit the cigarettes, cut back on the alcohol and became a daily walker, and he kept it up and lived another 36 years—a lesson to us all. It was possibly during one of those walks that he had an epiphany. He said, 'If you stand up on Black Mountain, you'll see all these roads leading to Canberra, but it's an illusion. In fact, all these roads are leading away from Canberra, and that is the more important direction to go.' Fair point.</para>
<para>On leaving the parliament, Don Grimes served as the Australian Ambassador to the Netherlands, and as ambassador he chaired the WHO's committee on AIDS in prisons. In keeping with his outward-looking ethos, Don Grimes returned to Australia and chaired the Australian National Council on AIDS. His deputy chair was Dr Peter Baume, continuing a long bipartisan partnership between the two doctors.</para>
<para>Don Grimes was a very practical man, a man of great consequence, of whom we in this place, on both sides of the House, can be very proud that he served here and achieved all the things that he has. His family and his party can be proud of his contribution, and we particularly thank his family for his great service to our country. On behalf of the government, I extend to his children, Roger, Jan, Jenny, Sally and Ben, and his wider family the condolences of the government and the parliament and the gratitude of the Australian people. May he rest in peace.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What possible hope was there for a boy growing up in a house where there was little to read but copies of <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>? A council librarian was able to steer the young Don Grimes towards broader pastures, but those household <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline>s did the job for this son of a nurse, and a fitter and turner. By the time he made his own debut in <inline font-style="italic">Hansard</inline> as a general practitioner and Labor branch secretary turned senator for Tasmania, he hit the ground running.</para>
<para>It wasn't long until he was combining his medical experience with his political values, going in to bat in the debate on the Whitlam government's two Medibank bills. Health care, he said, was a core element of social security and, as such, ought to be funded from progressive taxation. Bear in mind that, at that time, some tried mounting the argument that the Medibank bills amounted to communism. As his colleagues soon learned, he was not afraid to criticise his own side as well. Nevertheless, this egalitarian, whose sense of politics had been fired by the Vietnam War, eventually became Whitlam's shadow minister for social security. He set out his plans for fundamental social security reform, underpinned by the Labor principle that it was not a privilege but a right that ensured all Australians could live in freedom and dignity.</para>
<para>Throughout the term of the Fraser government, Don embarked on the noble cause of making Labor electable again. With the election of the Hawke government, Don became social security minister, then community affairs minister. He made good on an election pledge by creating the Disability Advisory Council of Australia. He called it a new deal for people with disabilities, one that provided a proper recognition of their rights and dignity and opportunity for the fullest possible participation in the community.</para>
<para>Alongside health minister Neal Blewett, Don was also part of our response to the emergence of AIDS. Don was one of the key reasons that Australia managed so much more humanely than so many other countries. I believe our response was the best in the world, and countless lives were saved.</para>
<para>The years were not always smooth. There were challenges and disagreements from time to time within the party. There was even a heart attack. This, he was at pains to point out, happened after a very good dinner with Bob Hawke, Peter Walsh, Paul Keating and John Dawkins, to which Don added, 'He didn't blame them for it.'</para>
<para>Don Grimes made a difference. Michael Tate called him the 'quiet revolutionary' for his contribution to social policy. Neal Blewett declared him the architect of much of Labor's social reform agenda. Rosemary Crowley said that he was a very strong feminist. As she took stock of all that Don had achieved, Susan Ryan said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">He has done all of those things without great fuss, without pomposity or high-flown rhetoric … he is kind, decent and humane.</para></quote>
<para>He was true to these qualities in his rich life beyond this place, including a stint as ambassador to the Netherlands and fitting recognition as an Officer of the Order of Australia. Throughout it all, he carried with him the sentiment at the heart of his farewell to the Senate when he said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It is considered fairly old-fashioned to talk about a loving and caring society. In fact, it is fashionable to suggest that we no longer have that sort of society; that it is impossible to develop and improve society in that direction. I believe very firmly that that is not true.</para></quote>
<para>He finished by expressing his confidence that his fellow senators would keep working to improve society. Don couldn't resist adding the qualifier:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… probably even more efficiently in my absence.</para></quote>
<para>Of course, that bit of self-deprecation was not justified. Don was very much loved in our party, and everyone on this side of the House wants to pay tribute to him.</para>
<para>Don was too much of a realist to believe in utopias, but he did very much believe in a better Australia. May his children Roger, Jan, Jenny, Sally and Ben feel consoled by the knowledge that Don used his life to make so much of a positive difference. May he rest in peace.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MINISTRY</title>
        <page.no>51</page.no>
        <type>MINISTRY</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Temporary Arrangements</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the House that the Minister for Trade, Tourism and Investment will be absent from question time today and for the remainder of the week. The Treasurer will answer questions on his behalf in the Trade, Tourism and Investment portfolio, and I will answer questions on his behalf in the Foreign Affairs and the International Development and the Pacific portfolio. The Minister for Veterans' Affairs will also be absent from question time today. The Minister for Defence will answer questions on his behalf.</para>
<para>To add to the ministerial representations arrangements I referred to yesterday for the Minister for Defence Industry but also the Minister for Science and Technology, questions relating to the Minister for Science and Technology will be handled by the Minister for Energy.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</title>
        <page.no>51</page.no>
        <type>QUESTIONS WITHOUT NOTICE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Domestic, Family And Sexual Violence</title>
          <page.no>51</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is addressed to the Prime Minister. Just now at the National Press Club we heard Ms Grace Tame and Ms Brittany Higgins deliver powerful calls for change. Will the Prime Minister act on their call by taking real action, including by adopting firm targets in the national plan to end violence against women and children?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I welcome the question from the Leader of the Opposition and commend all of those who've worked so hard to ensure that issues, particularly those regarding ending domestic violence and violence against women—and children, for that matter—across this country, receive such national prominence. And that's what the national plan is all about. The national plan to end violence against women is a bipartisan, multijurisdictional commitment that was begun by Prime Minister Gillard. At that time, it was supported by the coalition in opposition, and it has been most heavily supported by the coalition in government.</para>
<para>Some $2 billion was invested when the plan was first announced. It was combined with funding of that order. Indeed, there weren't initially federal commitments to the funding of the national plan because the national plan was principally about dealing with issues that were being addressed by the states and the territories. Now, that continues, but in the most recent budget some $1.1 billion was invested as a down payment, with further resources to be committed to that plan to ensure that we do everything we possibly can to support the very important cause of ending violence against women. So we will be working continually through that cooperative, bipartisan—multipartisan, I should say—process and supporting that national plan in a way that no previous government has, and we will continue those investments, because they are getting those results.</para>
<para>Since 2013, $2 billion has already been committed to and spent on women's safety by this government, and $1.1 billion has been committed to women's safety in the package that was handed down by the Treasurer in the budget for 2021-22. Most recently, to support those programs, there is also $165 million in escaping-violence payments. There is $73 million for the Safe Places Emergency Accommodation Program. That's assisting some 6,340 people escaping family and domestic violence each year. There's $22 million to establish a domestic violence and sexual violence commission to oversee the implementation of the next national plan to end violence against women and children. There's $26.2 million to create a safe space online for women and children. This includes funding for the eSafety Commissioner to bolster its team investigating cyberbullying and harmful online content. Since 2016 there has been $73 million for multiple prevention campaigns, including Stop it at the Start and Help is Here.</para>
<para>So, yes, we will join all others in this place in ensuring that we have targets that are set out collectively and agreed together and, more important than that, in putting in place funding, as we have demonstrated as a government since we were first elected and even in our most recent budget, to ensure the federal government is doing its part to end violence against women and children in this country.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Domestic, Family And Sexual Violence, Women's Economic Security</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs McINTOSH</name>
    <name.id>281513</name.id>
    <electorate>Lindsay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Will the Prime Minister please update the House on actions the Morrison government is taking to improve the safety and economic security of women and girls?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Lindsay for her question. I thank the member for Lindsay and the many members of my team for the incredible job they have done in supporting the government in framing the policies that go to the very question that the member has asked of preventing violence against women in this country, of improving their safety and, indeed, of improving the economic security of women and girls.</para>
<para>Yesterday, when we acknowledged and apologised for the unacceptable history of workplace bullying, sexual harassment and sexual assault here in Commonwealth parliamentary workplaces, was an important occasion in this place. But, as we all know, these issues are not isolated to this workplace or to this place more broadly, not even as a workplace. These issues affect Australians all over the country. So, in answer to the Leader of the Opposition's question, I set out the very significant investments that we as a government have been making—but not on our own; in partnership—as part of a national plan. From those who are working at the coalface on this issue all the way through to those designing policy in the states and territories, not-for-profit organisations and the Commonwealth government, they have pulled together. I thank all of them for their tremendous work. It's very important work. As I said, it's work that began under Prime Minister Gillard and has continued under my prime ministership and all of those in between with, I think, an equally shared passion and commitment, and our government will continue to do that.</para>
<para>Another very important area where the government has acted on the safety of women is in the area of women's health. This morning I heard a very brave story from Amy Phillips, who lives here in Canberra. She has three boys, nine, 16 and 17, and she is suffering from ovarian cancer. Today was the Ovarian Cancer Australia breakfast. The Teal Support Program, which has been so important in her experience, began some years ago. This government supported Ovarian Cancer Australia. We committed, on a bipartisan basis this morning—the Leader of the Opposition made a similar commitment—to see that program continue into the future. But that backs in some $21 million, particularly for ovarian cancer research, which has been so important in supporting women in that position.</para>
<para>There's also Lynparza and the many other drugs that have been approved under the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. I think it is 285—sorry, I correct myself. Eight hundred and fifty-seven new medicines have been listed on the PBS, just since the last election, and for women in particular there's the listing of Kisqali and the listing of Oripro, which is to prevent women from going into premature labour. There are the two days of paid miscarriage leave for miscarriages, the national stillbirth action plan, improvements to the cervical and breast cancer screening programs, the endometriosis action plan— <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Inquiry into Sexual Harassment in Australian Workplaces</title>
          <page.no>52</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms WELLS</name>
    <name.id>264121</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Why didn't the Prime Minister agree to the recommendation of the <inline font-style="italic">R</inline><inline font-style="italic">espect</inline><inline font-style="italic">@W</inline><inline font-style="italic">ork</inline> report that employers have a positive duty to protect workers from sexual harassment in the workplace?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Forty-two of the 55 recommendations of the <inline font-style="italic">R</inline><inline font-style="italic">espect</inline><inline font-style="italic">@W</inline><inline font-style="italic">ork</inline> report are fully implemented and are fully funded, with over $60 million in commitments, and work is underway on all of the recommendations.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Security</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHARMA</name>
    <name.id>274506</name.id>
    <electorate>Wentworth</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Australia is facing one of the most significant shifts in our global and regional security environment since before the Second World War. Will the Prime Minister please inform the House how strong and principled beliefs and actions are necessary to keep Australians safe during these uncertain times?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for his question. He brings much experience to the management of these international issues, certainly in the coalition ranks, and I thank him for his service in the diplomatic corps.</para>
<para>Australia is facing one of the most challenging international environments and regional environments we've seen since the Second World War. The response of our government has been very clear as to how we're going to address those challenges. The first of those responses is this government will always stand up for the values of Australia. We will always stand up against coercion—we will always call it out—we will always put our national interests first, and we will never, ever trade away our values and those of the Australian people. And we have been commended for that approach. Earlier today I was able, as was the Minister for Foreign Affairs, to meet with the Lithuanian foreign minister. It's another country in Europe that understands what it's like to be coerced by those in our region—one in particular. We will continue to stand up for Australia's values in the face of threats and coercion.</para>
<para>Secondly, the way you keep Australia's resilience strong is by keeping your economy strong, because if you don't have a strong economy then you cannot invest in the defence capabilities, intelligence capabilities, law enforcement capabilities that are necessary to keep Australian safe, whether it's protecting our borders or whether it's ensuring we're investing in the defence capabilities that are necessary. You've got to defend Australia and you've got to be prepared to defend Australia and commit to those assets, whether it is the once-in-a-generation opportunity we now have to build a nuclear submarine capability in this country, brought about by this government through the AUKUS arrangements we were able to put in place, or the many other defence acquisitions and developments we are engaged in at this very time.</para>
<para>But it's also about defending Australia here within the country and ensuring that we're standing up when it comes to organised crime or counterterrorism threats or things of that nature. It's about building our alliances and partnerships, whether it's being the first country ever to have a comprehensive strategic partnership with the ASEAN nations or the reboot and revamp of the Quad, which is so important for regional security. We've had the securing of the AUKUS arrangement, the most significant development in our relations with United States and the United Kingdom—particularly with the United States—since ANZUS. That is enabling us to keep Australians safe.</para>
<para>And it's about always standing up and championing a world order that favours freedom. That's what this government will always do and that's why Australians have always trusted the coalition parties when it comes to national security, where we'll never have an each-way bet.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Inquiry into Sexual Harassment in Australian Workplaces</title>
          <page.no>53</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate>Watson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. Why did the government vote against implementing the <inline font-style="italic">Respect@Work</inline> report recommendation to establish a positive duty on employers to protect workers from sexual harassment in the workplace?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the shadow minister and the Prime Minister for the opportunity to respond to the question about the <inline font-style="italic">Respect@Work</inline> report.</para>
<para>The question goes particularly to positive duty. Recommendation 17 of the <inline font-style="italic">Respect@Work</inline> report, about positive duty, will require further consideration and consultation to examine the merits and to ensure that such a duty would operate effectively alongside duties that already exist under work health and safety laws and the Sex Discrimination Act. That includes ensuring that additional complexity is not created for those seeking to use the protections. Significant thought also needs to be given before providing the Australian Human Rights Commission with inquiry and regulatory powers for discrimination and harassment in addition to its existing dispute-resolution function.</para>
<para>I make the point that work is underway on all remaining recommendations. As the Prime Minister rightly said, 42 of the 55 recommendations have been either fully implemented or funded. The Morrison government has made significant progress on implementing the <inline font-style="italic">Respect@Work</inline> report recommendations and will continue to do so. Work is underway on all remaining recommendations, noting that four recommendations were of course directed at the private sector, not at government.</para>
<para>I want to assure the House, and to clear up the unfortunate confusion that may have been generated by the shadow minister's question: no recommendations have been rejected. I make that very clear: no recommendations have been rejected.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania: Health Care</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WILKIE</name>
    <name.id>C2T</name.id>
    <electorate>Clark</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Health and Aged Care. The latest <inline font-style="italic">Report on government services</inline> highlights again that Tasmania's health system is one of the worst in the country. Indeed, 42 per cent of patients presenting to Tasmanian emergency departments wait longer than recommended times, and the median wait for elective surgery is 65 days—and up to 588 days for some patients. The impact of all this, obviously, is devastating, and just hoping that the situation will improve is madness. Clearly, a solution is needed that includes more funding and expert advice. Minister, as it's clear that the Tasmanian government is incapable of fixing the mess, will you intervene and help sort it out?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:28</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUNT</name>
    <name.id>00AMV</name.id>
    <electorate>Flinders</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to thank the member for Clark for his question. The Australian government has contributed to a significant increase and expansion in Tasmania's hospital capacity and funding. We've gone from approximately $291 million of funding in the year prior to coming to government to $511 million, or a 75 per cent increase in the previous full year. That will increase, however, significantly over the course of the current five-year hospitals agreement, which will see an approximate $615 million increase against the last agreement over this five-year period.</para>
<para>What we see is that we will have gone from $291 million of Commonwealth funding to $511 million of Commonwealth funding, and that will continue to increase to what is likely to be almost $600 million of funding—a doubling of funding and beyond in our time and on our watch. That's adding significant capacity and capability to the Tasmanian hospital system.</para>
<para>In addition to that, during the course of COVID—the member is correct—right around the country, where there have been pauses in elective surgery, that has had an impact on people. We have specifically supported the Tasmanian hospital system with $145 million of COVID funding in addition to that, which has been put in place through the National Health Reform Agreement and through the COVID national partnership with the states and territories. That $145 million is specifically designed to address precisely the issue that the member has raised. In addition to that, under this Prime Minister, we also allocated $20 million expressly and exclusively focused towards a catch-up in elective surgery in Tasmania. That's in place and that's providing 6,000 surgeries, which are able to help people with all manner of conditions achieve the outcomes they so significantly need to assist themselves.</para>
<para>Tasmania itself has also been contributing. I would note the vaccination rate in Tasmania is above 99 per cent for first doses and 96.8 per cent for second doses. Each is about three per cent ahead of the already high national average, which is world leading. Tasmania has added 870 staff to its health system since July 2020, 152 new beds and 367 ventilators. I did hear recently that 'we haven't had enough ventilators in Australia'. That statement was false. That statement was in relation to a country which, at peak ventilation capacity for COVID, required 206 machines. We have 7½ thousand ventilators in Australia. The Leader of the Opposition made that statement, and it was plainly false. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Infrastructure: Regional Australia</title>
          <page.no>54</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Deputy Prime Minister. Will the Deputy Prime Minister please outline to the House how the Morrison-Joyce government responded to supply chain challenges in the Northern Territory and South Australia as a result of recent floods, and specifically how has this supported my home state of Western Australia?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOYCE</name>
    <name.id>e5d</name.id>
    <electorate>New England</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable member for his question. I note also his very strong support and continual fight for the maintenance of the live sheep and live cattle industry—incredibly important to the people of Western Australia.</para>
<para>On 21 January, a once-in-a-lifetime or once-in-a-200-year flooding event occurred in the deserts between Western Australia, South Australia and the Northern Territory due to 200 millimetres of rain. This brought about the loss or damage of about 300 kilometres of rail track near Tarcoola and also north into Darwin and the Northern Territory.</para>
<para>It was a great testament to our nation, on all levels of government, how we worked together to make sure the food continued to go into the shelves of Perth and into the shelves of Darwin. The government immediately engaged with industry and jurisdictions to keep freight moving and maintain food supplies and essential items to Western Australia and the Northern Territory. The National Coordination Mechanism was established to co-ordinate arrangements. The National Heavy Vehicle Regulator secured approval from South Australia, New South Wales and Queensland for triple road trains to operate via defined routes to carry essential food and grocery items to the Northern Territory, with trucks operating from 29 January. I had a lot of work to do with the Western Australian transport minister, Minister Rita Saffioti, and I would like to commend her for the way that we worked together in such a form as to keep food on the shelves in Western Australia.</para>
<para>On 31 January I issued a coastal shipping exemption to allow commercial vessels to carry goods to Western Australia without requiring a temporary permit until 22 March. Shipping companies have responded strongly, and I've already contracted 60,000 tonnes to move via sea. The government also arranged for the ADF to airlift essential supplies into Coober Pedy, with 13 flights from 31 January to 4 February. On 2 February the government established a hybrid road and rail bridge, providing connectivity between Whyalla and Kalgoorlie via road trains moving 5,000 pallets per week.</para>
<para>This shows the capacity of our side, working with the Western Australian government, to manage our nation and to keep food on the table, to follow a process where we need to make sure the shelves of the supermarkets of Perth have food on their shelves. We managed to avert what could have been a major crisis. It wasn't just the food; it was also the essential elements so that their drinking water could be maintained in a potable form. This is a clear example of how the management of this side of the chamber is in such exemplary form that such a major crisis was averted and it didn't make the news. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Members of Parliament: Staff</title>
          <page.no>55</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. A year ago the Prime Minister told the House he'd asked his former chief of staff to investigate what his office knew and when about the reported assault of Ms Higgins, just metres from his office. How is it possible that he still doesn't know who in his office knew what and when?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just before I call the Prime Minister, I do want to make a statement about this, and I'd ask all members for their very careful attention. Members know that sometimes during proceedings they might refer to specific or more general legal matters. From time to time, Speakers find it necessary to remind members about the powerful privilege of freedom of speech which attaches to those contributions. With this privilege comes the responsibility for us all to choose our words very carefully, with due regard to potential consequences. This is especially so in relation to remarks about a specific criminal matter where charges have been laid. The sub judice convention of the House is one guide to us in exercising the free speech privilege responsibly.</para>
<para>I'd like to take this opportunity to remind members that, while the House has an inherent right to inquire into and debate matters of public importance, at the same time the Speaker has discretion to ensure that the House does not set itself up as an alternative forum to the courts or that proceedings of the House do not interfere with the course of justice. It's natural that members might take a special interest in a criminal matter which relates to the parliament or the parliamentary precincts. Nevertheless, such an aspect does not relieve us of our responsibilities. I therefore remind all members to exercise the rights they have as members responsibly in order not to risk prejudicing any court proceedings.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Secretary Gaetjens advised in August 2021 that he had suspended his inquiry until the criminal proceedings had been finalised. This was based—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>More cover-up!</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Isaacs is warned.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This was based on legal advice following the ACT DPP's position that any further action on the Gaetjens inquiry could be highly prejudicial to those proceedings. I take the interjection from the member for Isaacs. If he believes that we should act contrary to the advice we have received on that matter as the alternative senior law officer—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Prime Minister will resume his seat. The Manager of Opposition Business on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Because of previous questions, I can understand the Prime Minister might have thought this was something different, but in terms of direct relevance this is not a question about the Gaetjens report. This is a question about whether or not it's possible that the Prime Minister still does not himself know the answer to this.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question does go to the investigation that was engaged by the Prime Minister with his chief of staff in relation to the delay that's been spoken of in the question. I'll ask the Prime Minister to return to the question. I don't think you're far off it, Prime Minister, as far as relevance is concerned, but I would ask you to deal with the delay issue, please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Both the point of order and the question assert conclusions that have not been found. Secondly, the DPP's position is that any further action on the Gaetjens inquiry could be highly prejudicial to those proceedings. The member for Isaacs, as the alternative senior law officer of this country, who would so willingly ask the government to disregard such advice, reflects appallingly on his own legal judgement and why he'd be ever unfit to hold that office.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
<para> </para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Members on my left, the interjections are far too high. If I can't hear the Prime Minister when points of order are taken, it makes my life very difficult as the Speaker.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr YOUNG</name>
    <name.id>201906</name.id>
    <electorate>Longman</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] My question is to the Treasurer. Will the Treasurer remind the House of the Morrison government's strong record of helping families and small businesses keep more of the money they earn through tax cuts? How are the Morrison government's tax reforms securing Australia's economic recovery, and is the Treasurer aware of any alternative approaches?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
    <electorate>Kooyong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Longman for his question. I had the opportunity to visit his electorate in recent weeks and do a small-business forum with him, and I recognise his experience and background in small business. The next election is only months away, and a key battleline will be tax. The coalition's values, its record and its policies speak to one thing: lower taxes.</para>
<para>The same cannot be said about the Labor Party. We have, since coming to government, cut taxes for families. So somebody on $60,000 a year is paying $2,160 less tax today than they did when Labor was in office. We've cut taxes for small business down to their lowest level in 50 years, and we've put the biggest investment incentives through the tax system in Australia's history, all of which—</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasurer will resume his seat. I'm going to issue a general warning. The interjections are too high. I don't need to issue a warning; I can act under 94(a) without issuing a warning. I've tried to be as lenient as I possibly can. All members have now been warned. The Treasurer has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Mr Speaker. Our tax cuts have helped the Australian economy have a strong recovery from the biggest economic shock since the Great Depression. The fact is that unemployment today is at a 13-year low of 4.2 per cent, compared to 5.7 per cent when Labor was last in office.</para>
<para>Our tax cuts have been opposed every step of the way by this Leader of the Labor Party—a leader of the Labor Party who has never held a Treasury portfolio, a leader of the Labor Party who attacked our tax cuts for families and called them 'the top end of town', a leader of the Labor Party who's too weak to stand up to the Greens and the unions, and a leader of the Labor Party who, every day of his political career, has stood for higher taxes. The Leader of the Labor Party has stood for a carbon tax. He's stood for a mining tax. He's advocated for a congestion tax. He advocated for higher superannuation taxes, higher income taxes, a housing tax, a retirees tax and a tax on family businesses.</para>
<para>But most damning of all is the Leader of the Opposition—the Leader of the Labor Party—standing and advocating for death duties. Yesterday, in this House, he called that a lie, but this is what he said, in his own words, to Labor's centenary conference: 'Comrade Chair, I am pleased to move this resolution, which is calling on the government to consider the imposition of an inheritance tax.' The Leader of the Labor Party might want a fact-free election, but the fact is this Leader of the Labor Party stands for higher taxes—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasurer will resume his seat.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Did you have a point of order? The Treasurer has resumed his—I think he's completed his answer. Just before I call the member for Rankin, I want to reiterate that it is very difficult to hear anyone at the dispatch box when there is a wall of noise. I will act under 94(a). The difficulty I have is that everyone's wearing masks, and it's often hard to see whose mouths are moving. That shouldn't be a licence to carry on.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Taxation</title>
          <page.no>56</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer and refers to his answer just now. Has the current coalition government taxed Australians more or less than the last Labor government?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
    <electorate>Kooyong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The hapless member for Rankin, a shadow of a shadow Treasurer, forgets one basic economic fact—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasurer will resume his seat for one moment. The Treasurer was asked about the differences between the government's taxes and the opposition's taxes. The Treasurer will remain relevant to the question, and that doesn't give the Treasurer a licence to immediately launch into an attack on the member for Rankin.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Today, if you're a part-time teacher or a part-time nurse or if you're working in a trade and you earn $60,000 a year, you pay $2,160 less tax under this coalition than when Labor was last in office. You pay $2,160 less tax today than when Labor was last in office. The member for Rankin should know this because it's in the budget papers. When it comes to a tax-to-GDP ratio in 2021-22 we are expecting 22.3, in 2022-23 we're expecting 21.4, because we've legislated significant tax cuts. At the last election the shadow Treasurer stood there with the member for McMahon and advocated for a housing tax, a retirees tax, a superannuation tax and a family business tax. You know what the tax-to-GDP ratio would have been under the Labor Party today? It's 22.3, but it would have been 25.9 per cent.</para>
<para>The reality is that every day that we have been in government we have been looking for opportunities to cut taxes. Every day Labor was in government—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Dunkley will leave under 94(a).</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Dunkley then left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, Mr Speaker, on relevance. It was a very short question. The Treasurer's given some of the answers, which are both higher than the 21.7 per cent, which was the maximum under Labor, which was the figure in 2008-9—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Leader of the Opposition, the point of order is not an opportunity to state your policies or past policies.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to help the Leader of the Opposition, because he's never held a treasury portfolio, but the economy is some $500 billion bigger today than when Labor left office. There are some 1.7 million more Australians in work today than when Labor left office. There are some one million more women in work today than when Labor left office. I've got a news flash for the Leader of the Opposition: when more people are in work more people are paying tax and fewer people are on welfare. And I can tell you right now that the company tax rate for small businesses, which motivates those on this side of the House, is 25c in the dollar, which is the lowest level in 50 years. We have legislated through the parliament tax cuts that reform the tax system so that 95 per cent of income earners pay a marginal rate of no more than 30c in the dollar, so if you're earning between $45,000 and $200,000 you'll pay a marginal rate of no more than 30c in the dollar.</para>
<para>We can't match the Labor Party for a carbon tax, we can't match the Labor Party for a mining tax, we can't match the Leader of the Opposition on a congestion tax and we can't match the Leader of the Opposition on death duties. But what we can do is cut taxes for Australian families and small businesses, and that's what we do every single day. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Member for Rankin! Member for Chifley! The member for Chifley will leave under 94(a).</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Chifley then left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Member for Rankin, I am mindful of precedents that some degree of greater leniency is provided to the front bench, and that is the only reason why you're still sitting there.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Economy</title>
          <page.no>57</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ALLEN</name>
    <name.id>282986</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Treasurer. Will the Treasurer inform the House of how the Morrison government's strong economic management is driving thousands of new jobs around the country every week, which has the unemployment rate on the path to its lowest level in 50 years, and is the Treasurer aware of any alternative approaches?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
    <electorate>Kooyong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Higgins for the question and acknowledge her deep experience in the medical field before coming to this place. I had the opportunity to visit a local cafe in her electorate, Eden Espresso, and to meet Jed, the owner. He employs 20 staff. He told us how JobKeeper had been critical to that business's survival. Now the customers are coming back through the doors and he is looking to the year ahead with confidence, and so too are many other Australian businesses, despite the challenges we face. Yesterday there was a NAB business survey. The NAB business survey saw—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Macarthur will leave under 94(a).</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Macarthur then left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>a 15-point increase in business confidence, a 15-point increase into positive territory, with the chief economist pointing to the expectation of a strong economic recovery. Our focus since coming to government has been on jobs. Despite the biggest economic shock since the Great Depression, today we have an unemployment rate of 4.2 per cent, a 13-year low that is on track to a 50-year low. We have 1.7 million more Australians in work today than when we came into government, one million more women in work today than when we came into government and a record number of Australians in a trade apprenticeship. That's a clear contrast from those opposite, with one in eight manufacturing jobs lost under the Labor Party and one million fewer women in work. We will continue to invest in skills, we will continue to invest in infrastructure, we will continue to invest in tax cuts, we will continue to invest in the digital economy and we will continue to invest in our sovereign manufacturing capability to create more jobs. But we can't take this economic recovery for granted. The biggest risk to the economic recovery is the Leader of the Opposition, the leader of the Labor Party, somebody who has never held a Treasury portfolio, somebody who attacks tax cuts for families as being for the top end of town and a leader of the Labor Party too weak to stand up to the unions and the Greens.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Treasurer will resume his seat. The Manager of Opposition Business on a point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On direct relevance: I have a series of precedents here of rulings with respect to when alternative approaches have been referred to in questions where it has been made clear that it's not an opportunity to give a character assessment. I have got them here: 3 August 2021, 2 June 2021, 1 June 2021, 26 May 2021—all the same ruling, ruling out exactly what the Treasurer is now doing. I ask you to draw him back to the question.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have actually done some of my own homework on this particular issue and there has been quite a difference of opinion by Speakers throughout recent years on this issue about alternatives. It is a very challenging area. A lot of Speakers have spoken in the past about how difficult it is to rule on these things. Some Speakers have previously refused or disallowed any part of the question that has those taglines at the end of them. That hasn't been the practice of the Speaker immediately before me in relation to alternative approaches or alternative policies. It does not then give the member answering the question carte blanche to undertake a gratuitous character assessment. That has been the approach of Speaker Smith. I'm happy to take the chamber through the many instances when he has found that, but I don't want to detain the House for an inordinate period. I believe that is the appropriate course, and I would ask the Treasurer to return to the substance of the question.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's all about creating jobs. This is a Leader of the Opposition who doesn't like scrutiny, who doesn't like focuses on his record. In opposition—</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It goes to the member completely—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Morrison</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>What—is this a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Yes, it's a point of order. You're not in the chair; the Speaker is. He's in charge.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the Opposition will come to the point of order.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The point of order is the Treasurer is completely defying your ruling. You just made a clear ruling. He stood up and then just went straight back to where he was.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is where the term 'character assessment' is obviously a very subjective one. I would ask the Treasurer to return to the issue of alternative approaches and not address character assessments, please.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FRYDENBERG</name>
    <name.id>FKL</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Labor Party talk a big game in opposition, but their record in government was very different. They talk about secure work, yet the unemployment rate was 5.7 per cent. It's 4.2 per cent today. They talk about wages; real wages were falling when Labor were last in government. They talk about cost of living; electricity prices doubled. They talk about lower taxes; they took to the Australian people $387 billion of higher taxes. This Leader of the Opposition and this Labor Party stand for higher taxes, more spending and a weaker Australian economy.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Prime Minister</title>
          <page.no>58</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
    <electorate>Corio</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Deputy Prime Minister, and I refer to his official statement on Saturday. Can the Deputy Prime Minister confirm he has served with the Prime Minister in the parliament for 15 years and he has served with the Prime Minister in the cabinet for six years, including as Deputy Prime Minister? When the Deputy Prime Minister says of the Prime Minister, 'He is a hypocrite and a liar from my observations and that is over a long time,' he knows what he's talking about, doesn't he?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The challenge I have is that you can't just quote someone else who's using an unparliamentary term. I'm happy to hear from—</para>
<para class="italic">Opposition members interjecting —</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>To use the term 'liar' is unparliamentary, and there have been many examples where it has been ruled as unparliamentary. The fact that it is used as a quote by anyone—it doesn't matter who it is—doesn't negate the fact that it's unparliamentary and shouldn't be used.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I really don't think I need to hear from you. Member for Corio, do you want to reword the question, if you want to be heard on that?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just in terms of the precedents—and the <inline font-style="italic">Practice</inline> is clear about not being able to evade it by putting someone else's words in your mouth, in terms of the issue with quotations—we are dealing with something new here, where the quote using the unparliamentary language is from the very minister we are asking the question of. Of all the precedents, we haven't had that before, and it is reasonable for that to be tested in the House.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm happy to hear from the Leader of the House.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>It's relevant because there was reference to a statement made by the Deputy Prime Minister, so we accept that point. But the assertion that this is somehow requiring a new ruling by you, the Speaker, is a nonsense and a concoction by the honourable member opposite. The reality is that the <inline font-style="italic">Practice</inline> is clear in relation to this; it can't be subverted. I think the ruling is clear, particularly given your words earlier. It doesn't need reinterpretation. It's a cute attempt to work around it, but it's without any substance.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the House will resume his seat. I'm going to rule on the issue. I'm not aware of a similar instance of this happening before, so, in my view, the precedents are very clear that you can't use a quote to correct an unparliamentary term, and that applies equally in this instance as it does at all times. I'm happy to allow the Deputy Leader of the Opposition to reword the question. The Deputy Leader of the Opposition has the call.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MARLES</name>
    <name.id>HWQ</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Deputy Prime Minister. I refer to his official statement on Saturday. Can the Deputy Prime Minister confirm he has served with the Prime Minister in the parliament for 15 years and he has served with the Prime Minister in the cabinet for six years, including as Deputy Prime Minister? So, when the Deputy Prime Minister made his observations about the Prime Minister, he knew exactly what he was talking about, didn't he?</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOYCE</name>
    <name.id>e5d</name.id>
    <electorate>New England</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable member for his question. I've also worked in the parliament with you for about the same period of time, so I suppose anything I wish to say about you must also therefore be true.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Deputy Prime Minister, when you refer to 'you', you're referring to me as chair.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOYCE</name>
    <name.id>e5d</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Corio. I've been working with the member for Corio for about the same period of time, so, using his logic, anything I say about him, or anything I say about the member for Grayndler, will also sound—I've been working the whole time with the member for Grayndler. What I can say is that the only time I've worked as the Deputy Prime Minister with the member for Cook as the Prime Minister is in this—and I can tell you what is different, because I've never worked with the Prime Minister on defending our nation till we've worked together now, something that's so vitally important.</para>
<para>I know those in the Greens-Labor opposition do not have a view to the defence of our nation like this Prime Minister has a view to the defence of our nation. I've worked with this Prime Minister as we've built dams. I know that, on the Greens-Labor opposition, you can't actually get the Greens across the line for the construction of infrastructure. I've worked with this Prime Minister as we've built the inland rail, and that's vitally important—something the Labor Party and the Greens never did. I've worked with this Prime Minister as we've dealt with one of the greatest pandemics of modern time, and during that period we had one of the greatest successes because we had one of the lowest fatality rates of anywhere in the globe. Our working relationship has made sure that we've kept this nation safe.</para>
<para>Working with this Prime Minister and the Treasurer, we now have unemployment down to 4.2 per cent. We have more Australians employed than, I believe, any time when the member for Grayndler has ever been in parliament in a Labor government. He's never had unemployment that low. We've got more Australians in work, as I work with this Prime Minister, than ever before. That is a pretty unique relationship, defending our nation, building for our nation and getting Australians into jobs. A million more women have work. I am only too happy to tell you of all the things, as I work with this Prime Minister. I believe that he is, quite obviously, the better choice at the next election to take Australia into a time where we have so many geopolitical issues that we need a competent hand at the tiller. We need a competent hand to be able to guide this nation through something that will be an incredibly complex time. So, yes, I absolutely stand by this person. This is a great Prime Minister, doing a great job. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Security</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr THOMPSON</name>
    <name.id>281826</name.id>
    <electorate>Herbert</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Defence. Will the minister inform the House of the Morrison government's commitment to and record in strengthening our national security and keeping Australians safe, and is the minister aware of any alternative approaches?</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
    <electorate>Dickson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the honourable member for his question, acknowledging his service to our country in uniform. The way in which he represents veterans in his electorate of Herbert in the greater Townsville community is greatly admired by the local residents in Townsville. Our commitment as a government to keeping our nation safe is demonstrated every day through our commitment to the men and women of the Australian Defence Force and the decisions that we've made to invest in them and in their skills, provide support to them and give them the equipment required to keep our country safe, not just today but into the future.</para>
<para>I've watched alternative policies—I'm asked about approaches—and I've watched the Labor Party over many years, particularly in the run-up to the 2007 election when with a straight face the Labor Party went to the Australian public and said that there is no difference between the Labor Party and the coalition when it comes to protecting our borders and in the defence of our nation. I've seen this movie before, and so I'm watching this Labor leader out there trotting out exactly the same lines as Kevin Rudd did in 2007, remembering of course that this Leader of the Opposition was trained by Kevin Rudd—he was the Deputy Prime Minister to Kevin Rudd. Labor were out there before 2007 saying they'd support the Defence Force. They're out there in 2022 saying that they'd support the Defence Force in exactly the same way as the Liberal Party did, if they were to win the next election.</para>
<para>I'll tell you what happened when Labor was in government and this man was the Deputy Prime Minister. They cut Defence spending, they took money away from those men and women who wear the uniform of this country, they took money out of investing in every program across Defence—across ASIO, across the Federal Police, across the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission—and our country was less safe because of this man. Do you know what? No lesson at all has been learned because he is repeating exactly the same mistake now. If you're worried about where China is and you're worried about where Russia is, if you're worried about the Ukraine, if you are worried about the geopolitical circumstances in this world and if you're worried about the uncertainty in the Indo-Pacific, you wouldn't vote for Labor at the next election.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Prime Minister</title>
          <page.no>60</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms McBAIN</name>
    <name.id>281988</name.id>
    <electorate>Eden-Monaro</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Prime Minister. When bushfires were threatening communities across my electorate, Gladys Berejiklian said she could not trust the Prime Minister, telling a Liberal cabinet minister the Prime Minister is 'more concerned with politics than people' and 'lives are at stake and he's just obsessed with petty political point-scoring'. Why was the Prime Minister obsessed with political point-scoring during the bushfires and why didn't he just do his job?</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the House, on a point of order?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, it's clear that that is not a statement that has been made by the former premier of New South Wales, and I think there's confirmation in relation to that.</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Leader of the House will stop for a moment; I can't hear. The member for Kingsford Smith should be skating in Beijing at the moment because he's on very thin ice. I'll get the Leader of the House to start again, please.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>We would be happy to approve the visa, Mr Speaker, for him to go to Beijing.</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Members on my right will also be quiet.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dutton</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Referring to an unsubstantiated media gossip speculation piece is completely out of order, Mr Speaker. This was not a statement made by the former premier of New South Wales. It is media speculation about a tweet that may have been sent to somebody who turns out not to have been a federal cabinet minister. The story goes on, but this is not a document that can be referred to or a statement that can be referred to, and it's certainly not within the Prime Minister's responsibility to respond to gossip. It should be ruled out of order on that basis.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll hear from the Manager of Opposition Business.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There's nothing unparliamentary in the quotation that's been provided. The question goes directly to the Prime Minister's responsibilities and the way he does those. What the Leader of the House is asking is for you to start to become the arbiter on the veracity of any quotation that is brought forward in this parliament, and, if that starts to become the role of the Speaker, I think it puts you in an impossible position and would be a real change in the way this House operates.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>As I indicated just yesterday, I cannot be an arbiter of fact as to whether something is true or not true or right or wrong. The question, from what I heard, which was not complete, was in order. I give the call to the Prime Minister.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:10</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As the former Premier said herself in her own statement, she did not confirm any such statement at all. She did not. In her own direct contact with me on this matter she has said likewise. This is what we've become used to from the opposition in putting these matters forward. It's not about policy. The Leader of the Opposition wants to have a character contest with me. Bring it on.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Security</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BELL</name>
    <name.id>282981</name.id>
    <electorate>Moncrieff</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>My question is to the Minister for Home Affairs. Will the minster please update the House on how the Morrison government's strong border management has helped keep Australians safe and now enabled the opening of our international border for tourists? Is the minister aware of any alternative approaches?</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The Deputy Prime Minister is warned.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The member for Gellibrand will leave under 94(a).</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">The member for Gellibrand then left the chamber.</inline></para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ANDREWS</name>
    <name.id>230886</name.id>
    <electorate>McPherson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for her question. Clearly the reopening of our international borders to fully vaccinated travellers in less than two weeks has been very well received on the Gold Coast, in the member's electorate of Moncrieff. The Gold Coast is a city that relies on tourism, but there are many destinations right across Australia that are also pretty excited about the fact that our international borders will be reopening in less than two weeks.</para>
<para>Our very swift and decisive action to close the borders at the beginning of the pandemic clearly meant that many lives were saved. It was a very essential action to make sure that our communities were going to be very safe throughout the pandemic. But we were always aware that we would need to reopen those borders as soon as we possibly could. We've faced a very rapidly evolving situation here. We have dealt with a whole range of challenges over the last two years. I mean 'we' very broadly. I speak not only of the government but also of the people of Australia. Because of the actions that have been taken, we are now in a very, very strong position to be able to fully open our borders to fully vaccinated travellers, and we are doing that from 21 February.</para>
<para>That has all been possible because we as a government have taken the very difficult decisions that we needed to take. The coalition government will always take the difficult decisions in protecting our borders because we know how important that is. That's whether it's biosecurity control, record drug seizures, making our ports and airports more secure, stopping criminals and paedophiles by cancelling their visas or, importantly, stopping the boats and cutting off the people-smuggling trade. That is part of the coalition's DNA.</para>
<para>I have been asked about alternative approaches. We've seen the outcome of an alternative policy, and that is more than 50,000 illegal arrivals on more than 800 boats where, tragically, more than 1,200 people lost their lives at sea. That was the reality. We know that Labor always likes to have an each-way bet. Before an election, they'll say that they're going to be strong on borders, but we know they've proved that that is actually not the reality. I can't bring myself to even contemplate what the border policy of a Labor-Greens government would be. The opposition leader has previously said that he could not turn back the boats. And we know that the member for Melbourne doesn't like the idea of borders at all. So imagine what the policy would be like if ever there were a Labor-Greens government here. What a power-sharing arrangement that would be. The people smugglers would be jumping for joy.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Morrison</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Mr Speaker, I ask that further questions be placed on the <inline font-style="italic">Notice Paper</inline>.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>61</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queen Elizabeth II: Platinum Jubilee</title>
          <page.no>61</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report from Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>61</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>62</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Presentation</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DUTTON</name>
    <name.id>00AKI</name.id>
    <electorate>Dickson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Documents are tabled in accordance with the list circulated to honourable members earlier today. Full details of the documents will be recorded in the <inline font-style="italic">Votes and Proceedings</inline>.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</title>
        <page.no>62</page.no>
        <type>MATTERS OF PUBLIC IMPORTANCE</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Aged Care</title>
          <page.no>62</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have received a letter from the honourable member for Hotham proposing that a definite matter of public importance be submitted to the House for discussion, namely:</para>
<quote><para class="block">"The years of Government neglect experienced by the aged care system, culminating in the crisis today"</para></quote>
<para>I call upon those honourable members who approve of the proposed discussion to rise in their places.</para>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">More than the number of members required by the standing orders having risen in their places—</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEIL</name>
    <name.id>140590</name.id>
    <electorate>Hotham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to start this matter of public importance today by making a confession. I was given the aged-care portfolio by the Leader of the Opposition about a year ago. And, prior to that, as a member of parliament, I have to be honest and say that aged care was probably more in my peripheral vision than front and centre, where it should have been. I wasn't paying enough attention. That's the honest truth.</para>
<para>It wasn't until I became the shadow minister that I sat down and read the interim report of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety in detail. The parliament knows that that report was entitled simply <inline font-style="italic">Neglect</inline>. The first 10 pages of that report are the most damming, shocking indictment of the neglect that has been shown by those on the other side of the House to aged care that you will ever see. I implore Australians: have a look at that report. What it showed us is not just the things that many of us had seen on the news, the fact that there are people in aged care who had maggots in their wounds. It told us about the endemic problems in this system, that there are problems in aged-care homes across this country with fundamental matters of care—things like the management of wounds, things like people sitting in urine and faeces because their aged-care homes were rationing continence pads. The royal commission called this system cruel and harmful. The words of one aged-care advocate were detailed in that report, and they still ring in my head today. It was a woman who said, 'Don't let this happen to anyone else.'</para>
<para>If this were happening to any group other than the aged, we would be marching on the streets in protest, but there is something wrong with the public debate about aged care in this country. I have watched in dismay in my role as this issue rolls onto the front pages as a new crisis comes, and then, days later, someone on the front bench sends a nasty text to someone else and off it drops.</para>
<para>I want to say to the Labor people behind me that our responsibility is to stop that pattern. We've got to train the attention of this parliament, the press gallery or anyone who is participating in public debate on this matter and not let it fade away. Because what was a neglect when the royal commission interim report was made 18 months ago or longer has today become an emergency. We have now overlaid a pandemic on top of a system that was in crisis, and today we are seeing a system that is in a state of failure. An aged-care home just near the Prime Minister's electorate shut its doors a few days ago, and 64 residents now have to find a new home in the middle of a pandemic, and I think that we're going to see more of it.</para>
<para>I want to tell the parliament some of what this crisis looks like on the ground today as aged-care homes across the country stumble and in many instances fail to manage fundamental aspects of care in the middle of a pandemic. I want to talk about Michelle from South Australia who wrote to me because her mother passed away on 21 January after she found her slumped in a chair unable to breathe. The aged-care home was running on skeleton staff, and this woman and her daughter had to administer oxygen themselves. Her mother passed away that day. Julie from Brisbane wrote to me because her mother-in-law with cancer was locked in her room for 17 days straight. She regularly sat in the shower for hours at a time, immobile, because there were no staff to come and help her. I got an email from Clare from Sydney, who has a 99-year-old mother in aged care. She had to take her own mother out of the home to get her vaccinated herself because she knew that COVID was going to hit that centre before the government's delayed booster clinics got there.</para>
<para>This is what is happening in aged care today. We've got outbreaks in almost half of the aged-care homes in this country. Now, the government has known about this for years and, instead of doing something to fix this problem, what have they done, Deputy Speaker? They've cut funding—twice. Mr Morrison—the Prime Minister of this country, who talks a big game about how much he cares for the elderly—twice, as Treasurer, cut funding to aged care.</para>
<para>One of the most shocking things that the final report of the royal commission told us is that, even before we got to the pandemic, two-thirds of aged-care residents today are malnourished. They are literally starving, because they do not have enough to eat. They are under the care of the Australian government. Can you imagine being the Prime Minister of this country and knowing about that for a year and doing nothing about it? Because that is the situation we have today. It is a scandal: a scandal of neglect and a scandal of incompetence.</para>
<para>While we're on the subject of incompetence, I want to talk to you about the Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services in the other place. I mentioned something about the minister yesterday, and the minister who's opposite me at the table here said, 'This is all about politics.' No, this is not about politics. We are in the middle of a one-in-100-year global pandemic, and the minister responsible for almost 200,000 of the most vulnerable people in this country goes to the cricket for three days during the worst of the crisis. He cannot tell us basic facts about what is happening in aged care. If there is one indictment on this minister, it is the fact that there was no COVID plan for aged care in the first wave of COVID, there was no COVID plan for aged care in the second wave of this pandemic and there was no COVID plan in the third wave.</para>
<para>We have got people in aged care being profoundly affected by this system and we've got the minister going to the cricket. So this is not about—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is the member for Isaacs seeking the call?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Dreyfus</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>You've made the call to me, Mr Deputy Speaker, but, before I interjected, the minister at the table was rudely interjecting on the honourable member for Hotham.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>There is no point of order here. I'll be the one who's going to judge on interjections and who will need to be quiet. Continue, thanks.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEIL</name>
    <name.id>140590</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Deputy Speaker. Incompetence—the minister. This is not about politics. I'll tell you exactly what this is about. There is going to be a fourth wave of the pandemic. When I talk to people in the sector today, they are terrified, because what is coming at them is an omicron wave and the flu season, coming into May-June, and we do not want this incompetent person managing the system when that happens. We need a change. If there is one thing I demand of the government today, it is: sack this minister today. He does not deserve to be in this position.</para>
<para>I think that's reflected in the profoundly inadequate response that we have had from government to this crisis—bringing in the Defence Force. When I talk to people in the sector, they're desperate for any help that they can get, but I want to point this out. There are 140,000 shifts per week going unfilled in aged-care homes. The government has said it's going to send 1,700 people in to support the sector. Maybe that will cover 8,000 of the 140,000 shifts, but of course we know that what the government love is the optics of having done something. It's not going to stop the suffering that's going on in aged care today.</para>
<para>I want to come to the staff. The inadequacy of the response just never ends. We saw the Prime Minister wanting to make an announcement at the Press Club, so the thing that he dreamed up was giving aged-care staff two $400 bonuses that, amazingly, end around the time of the federal election. It was profoundly inadequate. It was about as welcome as a Scott Morrison handshake. The reason it was inadequate is that these are some of the most underpaid people in the whole Australian economy. My good colleagues behind me understand this. Aged care is some of the most complex, difficult, emotionally taxing work that is done in this country. The elderly people in this country deserve proper care, and yet aged-care workers are paid in the order of $22 an hour. You earn more at Bunnings or at Woolworths than you do looking after some of the most vulnerable people in this country. What does the Prime Minister do about this endemic problem in aged care? He offers them a short-term 75c-an-hour pay increase. It is offensive. What the workers deserve is proper support, and that is what they will get under a Labor government.</para>
<para>I want to come back to the statistics, and this is the one I want Australians to remember. Two-thirds of residents in aged care today are malnourished. The government has known about this for years. It has done nothing. That is the one example we need to know to say that, if Australians want a change to how aged care is managed in this country, if they want this to be done respectfully and properly—because we are all going to grow old, if we're lucky—then they are going to need a new government come the May election.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUNT</name>
    <name.id>00AMV</name.id>
    <electorate>Flinders</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to start by acknowledging our extraordinary aged-care workers, our nurses, our personal care workers, all of the staff that have helped Australia to have one of the lowest rates of loss of life in aged care over the course of a global pandemic. It is a global pandemic. Today the world has passed 400 million cases, officially. The real case load is likely to be between double and triple that, according to the World Health Organization. We have had loss in our country, but it is an extraordinary fact to note that we have not just one of the lowest rates of loss of life in the world across the entire population but we have saved thousands of lives in our aged-care facilities. There has been real loss and real pain, and we should acknowledge that, absolutely, but looking at what we see in other comparable nations is a guide to that which could have occurred on a different path. In Italy the loss of life in aged-care facilities has been almost 200 per cent that in Australia. In Ireland it has been over 300 per cent, in France nearly 600 per cent, in Canada over 600 per cent, in the USA over 700 per cent, in Spain over 700 per cent, in the UK over 900 per cent and in Belgium over 1,300 per cent of those that have lost their lives in Australia.</para>
<para>We have two other differences. One is that we count every life lost which has a COVID-positive diagnosis, no matter what the final cause of their passing, and we know that almost 60 per cent of those who have passed in recent months, for whom there are records, have been in palliative care. We grieve their loss and we note those circumstances. We also know that, of those countries that I mentioned, many were unable, during the early waves, to identify all those that had passed. There was a significant excess mortality rate in those countries, which was never accounted for with the reconciliation of COVID cases.</para>
<para>In Australia we've actually had a negative mortality rate over the course of the pandemic. We're one of the few countries that has actually had fewer people pass than was otherwise expected to be the case. That is almost unimaginable. Over the course of a global pandemic nearly six million lives have been lost officially—inevitably more than double that, if not triple, according to the World Health Organization, in the real toll. Yet Australia has actually had a decrease in our mortality rate, not only across the country but also within aged care.</para>
<para>We know that, sadly, the latter part of the journey in so many lives occurs in aged care. It's precisely because people are not able to maintain all of their own needs that they go into residential aged care, for a loving, supportive environment. Since 2015, going on a year-by-year basis, the percentage of those who pass in aged care in any one year has been 24.3 per cent, 24.3 per cent, 24.5 per cent, 23.1 per cent and 23.7 per cent. In 2020 that actually dropped, to 22.8 per cent. So the percentage of those who passed in aged care, as a proportion of residents, declined to its lowest level in the last seven years in 2020, and it remained at one of the lowest levels, 23.8 per cent, in 2021.</para>
<para>So what we have seen is that lives have been saved in a very significant way. That's come about through a comprehensive action plan for aged care, commenced in March 2020, with the earliest work being in February 2020 as part of our aged-care coronavirus plan, which has now been through over eight different iterations. That has involved, firstly, a vaccination plan, with a rate of over 99 per cent amongst staff—one of the highest rates, if not the highest rate, in the world. That in turn has been backed up by a first-vaccination rate of over 90 per cent for residents and a second-vaccination rate of 89 per cent for residents.</para>
<para>We've completed a booster program across every facility—every residential aged-care facility under Commonwealth care and protection in Australia. That has now seen a take-up of over 80 per cent, contrary to some of the figures put around falsely by others, of boosters amongst the eligible population. I want to thank all those involved—our vaccinators, the organisers, Operation COVID Shield, our general practitioners, our nurses—in delivering that program.</para>
<para>In terms of PPE, this year alone we have seen over 50 million units. That includes 17.7 million masks, 6.8 million gowns, 20.9 million gloves, 4.2 million goggles and over 10.9 million rapid antigen tests delivered since August of last year. All of these elements have come together to support our aged-care facilities. And, yes, we have put in place a retention bonus—an $800 retention bonus—which replicates that which was used on three previous occasions to recognise and support staff retention. We've backed that up with over 80,000 shifts which have been put in place. We've added the support of the military, through Operation COVID Assist, which does add to what has already been there—through those 80,000 shifts that have been provided by surge staff, through staff returning and through annexed staff.</para>
<para>All of this has come together, and it's come together against a greater background, where we have now put in place over $18.3 billion of funding—the greatest increase in funding for aged care in Australian history. That has come about as a response to the royal commission, which this government called, which looked at multigenerational challenges. We didn't walk away from them. We recognised—the Prime Minister; Ken Wyatt, who was then the minister; Senator Colbeck, the current minister; and I—that, in our time and on our watch, it was our duty to rectify the challenges that had been part of the historical treatment of aged care, where we have gone from multi-bed wards to overwhelmingly single-bed rooms, which are becoming increasingly supported and better supported. That funding included over $7 billion for home care; over $7 billion for residential care; funding for governance; and funding for making sure that there's training and support for nurses. All of these elements have come together.</para>
<para>What I particularly want to highlight as well is that we have strengthened the healthcare system and we have put in place ICU support and ventilator support. These things have been incredibly important. I want to acknowledge, in relation to ventilators, the work that has been done, because they are about protecting our oldest Australians, not only within residential aged care but within the community. We have a capacity now of over 7½ thousand. We have purchased 8½ thousand on our watch, all from Australia—7,000 from ResMed and 1,500 from Grey Innovation. They include 2,000 invasive ventilators and 6,500 non-invasive ventilators. And, because our capacity has so exceeded demand, we have been able to support Indonesia with 1,000 ventilators and India with 3,000 ventilators. We had a peak ventilator capacity of 206 COVID requirements on 16 October. Since then, there has been a reduction of over 40 per cent in those requiring ventilation.</para>
<para>Against that background, I was genuinely surprised and utterly shocked to hear the Leader of the Opposition say on <inline font-style="italic">Insiders</inline> that we haven't had enough ventilators. To have an aspiring prime minister make a statement on national television which undermined the health system and which was so palpably false was an utter betrayal of the high honour, duty and responsibility which comes with being not just the Leader of the Opposition but somebody who aspires to be Prime Minister. To either not understand or be reckless, or, worst of all, to carelessly make a statement about our hospital capacity which is so utterly false—not out by a little bit but by orders of magnitude—shows a total lack of care, a total lack of diligence and a total lack of understanding of what has been done in this country.</para>
<para>Ultimately, there has been hardship, difficulty and sadness. But what we have seen is one of the highest rates of vaccination, one of the lowest rates of loss of life, one of the lowest rates of loss of life in residential aged care, and one of the strongest economic recoveries, and, as part of that, we have kept Australians safe. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We just listened to fantasyland from the minister and his junior minister, who think that aged care is going exceptionally well. Tell that to the people who are working in the sector—and I pay tribute to them. I have just come from a meeting with a CEO of RSL Care SA to talk about the challenges they are facing with staff living with COVID. We've got 60 per cent of aged-care workers who haven't had their booster shot. At least 60,000 residents haven't had their boosters. We've got a quarter of aged-care shifts not being filled. We've got a situation where 639 people have died of COVID this year.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>This is ridiculous—that this minister should go on the way he is.</para>
<para>Before I was elected in 2007, I spent 14 years on the board of Carinity aged care in Queensland, and as a lawyer I acted for a lot of aged-care providers. I can tell you they had hope with the Howard government in 1996. The Aged Care Act 1997 that governs the regulation of aged care talks about the quality of care, funding and regulation. But, by the end of the Howard years, the aged-care providers that I acted for and dealt with in Queensland were furious with the Howard government, and it took a Labor government, with Living Longer, Living Better, under the member for Port Adelaide as the responsible minister, to make the reforms that were necessary in this area.</para>
<para>There have been nine years of neglect by this government. Now, the minister thinks they haven't cut aged care. I tell you what, budget papers have facts. They actually have them in there.</para>
</continue>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'll refer, Minister, to budget papers. But there was an interesting debate we had, and he was here at the time and so was I. I was the shadow minister for ageing. On 12 December 2013, in 32 minutes this government cut $1.1 billion of funding in dementia supplements—$16 a day—for residential aged-care providers to help with workforce situations. Through nine years they have opposed the kind of funding that was needed in terms of wage increases and an aged-care workforce strategy. In 32 minutes they cut $1.1 billion—$16 a day—for veterans' supplements, for people in the veterans' community as well. They were in power for 86 days and cut it, and that's continued.</para>
<para>They also took aged care out of the Health portfolio, stuck it in the Social Security portfolio and gave it to a junior minister. For a period of time, the now Prime Minister was directly responsible for aged care. I used to go to events with him as the responsible shadow minister. We argued fiercely, and eventually they had to backflip and put ageing back with health. But that didn't stop them from cutting. Let's have a look, Minister. In MYEFO 2015-16 they cut $472.4 million over four years by refining the Aged Care Funding Instrument. Guess what? It talks about savings:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The savings from this measure will be redirected by the Government to repair the Budget and fund policy priorities.</para></quote>
<para>That's savings. That's the MYEFO.</para>
<para>Then you have another thing. Budget papers are curious things. They actually specify the government's priorities—their values, their morals, their ethics. They're what they want to do in aged care. Guess what they say? Budget papers 2016-17:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Government will achieve efficiencies of $1.2 billion over four years through changes to the scoring matrix of the Aged Care Funding Instrument (ACFI) that determines the level of funding paid to aged care providers… The savings from this measure will be redirected by the Government to fund Health policy priorities.</para></quote>
<para>At one stage the government took money towards beds from home care. Budget after budget, minister after minister, revolving door after revolving door, they cut and cut and cut. They neglected the sector to the point where they spent over $100 million on a royal commission, to ignore the findings. The royal commission interim report says: neglect, malnourishment, lack of food, maggots in wounds. They neglected it and they haven't acted on it.</para>
<para>We were in a crisis before COVID hit. It continues, because this government has neglected the aged-care sector and never prioritised senior Australians. Living Longer Living Better was a good strategy under the previous Labor government. This government is not about ageing well. It's not about an active ageing agenda. It's not even about being a dementia-friendly country. This government has no vision in the area of aged care. We are living with the consequences. Every day those brave people working in the sector are living with the consequences of this government's failure.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HAWKE</name>
    <name.id>HWO</name.id>
    <electorate>Mitchell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's a pleasure to join the minister for health in speaking about this matter of public importance. When we listen to the opposition we hear a series of political points that they're making about the aged-care system. From the government's perspective, in a one-in-100-year pandemic we understand that the pressure that has come upon aged care, in particular, because of the nature of what this virus does and who it targets is extreme. It has happened all around the world. When we listen to a minister like Greg Hunt, the Minister for Health and Aged Care, who has shepherded us through this period at the senior level of government, we don't hear a criticism from the opposition about his performance, and there's a reason why—because every aged-care sector in every part of the world has been under the same pressure. So, when the opposition stand up and say this is something particular to Australia, or a failure, they're ignoring a basic reality about this virus and about what has happened. When you ignore the fundamental reality about what pressure we're under, you then go to a series of other false assumptions.</para>
<para>There is no political party that could come into this place and posit or suggest to the people of Australia that they could deliver a zero death rate in aged care. There's none. There is nobody who could say they could have known ahead of time how the virus would operate, what it would do, that it would not get into any aged-care facility in this country. I would say to the members opposite—who have come here and said we're engaged in a fiction—that that's the purely fictional part. It's fiction to contend it. Everyone knows that, around the world, people who live in aged care, people in homes, people who live close together and people who live in close living suburbs have suffered more than people who have open access, have room to move, are able to isolate themselves and are able to deal with the characteristics of the virus.</para>
<para>The government has responded to ensure that the aged-care sector is well supported throughout the entire pandemic. We've seen our workforces in this pandemic work harder than ever before—there's no doubt about that—in our healthcare sectors, our nurses, our doctors. But in our aged-care sector workers have absolutely worked harder than they've ever worked before, and they work hard every single day. It's something that we've recognised with the bonuses we've provided. As a government we put large amounts of money into aged-care sector workers' bonuses to say to them: we recognise you're working harder than ever before—80,000 shifts, surge workforces, the ADF assisting by providing support to aged-care facilities. There are no other more responsible measures that you can take in a pandemic, when you're dealing with everything else that goes on, to address support for the aged-care sector, and we're going to keep looking at that support with more bonuses.</para>
<para>When you look at how much money is now spent in aged care, we're up to $33 billion. That is the amount of money that I think the parliament should focus on. The shadow minister came up and spoke about his reading of budget papers going back over a decade, but when you're in a once-in-100-years pandemic you really don't have time to look at the budget papers from 10 years ago. We have to look at the acute and important issue in front of us, which is a once-in-100-years pandemic. I've seen the government this year operate at that level. We've had more National Security Committee meetings by far than we've had since World War II. Each of those has dealt with these areas: support for the aged care sector, support for vulnerable Australians, targeted support for older Australians, targeted support for workforces, how other people can be redeployed between government agencies to assist each other.</para>
<para>Australians have come together magnificently. The government's policy has worked as well as can be expected under the circumstances, but no one could ever claim a perfect record in relation to this. Every death in this pandemic is a tragedy; it's a lost family member, it's a loved one. We all grieve for the people that have lost loved ones in aged care in some of the outbreaks, especially early on when the least was known about the characteristics of the virus and how it would operate and what would happen.</para>
<para>I think it's easy for the opposition to look back and say, 'We would have done things differently.' It is easy to say that at this point. I'll be frank: looking back, if we knew then what we know now we would also have made different decisions. I think that's a function of humanity. But we made the best decisions possible at the time, and Australia can be proud of its record in this area—proud that we have been able to keep our society together, keep people together, do our best for vulnerable people and absolutely minimise the death rate, compared to other countries. That's why, as the Minister for Health and Aged Care says, we have a record that other countries look to and say, 'What did Australia do—and how did they do it—to keep the death rate so low and to keep their populace protected?' We must keep that perspective on this, and we do. We will continue to make the decisions to support our aged-care sector as we go through this and into the future, and that is the record amount that we have committed to this sector. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PHILLIPS</name>
    <name.id>147140</name.id>
    <electorate>Gilmore</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>There can be no doubt that the aged-care sector is in absolute crisis. It's a crisis of confidence and a crisis of care. The decision by the Morrison government to send the Australian Defence Force into aged care puts it absolutely beyond a shadow of doubt that aged care in Australia is in crisis. But it's not just the pandemic; it's nine years of disgraceful neglect of senior Australians. We had a royal commission report, costing $104 million, with an inquiry that went for two years, that told us that two-thirds of residents in aged care today are malnourished. They are literally starving in the care of their own government. That royal commission report was tossed aside by Scott Morrison, with barely any of the recommendations fully implemented to date. This is the point: as Australians, do we value older people as they age? And do we value and respect the people who are caring for them?</para>
<para>I give a voice to aged-care workers in Gilmore, who are telling me about their everyday experiences. Susan is an assistant in nursing. Susan said to me: 'We've got the government telling us that we're managing. We're not. We've got the government saying everything's fine. It's not. They've offered $800, which is a slap in the face. None of us work full time, only part time, so there's no way that we're even going to get the $800. And, besides that, we want the money to go into care. We want more staff. We want ratios. There remains no law as to having a registered nurse on site 24/7. How do you manage without a registered nurse? What do you do when nobody is there for 60 people? What do I do?' Susan exclaims. 'I can't just turn and walk away. It's affecting all the residents. They're frightened.'</para>
<para>During COVID, at least a quarter of the aged-care workforce has gone, and they can't replace them. In January the sector estimated that about 140,000 shifts—about a quarter of the shifts—were going unfilled. The Minister for Home Affairs, Karen Andrews, has talked about the surge workforce. Putting things in perspective, this is filling about 1,000 shifts a week, or less than one per cent of the demand.</para>
<para>I'm glad that, after delaying too long, the Prime Minister has finally seen some sense and brought in the emergency support of the Australian Defence Force. But unfortunately, with this Prime Minister, it's always too little, too late. What has he been doing for the last six weeks while this emergency situation has persisted in aged care? We saw Richard Colbeck at the cricket and Scott Morrison doing photo ops in hairdressing salons, while older Australians sat in aged care not being properly cared for. Clearly the government needs to do much more.</para>
<para>Glen is a registered nurse who works in aged care. He normally works locally in Gilmore but, due to COVID, he's part of a flying squad working in aged-care homes with COVID outbreaks. Glen says: 'The outbreak infects the residents and the outbreak affects the staff. When staff get infected they have to stay off the roster, and you have no capacity to deliver the services that you need to deliver.' Glen says: 'There is no way you can deliver the service safely and with quality.' In the first fortnight of last month, Glen put in 184 hours, which is way over his normal workload. This fortnight, Glen will work another 144 hours, just to keep the place functioning—not to deliver the model of care but just to keep things functioning. Glen says there is a very simple solution to get the resources we need. The simplest solution would have been not to neglect the aged-care system for all those years. The second solution would have been to act on the 120 recommendations of the aged-care royal commission.</para>
<para>The further tragedy here is that this was foreseeable. There is not one aspect of this calamity that could not have been forecast by those working in the industry. The medical profession, the nursing profession and the carers have been flagging the problem since the beginning of the pandemic and have been ignored.</para>
<para>Aged-care workers are overworked and undervalued. Scott Morrison has failed aged-care workers. They are doing their best but they are exhausted, running out of PPE and don't have access to RATs. The years of government neglect experienced by the aged-care system is culminating in the crisis today. I implore the government to do more before it's too late.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ALLEN</name>
    <name.id>282986</name.id>
    <electorate>Higgins</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise because I think we need to put the record straight with regard to aged care. The first thing to say is that our aged-care sector is one that's going through massive transition, and that's not just here in Australia but in fact right around the world, and that is because—because of fantastic health outcomes and medical technology—Australians are living longer, as are those in other countries in the developed world. They're living longer and they're living better. That is putting a massive impost on the aged-care sector, because Australians want to live at home longer, and so then, when they go into the aged-care sector, they are older and more frail and often have more co-morbidities. So there is a massive change that is happening, as we speak, in the aged-care sector, and this is being fuelled by baby boomers in our population, so that we'll see, as we reach the 2030s, a massive explosion of older people in the aged-care sector.</para>
<para>This government has seen this coming and has been prepared to put real money on the table, along with real reforms to help transition the aged-care sector. But it is a sector that is under stress and will remain under stress as baby boomers age into their 80s. It is fair to say that, in the aged-care sector, people are older and more frail, but we also know that older Australians are getting the choice that they want, which is to age at home with dignity and grace.</para>
<para>There's no doubt that the royal commission into aged care has been shocking. It's been shocking, because the system has been under stress. This is a government that has stood up and said, 'We are going to invest record funding into the aged-care sector and we are going to do it in a way that deals with the changes that are occurring.' We have five important pillars that address this. Firstly, home care. We understand that Australians want to age with dignity, grace and respect. They want to age at home, and we want to provide that opportunity for them. So, in the last budget alone we have provided 80,000 new packages. That's 80,000 Australians who can age at home with dignity and respect.</para>
<para>We've also provided substantial funding to residential aged-care services to help make them sustainable, improving and simplifying residential aged-care services and access. We've also provided significant funding into quality and safety. Now that doesn't just come with funding; it also comes with a lot of new legislation that we have enacted here in this parliament. I'm very proud of the fact that, as a member of parliament—as those on the other side should be—we've introduced things like the Serious Incident Response Scheme to make sure that the accountability for safety in the aged-care sector is front and centre.</para>
<para>A fourth pillar is looking at the workforce. We know that our workforce needs to grow and we need a better skilled care workforce. That is essential, and we need to make sure that the standards remain high and continue to improve. There's a whole lot of legislation that's been introduced, including things like ensuring that aged-care workers get dementia training. We know that about 50 per cent of those in aged care now have dementia, which is an incredible increase over the last few years. It's not because more Australians are necessarily getting dementia; it's just that, of those who are in aged care, a large proportion have comorbidities such as dementia.</para>
<para>In the past aged-care homes used to be nursing homes. Now we talk about aged-care facilities, but in fact what people want is a home but they also want nursing capacities. In some ways we're returning to that idea of being able to provide a hospital in the home for aged-care services. That is an important change to our system, but it's one that needs to be funded. With that, we need to have better governance and we've got new legislation and stronger governance that have been provided in this term of government.</para>
<para>Every year under us home-care packages are up, residential care places are up and aged-care funding is up. The Australian government is delivering a once-in-a-generation change through a total of $18.3 billion to support aged-care reform, and this includes a $17.7 billion package just announced last year. I'm proud that I advocated for this, because I know that it's important to each and every one of us in this parliament.</para>
<para>We are all ageing. We are all going to have to deal with this. Our loved ones are going to have to deal with this, because the alternative is not worth thinking about. I welcome the changes that we've made and the fact that we've invested so heavily in this important sector where we can treat every Australian with dignity and respect.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>15:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms WELLS</name>
    <name.id>264121</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Now those in the House might not know this but I actually worked in aged care when I was putting myself through uni. My mum worked in aged care for 20 years before she retired, so she got me a job when I started uni in her nursing home and I worked in the kitchen. I worked across two different nursing homes in the kitchens as a casual. It was a good job, and you get to talk to all kinds of people who work in the kitchens and the various sections of the nursing home.</para>
<para>However, what I think about now about that time is that sometimes people in the admin office would be on leave, so they'd get me in to cover them because I could type as I was a law student. Sometimes the diversional therapists would be on leave and they'd get me in to cover them. When you think about getting residents in and out of their rooms and the kinds of activities that we put on for them each morning, you think—I'm sure it was all fine—I wasn't qualified. And sometimes the occupational therapists were on leave and they got me in to cover them. When you think about the qualifications they have and the work that they do in nursing homes—mobilising residents and their bones and their muscles, the kinds of movements that they're required to do and the care they're required to provide—I didn't have any of those qualifications. It didn't raise an eyebrow that I was doing that kind of relief work. That was in the mid-2000s; that was 20 years ago, and it seems like the systemic issues in aged care have gotten worse since then. So when I visit these days, as the federal member, and I talk to residents, I can only think of trying to get back into the kitchens to talk to the workers about what their experience is like and who's covering what shifts when I can't see. When I try to talk to my centre directors about the aged-care crisis now—this week, this year—I can't get them on the phone. I'm sure my colleagues have the same experience. When I try to call my centre directors to find out if there are ways I can help, if there are messages they want me to bring to this place, I can't get them on the phone because they're back on the floor. They are ex-nurses who are now centre directors who are having to cover shifts.</para>
<para>Yesterday lots of us went to a rally for aged-care workers outside the building. Those workers were telling us they are being asked to do things that are criminal under Australia's industrial relations law. They are being asked to cover double shifts, triple shifts. They are beside themselves. They want to do the right thing by their residents, but we are in a situation where they just cannot juggle everything. What worries me amidst all of that is that we have an aged-care minister who is completely missing and who in the other place, just this week, has said that the sector is not in crisis. I do not know what crisis looks like if not this—a one-in-100-year pandemic. Reflecting on personal experiences suggests to me that systemic issues in the sector go back at least 20 years. I don't know what a crisis is if it isn't that.</para>
<para>And people say now that residents are not getting food and water, and their wounds are not being attended to. They're dying, and their deaths are preventable. Aged-care workers are doing their very best, and their unions are fighting for them, but they are exhausted and they are burnt out. There is no adequate staffing safety net. Providers across the country are estimating that 140,000 shifts are now unfilled each week. That's almost a quarter of aged-care worker shifts. I know that we hear about the surge force, and it is a good measure that has been put in, but it is covering less than one per cent of the shifts that are currently short-staffed.</para>
<para>I remember, when the royal commission report came in last year, being absolutely shocked by the statistic—which I have just called up again—that we need 17,000 more direct workers each year in aged care over the next 10 years and altogether we need 400,000 additional workers in aged care by 2050. We need 400,000 additional workers in this besieged sector by 2050, when we currently have 140,000 shifts a week going unfilled in 2022. It needs focus. It needs funding. It needs priority. It needs commitment. It needs a whole lot more than it's getting right now.</para>
<para>I spoke earlier in the day about several stories from my constituency of various families who are struggling in the current situation. Let's talk about what they want us to do. We've got nine sitting days left in the 46th Parliament. What do they want us to do? They want us to stop kicking the can down the road. They want us to treat all recommendations in the royal commission report with the respect, the funding and the priority that they deserve. They want minimum staff ratios. They want direct employment of staff, with enforceable labour standards, training and professional development.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FALINSKI</name>
    <name.id>G86</name.id>
    <electorate>Mackellar</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to start by thanking all those people involved in caring for our elderly. It is done in very difficult circumstances by a lot of people across all parts of Australia, and it has been done for many years. I'm talking about everyone from the providers, the back office workers like the member for Lilley—who I'm sure did a very good job—to the people on the floor who make it happen and who deal with very difficult circumstances, where there are people with dementia, people who are often trying to escape, people who think they're in a different country. We are not talking about your average workplace. We are talking about exceptionally difficult circumstances for a lot of people. As some of you have been bored to death by me in previous speeches—</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FALINSKI</name>
    <name.id>G86</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, Member for Fenner. A little less enthusiasm next time, thank you!</para>
<para>I started a company in 2004. It was called CareWell Health. It was a manufacturer, designer and supplier of healthcare equipment and furniture, primarily for the aged-care sector. I remember the first time I walked into a nursing home. It was Uniting Care at Drummoyne. As the doors opened, it was like a giant blast of ammonia was coming out, and I was physically revulsed by the smell. That's not to pick on Uniting Care; although, over time, I noticed there were better providers than others. But it was to say that that was how we looked after our tribal elders at that time, in 2004.</para>
<para>I have to say that what I observed over the next 12 years was a revolution in aged care. We allowed private sector investment into the aged-care system. That investment replaced what could only be described as some very basic aged-care facilities with what now resemble five-star resorts. I'm talking about companies like Signature Care, Bupa, RCare and Regis. If you were to go into some of their facilities, you would be wondering when you could move in—they are literally that good.</para>
<para>I noticed on the weekend that Peter van Onselen revealed that his mother owned aged-care facilities, I assume in Perth, and that she never wanted to end up in one. As I read that, I felt like saying, 'I can imagine that was the case 15 years ago.' But 15 years later, the truth is that many of these facilities are state of the art. They are some of the best places to be. While this government has more than tripled the number of home-care packages, I have to say that I worry about home-care packages. I think they're more service than they are care. You find a lot of our elderly stuck in very large homes in the suburbs of Australia, and many doctors now believe that social isolation kills more people than cancer in Australia. These programs have the impact of isolating people.</para>
<para>We have gone through a very difficult stage during this pandemic. The elderly were our most vulnerable. As the minister for immigration and minister for health pointed out, our results in Australia leave the rest of the world in our dust. We have had some of the lowest death rates and the lowest infection rates in aged care of any nation in the world. It didn't just happen; it happened through good management. Most of what those opposite are speaking about regarding the lack of workers at the moment is coming down to the fact that a large number of people who work in aged care have come from places like the Philippines, Tibet, Burma, India, and we have not had our borders open over last two years for that workforce to come in. That is now going to change. And I'm sure that they are some of the best carers that you will ever see. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms COKER</name>
    <name.id>263547</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Aged-care workers and families of residents in aged-care facilities in my region are angry and distressed because the Morrison government is still not listening to them. Instead, we see that two-thirds of residents in aged care across our nation are malnourished, we see staff overworked and underpaid, and we see the Morrison government doing little to care for our most vulnerable.</para>
<para>Yesterday, I met with nurses from the Australian Nurses and Midwifery Federation, who were rallying against what is happening in aged care. They told me harrowing stories that illustrate the crisis that continues in aged care. They told me about elderly people stuck in their rooms with wounds untended, receiving no water, and incontinence pads unchanged for long periods of time. They spoke of how overstretched and understaffed they are and how devastated they are because they cannot provide the quality of care they truly want for our elderly and the care our elderly deserve. Staff said they felt abandoned by the Morrison government. They spoke of battling daily to fill shifts and find PPE and rapid antigen tests for staff due to the lack of supplies. A quarter of aged-care workers' shifts are not being filled. This is crippling the sector and compromising care. It's distressing and demoralising for aged-care workers to see the suffering, the isolation and the indignity. Despite aged-care providers and their staff doing everything they can, the sector is buckling under the pressure. The aged-care sector desperately needs the federal government to provide them with the resources they need to keep residents and workers safe.</para>
<para>Shamefully, the government is failing to keep our elderly safe. They know that the aged-care sector is in crisis; they would not have sent the ADF, the Australian Defence Force, in unless this was so. The Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services showed his heartless attitude towards our elderly citizens by attending the cricket during this crisis. He is unfit to be the minister of this portfolio. It is a complete failure of the Prime Minister's leadership that after two years of disastrous incompetence the minister continues to hold his position as Minister for Senior Australians and Aged Care Services.</para>
<para>This crisis hasn't happened overnight. This crisis is the result of nine long years of disgraceful neglect by this government. The pandemic's exposed the weaknesses and neglect of the aged-care sector and placed aged-care residents in an extremely dangerous situation. Tragically, we've had more deaths in aged care in the month of January this year than in the whole of last year. After 21 expert reports and a royal commission, the Morrison government knew about the crisis in aged care but has failed to fix it. The PM is responsible for the aged-care system in this country. He is responsible for the funding cuts. He is responsible for the terrible neglect and dire situation this sector is in.</para>
<para>And he's still trying to bury the findings of the royal commission. Of the 148 recommendations, over half are not being implemented or aren't being implemented properly. There was nothing in the Morrison government's response to the royal commission to improve wages for overstretched and undervalued aged-care workers. Nothing can improve the sector until workers are paid decent wages and given secure work. People earn more working as a casual in Woolworths or Coles than as an aged-care worker. If we're going to see quality of care improved, we need to change this.</para>
<para>The Minister for Superannuation, Financial Services and the Digital Economy said the Morrison government would not consider an increase for aged-care workers, not even a paltry $5 increase. According to her, this increase would make the system unsustainable. The Prime Minister's announcement of two $400 payments to aged-care workers is an insult. Aged-care workers need support, more staff and resources, not a pathetic payment that won't even be received by many—that's right: only six per cent of aged-care workers are in full-time employment, and the payments are only available to permanent staff on a pro rata basis. This government has ignored the recommendation to require a nurse to be on duty 24/7 in residential care. This is critical to improving care for frail Australians.</para>
<para>We must do better. Our parents, uncles, aunts, grandparents and loved ones in aged care deserve better. We must change. The coalition has had almost 10 years to make change in aged care. Instead, we see neglect. It is time for change, a change of government, to a government that will restore respect and care in our aged-care sector.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RAMSEY</name>
    <name.id>HWS</name.id>
    <electorate>Grey</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The first half of the statement that we are debating today infers that the government has been neglecting the aged-care system. I absolutely reject that part of the statement. The second half of the statement, which says we are in crisis, I think may be closer to a sustainable statement, insomuch as certainly aged care is under enormous pressure at the moment, and it certainly is on my patch.</para>
<para>On the issue of neglect: since we came to power in 2013, spending in the aged-care sector has doubled from $13 billion to $26 billion. Doubled. That is an astonishing amount. It is budgeted to go right out to $34 billion in the next three years. There is provision for this sector to keep growing and the funding to keep growing. I don't think that could be labelled as neglect in any way. It's showing some attention.</para>
<para>One of the previous speakers was speaking about home-care packages. I must say, we like home-care packages. I like them. Certainly, as good as any aged-care home might be—and I'm very mindful of the comments from the member for Mackellar—I don't think I'll be looking to move into one before I have to, and I think that is the case with many of us. We like living at home, and I think it's a very good outcome if we can be assisted to stay in our homes longer. As long as it's safe and we're well looked after, it's a very good place to be. It's good for the taxpayer, and I think it's good for the individual as well.</para>
<para>We have lifted the number of home-care packages from 60,000 when we came to office to over 200,000 now, and that number is due to hit 275,000 in the next three years. That's a 357 per cent increase from when we came to office through to now. It begs the question of why there weren't more than 60,000 home-care packages in 2013. But it is certainly not a sign of neglect by the government in this sector. It's a sign of a government that's showing great interest and involvement in the sector. We also established an aged-care royal commission, which has been referred to. That commission made 148 recommendations, with 142 either accepted or under further consideration. Only six of those recommendations have been rejected, and we have either delivered outcomes already or are working on delivering outcomes on the rest of them.</para>
<para>We have installed the independent Aged Care Quality and Safety Commission. I think it is a very important point that the policing of the facilities is now beyond the reach of government, if you like. It is within the remit of an independent body, and I'm getting plenty of feedback from my nursing homes that the accreditation process has certainly tightened up. There have been more black marks for infringements, but the aged-care commission works with these organisations and their facilities to bring them up to scratch ASAP. That would seem to me to be an indication of good housekeeping, not poor housekeeping. The fact that more facilities are getting called out at the moment is not necessarily an indication of their standard; it indicates that we are requiring a higher standard. As a government we are targeting home care, residential care, quality care, safety, sustainability, a bigger and better workforce with better skills, new legislation and better governance. That is not neglect.</para>
<para>On the second half of the premise—and I'm running out of time—certainly I know how difficult running aged-care facilities in my electorate can be. We lost one in Whyalla in my electorate last year. It was called Annie Lockwood, one of three facilities run by Kindred Living. That organisation has now come under the control of Helping Hand. The federal government gave a considerable amount of assistance to bringing it up to speed and getting it back on track, but the problem they had was that they could not get staff. The lack of staff was not necessarily affected by COVID; they just couldn't get enough staff. But I can say that it is not just the aged-care sector in regional Australia that's struggling for staff. We can't get enough dentists, we can't get enough doctors, we can't get enough sparkies, we can't get enough mechanics and we can't get enough experienced teachers to come to live and work in the country. An additional problem for regional Australia at the moment is the number of people who are not prepared to commit.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265991</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The discussion is now concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DOCUMENTS</title>
        <page.no>71</page.no>
        <type>DOCUMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>National Australia Day Council</title>
          <page.no>71</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Presentation</title>
            <page.no>71</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORTON</name>
    <name.id>265931</name.id>
    <electorate>Tangney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I table documents in relation to the National Australia Day Council.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>72</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Social Policy and Legal Affairs Committee</title>
          <page.no>72</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>72</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CLAYDON</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
    <electorate>Newcastle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Standing Committee on Social Policy and Legal Affairs, I present the committee's report, incorporating a dissenting report, entitled <inline font-style="italic">Inquiry into constitutional reform and referendums</inline>, together with the minutes of proceedings.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CLAYDON</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I would like to make a few comments. At the outset I want to acknowledge the work of the outgoing chair, the member for Fisher, the newly elected Speaker. I'm sad he's not in the chair to witness this, but I thank him for his contributions. I also want to acknowledge the work of the secretariat and my parliamentary colleagues for their collaborative approach on this inquiry and report.</para>
<para>The committee received 21 submissions and seven supplementary submissions, and held four public hearings between September and November 2021. On behalf of the committee, I'd like to express its appreciation to the individuals and organisations who shared their views with the committee and informed our deliberations on those issues. The committee particularly gives its thanks to the officials from Ireland who shared their experiences of the constitutional convention and citizens assembly in that country.</para>
<para>In this final report, the committee makes 10 recommendations which propose the establishment of a new joint parliamentary committee to allow constitutional issues to be examined on an ongoing basis, amendments to modernise the way in which referendums are conducted, and measures to strengthen awareness and understanding of the Constitution among school students and the wider community.</para>
<para>Australia's Constitution is the foundation document of our federation and nationhood. However, Australians' understanding of the Constitution and our capacity as a nation to have an informed debate on constitutional reform appear to be at a very low ebb. Results from the national assessment program conducted in Australian schools in 2019 found that only 38 per cent of year 10 students—students who are on the verge of voting age—met or exceeded the civics and citizenship assessment standard which measures students' understanding of Australia's system of government.</para>
<para>It's been 23 years since the last referendum, the longest period between referendums in Australia's history. There are many Australians who have never experienced voting in a referendum or have never engaged in a deliberation and debates leading up to a referendum.</para>
<para>This inquiry commenced in June last year. It was an opportunity for the committee to hear from experts in the field about what has and has not worked in educating the public on the Constitution and to examine whether the current processes for constitutional reform and the conduct of referendums are appropriate in contemporary Australia. This inquiry was not about specific changes to the Constitution but about understanding our capacity and readiness for constitutional review and reform.</para>
<para>During the inquiry the committee was struck by how little attention is given to constitutional review in Australia at the present time. The committee heard that there is no established process for review and no department or agency of the Australian government mandated to consider constitutional review or consultation. This approach does not allow the time or the environment for a broader and more considered review of necessary or desirable constitutional changes.</para>
<para>To that end, the committee recommends in this report that both houses of the Australian parliament establish a joint standing committee on constitutional matters to review the Constitution, consider constitutional matters and inquire into proposals for change. Amongst other responsibilities, the joint committee would be required to consider and make recommendations to parliament relating to constitutional conventions, and the committee should be mandated to exercise functions relating to the referendum process once a referendum proposal is taken forward.</para>
<para>Another consistent message in evidence given to the committee was that modernising the referendum process is long overdue and that changes to the process need to be considered now and not during the middle of a referendum campaign. The committee heard that the referendum act is outdated and not suitable for a referendum in contemporary Australia. For example, the act limits the Australian government from funding a neutral education campaign on the topic of the referendum. So it's prepared to limit that neutral framing but it has not contemplated any limits on foreign donations to referendum campaign organisations, for example.</para>
<para>The conclusion of the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Affairs in 2009 was that these are longstanding issues that been left unresolved by successive governments. I do want to pay particular tribute to the member for Isaacs and shadow Attorney-General, who was very instrumental in bringing to life many of those issues through his work with that committee at the time.</para>
<para>As such, the committee recommends not only that certain provisions be amended in the referendum act but that the Australian government ensure that the act is reviewed and modernised well in advance of future referendums, because we are not referendum ready, despite some important potential referendums coming up to face this nation. The committee's report also recommends that an independent expert panel be established in the lead-up to each referendum to provide advice on aspects of the referendum process.</para>
<para>Finally, the committee found that there is strong need for increased public literacy and engagement with the Constitution. In addition to the alarming statistics amongst school students noted earlier, the committee heard that only 82 per cent of Australians surveyed had even heard of the Constitution before and that there is a large deficiency in knowledge of what is actually contained in the Constitution, including knowledge about referendums. The committee noted that, while there is currently a National Schools Constitution Convention program held annually, there is an extremely low attendance rate amongst year 11 and year 12 students nationally. A much wider expansion of the project is needed to ensure that students in rural, regional and metropolitan areas can equally participate, and the program needs to be expanded to accommodate more students from years 9 to 12.</para>
<para>The committee also heard that education campaigns and initiatives on the Constitution aimed at the wider population are limited and inadequate. It recommends in this report that the Australian government develop and implement a public awareness and education program on the Constitution, the constitutional framework and Australia's democratic system. Education is critical to ensuring that Australians are more engaged with our Constitution and are able to go to the ballot box fully informed about any referendum question before casting a vote.</para>
<para>The committee did not agree on all issues. It is the view of Labor members that we need to inspire Australians to engage in our Constitution, to understand its significance as the country's founding document, to seek reforms to ensure its relevance to contemporary Australia and to debate how it might better shape our nation going forward. We believe this engagement should be on a regular basis to help strengthen public knowledge and participation in all matters relating to our Constitution. In our additional comments, my Labor colleagues and I put on record our preference for the government to establish a process for regular constitutional conventions. This is a recommendation that government members of the committee have unfortunately rejected.</para>
<para>The Constitution should not be treated as a static historic document. Indeed, the Australian Constitution is necessarily a living document that can be adapted to meet the needs of Australians, now and in the future. That's what the original framers intended and that's the evolving nature of nationhood. I commend the report to the House.</para>
<para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the house take note of the report.</para></quote>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265991</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 39(d), the debate is adjourned. The resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CLAYDON</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
    <electorate>Newcastle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the order of the day be referred to the Federation Chamber for further debate.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Intelligence and Security Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>73</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>73</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security, I present the following reports: <inline font-style="italic">Review </inline><inline font-style="italic">of the </inline><inline font-style="italic">amendments made by the </inline><inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications </inline><inline font-style="italic">and </inline><inline font-style="italic">Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance And Access) A</inline><inline font-style="italic">ct </inline><inline font-style="italic">2018</inline>, incorporating a dissenting report; <inline font-style="italic">Review </inline><inline font-style="italic">of part 14 of the </inline><inline font-style="italic">Telecommunications </inline><inline font-style="italic">Act 1997</inline><inline font-style="italic">—</inline><inline font-style="italic">telecommunications sector security reforms</inline>; and <inline font-style="italic">Advisory </inline><inline font-style="italic">report on </inline><inline font-style="italic">the </inline><inline font-style="italic">Intelligence Oversight and Other Legislation Amendment (Integrity Measures) Bill </inline><inline font-style="italic">2020</inline>, incorporating a dissenting report.</para>
<para>Reports made parliamentary papers in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—The first of the reports on which I comment is the <inline font-style="italic">Review of the amendments made by the Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance and Access) Act 2018</inline>. The Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance and Access) Act 2018 is known as the TOLA Act. It amended a range of Commonwealth legislation with the stated intention of introducing measures to better deal with the challenges posed by the rise of encryption technologies. In this review, the intelligence committee considered the ongoing appropriateness, effectiveness and necessity of the powers conferred by the TOLA Act 2018 and made 29 recommendations to the government to amend the legislation. The committee recommended that the powers be retained, with additional safeguards and oversight mechanisms to provide the public with confidence that the legislation continues to be used proportionately and for its intended purpose.</para>
<para>Labor members of the intelligence committee, while agreeing with the majority report, made some important additional comments. In particular, Labor members wrote that they strongly disagreed with the rejection by the Liberal members of the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor's recommendation to extend the industry assistance powers to state and territory anticorruption bodies. I quote from the additional comments by Labor members:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Labor members note that the original version of the Assistance and Access Bill extended the industry assistance powers to state and territory anti-corruption commissions. And in early 2019, a few months after the passage of the Assistance and Access Bill, the current Government introduced Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Miscellaneous Amendments) Bill 2019 – the primary purpose of which was to extend the industry assistance powers to state and territory anti-corruption commissions.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">In other words, the position of Liberal members is at odds with the position taken by the Morrison Government in late 2018 and early 2019 – but which the Morrison Government appears to have now walked away from.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">So, what has changed?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">More than 1,000 days after promising to establish a federal anti-corruption commission, the Prime Minister has not even introduced a bill into the Parliament. Instead, the Prime Minister has launched an extraordinary series of improper attacks on the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption – and on anti-corruption bodies more generally.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Against that background, the fact that the Government has walked away from its position that anti-corruption bodies should have access to the industry assistance powers appears to be politically motivated (noting that it could undermine the Prime Minister's misplaced, misleading and hysterical criticisms of the NSW ICAC if he followed through on his now-forgotten commitment to hand new powers to that very body).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As the Independent Monitor noted in his report, "integrity commissions identified concrete disadvantage that flows from their exclusion from the power to issue industry assistance notices". Liberal members have offered no explanation for their refusal to address that "concrete disadvantage".</para></quote>
<para>I turn to the second report, which is the <inline font-style="italic">Review of part 14 of the Telecommunications Act 1997—telecommunications sector security reforms</inline>. This second report is being presented today as the review of the TSSR, the telecommunications sector security reforms. These reforms were enacted in September 2018 to help manage the national security risks of espionage, sabotage and foreign interference in Australia's telecommunications networks and facilities. The intelligence committee commenced a review of these reforms in late 2020 to ensure their operation, effectiveness and implications were being achieved in line with the original intention of the government and the intelligence committee when legislated in 2018.</para>
<para>The intelligence committee has now endorsed the use of the telecommunications security sector reforms, making six recommendations to improve their continued operation and address industry concerns. Those six recommendations cover ensuring that reforms and regulations are informed by the latest global network trends and threats, ensuring that the aim of increased security and cyberresilience is a central object of the Telecommunications Act 1997, and increasing government and industry collaboration and information sharing in a collaborative working environment to ensure that threat sharing is efficient and that any further reforms are co-designed between industry and government to avoid regulatory duplication.</para>
<para>Lastly, I come to the <inline font-style="italic">Advisory </inline><inline font-style="italic">r</inline><inline font-style="italic">eport on the Intelligence Oversight and Other Legislation Amendment (Integrity</inline><inline font-style="italic">Measures) Bill 2020</inline>. This integrity measures bill implements some of the measures recommended by the 2020 Richardson review of intelligence legislation. It will expand the oversight jurisdiction of the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security to cover the intelligence functions of the Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre, AUSTRAC, and the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission, ACIC, and expand the oversight of the intelligence committee itself to cover the intelligence functions of AUSTRAC.</para>
<para>The committee has recommended that the bill be passed by parliament following implementation of four recommendations. Those are, firstly, that the remit of IGIS and the intelligence committee be further expanded to also cover the intelligence functions of the Australian Federal Police; secondly, that, in addition to IGIS, the intelligence committee be similarly provided with an oversight role over ACIC; thirdly, that the government review the scope and adequacy of legislative provisions relating to the retention and destruction of intelligence material; and, fourthly, that the government consider convening a regular meeting of the heads of intelligence integrity agencies to discuss coordination of their work and promotion of integrity within the national intelligence community.</para>
<para>All of these sensible recommendations were unanimously supported by the committee. However, Labor committee members made additional comments, emphasising the importance of measures that strengthen oversight of our intelligence agencies and calling for more to be done to improve the oversight of our intelligence agencies. Those additional comments from Labor members note:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Intelligence oversight runs the risk of ceasing to be strong and credible if it fails to adapt and respond to the changing nature and activities of intelligence agencies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The key elements of Australia's intelligence oversight system were put in place in the 1980s following the—</para></quote>
<para>two—</para>
<quote><para class="block">Hope Royal Commissions. The most significant change since was the creation of the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor in 2010.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">The demands on Australia's oversight system have not stayed static in the decade since.</para></quote>
<para>Labor committee members commented that, in this context:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… it is unsurprising that both of the major intelligence reviews delivered in the past five years have recommended reform of Australia's oversight arrangement. The 2017 Independent Intelligence Review (Independent Intelligence Review) and the 2020 Comprehensive Review of the Legal Framework of the National Intelligence Community (Comprehensive Review) have each set out detailed recommendations to expand the remit of Australia's existing oversight bodies.</para></quote>
<para>Unfortunately, this bill fails to fully implement the oversight recommendations of either review.In addition to noting the failure of the bill to fully implement the recommendations of the previous intelligence reviews, Labor members also noted the importance of the intelligence committee being able to initiate its own inquiries. Labor members also commented that, in 2020, Labor introduced a private senator's bill to implement the oversight recommendations of the independent intelligence review following several years of inaction by the government, which also contains a model for how such an own-motion power could be legislated. I commend all three reports to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Procedure Committee</title>
          <page.no>75</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>75</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VASTA</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
    <electorate>Bonner</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Standing Committee on Procedure, I present the committee's report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Maintenance of </inline><inline font-style="italic">the </inline><inline font-style="italic">standing orders</inline>, together with the minutes of proceedings.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr VASTA</name>
    <name.id>E0D</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—It is with pleasure that I present the report of the Procedure Committee's inquiry into the maintenance of standing orders. It has become something of a tradition for the Procedure Committee to adopt such an inquiry in each parliament. This allows the committee to consider how the standing orders have operated over the course of the parliament. As the 46th Parliament nears its conclusion, the report reflects on aspects of the House procedure and on how the standing orders have operated in the past 2½ years. Some observations are specific to the 46th Parliament while others relate to the more technical aspects of the standing orders.</para>
<para>The committee has made nine recommendations. The first recommendation is to allow ministerial responses to petitions to be published prior to their presentation to the House. This would enable petitioners to have more timely access to ministerial responses. Currently publication of the responses can be delayed by non-sitting periods. The second recommendation is to remove the need for members to accompany the newly elected Speaker to his or her presentation to the Governor-General on the opening day of a new parliament. This could streamline proceedings on the opening day. The remaining recommendations are more technical. They are intended to make the standing orders more reflective of current practice, improve consistency within the standing orders or remove redundant references. The committee recommends that some minor technical amendments be made as Clerk's amendments.</para>
<para>In December 2020 the committee reported on the practices and procedures put in place in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. We have taken the opportunity to add some further observations in the report that I have presented today. The report also notes our view that it would be useful to monitor the impact on House business of sitting weeks that do not include a Monday sitting.</para>
<para>Finally, the report discusses a number of items of House practice relating to the operation of particular standing orders. These relate to time limits for speaking, business in the Federation Chamber and committee practice. In doing so, the committee hopes to assist members by clarifying some of the practical points about the day-to-day operation of the House and its committees.</para>
<para>I'd also like to take this opportunity to thank the deputy chair, the honourable member for Oxley, whom I've known for over 30 years. We have worked together very well on this committee, and I thank him for his friendship. To the other members, such as the members for Chisholm, Ryan, Perth, Moore and Lalor, thank you very much for all the work you have done during the committee's time. You've made our committee run flawlessly and you've shown the better aspects of parliamentary work. To the secretariat, so ably led by Natalie Cooke and assisted by Kate, Penny and Jenny: thank you so much for your professionalism—well done. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DICK</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate>Oxley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support a report tabled in parliament today, <inline font-style="italic">M</inline><inline font-style="italic">aintenance of the standing orders</inline>, by the House of Representatives Standing Committee on Procedure. While there are some big issues facing our nation, the work of this parliament can occur only with strong rules and strong recommendations, and I'm really pleased that this report provides the committee's reflections on various aspects of House procedure and how the standing orders have been operating over the past 2½ years. As the chair has gone through, the specific recommendations and the technical recommendations are intended to make the standing orders more reflective of current practice, improve consistency within the standing orders or remove redundant references. As we've heard, the report also adds some observations further to the committee's December 2020 report about the practices and procedures put in place in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.</para>
<para>This is the third report that the committee has been working hard on, including my particular favourite regarding the reform of question time and of course dealing with the COVID pandemic. I'd like to thank the committee and the committee members, in particular the chair, for his outstanding leadership. The member for Bonner and I have had a very close working relationship, and I would like to say that this is the best committee of the parliament for its bipartisanship and clear working as well as its outcomes. Thank you to the committee secretariat for all their hard work and to all those members who participated. I commend the report to be House.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Agriculture and Water Resources Committee</title>
          <page.no>76</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>76</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the best committee in the House, the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Water Resources, I present the committee's report titled <inline font-style="italic">Supporting a strong future for Australian aquaculture: Australian aquaculture sector</inline>, together with the minutes of proceedings.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—On behalf of the Standing Committee on Agriculture and Water Resources, I wish to make a few remarks on the committee's report on the Australian aquaculture sector which has just been presented. Australian aquaculture is a growing industry and has a strong, positive outlook. As the world's growing population brings increased demand for food, aquaculture is well positioned to meet the ever-growing desire for fish. This is particularly important when wild stocks are under pressure from overfishing.</para>
<para>Unlocking the full potential of Australian aquaculture requires barriers to growth to be identified and addressed. The committee has sought to make constructive suggestions to help clear any hurdles standing in the way of the industry's development. Australian aquaculture already has a reputation for producing premium product, and further improvements will strengthen our market position. An expanding Australian aquaculture sector will help satisfy Australians' appetite for good quality seafood. It will also boost exports and provide thousands of additional jobs, especially in regional areas.</para>
<para>Innovation is a key to the expansion of output and increased domestic and global market share for our producers. The report discusses a range of new innovative approaches. A particularly interesting example is aquaculture in offshore locations. With the appropriate technological advancements, offshore agriculture could open up an exciting new horizon for the industry and contribute to increases in total production.</para>
<para>Aquaculture, like all industries, has its share of challenges and potential barriers to growth. The report has made a number of recommendations with the aim of overcoming these barriers. The issue of biosecurity and potential threats from imported disease stands out as a key issue both for the industry and for regulators. Strong biosecurity regulations are imperative for the growth of aquaculture. They provide assurance for investors and protect Australia's reputation for high-quality product. In addition, responding to consumer and community concerns about environmental standards and ecological sustainability of aquaculture needs to be a high priority. This is an issue for producers themselves and for government. Future growth in the sector also depends upon the capacity to attract and retain skilled and unskilled workers. The report highlights the importance of education and upgraded skills to manage new and innovative technologies.</para>
<para>Another important issue discussed in the report is the labelling of seafood to show its country of origin. The committee has pinpointed some flaws and standards that could cause confusion. Australian consumers cannot be sure whether the fish they are buying at their local fish and chip shop is Australian fish or imported fish. An example is barramundi, which is often actually imported Asian sea bass. The report therefore emphasises that Australian country-of-origin labelling rules for fish need to be addressed.</para>
<para>More generally, inconsistent Commonwealth, state and territory legislation and regulations can adversely affect the aquaculture sector. Governments need to keep up efforts to streamline processes and reduce red tape. The committee supports one-stop-shop models of regulation management to reduce duplication and streamline regulatory approval processes.</para>
<para>I'd like to conclude with some words of thanks. The committee is grateful to the organisations and individuals who made submissions to the inquiry and to those who appeared at public hearings. Your contributions were vital to the committee's efforts to conduct a comprehensive investigation into the issues facing the aquaculture sector. I'd also like to thank my colleagues on the committee for their involvement in the inquiry and their constructive contributions to the report and its recommendations. Finally, let me express my appreciation for the hard work of the secretariat in supporting the committee. I particularly want to mention the committee secretary, Jenny Adams, and the inquiry secretary, Kathleen McGarry, who put together an outstanding report. Kathleen then left on maternity leave, and I wish Kathleen all the very best. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>241590</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Does the member for O'Connor wish to move a motion in connection with the report to enable it to be debated on a future occasion?</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the House take note of the report.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>241590</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The debate is adjourned, and the resumption of the debate will be made an order of the day for the next sitting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Reference to Federation Chamber</title>
            <page.no>77</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That the order of the day be referred to the Federation Chamber for debate.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Public Works Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>77</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>77</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>14:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
    <electorate>O'Connor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public Works, I present the committee's report <inline font-style="italic">Report 1/2022: </inline><inline font-style="italic">referrals made December 2021</inline>.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr RICK WILSON</name>
    <name.id>198084</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—The report considers two proposals referred to the committee in December 2021. The first project is the Services Australia fit-out of new leased premises at 205 North Quay in Brisbane, Queensland, at an estimated cost of $89.36 million, excluding GST. Services Australia currently leases nine different sites within the Brisbane area, housing 3,559 back-of-house and corporate staff. This project aims to consolidate these nine sites and 11 leases into one fit-for-purpose office space by 2025. The project also aims to enhance staff collaboration and to improve operational effectiveness by having all staff located in one purpose-built space.</para>
<para>The second project is the Department of Home Affairs' fit out of 808 Bourke Street in Docklands, Victoria. The project has an estimated cost of $34.26 million, excluding GST. The aim of this project is to consolidate the department's current 1,740 staff located across three sites in the Melbourne central business district and Docklands area prior to the expiry of their leases in 2023. Similarly, these works aim to optimise operational efficiencies through the co-location of staff and to improve the ability of the department to provide services to the public.</para>
<para>I would like to thank both Services Australia and the Department of Home Affairs for their comprehensive presentations and briefings to the committee. I would also like to thank my fellow committee members for their consideration of these works during the summer recess, enabling both projects to be considered in a timely and efficient manner. Particularly, I would like to thank the secretariat—Klara Fay and Fran Denny—for their great work over the summer break as well.</para>
<para>In considering the projects examined in <inline font-style="italic">Report No. 1 2022</inline>, the committee recommended that the House find it expedient that both projects proceed. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>DELEGATION REPORTS</title>
        <page.no>77</page.no>
        <type>DELEGATION REPORTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the 42nd ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly</title>
          <page.no>77</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:52</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
    <electorate>Calwell</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present the report of the Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the 42nd ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, hosted by Brunei Darussalam from 23 to 25 August 2021, and I ask leave of the House to make a short statement in connection with the report.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms VAMVAKINOU</name>
    <name.id>00AMT</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm very pleased to present the report of the delegation to the 42nd AIPA, which I attended virtually with Senator Fawcett. This was the second AIPA assembly to be held virtually, of course as a result of the COVID pandemic. I want to congratulate Brunei Darussalam, this year's host nation, for holding what was a very successful general assembly, given the circumstances under which we met online.</para>
<para>This year's theme focused on digital inclusion. Speakers highlighted the power that the digital economy has to transform the ASEAN region. However, many speakers also noted that this should not be pursued at the expense of inclusivity, safety and sustainability. Another common theme was how member countries have responded to the pandemic. COVID-19 has led to the increased uptake of digital technologies, including, as we know, by this parliament especially, and by other parliaments around the world. Some speakers also highlighted the need for member countries to progress legislation to ratify and implement the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which Australia is also a party to. The situation in Myanmar continued to be of great concern and the situation there following the coup in February. It was also raised extensively and was the subject of a committee discussion.</para>
<para>We made two suggestions in our report for improving our engagement with AIPA. The first is that future delegations might like to seek to attend committee meetings in addition to the plenary sessions in order to better understand AIPA and how it operates. Secondly, if the event continues to be held virtually, we would welcome more opportunities for informal and bilateral engagement between delegates. This is one of the most interesting parts of being on a delegation: the interaction we have and the parliament-to-parliament conversations. I commend the report to the House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>78</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Human Rights Committee</title>
          <page.no>78</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>78</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>16:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On behalf of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights, I present the committee's report entitled <inline font-style="italic">Human </inline><inline font-style="italic">r</inline><inline font-style="italic">ights </inline><inline font-style="italic">s</inline><inline font-style="italic">crutiny </inline><inline font-style="italic">r</inline><inline font-style="italic">eport</inline><inline font-style="italic">: report </inline><inline font-style="italic">1 of 2022</inline>.</para>
<para>Report made a parliamentary paper in accordance with standing order 39(e).</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—Unfortunately, the chair of the committee is not able to table this. I'm tabling this on the member for Mallee's behalf, and I wish her well. This report considers two pieces of legislation. The National Security Legislation Amendment (Comprehensive Review and Other Measures No. 1) Bill 2021 is given preliminary consideration. The committee has not yet formed a concluded view in relation to this bill. Further information is required to assess the human rights implications, and the committee has asked the minister to provide such advice to assist the committee's consideration.</para>
<para>The second piece of legislation considered by the committee is the Aged Care and Other Legislation Amendment (Royal Commission Response No. 2) Bill 2021. The bill makes numerous amendments to implement eight measures in response to recommendations of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety. One of the amendments to this bill allows the Quality of Care Principles to make provision for persons or bodies to give informed consent to the use of a restrictive practice on a person in aged care if the care recipient lacks capacity to give consent—a topic that was investigated and was big in the media. The report notes:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… enabling consent to be given in relation to the use of a restrictive practice on behalf of a person who is deemed to lack capacity to give consent engages and limits the rights of persons with disabilities, including the right to equal recognition before the law and the right to consent to medical treatment.</para></quote>
<para>Article 12 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities makes it clear that the right to equal recognition before the law includes the right to enjoy legal capacity on an equal basis with others in all aspects of life and in all measures that relate to the exercise of legal capacity. There should be appropriate and effective safeguards to prevent abuse. There can be no derogation from article 12. As the report says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This means 'there are no permissible circumstances under international human rights law in which this right may be limited'.</para></quote>
<para>Denying legal capacity to care recipients who are deemed to lack capacity by enabling a substitute decision-maker to consent to the use of a restrictive practice would deprive these care recipients of their right to give consent to medical treatment and health care. I note that restrictive practices may include chemical and physical restraints.</para>
<para>The report also notes that the right to legal capacity and equal recognition before the law is what we call a 'threshold right'. If this measure were to violate article 12, it is likely that it would impermissibly limit associated rights. The United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities has stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The right to legal capacity is a threshold right, that is, it is required for the enjoyment of almost all other rights in the Convention, including the right to equality and non-discrimination. Articles 5 and 12 are fundamentally connected, because equality before the law must include the enjoyment of legal capacity by all persons with disabilities on an equal basis with others. Discrimination through denial of legal capacity may be present in different ways, including status-based, functional and outcome-based systems. Denial of decision-making on the basis of disability through any of these systems is discriminatory.</para></quote>
<para>The international human rights legal advice to the committee concluded that the amendments do not appear to be compatible with a number of human rights, particularly the rights of persons with disabilities. The committee has drawn these human rights concerns to the attention of the minister and the parliament. I'd encourage all parliamentarians to read the committee's report on this bill. When a royal commission entitles its interim report <inline font-style="italic">N</inline><inline font-style="italic">eglect</inline> and its final report <inline font-style="italic">Care, Dignity and Respect</inline>, it should be a flag to legislators that they are not doing a very good job at protecting Australia's most vulnerable people. It should be a flag to legislators that any law to regulate aged care should be carefully considered to ensure that no harm is inflicted on the most vulnerable Australians. Aged care in Australia is a disgrace under the Morrison government. It is in such crisis that Australian Defence Force personnel have been sent in to support staff in aged care. I have grave concerns about the measures in this bill.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>79</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021, Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>79</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
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            <p>
              <a href="r6821" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6819" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6820" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>79</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CHESTERS</name>
    <name.id>249710</name.id>
    <electorate>Bendigo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Before this debate was interrupted earlier today by members' statements, I was speaking to the House about my frustration that the government, through their work on this bill, have created such anxiety in our community. Like many other members of the House, people within the LGBTI community have also been contacting me. They're very worried and incredibly anxious about the implications of this bill, and what effect it will have on them, their family and people in the LGBTI community.</para>
<para>I want to take a moment to acknowledge some of the concerns they have raised with me. In a debate like this, one that is so personal, when we are talking about the rights of individuals, it's important to remember and to reflect on the voices and on the issues that are raised with us. And I should say that many of the people who wrote to me haven't just written to me in the past 24 hours; they wrote me some time ago. The moment that the exposure bill was released, they were raising their concerns.</para>
<para>Graham from Eaglehawk was concerned that this bill would 'encourage hatred and hypocrisy', the kind that made his life hell as a young gay student. He was taunted, and he is haunted to this day by his experiences. He is now in his 60s. Penelope from Castlemaine raised with me that there is nothing obscene about being a transgender child. 'These kids are normal, and they should have the same opportunities as other kids.' Terri from Kyneton raised with me: 'My daughter is transgendered. I implore you to vote against any bill that would allow any discrimination of kids within the transgender community. Transgender kids deserve all the same rights afforded to other kids. They deserve acceptance, respect and support.' These are just some of the many comments I've received from people in our community. It's important to raise them, because if the government say they've fixed these issues in this bill—that they are going to protect kids, that kids will not be discriminated against as a result of this bill—then they have a lot of work to do to rebuild trust in our community. Our community is sceptical of this bill because the government have not gone about it in the right way. They have not brought people with them.</para>
<para>When we're talking about an issue, and we're talking about rights and we're talking about discrimination, it can be something that's a unifying moment for our country. It can be a moment that brings people together. It can be a moment that empowers people and allows others to say, 'I stand with you'. We've done this in the past. But unfortunately, in this bill, when we should be celebrating bringing together and talking about protections for people and ending discrimination against people of faith, the government have been able to wedge and divide our community because of the way they have handled the debate and consultation.</para>
<para>I was very concerned this bill was coming to the House without due proper process. And whilst the government had the exposure drafts out there, they haven't allowed the Australian people adequate time to voice their concerns about this bill. In recognising the importance of religious freedoms for so many Australians, Labor called for a joint parliamentary inquiry to be conducted, with significant time for all interested Australians to review these complex laws and make considered submissions to inform the process. That would allow people the time to debate, to discuss, to work through their differences. The government point-blank refused to allow such an inquiry, and instead two parliamentary committees did good work on reviews rushed through over the Christmas period. Over the Christmas period!</para>
<para>That simply isn't enough time, nor does it give people the respect of being involved in this process.</para>
<para>Even with the tight constraints that these committees had to operate within, both reviews identified multiple problems with these laws. To this date, when we stand here, with the government saying they have amendments, we are not convinced that those amendments actually go towards resolving a number of the complex problems in this bill. One of those that I am most concerned about, and that a number of Victorians have raised with me, particularly in my electorate, is the way that these laws propose to override state antidiscrimination laws. While people in Victoria have worked so hard to come together to set up a state system where all people have rights, regardless of religion, sexuality, gender or race, we are now in a situation where the federal government may override some of those.</para>
<para>I speak to this, thinking about what happened in Bendigo not that long ago. In preparing for this speech, I went back and read over the notes, the transcripts, the media and a lot of what happened in Bendigo in the debate around building a mosque in our electorate. If there is a group of Australians who has suffered religious vilification the most, the Bendigo Muslim community is up there on the list. They wanted to build a mosque in their region. They found the perfect site. They put in a planning application to the City of Greater Bendigo, which satisfied the city, and it passed.</para>
<para>Then Bendigo became the backdrop of a horrible fight about religion, where the far Right invaded our town and conducted some hideous acts of racial vilification. There were mock beheadings out the front of the City of Greater Bendigo. There were taunts and rants. We had someone fly down from Queensland and drive around in a truck shouting racist slogans and vilification towards people of the Muslim faith. It wasn't a local but someone who wanted to come down to try to influence our community. What happened on social media was that a post kept being pushed out to our social media networks that was just a lie. It was fake news. It was a photo of the fountain with a made-up headline that Muslim men had raped a local girl. It was a complete lie. It was created and pushed out to our Facebook pages to create fear, to vilify people of the Muslim faith and to stop the mosque from going ahead.</para>
<para>The mosque dispute went to VCAT, which upheld the council decision to allow the mosque to be built. It then went to the Supreme Court. It went all the way to the High Court, and what was frustrating for a lot of the people in the Bendigo Muslim community was that they were partly on the sidelines because it wasn't technically their faith that was on trial; it was a planning decision that was on trial. But the Victorian government introduced laws, and we did see some of the individuals involved in these despicable acts of religious vilification prosecuted. For the first time, a criminal charge under the Victorian Racial and Religious Tolerance Act was tested in court, and three men found to be involved in the video of the mock beheading were convicted and found guilty of serious contempt in ridiculing Muslims.</para>
<para>It was a moment for our town that we're still healing from, and it's a moment that many communities across Australia probably have firsthand experience of. But why it relates to this debate is that, when I reach out to people of faith to talk about this bill, what many of them have said to me is, 'I don't want our faith to be blamed for a teacher getting sacked or a kid getting expelled, because if that's what this bill allows then that goes against our teaching and our religion.' It speaks to the confusion that exists in our community, and it speaks to the fear both in the faith communities and in the LGBTI community. It is a wedge that this government has created because it has not brought the Australian people along with it. If we are truly serious that we want this law to be a shield that gives protections to people of religion and people of faith, then we need to go back to the beginning and start again and start bringing people with us, because right now the debate is: 'Your rights are more important than my rights.' It is dividing our community, and that is not fair.</para>
<para>The way in which this is being played out, because the government has handled this so badly, is creating so much hurt and fear in our community. I do really feel for the rainbow families tonight in my electorate who are really worried about the impact of this bill, and, whilst we say that there are amendments to this bill, that emotional damage is there and the government needs to be doing more. I do worry about the impact that this will have on our teachers and aged-care workers and people working in religious institutions, who are incredibly stressed already because of the pressures the pandemic is putting on them, and I hope that this isn't the final straw for some of them in choosing whether they go to work tomorrow or not. I also really worry about the impact that this is having on our faith based community, particularly our minority faiths, who feel that they haven't had enough time to consider what is before us.</para>
<para>The bill, in its original intent, would mean that those individuals who created the most horrible acts of racial vilification against the Bendigo Muslim community could have simply said: 'But it was my faith. Christianity is opposed to that,' and they could have got away with it. It is good to hear that those parts of the bill have been stripped out, but it's not good enough to push this through the parliament in the last weeks and months of this term of parliament. We need more time for this bill to be considered, not by us but by our broader community. If we could take a marriage equality debate to a plebiscite when it changed only a couple of words in the Marriage Act, then surely we can give the Australian people more time to consider this complex bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ANDREWS</name>
    <name.id>HK5</name.id>
    <electorate>Menzies</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In December 1948, the international community gathered at the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Confronted by the horrors of the Second World War and egregious breaches of human rights in many places, world leaders sought to enshrine standards of conduct that respected the inherent dignity and liberty of each human being. Led by the redoubtable Eleanor Roosevelt, the human rights committee of the new organisation had worked for nearly two years to draft the declaration. Australia was a significant supporter of the creation of the United Nations and also the universal declaration.</para>
<para>Central to the declaration is the bold assertion that 'human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want', which 'should be protected by the rule of law'. Article 18 of the declaration states that:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.</para></quote>
<para>As Harvard professor of law Mary Ann Glendon points out in her masterful account of the creation of the declaration, <inline font-style="italic">A World Made New</inline>, article 18 was a major achievement of the human rights committee. Along with Eleanor Roosevelt, it was the work of other remarkable contributors, including Rene Cassin and Charles Malik, and an Australian, William Hodgson, was a member of the drafting committee.</para>
<para>Two decades later, the international community concluded a long process to transform the declaration into an international legal instrument. Hence, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was drafted and adopted, and amongst the supporters again was Australia. The covenant expands article 18 of the declaration with three additional provisions. Firstly:</para>
<quote><para class="block">No one shall be subject to coercion which would impair his freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice.</para></quote>
<para>Secondly:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject only to such limitations as are prescribed by law and are necessary to protect public safety, order, health, or morals or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others.</para></quote>
<para>And, thirdly, the nations that are signatories to the covenant:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… undertake to have respect for the liberty of parents and, when applicable, legal guardians to ensure the religious and moral education of their children in conformity with their own convictions.</para></quote>
<para>Australia is a signatory to the covenant, but it's not been incorporated into our domestic law.</para>
<para>A number of observations can be made about the protection of religion and belief in Australia. First, there is an international definition and standard of freedom of religion and belief that Australia has long supported. Accordingly, there is an objective measure by which the adequacy or otherwise of protections in Australia can be measured. The standard in article 18 of the covenant has also been interpreted by the United Nations from time to time.</para>
<para>It is clear that there is very little legal protection for freedom of religion and belief in Australia. This is consistent with the evidence from experts to the parliamentary human rights inquiry that I chaired and which released two reports. As I wrote in the forward to the parliamentary report, <inline font-style="italic">Legal foundations of religious freedom in Australia</inline>:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… legal protection of religious freedom in Australia is limited. Australia is unusual among modern Western democracies in that it lacks a codified bill or charter of rights. While a culture of religious freedom has thrived, and the common law has respected religious freedom to a large extent, the legislative framework to ensure this continues is vulnerable.</para></quote>
<para>Section 116 of the Australian Constitution is limited in its scope according to these same experts and does not provide the range of protections covered by the covenant. To quote again from the forward:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Constitution does place 'fetters' on the Commonwealth government, preventing it from restricting religious practice to some extent. But this is a fairly narrow protection, and it does not provide a positive protection of the right, nor does it prevent the States and Territories from restricting religion.</para></quote>
<para>A survey of history reveals that threats to religious freedom have arisen mostly from the dominance of one religion over others or from a state sanctioning an official religion. While this is still the case formally or informally in some parts of the world, the threats in Western nations like Australia are more subtle and often arise in the context of protecting other conflicting rights. An imbalance between competing rights and the lack of an appropriate way to resolve the ensuing conflicts is the greatest challenge to freedom of religion in Australia. To quote again from the forward to the parliamentary report:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is most apparent with the advent of non-discrimination laws which do not allow for lawful differentiation of treatment by religious individuals and organisations. It is also manifested in a decreasing threshold for when religious freedom may be limited. For example, the Victorian Charter of Rights and Responsibilities allows 'reasonably necessary' limitations while the ACT Human Rights Act has the even lower threshold of 'reasonable' limitations, compared to the ICCPR's requirement that limitations be 'necessary'. While religious exemptions within non-discrimination laws provide some protection, these place religious freedom in a vulnerable position with respect to the right to nondiscrimination, and do not acknowledge the fundamental position that freedom of religion has in international human rights law.</para></quote>
<para>These reflections highlight the inadequacy of the current situation. First, Australian domestic law contains very little protection for freedom of religion. Secondly, this is compounded by the incorporation through a series of Commonwealth, state and territory statutes of one universally recognised freedom that is against discrimination into domestic law but the exclusion of others, including freedom of religion. Thirdly, where exemptions are provided, they create a tenuous and negative protection rather than a positive protection provided in the international covenant. Moreover, there is a failure to recognise that under international jurisprudence there is no hierarchy of rights that each and every right should be given full expression to the extent possible.</para>
<para>The notion that religious freedom does not require any further legal protection, because Australians are a tolerant, easygoing people, is overly sanguine. Hence a Bishop is dragged before a tribunal for simply expounding Christian beliefs; a company retreats after a Twitter storm because it was associated with a respectful debate between two members of this House about same-sex marriage; a business executive is hounded by activists to resign from the board of a Christian education foundation; a sports star is harangued for expressing a belief that marriage is between man and woman; and a university is pressured about an academic who supports a Christian foundation. The latter was argued in the name of diversity—a diversity that tolerates only one view.</para>
<para>The notion of toleration indeed has been turned on its head. A new liberal view was espoused by John Locke and others, with Locke's in his 1689 letter concerning toleration. In it, Locke sought to distinguish the business of civil government from that of religion. Written at a time when controversy surrounded the idea that Catholics should be able to practise their religion in Protestant England and that Jews and Muslims should be able to enjoy religious freedom in a Christian nation, Locke argued that the state and the church had separate functions. He sought to find a way that people of different religious beliefs could live together. As the late Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks has written, toleration:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… aims not so much at truth but at peace. It is a political necessity, not a religious imperative, and it arises when people have lived through the alternative: the war of all against all.</para></quote>
<para>This bill is not perfect, but it is an attempt to find a balance of rights that supports that toleration which was espoused by Locke and many others. Freedom of religion includes the freedom 'to profess, and by argument to maintain, their opinions in matters of religion', to quote Thomas Jefferson's famous formulation. That means in the public square, not just in the synagogue, temple or church. Once freedom of speech is compromised, freedom of religion will not be far behind. When both are compromised, freedom itself has been lost.</para>
<para>Many contributors to this debate, I note, have spoken about matters that are not in this bill—about their desire for changes to be made, for example, to exemptions under the sex discrimination legislation. Those matters are matters beyond this bill. They're matters indeed which were introduced by way of exemption by a previous Labor government. In conclusion, I believe this bill is an attempt to restore balance. It is not perfect. There are matters which I personally would have included and others I might have excluded. But I believe it is a reasonably fair attempt to balance the competing rights in this area. As I said, there are various rights which need to be balanced in a modern rights supporting democracy like Australia. There is no hierarchy of those rights, but we should be trying to the best of our endeavours to ensure that each of those rights can be supported in legislation, in the culture in which we live and, indeed, in the laws made by the parliament.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DICK</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate>Oxley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Everyone deserves the right to live free from discrimination. It's that simple. In my consideration of the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, I have made a point of consulting with my local churches, faith leaders, community organisations, mums and dads, grandparents and children, who have told me firsthand the impact and their experience of two things: their dealings with religious leadership and also some of the discrimination they have faced.</para>
<para>The important work that faith communities do in my community cannot be underestimated. I want to make sure that they feel safe from discrimination and vilification as they carry out their work. People like Pastors Phil and Krista Kennedy of Shiloh Church in Goodna in my electorate of Oxley do incredible things for people that they serve. In their own words, they bring 'hope to those who are broken'. They have run programs that feed, counsel and support people who are in need. Organisations like CareForce, which is run from St Hugh's Anglican Parish in Inala, offer much needed supplies and services to vulnerable members of our community. The Springfield Christian Family, through their charity arm, Westside Community Care, reaches out to struggling families and individuals in the Greater Springfield region and surrounds in Queensland to offer vital programs and services. The Vietnamese Catholic community in Inala is also a fantastic example of religion's power to unite and uplift through a sense of shared culture and belief. Whether it be any of the Buddhist temples, the Darra mosque or Camira mosque, they reach out and help those in need. It's these people and organisations—along with the likes of Pastor Mark Edwards from Cityhope Church and Pastors Robyn and John Robertson from Riverlife Baptist Church—that remind me each and every day of the importance of religion in our local community. These local organisations and the many people who rely upon them for comfort, faith and support are why we must protect the right of every Australian to practise and express their beliefs.</para>
<para>I am a person of faith, a Christian, but my faith is no more important than anyone else's. I grew up in a household where my mother, a devout Christian, ran a prayer group and believed in the power of prayer. My father was not particularly religious. But both fundamentally believed in the creation of equality in our community, just as Labor has a number of fundamental principles for our consideration in this bill, including: first, as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights makes clear, religious organisations and people of faith have the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs and teachings of their traditions and faith; second, support for the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities; and, third, consistent with the international covenant, to ensure that any extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework does not remove protections that already exist in the law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination.</para>
<para>From engaging with my local religious leaders and people of faith, I know that there is overwhelming support for extending the federal antidiscrimination framework to protect religious people. And I want to thank everyone for the constructive way that they have engaged in this debate. It's funny that the constructive debate has happened outside of this place—sadly, not inside—because of the way the government has handled this debate. At the same time, I've heard from those in my community who have real concerns about the contentious elements of this bill.</para>
<para>What I find most disappointing is that the importance of a religious discrimination framework has been overshadowed by a mishandled and rushed process by this government. On 13 December 2018 we saw an announcement from the Prime Minister that his government would enact a religious discrimination act and appoint a religious freedom commissioner before the 2019 election. That promise was broken by Mr Morrison and it became one of the government's election commitments for this term.</para>
<para>The Australian public were promised that the government would work in a spirit of bipartisanship with the opposition, the crossbench and stakeholders to introduce a religious discrimination bill into the parliament that already enjoyed cross-party support. That is not what occurred. The government has broken a multitude of promises surrounding this legislation, particularly regarding the drafting and consultation process. And now, on the eve of an election, five minutes to midnight, we are seeing antidiscrimination laws that bear little resemblance to what was promised.</para>
<para>I know that religious freedom and antidiscrimination legislation is incredibly important to so many of the people that I represent, and this legislation is just too important to get wrong. That's why Labor called for the joint parliamentary inquiry to be conducted with sufficient time for all interested Australians to review these complex laws. Such an inquiry would have ensured that all members of this parliament could participate, asking questions and representing the views of their constituents. The government point-blank refused such an inquiry and instead demanded that two parliamentary committees conduct rushed reviews of the legislation over the Christmas holiday period, in the middle of the last outbreak of COVID.</para>
<para>Even so, both reviews identified multiple problems with these laws. Unfortunately, the government has completely ignored many of the problems identified in those inquiries, particularly those raised in relation to the most contentious aspects of these bills, including the proposed overrides of state antidiscrimination laws. As late as yesterday morning, on the day the Prime Minister demanded these laws be debated in this parliament, the government was still frantically drafting amendments to fix some of the problems that have been identified in this bill since it was tabled in November last year.</para>
<para>Given the importance of protecting people of faith from discrimination and promoting freedom of thought, conscience and belief, we need to get these bills right. That's why we've been urging the government for years to work with the Leader of the Opposition, the crossbench, members from both sides of parliament and stakeholders to produce a religious discrimination bill that is fit for purpose and that does not create needless community disunity and discord.</para>
<para>While most of the provisions of the religious discrimination bill are straightforward, and are drafted in a manner that is broadly consistent with other Commonwealth antidiscrimination statutes, other aspects of the bill are complex. For many provisions, their precise scope and their practical implications remain entirely unclear. This applies in particular to the provisions that interact with or override existing and possible future state and territory discrimination laws.</para>
<para>As we know, possibly the most contentious provision is clause 12 of the Religious Discrimination Bill, followed by clause 11 of the same bill. Both of these provisions involve overriding state or territory antidiscrimination laws, among other things. Both have been described by a number of legal experts as procedurally unworkable, potentially unconstitutional and, in relation to clause 12 in particular, diminishing existing protections against discrimination and vilification. These provisions are summarised, as we know, in today's debate.</para>
<para>Clauses 7 and 9 have been the subject of a lot of criticism from all corners. ACT equality groups, the Law Council of Australia and the Hindu Council of Australia have all pointed out concerns. Most alarmingly, the Law Council and the Hindu council, among others, have argued that those provisions would result in more religious discrimination rather than less, particularly against people of minority faiths. Labor have always sought to consider these issues carefully and reasonably. While many of these concerns are valid, we have not allowed the controversial rhetoric surrounding the bill to get in the way of what we know the community is crying out for: an extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to protect people of faith against discrimination.</para>
<para>As I've said, while many of the changes proposed in the bill are sensible, I'm concerned that this bill does not, in large, do what the government is advertising it should do. This bill will not protect a person of Islamic faith who is abused in the street or a Hindu man who is vilified for his religious beliefs. Labor has raised this issue with the government, but as of right now the government has refused to include an antivilification provision. Since the first explanatory draft of this bill when it was released two years ago, a range of religious groups have argued the bill should include an antivilification provision. They've even put forward drafting suggestions. The government has wilfully ignored those submissions over the course of two years.</para>
<para>Religion is a beautiful thing, and religious people across Australia deserve the right to practise their beliefs without fear of vilification or discrimination. I'll always fight for the rights of my local churches, mosques and temples and my constituents who count themselves as people of faith. We must also uphold the values, shared by many religions, of generosity and compassion towards others, and we must ensure that a bill is designed to provide protection from discrimination and does not breed further hatred. In the opinion of the Uniting Church in Australia, this bill does not balance these values and the need for a religious discrimination framework. It stated on Monday:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… the Bill fails to strike the right balance between people's rights, protections & responsibilities, and may embolden discrimination in the broader community should it pass without substantial amendments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Our fears remain for the safety and wellbeing of the LGBTIQ community, people with disabilities, women, and minority faith communities.</para></quote>
<para>We have seen recently that religious institutions can and will use their power to discriminate against people of the LGBTQI+ community. The Citipointe enrolment contract in Queensland was a clear example of the ways in which religious belief can, in the wrong hands, be wielded as a sword against those in our community who are most marginalised. I am glad that the Citipointe contract was withdrawn, but the attitude that led to its creation remains. I am deeply concerned that this bill does not protect children from the damage that identity based discrimination can do at such a young age.</para>
<para>People of faith deserve to feel safe in our society, as do members of the LGBTQI+ plus community. I believe it's possible to balance these two things, but I don't think the bill as it stands hits the mark. That's why I'll be strongly supporting the amendments moved by Labor, including an amendment to delete clauses 12 and 15, which relate to statements of belief and override state and territory laws, from the bill; an amendment to introduce an antivilification provision; an amendment to make it clear that in-home care service providers in the aged-care sector cannot discriminate in the provision of services on the basis of religious belief or activity; and an amendment to the Sex Discrimination Act to remove the exemption of section 38(3). I believe that with these changes this bill can strike the right balance and protect all vulnerable people.</para>
<para>I finish where I started. Everyone deserves the right to live free from discrimination—it's that simple. I'll work with anyone to see religious freedom protected in this country, but I implore the government to listen to the wider community and to work with Labor in a constructive way to improve this legislation to deliver protections for people of faith without the need to see an increase in discrimination for anyone else. I commend the bills to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>On Tuesday morning I attended Saint Nicholas Greek Orthodox Church of Canberra at Kingston for the service that takes place before every parliamentary year. As leader of the Labor Party I gave a reading from 1 Corinthians 13:4-8:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Love suffers long and is kind; love does not envy; love does not parade itself, is not puffed up;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">does not behave rudely, does not seek its own, is not provoked, thinks no evil;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">does not rejoice in iniquity, but rejoices in the truth;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">bears all things, believes all things, hopes all things, endures all things.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Love never fails.</para></quote>
<para>To me, the best of people of faith in this diverse multicultural nation of Australia is all about love: love of our humanity in all its diversity—straight people, gay people, people of diverse gender identity; men, women; people of different ethnicity; people of different faiths. What this debate should have been about is enhancing national unity, bringing people together, and a next step in an acknowledgement that this great nation's greatest strength is our diversity, is our common humanity. Unfortunately, the flawed Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 does not do that.</para>
<para>From my perspective, we come at religious discrimination as a complex issue with guiding principles that are clear. We support people's right to practise their faith free from discrimination, consistent with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. But this should not remove protections that already exist to protect against other forms of discrimination. The idea that there has to be conflict between people such as children and people with disabilities, who potentially will be really hurt by the flaws in this bill, and members of minority faiths in particular, who will be protected by this bill, is a false dichotomy. We surely should be able to do both, to enhance protections against discrimination without enhancing discrimination against others. That was always the objective of all of the groups of faith I've met with, both formally and informally, over a process that's taken years.</para>
<para>Yet we have, after four years of a process that began in 2018, a circumstance whereby the opposition has been given 24 hours to consider the complexity of what is being advanced. That's what's happened to the opposition, let alone the fact that state and territory governments that will be impacted by this haven't been consulted at all and people of faith and people in the general community haven't been consulted properly either. This bill wants to pit those groups against each other. I want to defend all of them. We need shields from discrimination, not swords for discrimination. That's the fundamental principle that I bring to this debate, and it's a principle that I hold dear.</para>
<para>In my first speech, back in 1996, I emphasised that there was not equality of opportunity across gender, sexual preference and ethnicity. In my first term in parliament, I moved a private member's bill about superannuation entitlements for same-sex couples. That was part of a debate to then broaden out how we get equality for people regardless of their sexuality, something I fundamentally agree with. I went on to say that cultural diversity and respect can lead to a more peaceful, equitable and fulfilling life for all. They're values for which I've stood up. They're values for which I've argued. They're values for which I've fought. Dr Martin Luther King declared, 'The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends towards justice,' and that's true.</para>
<para>In 1996 it was a different world. The idea that this parliament could, with just a few exceptions, vote for marriage equality is something that wouldn't have been conceived of back at that time. But, as we mature as a nation, we have, as our core value, support and respect for each other. The idea of having legislation that removes discrimination on the basis of faith is an important one. Some people have said to me, 'Why do you need any of this debate?' The truth is that, as a Roman Catholic who went to St Joseph's Camperdown and then St Mary's Cathedral in Sydney, schools where a lot of the values that I have were entrenched as a part of who I am, I can say I haven't been discriminated against at any stage. But I'll tell you what: I know women who've been spat at in the street because they were wearing a hijab. I know Sikhs who've been denied employment. I know people who've had their house attacked because they had a shrine at the front of it.</para>
<para>Adding discrimination against people on the basis of their faith to the other forms of discrimination that we say are unacceptable is an important principle and one that I support. But I don't support doing it at the expense of increasing discrimination against others. This should have been a unifying moment. The Prime Minister wrote to me on 1 December—late at night, it must be said. The letter was dropped round to my office at around 7.30 on the Wednesday sitting night. He said that he sought to put the passage of the bill through the next day. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">To assist with this process and in keeping with my Second Reading Speech, where I stated there is no place in our education system for any form of discrimination against a student on the basis of their sexuality or gender identity, the Government will move an amendment to remove the provision of the Sex Discrimination Act which was included in 2013 which limited the protections provided under this act for these and other matters.</para></quote>
<para>Well, this legislation doesn't do that. It just doesn't. He invited me to meet that night. I wrote back saying that we wanted the consideration of the committee processes. I said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">As you are aware, I believe that protection against religious discrimination should be a uniting, and not dividing, moment for the nation.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Faith leaders have expressed to you, and me, their strong desire for the Parliament to consider legislation that prevents religious discrimination in a non-partisan manner.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I remain willing, as always, to discuss this important matter in person.</para></quote>
<para>Do you know how much discussion I've had with the Prime Minister since I put that in writing to him? Nothing. Not a phone call, not a meeting, nothing whatsoever. At the conclusion of my speech, I will seek leave to table that correspondence.</para>
<para>This legislation is flawed, but we want to fix it. We will be moving amendments in the House of Representatives. If that is not successful here, we won't stand in the way of the Senate considering the legislation. But we will move the amendments in the Senate. We hope they're carried here, but, if not, we expect they will be carried in the Senate, and we will insist on them. We will insist on them, because this legislation needs to be improved. We know that, if they're not carried, this legislation will simply not be good enough.</para>
<para>Our amendments will go to a number of issues. I might need an extension of time. On clause 12, statements of belief, Labor agrees that the mere expression of a non-malicious statement of belief should not contravene any Australian law, and we stand with people of faith on that front. We're ready to work with the government on a better way of achieving what the government claims this provision is intended to achieve, which is to provide reassurance to people of faith. But a law that says, on its face, that one group of Australians should be allowed to discriminate against other Australians is not the way to do it. It's offensive, frankly, to people of faith. The Prime Minister says that he wants to bring this bill together. If that is what he wants, he will support Labor's amendment to clarify the statements-of-belief clause of this bill.</para>
<para>The second issue is that of antivilification. I can't see how any debate about religious discrimination in Australia can ignore the fact that during the term of this parliament an Australian man brutally murdered 51 Muslim worshippers in two Christchurch mosques. Nor should the debate ignore the troubling rise of Islamophobic, anti-Hindu, anti-Semitic and other religious and race based incidents of discrimination, threats and violence on our own shores.</para>
<para>This debate should also be providing greater legislative protection against vilification and incitement to hatred or violence based on a person's religion or religious belief. Labor will move an amendment to ensure that we enact an anti-vilification clause, and it should receive support for it, because, where the government's bill does not even prohibit vilification of people on the basis of religious belief, religious dress or religious activity, that is a flaw. This is despite the Prime Minister's claim in this chamber that the bill draws a clear line against harassment, vilification or intimidation of anyone. It does not do that. The bill, as it stands, will not protect a Muslim woman in my electorate from being abused in the street for being Muslim, or a Hindu man who is vilified for his religious beliefs. This amendment should also be uncontroversial. That is why this bill, without that, doesn't even measure up to the premise of its own title. That's why this anti-vilification amendment is essential.</para>
<para>We've heard a lot about changes to the Sex Discrimination Act throughout this debate. This is a further amendment that we will move. We've been left with an amendment by the government that barely amends the Sex Discrimination Act and leaves many young people exposed to discrimination, which is totally at odds with what was promised in writing by the Prime Minister. For young Australians grappling with their sexual identity, it can be an extraordinarily difficult time. This parliament shouldn't be making it harder for them; we should be protecting them. I would be pretty confident that, overwhelmingly, Australians of faith would agree with this too. That is why Labor will move a simple amendment to delete section 38(3) of the Sex Discrimination Act, in full, to remove discrimination against all children, whether they're gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender, recognising that all children should have a right to be who they are and that there are consequences for not having that.</para>
<para>The truth is that most religious schools don't expel or discriminate against their students because of who they are, and they never want to anyway. In my class at St Mary's Cathedral, there were three openly gay students, one of whom went on to be a very famous drag queen in Sydney. And my best teacher at St Mary's Cathedral, the person who inspired me to be an economist and to do an economics degree—and inspired many others, like Paul Cleary, who'd be known to many people in this chamber—was a gay teacher. He was fantastic, and he made a difference to my life and a difference to so many other lives at St Mary's Cathedral. The truth is that this amendment will strengthen the legislation as well. Labor supports removing discrimination against teachers, while recognising the right of religious schools to give preference to hiring school staff of their own faith—that's just common sense—but, because these two rights interact in a complex way, we believe this issue cannot be rammed through the parliament and will need to be carefully considered by the Australian Law Reform Commission. It is something that Labor will do in government.</para>
<para>Can I conclude and thank the House for the opportunity. Today this parliament has the opportunity to again bend the arc of change towards justice: justice for those who wish to pursue their religious convictions without harming others and justice for those who simply want to be themselves. These principles are worth fighting for. We heard it here last night. My great friend the member for Whitlam spoke of the tragic death of his 15-year-old nephew, a young person loved and supported by family but struggling against discrimination in the broader community. Stephen also spoke with love of his own son, who he worries will not have the opportunity to grow up in an Australia where he's simply allowed to be himself without being the subject of hatred or discrimination. That is not too much to ask for our kids.</para>
<para>I've also been moved by the recent comments by the member for Maribyrnong, who notes that many people with disability suffer discrimination from some people of faith who cruelly attribute their disability to the will of God. I'll stand up for the rights of people to practice their religion, but I won't support anyone who uses their religion as an excuse to be cruel and to deny the rights of others who just happen to be different. We have an opportunity here to make a real difference, an opportunity to bend the arc of progress, an opportunity to protect the right of Australians to practice their faith, and an opportunity to fix this flawed legislation so that it sets the right balance between rights and responsibilities, conviction and compassion, and love of divinity and love for each other.</para>
<para>As I said, our greatest strength certainly as Australians has always been our capacity to come together. We have this opportunity as a parliament. We haven't been difficult on this legislation. We are putting out a hand. It should be shaken by the other side. This is an opportunity to advance unity of this nation, not to pit people against each other. This bill as it stands right now, if it is not amended by either the House or the Senate, will only succeed in driving us apart. Ours is a wonderful country, but there is an even better Australia almost within our grasp. This bill in its present form will push it further out of reach. That is not our instinct as a people. It is not who we are. Let's put aside divisiveness and this pointless, petty partisanship. This is a moment for leadership; this is an opportunity for the Prime Minister to show some. It's an opportunity for unity of purpose. We must change this bill. All Australians deserve nothing less. I seek leave to table the correspondence between the Prime Minister and me.</para>
<para>Leave granted.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I note that that I didn't interrupt you to seek the formal extension of time, but that was taken. I appreciate the patience of the member for Leichhardt.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>17:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ENTSCH</name>
    <name.id>7K6</name.id>
    <electorate>Leichhardt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have to say to that there is no way in good conscience that I can support legislation that strips away people's religious rights or, for that matter, any other rights. It's the right of all Australians not to be discriminated against, including those of faith. Our society rightfully does not accept people being discriminated against on account of their gender, race, age or disability. Nor should we accept or tolerate discrimination because of a person's faith or religion. However, while it's important to protect the rights of people and organisations of faith, I strongly believe that these protections should not come at the expense of others.</para>
<para>I understand that this is, of course, a very sensitive issue to many people in my community. However, my role as an elected official is to ensure that the legislation gets the balance right and we don't end up with legislation that has a negative impact on others living within our community. I have to say, too, as somebody who has long advocated for the rights of the LGBTIQ+ community in particular, I certainly have concerns about a number of elements within this legislation. So it has been a very difficult journey for me in trying to get some sort of balance here.</para>
<para>Quite frankly, I don't believe that the bill currently before the House is necessary. If anything, it has highlighted the fact that there has obviously been, from what I can see, a focus particularly on gay and gender diverse children and adults, and something that I've realised throughout the process is that a lot of these issues are not going to be able to be addressed through this bill but need to be addressed through the Sex Discrimination Act. Clearly, there need to be some significant reforms in that area to protect individuals, both children and adults, in our society who identify as gay and/or gender diverse.</para>
<para>My first reaction was to blatantly refuse to accept this bill. However, over time, and having started to negotiate through some of the more difficult and unacceptable elements of the bill, I believe that some progress has been made. I think it's important that we bank these successes, as we work on other issues that clearly are blatant discrimination towards one section of our community. For example, I've got to say I was pleased to see that we were able to negotiate the removal of the Folau clause; it was something that I found offensive, and I was so pleased to see its removal. Irrespective of a person's personal views, I think that, in the case of Folau, to allow him to make such disparaging comments—and not only about gender diverse people; I think it needs to be pointed out that he was also very critical of people of the Jewish faith and even heterosexuals—and to reward him by giving him a specific clause in the bill was totally inappropriate, and I welcome the fact that it has been removed.</para>
<para>Another aspect that I was pleased to see removed from the bill currently before the House was the conscientious objection clause; I believe it was absolutely essential to remove it. Again, I found it to be totally unnecessary, and it would have led to levels of discrimination. As I say, I am pleased to see that it has been removed from the bill.</para>
<para>However, there are some aspects of the legislation that certainly cause concern to me and to others. One of those aspects is the statement of belief. I'm hoping that, by having other areas addressed through the Sex Discrimination Act, we might be able to cover some of these concerns as well.</para>
<para>I also welcome the decision to remove from this bill the ability to discriminate against gay children. However, unfortunately, I do believe that the protection afforded is far too narrow, in so much as we're talking about expulsion of gay children specifically. My own personal experience over many, many years is that a lot of faith based schools would argue that they don't expel students—and that is absolutely true; there's no question about that. But I can tell you that I've seen quite a number of children and parents, over many years, where the children haven't been expelled, but, in these cases, the children were treated appallingly—they were taunted, bullied and made to feel uncomfortable in their school environment—so that, eventually, these children felt that they had no choice but to leave that school. These cases are examples where it does occur.</para>
<para>I have to say, in my own personal situation, all of my youngest son's schooling has been in Catholic education, both primary and secondary, and he has had a wonderful education there. From my own personal experience as a parent, I've certainly seen no examples of that behaviour in that particular school. I have a 15-year-old daughter who is at another Catholic school, and, again, her experience has been amazingly positive. I've seen no evidence of that behaviour. But the fact that it isn't happening in these cases doesn't mean to say that it doesn't occur. So I think we need to broaden our scope in this area so that we're talking not just about expulsion but also about the reasons that children feel it is necessary to leave.</para>
<para>At the end of the day, in providing that security for the children, it's not only the parents but the school itself that has to embrace those children. We see so many examples, which I would like to acknowledge, of schools that adopt best practice, where not only the parents but the school community itself embraces those children. For whatever reason, whether it be because they are gender diverse, they are embraced, they are loved and they actually do great. I'm talking about focusing on those areas where there are problems, and I would have much preferred to see those elements included in the bill.</para>
<para>I appreciate the discussions that I've had in recent times with the Attorney-General. The Attorney has agreed to send through a request to the Australian Law Reform Commission to broaden the scope of the review that is happening to focus on not only the expulsion of gay children but also the various discriminatory actions that would force these children to leave a school. I have also requested that the review includes other gender diverse children such as transgender children, who at this point, unfortunately, have been excluded from this very narrow remit, along with a referral to address the concerns I have in relation to gender diverse teachers and other adults working within faith based schools or school organisations generally.</para>
<para>My concern is that, if we just reject the bill now, we could lose the opportunity of capturing the positives we have already achieved. It may well be that a future government might be reluctant to step into this space and that these discriminations, given that they have existed for many years, could continue to remain unaddressed.</para>
<para>Another written commitment that I have received, and which I welcome, is that, in relation to the referrals to the Australian Law Reform Commission, the time frame for the review period has been shortened from 12 months to six months. I am certainly working very closely with the Attorney and the Australian Law Reform Commission to make sure that all the concerns that I've raised are fully addressed and considered within this review, and I also expect that any recommendation that addresses these concerns will be submitted and implemented without delay.</para>
<para>This bill has been a very difficult one for me to address, and I know that people will probably be critical of the fact that I am not blocking the bill. But I do believe that we need to back in the positive outcomes and lock them in now and make sure that we've got commitments for accelerated processes that will address the other areas of concern that have been identified as needing to be amended in legislation outside of this bill.</para>
<para>In my own personal journey—and I'm going to focus on transgender people here. I've been given permission to share this story with you. I was interviewed some years ago by a budding young journalist called Colin Doak. Colin came to my office, and we went through a whole process, just sharing my experience in the advocacy that I was involved in. During the course of that period, I could see that he was feeling a little uncomfortable. After a bit of time and a little bit of prompting, he shared with me—and I had the privilege of being the first person that he had actually shared this with—his desire and intention to transition.</para>
<para>It was a very difficult and very emotional time for him and for me. He was very fearful of the impact that was going to have in his community, and I have to say to you: these are the types of feelings that I know are out there for so many people that don't—with his family, with his community. I have to say to you that, at that time, when I embraced him and offered my support, I'd never felt somebody tremble so strongly.</para>
<para>Over time, I have shared Colin's journey. Colin is now Kate. She's quite a capable journalist in her own right, and it has been amazing to see how well she has developed; she has really progressed in her life. It was an amazing experience when, a couple of years ago, she came to my office very excited and she said to me, 'Warren, you're not going to believe this, but dad called me "Kate".' The emotion that was there and the fact that somebody who was from a very rural area with a very set mindset on this was able to accept his beautiful daughter for who she was—it was quite amazing in terms of the impact that it had on her.</para>
<para>I make reference to Kate's story because it just shows you that, with the right sort of nurturing environment, people can absolutely thrive. It worries me that there are elements within this that are going to be quite prohibitive and that people are going to feel quite marginalised. So, while I'm not going to vote against the bill, I'll certainly be very much focusing on changes. I'll be voting for the changes that we've already achieved and locked in, and I'll certainly be looking for very significant additional changes as well.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MURPHY</name>
    <name.id>133646</name.id>
    <electorate>Dunkley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, member for Leichhardt, for sharing Kate's story. It's Kate's story—like it is the story of the nephew and the son of the member for Whitlam and like it is the story of friends and family of mine and people in my community—that makes this such an important debate. My community wants the elimination of discrimination based on religion, and so do I. My community wants the elimination of discrimination based on sexuality, and so do I. My community wants the elimination of discrimination based on gender and gender identity, and so do I. Let's be frank: what we want is the elimination of discrimination in all of its forms. But this bill doesn't do that. It doesn't deal with discrimination based on religion in an appropriate way, which it was intended to do; it doesn't deal with the elimination of discrimination based on sexuality; and it certainly doesn't deal with the elimination of discrimination based on gender and gender identity.</para>
<para>As the Leader of the Opposition said, when we come to these debates, what we should be looking for are shields, not swords. Like, I assume, every other member of this chamber, I have been flooded with emails, phone calls, and social media messages from, and have had conversations face to face with, people from my electorate about why they have a particular position on this piece of legislation. I have been privileged to hear many of their stories. And like many other members of this chamber, I have people in my life who I love, who I work with, who volunteer on my campaign, who I see at the local coffee shop or the sports club or when I go to a local production of a play or a musical, who are gay, who are lesbian, who are bisexual, who are transgender, who are non-binary, who are just trying to work out who they are and what their place is in the world. I have promised to represent, to the best of my ability, everyone in my electorate. Many people say 'whether or not you voted for me'—and that is right. But I have also promised to represent in this chamber everyone in my electorate even if their values are different to mine, even if their view on faith is different to mine, even if their sexuality, their gender, their race, their identity is different to mine because everyone deserves to be respected. Everyone deserves the opportunity to lead their best life, and to not feel that being fulfilled in who they are also means being hated or despised or discriminated against.</para>
<para>Sometimes coming into this chamber to try to represent everyone in your community is incredibly difficult, because sometimes the needs and the priorities of individuals and groups aren't the same as the needs and priorities of other individuals and groups in one's electorate. But, again, as the Leader of the Opposition said, it's not a matter of pitting the needs and priorities of one group against another, it's a matter of trying to balance them. It's a matter of looking at the rights and responsibilities that we say are fundamental and how they apply to one group, and looking at the rights and responsibilities that we say are fundamental and how they apply to another group.</para>
<para>One of the challenges we have in this parliament and in our federal politics is that we don't have a charter or a bill of rights and responsibilities to guide us when we do that balancing process. And so it is that we often come to debate things like the issues before us—the right to be free of religious discrimination and to practice one's faith, and the right to be free from discrimination based on sexuality and gender and to be one's true self—without a framework in which to do so. That's why we need to have a charter or a bill of rights in this country, because we can't keep dealing with these issues in an ad hoc way and we can't keep dealing with these issues in a political way. They shouldn't be political and they shouldn't be partisan. They should be part of a charter of rights, within which we do our utmost to balance the needs of all the people and all of the groups in our society. I know there are people on both sides of the chamber who believe that, and that's what we strive to do here. That is why it is so fundamentally disappointing for me, as an individual and as a representative of a community that has overwhelmingly told me they want LGBTIQ members of our community to be protected, to be standing here having this debate about such a deeply flawed bill.</para>
<para>It has been some four years since the Prime Minister said he wanted to introduce legislation to protect religious freedoms, and also that he would protect children while doing so. There have been four years to get this legislation to a position which, as the Leader of the Opposition said, would be one of unity, would be an uplifting moment for this parliament and for the country. Four years, and yet at the last minute, not at the eleventh hour, the legislation which has been flawed from the moment of the exposure draft is sought to be amended by the Prime Minister in a way which has led to transgender children and their parents in particular feeling like they're being used as a political weapon. That is wrong: it's a shame on the Prime Minister and a shame on those who see this as something to do before an election to try to gain votes.</para>
<para>I am proud and pleased that Labor is moving amendments in the four key areas that have been identified by speakers before me to try to address issues in this bill, firstly, to prohibit religious vilification. Most of us don't know what it's like to be vilified because of your religion. We need to put ourselves in other people's shoes and try to imagine what that must be like. The second is to prohibit discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity. The third is to make it clear that in-home aged-care service providers cannot discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of services and, I add, disability services, as the Leader of the Opposition said. The fourth is to make it clear that the statement of belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination.</para>
<para>The older you get, the more you realise that life is hard. We face challenges, all of us, that are personal, private and public. And there is no doubt that the move from childhood to adolescence to becoming an adult is hard for everyone, but it is so much harder if your fundamental self challenges the traditional gender and sexuality norms. We should be making it easier, not harder, for everyone to go through that journey. I do not support this bill in its unamended form. On behalf of my community and everyone who has given me the privilege of contacting me to ask me to be their voice, I want to make it very clear that, in my personal view, the amendments that Labor are putting forward are essential.</para>
<para>I support and believe in religious freedom and that no-one should be discriminated against because of what they believe in and no-one should be discriminated against because of who they are. Most of us haven't had to experience what gay, bisexual, transgender and non-binary people and people who just don't fit into a category have experienced. But we need to try to imagine what it's like for them and be part of an inclusive and supportive and, frankly, loving society. I want to end my contribution by saying that I ask everyone in this chamber—no matter which political party you're from or if you're an Independent—who believes in compassion, who believes in self-determination, who believes in the power of love, who believes in the right of every person to live their life fully, who believes in acceptance and inclusion, not to accept that we can support an unamended bill which allows for discrimination on the basis that it might be fixed in the future but to support Labor's amendments and stand up for what you believe in. You can support Labor's amendments and be true to yourself and your conscience.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr ALY</name>
    <name.id>13050</name.id>
    <electorate>Cowan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] When my brother and his fairly new wife walked into a bank to conduct some bank business, their bank assets were frozen. They weren't allowed access to their bank accounts. My brother's wife wears a traditional Islamic hijab, or head covering. My brother had gone in with his forms of identification—a passport and a driver's licence. Their bank assets were frozen, and the police were called. The police proceeded to come to the bank and pull them aside for questioning. Utterly confused, they asked what the purpose of the police questioning was. The response was that the bank teller had looked at my brother's wife—my sister-in-law—had looked at my brother and had made an assumption based on their names and based on their religious dress. It took them 24 hours to have their bank accounts unfrozen, after going through an hour of rigorous questioning by the police.</para>
<para>It was almost 20 years ago that that happened to my brother and my sister-in-law. At the time, I advised them that they should probably make a complaint, knowing full well that that would not yield anything for them, because religious discrimination—the kind of discrimination that they had faced, walking into the bank that day—was not covered by federal law. So suffice it to say that I think this law has been a long time coming. The kinds of protections for people of faith that would have prevented the experience that my brother and my sister-in-law went through have been needed for some time. One might argue that that was at a particular time in Australian history, a time after the 9/11 attacks, where there was heightened sensitivity and heightened wariness of people of Islamic faith. But we know that this kind of discrimination still exists. We know that Muslim women who wear the hijab are subjected to vilification, discrimination and Islamophobia almost every day of their lives, in public, in the workplace, in the media.</para>
<para>So I come to this bill with an understanding, personally, through my own experiences of discrimination, my own experiences of vilification and the experiences of my family, and through the journey of over 25 years of trying to have the law changed to recognise religious discrimination. I come to this bill with that experience behind me and with the experience of speaking to many members of Muslim communities and other faith groups about their experiences of religious discrimination.</para>
<para>I also come to this bill as someone who has been a beneficiary of religious pluralism in this country. Religious pluralism is not written into our Constitution, but it certainly underpins section 116 of our Constitution. I started my schooling in a Catholic school and I finished my schooling in an Anglican school, all the while being Muslim. I sent my children to Muslim schools so they could have a sense of their faith and their identity. When the floods hit Brisbane in 1974, where my family was living, it was the local church groups that reached out and embraced us.</para>
<para>Since becoming the member for Cowan, I've had the absolute privilege of being embraced by many more religious groups. I have worshipped with members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in my electorate. I have attended Baha'i events. I have been to temples, to synagogues and to mandalas and have had the absolute privilege of observing firsthand the richness of religious pluralism in this nation. I can certainly say that I have been a beneficiary of that religious pluralism and of religious freedom.</para>
<para>In all of my interactions with people of faith, the one thing that shines through to me is that people of faith know that if you are spreading hate, if you are attacking minorities, if you are discriminating then you are not doing God's work, regardless of what your faith is. They know that the tenets of faith are essentially about love for each other. That has been something that has truly come through in all my experiences with all of the faith groups that I have interacted with and, indeed, as a child at a Catholic school and at a Christian school, where I would practise my faith, where I would fast during Ramadan, attend Friday prayers when I could, and celebrate Eid-ul-Adha and Eid-ul-Fitr every year.</para>
<para>I guess the principle here is one of equality and understanding that equality is not a finite resource. It can't be a finite resource. If we want equality for ourselves, we must be prepared to extend equality to all others, because equality doesn't work if it's just for you. It's like having two children but only loving one of them. You just can't do that. So it is important that this bill be underpinned by the fundamental principle that all people are worthy of equality, all people are worthy of protection, all people are worthy of freedom and all people are worthy of respect.</para>
<para>I certainly do not claim that that's an easy thing to do. After 30 years of trying to fight for religious vilification laws, I know that that's not an easy thing to do. In fact, I see the member for Goldstein sitting there. I'll remind the member for Goldstein that, after the debate on section 18C, when I raised the issue of religious discrimination, he promptly accused me of wanting blasphemy laws, which led to quite a flurry of death threats that I had to fight against and am still dealing with to this day. I find it quite ironic that the member for Goldstein and I are here in this chamber today debating the very issue that I raised five years ago and that was promptly knocked back.</para>
<para>As I was saying, it is a very delicate balance that we seek to achieve when we seek to ensure that all rights are worthy of pursuing and pursuing with vigour; that all people are treated equally; and that all people should be free from discrimination, and deserve to be free from discrimination, and deserve protection.</para>
<para>I see that the member for Leichhardt earlier mentioned that this bill is not perfect. He's right. This bill is not perfect. I would hazard a guess that it would be nigh impossible to come to a perfect bill. But I do believe that the amendments that Labor has put forward significantly address the shortcomings in the bill as it exists. They significantly address those shortcomings because they do, to a large extent, find that balance. In particular, Labor's amendment to install an antivilification clause in the bill will go a long way to giving people of faith the kinds of protections that they need against offensive, humiliating vilification from members of the public in all parts of their lives—in public life, in work, and in other areas. So I commend that particular amendment to the House.</para>
<para>I also commend the work that has been done by the committee members on both sides and by Labor in improving this bill so that it does those things, so that it does protect our most vulnerable, our LGBTIQ community and children, as well as extending that protection to people of faith, who are most likely to be vilified and discriminated against with the kinds of discrimination that actually do have lasting impacts on one's wellbeing.</para>
<para>In closing, as many members on both sides have said and iterated before me, we do support religious freedom. I support religious freedom. I certainly support it because, as I mentioned earlier, I come from a minority religious background, and I have had the privilege of being exposed to the kind of religious freedom in this country that I probably wouldn't have had in many other countries. I support religious freedom, but I want a bill that is actually going to offer protections for people of faith, while also ensuring that LGBTIQ children, adults and all people are protected.</para>
<para>We are mature enough as a society to come to that conclusion. We are mature enough as a society to be the kind of nation where all people have access to equality and protection and live free from discrimination. But that starts right here in this place. To my mind, the amendments that Labor has put forward are a really great outcome for such a complex issue of balancing rights and protections for all people. I commend Labor's amendments to the House, and I urge the House to consider that those amendments improve this bill. They don't undermine the bill. They don't undermine the intent of the bill. Indeed, they uphold the intent of the bill, and they extend the provisions of the bill so that it does have a real impact and a real effect on people of faith, whilst also protecting LGBTIQ people, young people, children and adults.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KHALIL</name>
    <name.id>101351</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I have had serious concerns about the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 for a long time. I do not support this bill, certainly not in its current form. I represent a proudly diverse group of communities in my electorate of Wills—communities of different faiths, communities of diversity and ethnicity, communities that are diverse in their sexuality and gender—that really represent modern Australia. We represent all Australians in the diversity that makes us such a strong and vibrant country.</para>
<para>As someone who has experienced discrimination in my own life, both professionally and personally, I know how important the principle of equality before the law is. I know how important the principles of freedom of religion and freedom from religion are, especially in a secular democracy such as ours. That's critical. Our position on this bill is supportive of extending the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure that Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities. We support that extension of the framework. That's the non-controversial part of this bill, which I think most of us here support in good conscience. These are the state, territory and federal laws that currently prohibit discrimination on the basis of age, disability, race, sex, gender, identity, sex characteristics and sexual orientation.</para>
<para>In extending that antidiscrimination framework, we should not and cannot create laws that have the outcome of preferencing the rights of one particular group of Australians over another group of Australians. It cannot be one group pitted against another group, nor at the expense of other groups. This is what elements of this bill do. Surely, as lawmakers, it's within our ability to ensure that we provide a legal framework that protects people from discrimination regardless of their faith, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, or any other characteristic. As lawmakers, we could do that if we had the right intent behind this bill.</para>
<para>Almost three years ago, Prime Minister Scott Morrison promised to update the laws to protect all LGBTQIA+ schoolkids as soon as possible. Clearly, after three and half years, he has failed to protect kids in that way. He actually put up an amendment that was kind of like a political wedge within a wedge: 'Well, I'll protect gay kids, but I won't do it for trans kids.' As a matter of principle, equality before the law is equality before the law, regardless. No-one wants to be kicked out of school because of who they are. That's including the vast majority of religious schools. It is a no-brainer. In fact, it's a bill that's kind of looking for a problem. Where is the evidence of this? I saw a story today that a Catholic school, Xavier College, actually affirmed the right of a student to transition and change gender.</para>
<para>In contrast, federal Labor's approach to this bill is guided by a number of simple but fundamental principles, including that any extension of this federal antidiscrimination framework should not remove protections that already exist in the law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination. We must have not only freedom of religion but freedom from religion. This means that Australians should be free to practice and adhere to their faith, just as Australians should be able to not follow a faith and be free from any repercussions or discrimination on that basis.</para>
<para>Federal Labor wants everyone to live free from discrimination, feel respected and get a fair go. Fundamentally, laws that prohibit discrimination should be about fairness, and the Labor Party is the architect of the antidiscrimination law framework in this country. We enacted the Racial Discrimination Act in 1975, the Sex Discrimination Act in 1984 and the Disability Discrimination Act in 1992. And we supported the Age Discrimination Act in 2004, which was enacted under a Liberal government. This is what drives us to do the right thing and put those laws in place and actually buttress those values that we always talk about.</para>
<para>There has been a lot of commentary about what some of these provisions in these bills would and wouldn't do, including the concerns that the bill introduced by the government would lead to more discrimination, particularly of LGBTQIA+ Australians. The Prime Minister and the Attorney-General have denied that. They've rejected those claims. But some of their own Liberal members of their party room, members of this parliament, have clearly expressed concerns about the bill and the aspects of the proposed legislation that we're discussing and debating. They know, as we know, that the Prime Minister has weaponised this bill, politicised this bill, and wielded it to divide the community, not to unite it.</para>
<para>I have a great deal of respect for the office of the Prime Minister, but I've got to judge and call out what is clearly going on. They're using this bill for base political purposes, to try and find or even create a problem that's not quite there. That is not the intention that we have, clearly, as I've described. So we will amend; we'll put amendments up here in the House. If we don't get these amendments up here, we'll do it in the other place. But let's not go to the other place. I call on my colleagues, fellow parliamentarians on the other side, many of whom have said almost exactly the same things that we on this side have said about the problems with this bill, to support the amendments that are put up. Join us in supporting them because they address the issues that you have raised on the public record.</para>
<para>These amendments, as we've heard, are around the Sex Discrimination Act in order to protect all students, gay and trans, which this bill fails to do. There are amendments around the statement of belief in clause 12 so that it does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination or override state and territory antidiscrimination laws. There is also the antivilification amendment that we're proposing. It beggars belief that after 3½ years a bill called the Religious Discrimination Bill doesn't quite show an understanding that we need to have provisions around vilification of people based on their religious belief. This bill doesn't even cover that, so we want to amend the legislation to ensure that a person is prohibited from threatening, intimidating, harassing or vilifying another person exercising their religious belief in activity and in their faith. We will make it very clear that you don't have a licence to discriminate against someone. This bill doesn't even protect someone who is walking down the street wearing a yarmulke or going to synagogue on the Sabbath from abuse being hurled at them. It doesn't protect a woman in a hijab from having abuse hurled at her, or a Sikh having abuse hurled at him because of his headdress. It doesn't even cover those examples, and yet it's called the protection of religious discrimination bill. We're also going to be moving to protect people from discrimination in in-home care by any providers that might do so based on being a religious organisation, for example.</para>
<para>My parents escaped a region of the world that was engulfed by conflict and discrimination, partly on the basis of religion and faith, so I know just how important freedom of religion is. I know how important it is from the perspective of being a religious minority that was persecuted and has been persecuted for millennia. Being treated equally under the law, regardless of your faith, is critically important. But coming from that background I know the flip side of that is also important, the importance of having freedom from religion, not having other faiths imposed on you or other views imposed on you because you are a minority. We should not be preferencing the rights of one group of Australians over another, so many of us in this chamber want to see changes to this bill to try to get it right. I want to protect the individual members of the community in my electorate who have reached out to me, not just in the last day but over a period of time, to share their stories with me.</para>
<para>We on the side have been the architects of many antidiscrimination laws, as I have described, and we did this because we are serious about protecting Australians from discrimination. We believe in the egalitarian ethos because, regardless of your background, faith, ethnicity, race, sex, gender, sexuality, age, whatever it is, you should be treated equally under the law. That is the fairness that we as Australians talk about. It's not about the politics of this; it's not about trying to win over a part of the demographic or a part of the community that might get angry or be whipped up into some false, concocted anger. It's not about those political games for us. It's about genuinely seeing the importance of laws that protect Australians from discrimination and improve our nation as a body politic. Make real the fair go, not just in word but in deed, because we know that our religious diversity and our cultural diversity are part of what makes us who we are as Australians. Our diversity makes us successful. We talk about the successful multicultural country that we are. We're successful because of the acceptance and the embracing of the diversity that exists and the fair go inherent in that. This law should be a reflection and a statement of how much we value this diversity. Instead, it is being designed—dropped at the eleventh hour and after 3½ years—to pit one group against another group. It's the antithesis of what we should be doing. It should be a commitment to create a society where everybody feels safe and valued. But, as I said, under this government it's been weaponised for political purposes—in the eleventh hour, a few months out from the federal election.</para>
<para>I do not support the bill in this current form. I support the amendments that we're putting up to try and fix the elements of it that are problematic. I call on the government MPs who've spoken out bravely and publicly on these very same issues to join me and many of us here in supporting these amendments, because I think it's incumbent upon us, as lawmakers, to try and get this right.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KEOGH</name>
    <name.id>249147</name.id>
    <electorate>Burt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I'd like to start by explaining where I start with the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, and, more particularly, the concepts and principles that underlie a bill like this. As an Irish Catholic whose forebears suffered through sectarianism in Australia, as someone who studied political and legal history—much of which traverses the wars, battles and political disputes concerning religion and its relationship with political power—and as a law student whose law library was named after St Thomas More, I am very conscious, aware and supportive of ensuring the freedom of religion in Australia.</para>
<para>A fundamental belief of Labor is that everyone should be able to live free from discrimination, to feel respected and to get a fair go. Laws that prohibit discrimination are fundamentally laws about fairness, and the Labor Party is the architect of the antidiscrimination law framework in this country. We enacted the Racial Discrimination Act, the Sex Discrimination Act and the Disability Discrimination Act, and, of course, we supported the Age Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>Freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief are fundamental human rights. There is a gap in our law in terms of not protecting the right to be of the religion of one's choice. This is protected under the UN International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and it's important to think about what those two key documents actually say. They say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.</para></quote>
<para>But they also say that freedom to manifest one's religion or beliefs may be subject to such limitations necessary to protect 'the fundamental rights and freedoms of others'. Article 19 goes on to say:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds …</para></quote>
<para>But it also says that this 'carries with it special duties and responsibilities' and that it may therefore be subject to certain restrictions for 'respect of the rights and reputations of others'. Of course, it also states in the covenant that the parties undertake to respect the liberty of parents in ensuring the 'religious and moral education of their children in conformity with their own convictions'.</para>
<para>Labor supports the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities, just as Commonwealth law currently prohibits discrimination on the basis of age, disability, race, sex, gender identity, sex characteristics or sexual orientation. But why has this not been protected before? We do need to acknowledge that the Liberal Party of Australia, in the coalition, in various guises over a long period of time in Australia, has actively acted against the implementation of antidiscrimination legislation in this country, only to start to change its spots in the 21st century with the Age Discrimination Act. It was in that context that the Prime Minister announced in December 2018 that his government would enact the Religious Discrimination Act and appoint a religious freedom commissioner. That was before the 2019 election. That promise was not honoured, and it's become one of the government's election commitments for this term of government now, and we're dealing with it at the eleventh hour.</para>
<para>There is overwhelming support for extending the federal antidiscrimination framework to protect people of faith. This is an important point, and we must not allow it to be obscured by the significant controversy over a handful of contentious provisions in the government's Religious Discrimination Bill. At the same time, though, the fact that aspects of the government's Religious Discrimination Bill are highly contentious cannot be ignored, and those aspects should not be downplayed. This is largely a function of the way in which the government has approached the task of developing this legislation.</para>
<para>Labor governments across Australia have strong records when it comes to protecting people of faith against discrimination. It is important to protect religious freedom. It's important to recognise that here in Australia we have had a history of sectarianism all the way through to the 1980s, according to Bernard Salt, and arguably there are echoes of that now. And that's not to mention the feelings that are felt by those of other religions in Australia. Australia, though, is now a multicultural, multirace, multireligious community. We should be celebrating that diversity but protecting it too.</para>
<para>Protecting against discrimination is primarily about attributes. Attributes get absolute protection because we can't change them. Speech and actions can be a reflection of such attributes but also something further. Speech can be where a freedom can impinge on other freedoms. This is why freedoms regarding speech are constrained in human rights conventions, because it's about getting the balance right. Getting that balance is very important.</para>
<para>The core of this bill is non-contentious. It prohibits discrimination on the ground of religious belief and activity in different areas of public life, including in the context of employment, education, access to premises, the provision of goods and services and facilities. It would also establish, within the Human Rights Commission, the Religious Discrimination Commissioner, who would have a number of functions.</para>
<para>While most of the provisions are straightforward and drafted in a manner broadly consistent with the Commonwealth antidiscrimination statutes, other parts of the bill are more complex and the precise scope and practical implications of those provisions need to be taken into account. The bill doesn't provide an opportunity for balance. There are some glaring omissions. In his second reading speech, the Prime Minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People should not be cancelled or persecuted or vilified because their beliefs are different from someone else's in a free liberal democratic society such as Australia.</para></quote>
<para>Yet the bill introduced by the Prime Minister would not prohibit vilification of people on the basis of religious belief, religious dress or religious activity. The bill will not protect a Muslim woman in Thornlie who was abused in the street or a Hindu man in Piara Waters who was vilified for his religious beliefs. Labor has raised these issues with government, but so far the government has refused to entertain the introduction of an antivilification provision. The government claims that this has been raised at the last minute and there isn't time to work through the drafting. This is a nonsense. Since the first exposure draft of this bill was released, over two years ago, a range of religious groups have argued that the bill should include an antivilification provision; they have even put forward suggested drafting. And of course now the government is trying to proceed with its own last-minute amendments, though they are welcome.</para>
<para>The bill, as it is, is also silent on the treatment of students, and that issue clearly needs to be addressed. Whilst we would like to be able to rely on a pastoral approach from religious schools, that cannot be guaranteed. I know that members of the government are troubled by this as well. Dealing with this issue will also be part of Labor's amendments. We need to get the balance of these competing rights right. I know that it's difficult, but it's also very important.</para>
<para>I also would just like to note that we should have seen a bill that was properly reviewed before we even got to this point of debating it. A two-month inquiry through a parliamentary committee was not enough, especially when that period was held over Christmas with limited time for hearings. We saw the pause on the Australian Law Reform Commission inquiry, which should have actually been the process for dealing with important legislation such as this. Legislation like this should have had extensive review and oversight to get this balance right. Instead, we saw the government actually put a pause on that process. What we have seen with Prime Minister Morrison's bill is a rushed process, without proper consultation and without the care and attention to detail that such important human rights protections deserve. The human rights committee found that the bill introduced had at least one serious drafting error, in fact.</para>
<para>Labor's approach to this bill is being guided by a number of simple fundamental guiding principles: first, that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights makes clear that religious organisations and people of faith have a right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs and teachings of their traditions and faith, subject to the limitations necessary to protect public safety and the fundamental rights and freedoms of others; second, Labor supports the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure that Australians are not discriminated against because of religious belief and activity; and, third, consistent with the international covenant, any extension should not remove protections that already exist in the law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination.</para>
<para>It's important that this bill protects people of faith from discrimination. But we need to understand the real fears in our community about how it is currently being done. That is why Labor proposes the amendments that we have put forward and supports this bill on the basis that it is amended as we propose—to protect children, to prevent vilification, to ensure that there is a better balance. The Australian Labor Party has a long history of fighting to prevent discrimination against people of faith. This legislation should unite our nation, not divide it.</para>
<para>As is said in 1 Corinthians 13:</para>
<quote><para class="block">If I speak in the tongues of men or of angels, but do not have love, I am only a resounding gong or a clanging cymbal. If I have the gift of prophecy and can fathom all mysteries and all knowledge, and if I have a faith that can move mountains, but do not have love, I am nothing. If I give all I possess to the poor and give over my body to hardship that I may boast, but do not have love, I gain nothing.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Love is patient, love is kind. It does not envy, it does not boast, it is not proud. It does not dishonor others, it is not self-seeking, it is not easily angered, it keeps no record of wrongs. Love does not delight in evil but rejoices with the truth. It always protects, always trusts, always hopes, always perseveres.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Love never fails …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">And now these three remain: faith, hope and love. But the greatest of these is love.</para></quote>
<para>Legislation to protect against discrimination based on religious belief and adherence should exist. It should exist in balance and harmony with other recognised human rights protections. It should embody a love of God and a love of our fellow person. That's why this legislation can only proceed with the amendments Labor proposes.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>18:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms COLLINS</name>
    <name.id>HWM</name.id>
    <electorate>Franklin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As many speakers have said in discussing the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, I cannot support it in its current form. But what I do support is people not being discriminated against due to their religious or non-religious beliefs. Indeed, people should not, because of their religious belief, be offended, humiliated, intimidated, insulted or ridiculed by another person. In my home state of Tasmania, this has actually been the law now for 24 years.</para>
<para>In Tasmania, for the last 24 years, it has been illegal to discriminate against people on many grounds. Indeed, our current legislation says that you cannot discriminate against people on the basis of race, age, sexual orientation, lawful sexual activity, gender, gender identity, intersex variations of sex characteristics, marital status, relationship status, pregnancy, breastfeeding, parental status, family responsibilities, disability, industrial activity, political belief or affiliation, political activity, religious belief or affiliation, religious activity, irrelevant criminal record, irrelevant medical record. We have a number of attributes in my home state of Tasmania on which you cannot discriminate against people already, and it has been the case for 24 years, and it has been working, which shows you can achieve a balance. You can have people's rights not trump another's rights, and you can have people be kind and live in harmony together, as we have done now for 24 years. We have many people in my home state of Tasmania say that they do not support this bill in its current form. Indeed our Liberal Premier has written to the federal Liberal government, saying that the state government does not want this bill to override Tasmania's existing protections regarding discrimination.</para>
<para>So many Tasmanians and so many of my constituents have contacted me, and I have said to those constituents, 'I hear you.' I say to the people who are contacting me who have one of the attributes that may be trumped by another in the bill as it is currently drafted, 'I hear you.' I say to the children who could be impacted if this bill is passed in its current form and to whom harm may be done, 'I hear you.' That is why Labor is moving amendments to the bill as it currently stands.</para>
<para>The government is also moving some amendments, and they are welcome, but they simply do not go far enough. Labor will move additional amendments, particularly amendments in relation to proposed section 12. We are concerned that this would allow people's beliefs in some cases to trump the attributes of other individuals. It could cause some people who are already discriminated against, and who shouldn't be, to be further discriminated against, and I cannot support that. I simply cannot.</para>
<para>I am listening to my constituents—and I am finding it very difficult to be talking on this bill today. I want to protect the children in my electorate and children around Australia. I want to protect the families. I want to protect the people who are practising their faith right around the country, like we already do in my home state of Tasmania. That is why the amendments that Labor is moving are so important. We will move the amendments in this House and we will move the amendments in the other house, and, if we're successful in getting these amendments up, we will insist on them.</para>
<para>I say to those on the other side, particularly some of my Tasmanian colleagues who sit on the other side and who have been vocal: support Labor's amendments, if you're serious. If you are really, truly serious, you need to come into this place and support Labor's amendments, because our amendments will do what is necessary to protect vulnerable people.</para>
<para>My colleague the member for Whitlam gave a very eloquent and heartfelt speech yesterday, and many people have referred to it. It was a real privilege to be here to support him on that yesterday. He said that it should not be beyond the people in this place to be able to find the right balance, to ensure that we give protection to people of faith and their religious activities and also to people to whom this bill may do harm, and I agree with him. As I've said, in my home state of Tasmania that is currently the case, so I'm sure that, if the Tasmanian parliament managed it 24 years ago, this parliament could manage it today.</para>
<para>But, of course, we know that some on that side don't want to do the right thing in regard to this bill and that, in fact, this bill was designed to be a political wedge. It was a commitment that the current Prime Minister made in 2018. It was a commitment that was made to try and wedge people on this side. What we have seen from this government in the last few days has been disgraceful, trying to rush through this bill and amendments, which we have only had for 24 hours, in one day. This government has not had those amendments properly scrutinised. It has not consulted with people of faith. It has not consulted with interest groups on those amendments.</para>
<para>Of course, we know that the inquiries into these bills did not go long enough and did not have time to properly deliberate and consider alternative amendments, although they did say that these bills, as they are currently written, should not be passed. But they did, as I do, support the intent of the bill, which is to protect people who are practising their religion. All of us want to see that.</para>
<para>What we need to do in this place from time to time is make very difficult decisions, and for some on this side of the House—and I know for some on the other side—those decisions have weighed heavily in recent days, as they have on myself. But I am proud to be a member of the Australian Labor Party. I am proud to say that the amendments we are moving will protect people. I am proud to say that the amendments we are moving hold true to my values. And I hope that the people in my electorate understand how difficult these decisions have been. I stand up here today in good faith to explain to my constituents why decisions are being made as they are. The reality is that this Prime Minister wants a wedge. He wants Labor to oppose the fundamental right of people to practise their religion. That is not something that we oppose. We want people to be able to practise their religion, but we want protections for vulnerable people, and we need to do both.</para>
<para>This debate should have been about bringing everybody together. It should have been a time for unifying this place and the community. I think it shows the Prime Minister in a very bad light. He's talked a lot about character in recent days. I think the way that this has been done shows a lot about the Prime Minister's character, and I have to say I think I agree with some of his colleagues and their assessments of recent days and weeks. This is not about the Prime Minister, though. This is about people and it's about protecting people. Those on the other side are given the opportunity today to protect all people from discrimination—people who are practising their religion and undertaking religious activities but also vulnerable children and other people, people with disabilities, people who are already discriminated against who shouldn't be. I hope that everybody on that side weighs up Labor's amendments and considers them in the manner in which they are being brought to this place and that they do the right thing. This should be a moment when we all come together and do the right thing, and I hope the House is up to it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:07</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STEGGALL</name>
    <name.id>175696</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's hard not to feel quite dejected today to have to stand here and debate this legislation after listening to the most amazing speeches at the National Press Club by Brittany Higgins and Grace Tame, where they raised attention and called for action on really serious issues—domestic violence, protecting women and children, protecting girls and boys from sexual abuse—issues that really need urgent attention and debate in this place. But instead we're here to debate a highly divisive bill. I'm very sad to say to the people of Warringah that the ultimate outcome will be a political outcome. This will not be an outcome that is in the best interests of Australia, of people of faith or, in particular, of vulnerable groups. This is legislation to score political points. Ultimately I think it will be a role by the opposition to safeguard political points. But it will not be, ultimately, an outcome that is in the best interests of Australians and vulnerable Australians, and it certainly won't be up to the lofty standards of so many words that have been said in this place. I should say upfront that I absolutely respect people of faith. I have members in my family for whom, I know, it is the cornerstone of their lives. But you simply can't have protections for faith overriding other protections. One person's right does not override another person's right to safety.</para>
<para>I rise to speak to the package of legislation that has collectively come to be known as the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021. For those who may not have been following closely, it includes the associated Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021 and the Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. At its core, it is not up for debate. The fact that we should have protection against discrimination on the basis of religious grounds is sound. There is no debate that this is sensible and is something that should exist.</para>
<para>This bill creates the office of the Religious Discrimination Commissioner within the Australian Human Rights Commission, and it would have been so good if this bill could have stopped there! But, unfortunately, it goes on to sanction discrimination on the basis of religions. It provides that religious institutions, and there is a very broad definition of 'religious institutions'—this is not limited to simply the church or a faith based institution; it's a very broad definition—can discriminate against others where others' views or identities do not align with the institutions' religious beliefs and practices. I have had many people come and talk to me about the right to the ethos of religious teachings and the right to convey that, but there is always a stumbling block of why, then, should that right give you a right to discriminate against others and put other people, including more vulnerable people, at risk?</para>
<para>There's no issue about protection from discrimination. All Australians should have protection against discrimination. Of course it would be wrong for a retailer to refuse to serve someone based on their religious beliefs or practices, or for a landlord to refuse to rent a property to a family due to their religion. But the problem is this bill is not about that. It goes so far beyond that. It permits institutions to discriminate against others, especially where there is a conflict with other antidiscrimination legislations. And we have to remember that to get those antidiscrimination legislations has been a battle. They are hard fought for and won, even the small gains, when it comes to the Sex Discrimination Act, the Racial Discrimination Act, the Disability Discrimination Act. What this bill will do is specifically override state and territory discrimination legislation, and that is wrong. We should be seeking to increase protections, not decrease protections.</para>
<para>I acknowledge this version of the bill has been watered down since it was first released for consultation in 2019. We would all know about the removal of the Folau clause, which prohibited someone from being fired for expressing a statement of belief. That has been removed from the current legislation, so employers are still able to set the standard of conduct expected of employees inside and outside their workplace. It also removes the provisions which allowed for health professionals to refuse treatment on the basis of religious belief. I thought it was just gobsmacking that it was in there in the first place, but that goes to show just how far the intent behind this legislation was prepared to go. This legislation still goes so far beyond being a shield in relation to the right to pursue and express your religious faith. It is weaponising religious faith. It is a sword. It is legalising the right to discriminate. Ultimately, it risks the persecution of so many who are more vulnerable.</para>
<para>When this bill comes into force—if it does—as the most recently passed discrimination law it will be deemed as taking precedence over other discrimination acts where they come into conflict. I have no doubt this override is deliberate and codified. And, in the view of many of my constituents, it elevates the right to discriminate based on religious belief or faith, which is ultimately a choice, above the inherent physical attributes protected by other discrimination legislation—such as disability, sex and race—which are not a choice.</para>
<para>I have a variety of concerns with the current draft of the bill, as have so many speakers and as do so many in our community. In the hearings of the two committees that considered it, so many witnesses said there are grave issues with this bill. A key part is part 2 of the bill, section 7, and the broad definition of a 'religious body'. I've had to explain this to many people who have come to talk to me about this, telling me why, because they were people of faith, this bill was so important. And then they're surprised when they hear just how far the reach is, because section 7 includes many services and needs based institutions such as schools, hospitals, aged-care facilities, disability-care facilities, homelessness services, food banks and many others.</para>
<para>Sections 9 to 11 provide for the ability to hire and fire people in accordance with a publicly stated policy grounded in religious belief. This means that a homelessness organisation or a food bank organisation supported by a faith would have the right to fire the gardener or the cleaners if they were of a different faith, if they were in a same-sex relationship or if they did anything that went against the ethos of the religious organisation.</para>
<para>Section 12, which is very controversial, affords the right to make a statement of belief which, as long as it is in accordance with your religious beliefs, can be offensive and demeaning to the person receiving or subject to the statement. Basically it's a free pass to be offensive, hurtful and demeaning to other people.</para>
<para>I have concerns with these sections because they impact on a variety of groups in society. We know that these are groups that already suffer from types of discrimination. This bill will legalise that right to persecute them and gives individuals and institutions a sword to continue and amplify that discrimination. Women and LGBTQI, disability and even some religious groups, such as the Hindu council, have spoken out about the impact that this bill will have on their lives.</para>
<para>In Warringah we have an increasingly diverse community. Each year I host a youth ambassadors dialogue with all the school captains of the schools in my area. They're invited to come and meet regularly and discuss with me and other school captains their concerns. Each year, especially last year, gender and sexual identity for young people is a top issue. This is something that weighs on their minds, and we know it interrelates with mental health issues. We know we are facing an epidemic of mental health issues. We should be very, very wary of doing anything that could possibly exacerbate what is already a very dire situation. But, instead of focusing on that, we are focusing on a way to make it more divisive and more difficult for some of those young people. Many of the students have expressed to me concerns around a lack of proper education and lack of acceptance around sexual identity and gender, especially in faith based schools and institutions.</para>
<para>Of the 13 schools that take part in the Warringah Youth Ambassadors Program, six are faith based. Across Australia, 30 per cent of schools are faith based or religiously affiliated, and 94 per cent of independent schools are faith based or religiously affiliated. Sex discrimination is already an issue in the school environment. We know LGBTQI students regularly hear or witness discriminatory practices. Ninety per cent of students report hearing homophobic comments at school. Thirty per cent of LGBTQI students say they have experienced or witnessed physical harassment. This bill doesn't improve that situation. In fact, it may well make it much worse, codifying a protection for people to make those comments under the guise of a statement of belief.</para>
<para>We've heard many moving stories and personal reflections in this place in the last two days. I would like to thank and acknowledge the member for Whitlam for his contribution and express my condolences. The member for Bass's very brave speech expressed so well everything that I think is wrong with this legislation. Some of my constituents have contacted me with similar fears for their children. One constituent told me the story of her child who went through three schools before they found one where they felt comfortable and supported. She wrote to me: 'Adolescent kids don't often tell their parents everything, or at least not right away. It took a few days for my non-binary child to reveal what their religious instructor shared in class. Whilst Christians are an accepting lot, God does not approve of homosexuality. This wasn't the first time they experienced homophobia. At 11 years old they lost their best friend when his Christian parents heard a rumour my child might be gay.' I thank that parent for sharing their story with me, to shine a light on the devastating ripple effects that we are discussing in this place. The issue of sexual identity and gender identity in Australia is one that needs to be more deeply understood, and education systems need to be enhanced to increase understanding. We should not be codifying the right for 30 per cent of schools to discriminate against a growing proportion of our children.</para>
<para>Like the LGBTQ community, disability groups are rightly concerned about the statement of belief in the bill. People with disability are often subjected to unwelcome and uninvited statements of religious belief that demean disability as being a result of sin, possession or karma. Those kinds of comments are disgusting. People have been told things like, 'Your disability is a punishment from God for your parents' sins,' and 'You can be healed by prayer,' or 'You deserve to suffer for your disability for what you have done in a previous life.' These are quotes that have been put to me. It's revolting to think that people express that. It's offensive. In the words of the 2022 Australian of the Year, people with disability fight every day to prove they can do whatever they want to do. They don't need your thoughts and prayers. They just need you to treat them with respect. It's something this bill does not do.</para>
<para>There has been much debate about the impact of this bill on women. Women who have children out of wedlock, have had an abortion, have had IVF or live in de facto relationships feel and are worried they will be discriminated against in employment opportunities. This is important because women overwhelmingly work in service based institutions that are very often religiously affiliated. Women have fought hard for equal rights for years now but really haven't yet achieved it in practice. For these rights to now even be legally superseded by religious belief is just not okay. It's a step backwards and it's unacceptable.</para>
<para>I've listened to many in this place talk about how much those rights mean. Yet I have little hope that, when the time comes to vote, more than a few members will actually stand up for their beliefs. Most will follow the politically convenient line and vote for this legislation. They will use the excuses of upcoming elections and possible wedges, and, on this side of the House, they will fail to ultimately stand up for the beliefs that they prosaically describe to their electorates. We have to—and should be able to—do so much better. I think there is a duty and a responsibility in this place to actually make for a better future, not one that is more destructive. So I oppose this legislation.</para>
<para>Debate adjourned.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>99</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Consideration of Legislation</title>
          <page.no>99</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WOOD</name>
    <name.id>E0F</name.id>
    <electorate>La Trobe</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That so much of the standing orders be suspended as would prevent the following from occurring in relation to business for today:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) consideration of the following bills in order, without intervening business:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) Religious Discrimination Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (c) Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (d) Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Superannuation Outcomes For Australians and Helping Australian Businesses Invest) Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (e) National Disability Insurance Scheme Amendment (Participant Service Guarantee and Other Measures) Bill 2021; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (f) Corporate Collective Investment Vehicle Framework and Other Measures Bill 2021;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) following consideration of the bills listed in paragraph (1), the House to immediately adjourn until 9.30 am on Thursday, 10 February 2022;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) from the determination of the Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021 until the adjournment of the House:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (a) any division called shall be deferred until 9.30 am on Thursday, 10 February 2022; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (b) if any Member draws the attention of the Speaker to the state of the House, the Speaker shall announce that he will count the House at 9.30 am on Thursday, 10 February 2022; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) any variation to this arrangement to be made only on a motion moved by a Minister.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>99</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021, Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>99</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <p>
              <a href="r6821" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
              <a href="r6819" type="Bill">
                <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                  <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021</span>
                </p>
              </a>
            </p>
            <a href="r6820" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>99</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZAPPIA</name>
    <name.id>HWB</name.id>
    <electorate>Makin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Throughout history, governments, parliaments and the judiciary have grappled with the concepts of human rights, personal freedoms and discrimination. In Australia, for all of the laws, international conventions and public debate, we still have gaps in the national human rights laws that guide our country. Perhaps that is because every right and every freedom granted to one person diminishes the rights and freedoms of another. Striking the right balance is always a challenge.</para>
<para>We see that today around the world and on our doorstep, with people wanting freedom and protesting against COVID-19 restrictions. In reality, laws may modify behaviour but they will not end prejudice and discrimination. That can only be achieved through understanding, acceptance, goodwill and a change of attitude. That is why dealing with religious freedoms has proven to be so difficult, as the Ruddock inquiry found, as the two Senate committees found and as the Prime Minister and this parliament are now finding out.</para>
<para>In my time in this place, few, if any, other issues have been more difficult to resolve to the satisfaction of all. Our constitutional founding fathers attempted to deal with religious rights as far back as 1891 and finally settled on section 116 of the Australian Constitution, which simply states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office or public trust under the Commonwealth.</para></quote>
<para>Section 116 of the Australian Constitution is very simple and very clear. Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Australia is a signatory to, expresses the right of freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief. Article 26 of the covenant reinforces article 18. However, covenants must be enacted into Australian law if they are to be effectively enforced. It seems, based on several High Court judgements, that section 116 of the Australian Constitution only provides limited protection for people of faith.</para>
<para>This brings us to this legislation and the need for it, and the need to protect people of faith from ridicule, discrimination, persecution and even physical harm. For people of deep faith, their faith is paramount to their lives. It guides them through their lives, even in the face of personal harm or, in some places, death. Such is their conviction and faith. Just as we have enacted legislation about racial discrimination, sex discrimination, disability discrimination, fair work conditions and so on, it is reasonable that we legislate religious freedom and religious protections.</para>
<para>From my observations, religious discrimination is on the rise, with people of faith being increasingly mocked, ridiculed and vilified. Many no longer openly talk about their faith and feel uncomfortable in the company of nonbelievers. It is a similar story for people of the LGBTIQA+ communities, who are at times equally targeted because of who they are. They too are all too often made to feel inferior to others and subjected to cruel, derogatory comments and actions.</para>
<para>It has always been the case that to be different attracts attention and often exclusion and derision from others. However, any freedoms or protections granted in law should never be used to discriminate, spread hatred or vilify others.</para>
<para>Over recent years there have been numerous examples of discrimination and offending against religious or LGBTIQA+ people. Other speakers in their contributions to this debate referred to some of those examples. Not surprisingly, therefore, both sectors have taken a deep interest in this legislation and have had some disagreements over the proposal before us, so it is up to the parliament to bring the parties together, to find a way forward, to mediate and, importantly, to ensure that all parties are respectfully listened to and responded to.</para>
<para>No legislation will ever satisfy every grievance raised, but with goodwill this legislation could be improved and could overcome many of the concerns raised. That is what Labor's amendments seek to achieve.</para>
<para>Ultimately, it is the intent of this legislation that matters most because the courts or others in positions of authority, if and when they are asked to adjudicate over matters of discrimination or wrongful conduct, will draw on the intent of this legislation for guidance.</para>
<para>Labor's position has been clear from the outset. The freedoms of thought, conscience and religion or belief are fundamental human rights. Labor supports the extension of the Commonwealth's antidiscrimination framework so as to ensure that Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities, while at the same time not diminishing the rights and freedoms of others.</para>
<para>In its consideration of this legislation, Labor has been guided by three very clear principles: firstly, as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights makes clear, religious organisations and people of faith have the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs or teachings of their traditions and faith; secondly, support for the extension of the Commonwealth's antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities; and, thirdly, consistent with the international covenant, ensuring that any extensions of the Commonwealth's antidiscrimination framework do not remove protections that already exist in the law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination. I do not believe that any fair-minded person could disagree with the three guiding principles, and Labor's amendments are consistent with each one of them.</para>
<para>Getting this legislation right, particularly as it interacts with other laws, is complicated. However, only time will tell whether the legislation, if it passes through parliament, will achieve its objectives. As with all legislation, parliament has the right to review or amend legislation at any time, if flaws are identified. Perhaps a commitment to an early review of the legislation would allay some of the fears that have already been raised.</para>
<para>I said earlier that this legislation is complex. The complexity of this is well summed up in an amicus brief provided by several legal academics to the US Supreme Court when it was considering state based same-sex marriage legislation. The brief, which is also directly relevant to the legislation before us, was referred to in an Australian Law Reform Commission paper on religious freedom. It states:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… No one can have a right to deprive others of their important liberty as a prophylactic means of protecting his own … The proper response to the mostly avoidable conflict between gay rights and religious liberty is to protect the liberty of both sides.</para></quote>
<para>That is what we should strive for, and I believe it can be done.</para>
<para>In an excellent analysis of this proposed legislation, Emeritus Professor of Law Rick Sarre concludes with this statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I remain confident that, with some tweaking of current laws, Australians will be able to continue to enjoy freedom of religion and belief, and freedom from religion and belief with or without new legislation. If there is to be a new Act, legislators must ensure that it encourages tolerance and denies bigotry any oxygen. If we can adhere to this commitment, the long and winding road that leads to a plateau of religious freedom that is acceptable to all will be less difficult to navigate.</para></quote>
<para>Sound advice indeed.</para>
<para>In conclusion, can I stress this: Labor are committed to ending religious discrimination, as we have always been committed to ending any form of discrimination. Indeed, it has consistently been Labor that has led the way towards legislation that has ended discrimination wherever it has been identified. The Morrison government has now had some three or four years to deal with this matter, and it is clear to all of us that it simply now wants to use this legislation to divide Australians and to wedge Labor in the lead-up to the next federal election.</para>
<para>My view is that, at this time, when we are dealing with a matter that is not only complicated but also affects so many sectors of society, the parliament should be working at its best: the parliament should be coming together and showing the national leadership that people in the community consistently call for. It is a time when we can, collectively, as people elected to this parliament to make decisions for the nation, come up with a response that at least meets the needs of most people in this country.</para>
<para>I believe that is possible, but it will take the goodwill of this parliament. There is a lot of goodwill on this side, as the Leader of the Opposition made clear in his contribution to this debate earlier on this afternoon. There is goodwill from the crossbenchers, from what I've detected from the speeches that I've heard. And I believe that there is goodwill from many government members as well.</para>
<para>Let us show the Australian people that we are here to serve them, and let us come together and put together legislation that overcomes the concerns of all those people who have contacted us. Like other members of this House, I have been contacted by people from all sides of this debate, and each of them, in my view, raised legitimate concerns with what they see before us. If the Morrison government does not get this legislation right, a future Albanese Labor government will, and we will ensure that religious freedoms are secured in law forever and a day.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I remind the House that it has been agreed that a general debate be allowed covering this bill, the Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021 and the Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021. The original question was that this bill now be read a second time. To this, the honourable member for Clark has moved as an amendment that all words after 'that' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The question is that the amendment be disagreed to, and I give the call to the member for Blair.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr NEUMANN</name>
    <name.id>HVO</name.id>
    <electorate>Blair</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It shouldn't have been beyond the wit and wisdom of the Prime Minister to make this a unifying moment in this country—to legislate to create history. This could have been a Prime Minister who extended the antidiscrimination legislation in the same way that previous prime ministers did in relation to age, disability, race, sex, gender identity, sex characteristics and sexual orientation. But he has botched it. He absolutely has botched it when it comes to this issue.</para>
<para>On this Australian continent, for tens of thousands of years, there were multispiritual, multilingual people walking this earth, and they were there at the time of colonial settlement. When people came to this country—many of them, forced—they came with their religious discrimination ideas and religious preferences. It was not that long ago in this country that Protestants and Catholics fought bitterly, and we had terrible signs saying that people couldn't be employed if they were Catholic or Protestant. Indeed, in my first job in the law, I was the first Protestant to ever be employed in my Catholic law firm.</para>
<para>But this Prime Minister has absolutely blown it. Like many on this side, and I'm sure many on the other side, I've consulted with many religious leaders at a state level and locally, including the Catholic community, the Anglican community, the Uniting Church community, the Baptist community, the Pentecostal community, Presbyterians, and the Churches of Christ. I've also discussed these issues with people from the Muslim and Hindu communities in my area.</para>
<para>I want to pay tribute to people of faith and what they do because, as it says in chapter 2 of the book of James, 'faith without works is dead'. In my electorate of Blair in South-East Queensland there are religious and faith communities who put their faith into action each and every day, whether it's the growing Catholic community amongst the Filipino communities in Kilcoy, the massive multicultural communities amongst the Catholic communities in Springfield or Cityhope Church's wonderful work with the Domestic Violence Action Centre and the police to help women and children fleeing from domestic and family violence. Little churches like Raceview Congregational Church—which have an enormous soccer club, a kindergarten, a childcare centre, and do so much good work—have really put their faith into action. They show what they really believe. There are Sunni and Shia faith communities in my electorate as well. There is the Vedantu Centre, in the Hindu community in Springfield, whose soup kitchen and relief work, particularly during COVID-19, have been exemplary. And I've been happy to support that with federal government grants. The growing BAPS community based in Logan has many adherents in my electorate around Ipswich. In my own faith tradition, great work is done by Carinity in Colthup Manor and Elim village.</para>
<para>There are so many schools in my electorate, whether it's Lutheran schools like Bethany Lutheran and St Peters Lutheran, or the Catholic schools like St Edmonds and St Marys and St Peter Claver College, or independent Christian schools like Staines Memorial. I say to the Prime Minister that I have been speaking to the school principals in those school communities, and never once have any of the school principals said to me that they would exclude or expel students from the LGBTI community. That is because they put their faith into action. Faith without works is dead. And I make this point to the Prime Minister: in your faith tradition and mine, the greatest commandment that Jesus of Nazareth said was to love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul, mind and strength. The second greatest commandment was to love your neighbour as yourself.</para>
<para>I don't see a lot of love in this legislation; I really don't. You can't elevate someone else's rights above another's. I think you haven't got the balance right, Prime Minister, with this legislation. I am neither a fundamentalist nor a Pentecostal; neither in politics nor in theology am I a conservative. I am a middle-of-the-road Protestant and I am a member of my Baptist Church. Last Sunday I prayed and did my personal devotions, I went to my local church and I had what the Catholics would call the Eucharist. There were no stormtroopers or instruments of state to prevent me from worshipping. But there are people in this country who have suffered—and on a regular basis continue to suffer—discrimination, vilification and hostility regarding their faith. That should not happen in a pluralistic, multicultural, multifaith society like Australia. They should be protected. So the concept of a religious discrimination bill is a worthy one and should be supported. But you cannot elevate someone's rights and diminish others' rights. That's simply not good enough.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister has missed his moment. He announced in December 2018, three years ago, that he would introduce legislation in early 2019, before the last federal election. He failed to do it. And what have we got here? Right at the end of this parliamentary term, we have a Prime Minister trying to ram legislation through without giving the parliamentary committees that examined this—the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights and the Senate Legal and Constitutional Affairs Legislation Committee—the period of time they needed to examine it. It's been rushed through. And so many of the things the Prime Minister said he would do—reach out to the Leader of the Opposition, be bipartisan, consult, get involved in making sure this was a unifying moment—have not happened. That letter that the Leader of the Opposition talked about and submitted and tabled in his brilliant speech earlier tonight showed the true attitude of the Prime Minister, weaponising this bill and weaponising faith. It's not good enough.</para>
<para>I say to the Prime Minister: in your faith tradition and mine, love your neighbour as yourself and make sure that you live your faith individually, but live it in community. We are an Australian community, and people who are vulnerable and frail—in the Old Testament they called them the poor, the weak, the oppressed—should be looked after. People who are struggling and vulnerable should be looked after. In our faith tradition, we look after people. We accept people because they are all children of God. Whether we are people in the LGBTI community or people like me who went to church and who live in a heterosexual marriage, we are all God's children and should be protected from discrimination.</para>
<para>This legislation doesn't achieve what the Prime Minister on multiple occasions told the Australian community and faith communities it would achieve. He has betrayed them. Things that were supposed to happen haven't happened. He hasn't worked with the opposition. He hasn't consulted with the states and territories. That's the evidence that came up before the parliamentary inquiries. He hasn't legislated, like he said he was going to, in a timely way.</para>
<para>This legislation here tonight has lots of flaws. There are clauses that the parliamentary inquiries have referred to. There are submissions from the Sikh community, from the Law Council, from the Uniting Church and a whole range of other churches, from organisations, from the LGBTI community and from law groups. They have been critical and have talked about the flawed aspects of the legislation. There are problems in section 7, section 9, section 15, section 11 and section 12 of this legislation. There are major problems with constitutionality, with the fact that people could end up being discriminated against in a worse way, with discrimination against the poor and the weak and the vulnerable in terms of disability. There are issues of professional bodies being overridden. There are issues of state and faith based communities, where a minister has power—and I can say this as someone who's a Baptist, who's really concerned with the issues of state and church not connecting in a way so that people of faith can live their lives freely. There are ministerial determinations in this legislation which really affect faith communities and individual organisations and individuals, to their detriment, potentially. There are constitutional issues as well. There are workability issues. And the Prime Minister has not adhered to what he said he would do. He has not been true to his word with this legislation. So I say to the faith communities that listened to him and that believed him: you have been let down by a Prime Minister that has not done what he said he would do. He has not looked after those people and he has not brought this country together.</para>
<para>We on this side of politics have a longstanding commitment to legislate to prevent discrimination against people of faith, and an Albanese Labor government will do it. We will also make sure that those schools that I listed in my electorate and elsewhere would have the right to prefer people of their faith, in a religious ethos, in terms of employment. If a Jewish school wants to employ Jewish teachers or a Catholic school Catholic teachers, that should be okay. But everyone knows—you can go to any school in any electorate in the country—that there are people of different faiths and people who have no faith whatsoever. What we can't do is have a code-of-conduct-type thing as contemplated in this legislation. We saw an expression of that in my home state, with Citipointe. That was a disgraceful abuse of scripture and a distortion of the Christian faith, a distortion of the words of St Paul in 1 Corinthians. They have absolutely distorted that. That is not loving your neighbour as yourself. To love your neighbour as yourself is not to discriminate against people in the LGBTI community. They are all God's children and should be cared for and loved and respected accordingly, because everyone has value. That is a scriptural point as well.</para>
<para>When it comes to these issues, the Prime Minister has let us down, has let faith communities down and has let the LGBTI communities down. There are amendments that should be passed. I urge those moderates on the crossbench and others to pass these amendments. Why shouldn't we have an antivilification clause in relation to this issue? It's absolutely important that that happen. Why shouldn't we clarify situations in terms of home-care service providers not being able to discriminate on the basis of religious belief or activity in the provision of their services when we do in residential aged care? As I mentioned earlier today, I spent 14 years on the board of Carinity. We ran aged-care homes all around Queensland, and I've acted as a lawyer for aged-care providers. We didn't discriminate on the basis of religion, and the Labor government made sure we didn't discriminate on the basis of religion and issues like that when we were last in government. You shouldn't be allowed to do that, and these amendments that Labor is proposing would prevent that from happening in relation to in-home care service provision.</para>
<para>I urge those opposite to make sure they delete section 38(3) of the Sex Discrimination Act and the consequential amendment. We've got to make sure that Citipointe never happens again. We've got to make sure that religious schools cannot discriminate against students on the basis of sexuality, gender identity, relationship status or pregnancy in relation to the provision of education or training. Why should they be allowed to discriminate? Those schools have federal and state government funding, and people in the community send their children to those schools because of the values, ethos and morality of the schools and they want their kids to get a good education. Every child should have the right to go to a fantastic state or public school, and parents should have the right to send their kids to the schools they want to send them to. But when they send them to those schools, they want to make sure that those kids respect, love and care for one another. Faith, hope and love are the greatest virtues, as St Paul said. He didn't do a Citipointe. He talked about faith, hope and love, and this legislation should be about those virtues, which should be protected in antidiscrimination legislation.</para>
<para>We've got to protect people of faith and protect people who are vulnerable because they are questioning their sexual identity. They should never be discriminated against, and neither should someone who wears a cross on a chain around their neck or who has a certain religious attire be criticised, vilified or abused or have violence perpetrated upon them. We live in a great country. I commend two wonderful books to you. Meredith Lake's brilliant book <inline font-style="italic">The </inline><inline font-style="italic">Bible in Australia</inline><inline font-style="italic">: A cultural history</inline> is about the history and the importance of the Christian church and the Bible in our faith tradition and the importance of Christian schools that predated state and public schools. I also commend a brilliant book by George Megalogenis, <inline font-style="italic">Australia's second chance</inline><inline font-style="italic">: What our history tells us about our future</inline>, which talks about the banality and the scourge of the White Australia policy and how Australia has been given a second chance by the multicultural faith communities who've come here and blessed our country. That's the sort of community I want to live in in Australia, an Australia where we're all respected, where I can worship in my church and someone can worship in their mosque, synagogue or temple and not be criticised, vilified, abused or have violence perpetrated upon them.</para>
<para>This legislation does not do what the Prime Minister promised. I urge the government to reconsider their position. If they're fair dinkum about faith, human rights and discrimination and they're fair dinkum about making sure that this country is what it should be, they should support Labor's amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>19:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms TEMPLEMAN</name>
    <name.id>181810</name.id>
    <electorate>Macquarie</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>What a privilege to listen to the member for Blair's contribution to debate on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021. There have been extraordinary speeches in this place on this legislation. One of the privileges we have as members of parliament is to read the minister's message at citizenship ceremonies throughout the year. One of my favourite parts of the message is: 'We believe in the freedom and dignity of each individual, freedom of religion, freedom of speech and freedom of association. We value the rule of law, democracy and equality of opportunity for all people.' This is what we say to people as we welcome them in becoming Australians. We talk about our values, and I wholeheartedly agree with this parliament supporting freedom of religion and stating explicitly in law that people should not be discriminated against because of their religion. I have no hesitation in doing that, whether it's for the Uniting Church members of Australia's oldest church at Ebenezer in my electorate, the parishioners of the historic Anglican and Catholic churches across the Blue Mountains and the Hawkesbury, the Jewish members of my community or those of the Baha'i. There are also those citizens new to Australia who bring to our region an array of religions, from Hindu and Islam through to our large upper mountains Buddhist Tibetan community. None of them should face discrimination for any reason, let alone on the basis of religion. Freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief is a fundamental human right.</para>
<para>There can be no question that Labor supports the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities. When, in those citizenship ceremonies, we say, 'We believe in the freedom and dignity of each individual,' we also mean that. That is why this legislation is flawed. That's why I cannot support it without amendments. In my view, the Prime Minister has done the nation a disservice by seeking to divide us rather than unite us.</para>
<para>I believed the Prime Minister when he said that the government would work with the opposition, the crossbench and stakeholders in a spirit of bipartisanship to introduce a religious discrimination bill into the parliament that would have cross-party support. This hasn't happened. I don't think I can forgive the Prime Minister for breaking that promise, because of the hurt that it has led to. I see that hurt and anger in the emails and messages that I've received in the last few days from people who are horrified about what the government has put forward.</para>
<para>And let's not shy away from the politics of this bill. The Prime Minister has rushed this through in the dying days of this term of parliament to create a wedge, to deliberately weaponise and create division. I think people can see that. On this side, we will do all we can to try and turn a divisive and damaging piece of law into something that represents progress in reducing discrimination and increasing protections. We encourage government members to support the series of amendments that Labor will pursue.</para>
<para>I've listened to more than a dozen speeches on our side of the House. We make the point time and time again that we do not support this bill. In the way this legislation is written, it offers protections to one group but removes protections for others. We surely should be able to do both—enhancing protections against discrimination without enhancing discrimination against others.</para>
<para>I will stand up for the rights of people to practice their religion, but, as the opposition leader said this evening, I won't support anyone who wants to use their religion as an excuse to be cruel and to deny the rights of others who just happen to be different. I note that the Leader of the Opposition earlier this evening did reach out a hand across the parliament to the Prime Minister, asking to work together to ensure we protect the freedoms of people of faith without hurting another group of vulnerable people. Labor will use every opportunity in this place and in the Senate to amend this bill so that it achieves progress rather than takes us backwards. We are the minority; we may not be successful, but we will try. And we'll urge those opposite who've expressed concern to join with us to change it for the better.</para>
<para>One of the ways that I've considered this bill is through the prism of mental health. It's something that I've spoken about many times in this place since my inaugural speech. And there's been much spoken on the subject by people on all sides of the parliament about the need to support those who are unwell or who have serious mental illness. It's one thing to put supports in and provide services and tackle issues once they occur, but today is where the rubber hits the road. These are the sorts of laws that can actually make a difference to a life. They can actually be the difference between life and death. Whether it's a gay teacher or—as the focus has narrowed in the debate on this legislation—a trans student, if we are serious about improving the mental health of our society, it can't just be for some; it needs to be for all. It can't just be: 'If you fall into one category, we'll care about you and protect you, but, if you're someone else, you're on your own.' That's why Labor wants to see changes to this bill.</para>
<para>As it stands, this legislation results in gay students being protected from expulsion from school but not from any other form of discrimination, such as suspension, detention and unfair treatment. It does not extend even that protection to trans students. I know that I'm not alone in feeling that this is an act of cruelty by those who've put forward this bill. It's not humane to do that to a person, especially a young person, who may already be grappling with complex issues within themselves and under extreme pressure as they navigate their journey to the person they'll become. We should not be making judgements about that person. They should be respected for who they are, and our laws should allow for them to be respected.</para>
<para>While we've had so little time to properly discuss the amendments the government has made back in our electorates—because we only got to see them in the last 24 hours—it's inconceivable to me that people of faith in my electorate would want to single out any group of kids and ask them to bear the brunt of this law. Labor's amendment will change that. My colleague the member for Whitlam gave us an insight into the way this bill makes parents of children who are excluded from its protections feel, and I commend his lovely, brave young son for reaching out to support other kids, as he has done on TikTok. I believe young people like Olivia Stewart, a transgender student who's spoken publicly about the impact on mental health of even having this debate, describing it as 'intensely distressing to see our basic rights up for debate'.</para>
<para>It's on the Prime Minister's conscience that we are here now having this debate about such deeply personal and private things. In fact, the reason we're here is that there has been a total failure by the government to engage in a consultative process, particularly given that we've always agreed with the principle of legislating for religious freedoms. Please, no-one blame COVID! This was announced by the Prime Minister in December 2018, and, when the promise wasn't honoured before the 2019 election, it became an election commitment for this current term of government. And here we are, rushing to an election and trying to tick something off the list. I think the Australian people deserve better. None of the promises to consult with us or the states or the territories were kept, and that's why there is a deep flaw in this bill, in that it overrides state laws. Our amendment will address that.</para>
<para>One of the promises made by the Prime Minister was:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People should not be cancelled or persecuted or vilified because their beliefs are different from someone else's in a free liberal democratic society such as Australia.</para></quote>
<para>Yet the bill introduced by the Prime Minister does not prohibit vilification of people on the basis of religious belief, religious dress or religious activity. This bill will not protect a Muslim woman who's abused on a train or a Buddhist who's vilified for his religious beliefs. So another of Labor's amendments will address this.</para>
<para>I think it says a lot about the Morrison government that this is what the last few days of parliament for this term are being spent on—us trying to minimise the damage that the government is knowingly and wilfully doing. If we get our way, if Labor gets its way, we will have legislation that prohibits vilification, that prevents discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity and that makes it clear that in-home aged-care service providers and disability services can't discriminate on the basis of religion when they provide services. And we'll have a law that makes it clear that the statement-of-belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination. We will have that plus the protection from discrimination that people of faith deserve. It's not too late for the Prime Minister to change this debate from disunity to unity. It's a chance to show leadership and to bring Australians together. If the Morrison government doesn't get this right, then Labor will take on that challenge, and we will do it in an Albanese Labor government.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>08:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ZIMMERMAN</name>
    <name.id>203092</name.id>
    <electorate>North Sydney</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I hadn't intended to speak on this bill, the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, tonight, but I feel it is important to outline to my community the position I'm taking in relation to this important legislation. I can honestly say that this has been one of the most difficult weeks of my time in parliament. I also reflect on the fact that it's just under a month until the anniversary of when I made my first speech to this chamber—and what a special day that was. It was special in a number of other ways, and most particularly because, when I stood—almost in this exact spot; it was a few rows in front of where I am now—I talked about the fact that I stood in this place as the first openly gay man in the House of Representatives. That was not just an important milestone for me, I hoped it was a significant milestone for so many other Australians—particularly those who were still struggling with their sexuality and wondering whether they could achieve all that they wanted to in life. I said in that first speech that I hoped that my mere presence in this chamber would send a signal that you could be gay and be a member of the Parliament of Australia.</para>
<para>Of course, since that time there have been so many momentous decisions that have affected the community of which I'm a part. Several years later in this chamber, several years after my first speech, following the vote by the Australian people, we celebrated the passage of the marriage equality legislation. It was in fact this flag that made headlines around the world as the backdrop to that incredible scene as the member for Leichhardt and the member for Barton embraced in this chamber. It symbolised so much of what was special about that day, and I honestly believe that there will not be a day as special for me as when marriage equality became the law of this country.</para>
<para>I raise these issues because it is important to understand the significance of this legislation. And I want to start my discussion about the bill by saying that of course it is a no-brainer that in this country we should have legislation which prevents one person discriminating against another person because of their religious faith. It is an international obligation. It is a human right. It is simply wrong that any person could be discriminated against because of the faith that they hold dear. And I know that the Ruddock review of religious freedom in this country made the point that, unlike so many other nations, we, as part of our wonderful liberal democracy, provide opportunities for people of all faiths like virtually no other country. And I know in that review they found religious freedom was not in imminent peril. But I also know that there are some who face discrimination based on their religion, particularly minority faiths—people of Jewish faith, people of Islamic faith; there are perceptions among some Christians of that as well—so the concept of having a religious discrimination bill is one that makes sense.</para>
<para>I also want to highlight the fact that in all my work as the member for North Sydney, one of the highlights has been working with so many wonderful religious organisations, from the Sisters of Saint Joseph at Mary MacKillop Place in North Sydney, who do so much for those in need of help, to our local religious schools. For example, this week I am visiting Riverview with the Minister for Indigenous Australians to meet with the Indigenous students that they support. There are the charity groups—Vinnies, Salvos—that I've worked very closely with among so many others. And, of course, just simply the inherent fellowship that churches and other religious organisations, synagogues and mosques provide to their adherents. So it is right that we have religious discrimination laws on our statute books, and it is an important part of our liberal democracy.</para>
<para>But I have had concerns about this bill because it does extend beyond the orthodox provisions of discrimination laws in this country. It goes beyond simply preventing and outlawing discrimination on the basis of a person's religion and their faith. I do want to acknowledge that there have been improvements to this bill over time—the deletion of the Folau clause and the moderation of those clauses relating to medical practitioners are really, really important—but there are still aspects of this bill that concern me. Most particularly, it is the statement of beliefs clause in this bill.</para>
<para>Human rights are a difficult issue; no human right exists in a silo. Inevitably many do conflict. In many, we try to balance and judge competing interests and competing human rights. But my concern about the statement of beliefs is fundamentally that it extends a greater privilege to freedom of conscience based on religious views. For me as a Liberal, freedom of conscience and freedom of thought is the most important thing in our society, and religious faith is one of those expressions of freedom of conscience. It's no more important and no less important than any other. My concern with the statement of beliefs and the way it's constructed is that it actually puts religious faith on a pedestal above other rights in a way that I have serious problems with.</para>
<para>But I also want to talk about another aspect of the legislation and the debate that's occurring today, and that's in relation to the Sex Discrimination Act. Some have said this is tangential, almost accidentally involved in the debate we're having tonight. For me it's not, because in the Religious Discrimination Bill we are talking about new provisions that relate to educational settings and educational institutions. That's why for me we have a historic opportunity to right what I think is a significant wrong in the Sex Discrimination Act, and that is in relation to its treatment of teachers and students.</para>
<para>The current SDA provides that, effectively, someone can be discriminated against based on inherent characteristics like their sexuality, gender, sex, pregnancy or marital status. For me, that is fundamentally wrong. Those are exemptions that belong in the 19th century, not the 21st century. That's why, for me, having the opportunity to reform the SDA as part of this debate is so important. For me it's about teachers. Let me tell you that the hearings of the two committees that looked at this made us realise that this is not some mere academic issue. There are teachers today who love their job, who love their profession, who love the schools that they work for and who love their students but have been sacked for things like the simple fact that they were gay. As the son of a Christian school headmaster, I know how important those educational settings are. I understand that schools want to protect the ethos and the mission of those schools, and there's nothing wrong with that, but there is something profoundly wrong when you judge a person based on their sexuality or their gender. That's why I believe that today we should be addressing the issue of teachers in the SDA.</para>
<para>I also fundamentally believe that it's an opportunity to address the issue of discrimination, which is permitted in the SDA, against those that we have the greatest responsibility to in our education system: students themselves. Again, at the moment the SDA allows schools to discriminate based on all those characteristics I mentioned before. Of course, the reality is that it's uncommon for that to happen. I think of the wonderful schools in my electorate. I have spoken to many of their school principals just this week, and all of them strive to provide a supporting environment to students based on their sexuality or gender, including those who are transgender or going through the transition. But there are still some, and we've seen this just in recent weeks, that would purport in the name of their religion to discriminate in what I think is quite a heinous way.</para>
<para>I want to tell you why this is important to me: because my own journey—something I don't talk about, because I'm intrinsically a private person—is a reflection of what many other people have experienced. It was a different age in the seventies and eighties, but, like so many of my peers, I went through that long period of struggling with my sexuality, where I lived in fear of discovery, where someone simply talking about homosexuality sent me rushing in case it led to some type of exposure, and where I could spend weeks after an incident, if I'd said the wrong thing, wondering whether I'd revealed myself. That is so debilitating. I did that in the environment of a school that was not particularly conservative. I can never remember it preaching against homosexuality. I did it in an environment where I had such a loving family and support group of friends, but nonetheless for people in my situation in that age it was such an ordeal. Can I say that, whilst we have improved so much, so incredibly much, just in my lifetime, I know that that is still the experience of so many Australians.</para>
<para>There are people today who are in mental anguish because of their sexuality. There are even more people in anguish because of their gender. We have to provide a legal environment that supports them. Part of that is ensuring that when they're going to school, when they're going to an educational institution, they do so with that struggle that might be within them but knowing, at the very least, that that school cannot legally discriminate against them, the school cannot expel them and the school cannot penalise them in a way that they have a de facto expulsion because their life becomes so unpleasant. I want every child in those educational settings, whilst it's not a solution of itself, to know that the school itself is not going to be the cause of the problem that they face. One of the things I am most proud of in my position as a member of parliament is that so many parents have contacted me, even about my first speech, and said, 'We gave that to our child to help them.' So many young people have approached me and said, 'Thank you for setting an example that we can aspire to.' Our school settings should provide similar support, which I believe they so desperately need.</para>
<para>Today, there are people who will consider taking their own lives because of the internal struggle they go through. For me, it wasn't until my 30s that I came out completely to my family. Of course, like most people, my family said it doesn't make any difference. That's as it should be. But that's not always the case. There are people who are threatened with violence in the home and with, effectively, exile from their families for going through that same journey. That's why for me it's really the core of who I am that is leading me to make some difficult decisions in relation to what I do in this chamber. And I'd like to think that my community will support me in that journey.</para>
<para>I will be forever proud and grateful for the fact that North Sydney residents, for the first time in Australian history—as progressive as they are—said: 'It doesn't matter what your sexuality is if you're standing for parliament. We're going to vote for you based on your merits, not whether you're gay or straight.' They were the first to do that in the country, and I am so grateful in so many ways for the opportunity that they've given me as a result. But I also hope to be an example to anyone who is part of the LGBTI community.</para>
<para>In that regard, I want to say that one of the things that's disturbed me most this week is the debate about transgender children. I cannot support a situation where we solve a problem for one community but in fact enhance a problem for another. And we are. It's a bit of a misnomer that this is actually new legislation that's putting in place something punitive. We are dealing with the existing laws which allow discrimination based on your gender and your sexuality. The fact is: if we solve one problem and not another, by omission we are sending a message to those people in the transgender community.</para>
<para>They are the most vulnerable people in our society. All the statistics show what they go through: the suicide rates, the attempted suicide rates and the mental health problems. I cannot do anything which makes their situation more difficult, which sends anything other than a message from this parliament—as most receive in their schools, but sadly some don't—that we want to embrace you, we want to love you, we want to support you and we want to nurture you during what is a difficult and often challenging part of your own lives, as you realise who you are and who you should be.</para>
<para>I simply want to say that in these debates some are saying we can push this down the road and have reviews. Some are saying that there is something different about sexuality or gender identity. For me—and I made this point in my first speech—there is nothing different about your sexuality or your gender from the colour of your skin. I don't believe that this parliament would waste a second if there were some old law which said that a school or any institution could discriminate against you because of your race, or allow that to stand on the statute books if it were discovered that, in fact, that law were being exercised in a way that discriminated against someone based on their creed or their colour. For me, that's why this is important.</para>
<para>As I said before, we know that teachers today are being removed from some schools—a minority of schools—because of those inherent characteristics. We know that there are some schools that would effectively penalise those people based on their sexuality. The case we saw in the last two weeks, which equated homosexuality with bestiality and paedophilia, was just disgusting. And that's in modern Australia. That's why we have the opportunity, by supporting amendments to the Sex Discrimination Act, to address that problem in the overarching framework of what we can achieve for our educational settings through this religious discrimination bill.</para>
<para>I want to indicate that I will be making the difficult decision to part with my party on some of the amendments that are before the chamber tonight. I'll speak more about those, but I've highlighted the two that are most important to me: the statement of beliefs and the opportunity to fix the SDA. It's an opportunity that I can't let go past. I could not live with myself if I didn't seek to address those issues.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RYAN</name>
    <name.id>249224</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Australia watches this parliament tonight. They're watching this debate. It's not often we know that people are as tuned in as they are tonight, and they're tuned in because the debate is incredibly important. As we've heard from, in the last 40 minutes, the member for North Sydney, and my colleague from New South Wales the member for Macquarie, it's an incredibly important debate, and I think they both touched on some really important points.</para>
<para>I want to make my contribution as brief as I can, because I don't think I can reach the soaring rhetorical heights that many of my colleagues have on both sides of this chamber today. So I will zone in on my community and I will zone in on where my past experience and expertise has been and perhaps echo some of the things mentioned by the member for North Sydney.</para>
<para>I represent a growth corridor, an area where nearly 50 per cent of our residents were born overseas. We are a vibrant, multicultural, multifaith community. We build community every day. We build houses, then people move in, and we get busy and we build community. We have clear aims: we want to build harmonious, inclusive, cohesive communities. They are our aims. And, you know, the most important places in those communities that help to build them are our schools. They are the core of our communities.</para>
<para>In my electorate, there are 51 schools. Eighteen are independent, most of which are religious. Our schools in my community are a microcosm of our community. They are a microcosm of this country. And they should be at the centre of this debate tonight.</para>
<para>We have heard many mention that we should—and I know that I've had emails, and I've been watching Twitter today, and I've been told a thousand times today that I should—'just vote this bill down'. And I'm here to tell you exactly why I can't vote this bill down. And it's not about numbers. It's because the bill, as it stands, as the government has brought it into this chamber, does do one very important thing, and that is it enshrines that people cannot discriminate against somebody else for their religious beliefs.</para>
<para>Now, in my community, I can go back, not so many years ago, to standing in this place and talking about a mother in my community, in my Muslim community, at the height of some of the worst religious vilification that I have lived through. She rang me on a Saturday morning. She said to me: 'I know you've been speaking to the imams. I know you've spoken to my dad. And I know, Joanna, they've told you that everything's okay, everyone's fine.' She said: 'Well, let me tell you, when I woke this morning—on Saturday, my usual practice is to take the kids to the park—my husband said to me: "Perhaps today, love, I should take them,"' because she wears a hijab, and he was frightened that that would single them out in our community to be discriminated against because it was a symbol of Islam.</para>
<para>This legislation means that that discrimination against that woman in my community would no longer be legal. So I can't vote this down. I have to have that. My community needs to know that, regardless of their religion, they won't be allowed to be discriminated against because of it. And currently, in this country, that's not enshrined in our law. This woman would have been protected, if an event had occurred, if she'd been discriminated against because of her race but not if it'd been because of her religion.</para>
<para>So the one thing this government has done right is to bring that into this place to be enshrined in law. It does, however, puzzle me how you can have that as your intent and manage to package it so that it allows active discrimination against another group of people in our community. For them I speak tonight, and it's why I want to zero in on schools.</para>
<para>I want to remind everybody, particularly in my community, that I've stood shoulder to shoulder with my multicultural, multifaith, vibrant community to defend 18C from those opposite—and not just once. Section 18C protects people from racial vilification, and this government wanted to remove it from the statute books. So you can understand why Australia is watching us, why people are confused and why some think that everything in this legislation is bad—because they see it as being delivered by a government that wanted to remove 18C. Not everything here is bad. Labor will introduce amendments that may see us through this mire that has been put in front of us by this government.</para>
<para>I want to focus on my schools, which are a microcosm of my community and this country. I spent decades in schools, and I've got something to share with you about the power of 18C. Kids bring into playgrounds, whether they be in primary schools or secondary schools—let's not forget that, in a secondary school, we throw together up to 1,200 or 1,300 or, in my electorate, sometimes 3,000 kids, at the most antisocial time in their lives, when they're searching for their identity. We throw them all together for eight hours a day, and we say, 'Get along and learn.' So there is always conflict in schools. Kids are rubbing up against one another. Racial discrimination or racial vilification happens in the playground. It happens in the classroom. It happens because kids come from homes where people think that's okay. You want to be able to sit with kids in a mediation session where there has been racial discrimination, racial abuse or racial vilification and say to them: 'Listen. You just can't do this. It's against the law.' It seems a silly thing to say that that would be so powerful, but it is. Young people say: 'It's against the law, Miss? I didn't know that.' In that moment, there is education. In that moment, there is understanding. In that moment, they understand something about this country that they didn't know before that moment. I desperately want schools to have the power to educate kids about religious discrimination. I want them to know that in this country that's not on, but I also want them to know that it's not okay to discriminate because of someone's gender identity, because of someone's sexuality. I want them to know that too. We have an opportunity tonight to make that happen.</para>
<para>So I want the opposition to come into this chamber, to think about these amendments, to put your partisan hats aside and to do something for the 51 schools in my electorate and for schools around the country. I want you to listen to the member for North Sydney when he talks about his school education. A lot of the conversation today has been about institutions discriminating against people. Let me tell you, sometimes in schools it's just kids discriminating against kids, and they need to be educated that it's not okay. This package of laws, with our amendments, would give them that message. It would tell them that everybody is valued, that everybody has the right to exist, the right to be treated humanely and the right to learn.</para>
<para>There is one other thing from my time in schools that I want to share with the parliament tonight, in terms of the power of it. I was in schools when it became outlawed to discriminate because of disability. I was in schools when suddenly we had to change our culture because this place said so. We had to educate adults in our communities. We had to bring in human rights experts to talk to our teachers and our families and to tell them that it was illegal to discriminate against a child because of their disability. It was an incredibly powerful moment. But I'm standing here and telling you that this place has the power to change culture on the ground, in our schools—the places where our children learn not just the three Rs, not just the curriculum we like to argue over, but how to live with one another, how to be joyous for one another, how to be a part of society, how to improve their own lives, how to improve this country. That's what we do in our schools.</para>
<para>I implore every member of this chamber not to listen to the outside world that doesn't seem to quite understand the debate we're having here tonight. They have picked up one piece of the debate and not another. They don't understand that what Labor's amendments are trying to do is to erase discrimination. We created the antidiscrimination framework in this country. We've defended section 18(c), and our amendments will also make vilification illegal on the basis of religion, which is an added bonus. We have an opportunity tonight to deliver these things for the Australian people.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BUTLER</name>
    <name.id>248006</name.id>
    <electorate>Griffith</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm not religious, I've never been baptised, but I show respect to those who are religious. Anyone who's read Umberto Eco's letters to the cardinal, for example, can appreciate how a non-religious person can nonetheless learn from and draw from the lessons of religion. I certainly attend church services quite frequently, as the member for Blair knows, not out of my own belief but out of respect for my constituents and for others who are religious. For example, this week I attended the ecumenical service at the Greek Orthodox Church of Saint Nicholas for the opening of the parliament, just as the Leader of the Opposition and the member for Blair did. I listened to the archbishop's sermon, in which he drew on scripture, etymology and philosophy from a number of sources to tell us that inherent in personhood is love for other persons. To me, that implies that we should continue to work towards making sure that everyone, whether they share our values or not, whether they share our identities or not, can live their lives fully as their authentic selves. Of course, the Leader of the Opposition's reading from Corinthians made the same point in a different way. It was about the qualities of love that require us to have respect for others, not for our own benefit or out of our own sense that they are like us but because inherently they should receive it from us.</para>
<para>For me, this means that it is important that we as a parliament continue, from a secular perspective also, to heed in different ways these same lessons: that people are inherently deserving of dignity, that people should be treated with dignity and that people should be equal before the law. One of the ways we in parliaments do that in the law is by continuing to broaden antidiscrimination laws to give effect to international obligations such as those in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. This covenant protects religious freedom and the right to freedom of conscience, thought and religion. I believe that this parliament should, as the Goss government did more than 30 years ago, legislate to prohibit discrimination on the grounds of religion, just as this parliament did under the Whitlam government to prohibit discrimination on the grounds of race and the Hawke government did to prohibit discrimination on the grounds of sex. I want to pay particular tribute to the late Susan Ryan for the Sex Discrimination Act. Later, that same government prohibited discrimination on the grounds of disability, and, I will confess, the coalition government in 2004 prohibited discrimination on the basis of age.</para>
<para>All of these bills have helped us to give effect to our obligations under the ICCPR and the rights that are protected under that international instrument. But these laws have also given effect to basic human decency and the ability to live free from discrimination, so, given Labor's long history of standing up for human rights and for antidiscrimination laws, I believe that no-one should be surprised that Labor supports protections against discrimination on the ground of religion. I would like to see us as a parliament introduce national protections against discrimination on the basis of religion.</para>
<para>As a lawyer, I did some discrimination law. I remember one person who'd converted to a different religion and was suddenly getting treated differently at work. I remember reading a case of a prisoner who was being denied halal meals in prison, and using the discrimination laws in relation to religion.</para>
<para>These are important matters. These are not trifling matters. Just as our national law protects from discrimination on the grounds of sex, family responsibilities, pregnancy, sexual orientation, gender identity, intersex status, marital status, relationship status, breastfeeding, race, disability and age, we should protect against discrimination on the ground of religion. Everyone who's been discriminated against for wearing a turban or a cloak or a robe or a hijab, ought to have the knowledge that this parliament will stand up for their rights, and we should do that.</para>
<para>There are some serious shortcomings with this bill. This parliament should also amend those provisions to minimise those shortcomings. But, more importantly, it should also take this opportunity to proactively and positively improve our antidiscrimination laws. The member for North Sydney talked about the provision of the Sex Discrimination Act that positively allows for discrimination against school students. That provision says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… Nothing in section 21 renders it unlawful for a person to discriminate against another person on the ground of the other person's sexual orientation, gender identity, marital or relationship status or pregnancy in connection with the provision of education or training… that is conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed, if the first‑mentioned person so discriminates in good faith in order to avoid injury to the religious susceptibilities of adherents of that religion or creed.</para></quote>
<para>That is the current law that is in force today and has been in force for decades. It is not a new provision that this bill of the government's is seeking to insert into the sex discrimination law. It is the existing law and it is no longer, if it ever was, fit for purpose. As the member for North Sydney said, this government's Religious Discrimination Bill gives us as a parliament the opportunity to right this historic wrong by altering the Sex Discrimination Act to remove the licence for discrimination that it provides against students.</para>
<para>Those people—and there are many who have been raising concerns with me about the rights of gay or lesbian students, bisexual students or students with diverse gender identities, for example—would, I believe, want us to take every opportunity to seek to reduce the capacity for discrimination against those kids. I would say that particularly trans kids, whose identity reveals itself at quite a young age, I think, compared to sexuality issues, are vulnerable, and we must protect them. We would be remiss if we did not take this opportunity to seek to resolve this problem that currently exists in law, and one of the ways that we can do that is to seek to include an amendment in this bill to remove discrimination, to try, as we have the power to do in this parliament, to protect those students. We can do that with this bill. We can move that amendment, and if this House supports it, or if it's supported in the Senate, we can right this historic wrong and we can improve the circumstances for young people and children who are gender diverse, who have diverse sexualities. That ought to occur. It's important, and we should pursue it.</para>
<para>The other matter that we have an opportunity to address right now by amending this bill is the absence of religious vilification laws in this country at a national level. Again, we have them in my state, in the state laws, but we don't have a national antivilification law that protects on the ground of religion. We have them for race. The Abbott government sought to repeal those laws. We fought against that repeal because we believe that there should be antivilification provisions protecting people on the grounds of race, and we equally believe that there should be antivilification provisions protecting people on the grounds of religion. As the Leader of the Opposition says, anyone who remembers—and everyone does—what it was like when an Australian killed tens of people in two mosques in Christchurch could hardly say that we don't need and deserve religious antivilification laws in this country. In my electorate, after that horrible event had occurred, one of our local mosques was vandalised with graffiti referring to that shooter and with right-wing extremist symbols.</para>
<para>Religious vilification ought to be against the law at a national level. This bill presents us with an opportunity to establish that antivilification provision. It would be remiss of us not to seek to use the opportunity we have right now to establish antivilification provisions on the ground of religion. I have long supported the need to create protections for people on the ground of religion, for these reasons and for the many other reasons that people have recited tonight. That is why Labor is seeking to move amendments to this bill—those are some of them; there are others—that will not just reduce adverse effects of the bill but make a positive step in the advancement of the civil and political rights of Australians and the protection of people against discrimination on the grounds of sexuality, gender identity, pregnancy, marital status and religion. That is what our amendments seek to do.</para>
<para>People from other parties have criticised us for saying that we will pursue these amendments in both the House and the Senate. They want to know why we don't just 'kill the bill' in the House. First, let me say again that I support the concept of religious antidiscrimination provisions, and I think it would be odd for Labor not to support the introduction of ICCPR protections in domestic law. Let me also make a comparison with another achievement of Labor and others in this House against the wishes, frankly, of the government of the day. That's when we introduced the medevac provisions.</para>
<para>Deputy Speaker, you will remember as I do how those provisions came to bear. It wasn't from a private member's bill. There's a party in this place that's moved 15 private members' bills in this term, and not a single one of them has even got to a second reading, let alone passed. That's not how laws are made here. What happened was that a government bill was passed in this House. It went to the Senate. In the Senate, amendments were passed allowing for the medical evacuation of refugees to Australia. Then that bill came back to this House, and this House insisted on those amendments, and they were passed. Now, the same people who are criticising us for wanting to use every opportunity we have to amend this bill, to positively and proactively advance the rights of Australians, are the same people—I would wager—who were very pleased they we're able to use a very similar process in order to achieve medevac. That's how medevac was achieved. The bill passed the House and went to the Senate. It was amended in the Senate and came back to the House, where they insisted on the amendments. That is what we are saying we want to do here.</para>
<para>We will prosecute our case for these positive amendments to protect Australians in this chamber. Our colleagues from the Senate will do the same in the other place. If we are successful in amending the bill, we will be insisting on those amendments. If that is achieved that will mean protection from discrimination on the ground of religion and protection from vilification on the ground of religion, and an increase in the protection of students who are gender diverse, who are pregnant and who have the different attributes that are currently referred to in the exemption that appears in the Sex Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>So for those of my constituents who are contacting me, I want to assure you that I will always do whatever I can to advance the human rights of Australians and protect the human rights of Australians. I will always do that. I will always stand up for vulnerable Australians, especially vulnerable children. I will never cop the idea that it's somehow okay for a school to do what Citipointe College did recently in trying to create some sort of quasi contract precluding kids from expressing themselves in their true and authentic identity. I'll never cop that.</para>
<para>In this case, I'm not going to just because minor parties want to use this as some sort of spin opportunity against Labor. I'm not going to forgo opportunities to increase protections for people. I'm going to support—and Labor will support—doing everything we can to improve those protections and to stand up, particularly, for vulnerable Australians, for Australians who are at risk of facing discrimination or vilification. This is the right thing to do, and I encourage every Liberal, National and other person in this chamber to vote on our amendments with us.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>20:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURNS</name>
    <name.id>278522</name.id>
    <electorate>Macnamara</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 and the related bills. I want to begin my remarks by acknowledging the literal hundreds of people who have written to me in the last few days, via email and on various social media platforms, and who have called me. I want to say that I have read each and every one of your emails. I have read each and every one of your texts. I hear you, and I'll be getting back to each and every one of you soon. I hope that the House makes significant amendments that I can update you on so we can strengthen protection for people.</para>
<para>Let me say from the outset that I feel this bill does not get the balance right. This bill, in my opinion, has too many aspects that are divisive and that override existing protections in the law. I feel that this bill did not get the balance right. While I won't go into what was discussed in internal Labor meetings, I did express my view in those meetings, and I do not feel that this bill in its current form should get passage through this House. But we can improve this bill. We can go a long way towards fixing this bill.</para>
<para>Before I talk about the bill, I want to say something as a side point. My electorate of Macnamara is filled with amazing people, people who care about one another and about issues of protecting people's identities, whether they be gay, straight, bisexual, trans, intersex or queer. It does not matter who you are. In the electorate of Macnamara, in the suburbs of St Kilda, Port Melbourne, Ripponlea, Caulfield and Elwood, I know that the people where I come from and the people that I represent do not want Australia to be a place where one group is discriminating against another. They do not want that. I have heard them loud and clear.</para>
<para>I also say to any young people who I represent or who are participating in this debate or raising their voice: keep raising your voice. Your voice matters in this debate. We in this place hear you. I want to acknowledge that, for a lot of people, this debate has been really hard. This debate has been, at times, one where people in this place are questioning whether a young person is okay. It has morphed into this quite awful debate about whether people feel that they are accepted or not in this country. I want to say that if you feel that way that's okay. It's okay to feel that you've been let down by the way in which these issues have been debated, not just now but in the past.</para>
<para>Before I move on to the bill, I also want to say that my family, like so many others in this country, has people from a range of genders and sexualities. It hasn't been a smooth passage towards acceptance for people that I love dearly. It hasn't been easy. The pathway to acceptance has not been a straightforward one for many people, including people that I love. And I did not come to this place to enable discrimination against one person by another. I will continue to work, while I'm privileged to be the member in this place, to ensure that we in Australia remove discrimination and end it, as opposed to provide legal protections for it.</para>
<para>So let's go into the bill. There are huge swathes of this bill that are not only uncontroversial; they are good. You should not be discriminated against in this country if you hold a particular faith. If you are a Hindu and you are Australian, that is brilliant. If you are Jewish and you are Australian, that is excellent. If you are Christian and Australian, good on you. If you are Islamic, then more power to you. Whatever faith you hold, whoever you believe in, whatever you believe to be true to who you are and is part of your identity, we in this country should celebrate our differences. I love going to see the wonderful multicultural aspects of our community.</para>
<para>My family is a family that understands religious freedom being taken away from us. We do. My grandmother fled Nazi Germany when she was four years old. My grandmother didn't have religious freedom. We have religious freedom in this country. We accept people and their faith, and that is something I am deeply proud of. And this bill does go some way to ensuring that people—whether you wear a hijab, whether you wear a yarmulke, whatever religious garb that makes you who you are—shouldn't be discriminated against. And that's a good thing, and I stand by that. And I think we all stand by that.</para>
<para>Had the Prime Minister left it at that, had the Prime Minister left the only aspects of this bill that protected people from discrimination—instead of providing various frameworks that enable discrimination—then I think all of us in this place would be celebrating a true moment of leadership, just in the same way that the Labor Party celebrated John Howard and the Age Discrimination Act, just as Labor moved various other pieces of discrimination acts—the Sex Discrimination Act, the Disability Discrimination Act. We don't believe that one Australian should be discriminated against, but that's not where the bill ends.</para>
<para>There are parts of this bill that override and intersect with existing protections. The most egregious is the statement of belief. I believe that you should be able to state what you believe. You should be able to confidently and proudly express your faith in this country—of course you should. But should you be able to vilify someone whilst doing that? No. We must have respect, and I think that is a central tenet of faith. I grew up and went to a Jewish school, and I was always taught to do as to others as you want done to yourself. For me, expressing faith and spirituality and religion has never been something where we would use that to belittle another human being, to express opinions about another human being. It was a way of interacting and asking of yourself: how do you interact with others in a way that lifts them up, not brings them down? The statement of belief clause should be amended so it doesn't intersect with existing laws. We should not be weakening existing laws in this country.</para>
<para>Before the Christmas break, the government announced an amendment to the Sex Discrimination Act. Four members of the government and the Attorney-General announced that they were going to remove the ability for students to be discriminated against in schools. The Prime Minister then also recommitted to that exact thing. He wrote to the Leader of the Opposition saying that he was going to remove the ability for schools to discriminate against their students. We also had the Citipointe incident, where a pretty outrageous contract was asked of students, to define what they are and what they're not. And that received the appropriate backlash. But the Prime Minister made a promise to protect kids, and at the moment what the government has put on the table is an amendment to the Sex Discrimination Act that would prevent kids being expelled—not kids being treated differently, not kids being discriminated against, not kids being put in detention, not kids restricted from being on the debating team; it is just that you can't expel kids.</para>
<para>Are we really, in this place, comfortable with the threshold that the House of Representatives of Australia believes that kids can be discriminated against in our schools? I know that this is existing law and this wasn't originally in the Prime Minister's legislation, but that is the question that we are going to have to ask ourselves later tonight. Are we really, in the Australian House of Representatives, on 9 February 2022, as members of various political persuasions, going to be happy saying that we can discriminate against some kids, whether you're gay, you're bi, you're trans or whatever you are? Are we saying that that's grounds for discrimination against kids? Of course it's bloody not.</para>
<para>I know that there are members on that side, people I consider friends, who are deeply disturbed by that question. And I know that there are members on that side who are grappling with what the political equation is. But, putting that aside, tonight, in the House of Representatives, we are going to be asking ourselves: do you, as an adult, as a member of this privileged place, sign your name to an amendment that means some kids can be discriminated against, or not? I would urge—please—a majority of members of this place to decide that question in the right way. That will end a lot of pain tonight. That will send a clear message to children who grow up questioning who they are—not choosing to; that's just who they are—that this place believes that they are exactly who they should be, that they are worth every bit as much as the next person in this country, and that they deserve protections equal to those of any other person in this great place and in this great country.</para>
<para>Labor will also move amendments around antivilification, which, again, I implore the House to support. The power of speech to cut through and to hurt is immense, and we should not be discriminating against another Australian on the basis of our speech. We do not want the right to be a bigot in this country. I'm proud of the Labor Party's consistent position on matters of vilification and antidiscrimination.</para>
<para>There are many places around the world where people of various faiths are not free. I am immensely proud of Australia and the wonderful multicultural success story that it is. I love going to see my Hare Krishna temple and the generosity that they provide when they just give out meals because that is who they are. I loved going to the Pride Shabbat at Temple Beth Israel on Friday night, where Jewish people were celebrating members who have been ostracised in the community. I love going to visit my Anglican church and seeing a priest named Kath, who I consider a friend, who is one of the most inspiring and generous people, who gives to her community and who looks after some of the most vulnerable and needy people in our community because she cares. I am inspired by Father Cox, who works in the small parish next to our public housing. Religion can be a great source of comfort and support to people in this country. We should have the freedom to express ourselves and express our faith, and I wholeheartedly support that. But that doesn't mean that religion can be used as a tool—see the way in which this has been morphed into the Prime Minister basically insinuating that someone's faith is enough of a reason to discriminate against someone else. It's not.</para>
<para>Just as I am proud to walk into those places of worship, I am proud to walk down Fitzroy Street each and every year in the Pride march, in the heart of my electorate, the heart of St Kilda, the heart of diversity. I am proud to see people lifting themselves up with their chin held high, celebrating who they are, celebrating themselves and their different identities and sexualities. It doesn't matter whether they are gay, straight, bi, trans, queer, intersex, asexual—it doesn't matter. Each and every person on this planet deserves respect. This bill doesn't get that balance right.</para>
<para>I would urge the House: please, please, support the amendments. Give a bit more dignity to some people who really need it right now. Say to them without fear or favour that the House of Representatives in this place wants to see all people treated equally, and especially to see our children protected under the laws that we hold so dear. Thank you.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>09:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEIL</name>
    <name.id>140590</name.id>
    <electorate>Hotham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021. I really want to thank the speakers that have preceded me, in particular my friend the member for Macnamara, who has just made a great contribution. Our electorates are close geographically, but they are very different communities that we represent. I come to this place from the most extraordinary patch of our country, the south-eastern suburbs of Melbourne. I represent one of the most diverse electorates in the country. It's a very religious electorate and very religiously diverse. That's the input I want to give to the parliament tonight.</para>
<para>When the Prime Minister announced that he was going to legislate against religious discrimination, I knew this was going to be a very important topic to the people I represent in this parliament. Over the last couple of years since he made that announcement, I've done a lot of consultation with my faith leaders and my faith communities to understand what problem a law such as this might try to solve and how they would see it best solved. So I want to talk briefly about the four main things that came out of those conversations.</para>
<para>I mentioned I have a very religiously diverse community. Within that are very large groups of Catholics, as many of us have in our electorates, and very large groups of others from the Christian religion—Uniting Church, Pentecostal, Evangelical, Lutheran. I have a very large Greek Orthodox community in my electorate. I have a very large Buddhist community—around 7.5 per cent of my constituents are Buddhist adherents. I have a reasonably sized Muslim community and also a reasonably sized Jewish community. Religion is a critical part of life for the people that I represent in this parliament. Somewhere around 75 per cent of my constituents say that they adhere to a particular religion. It's interesting that we are coming to this debate after this two-year pandemic where the spiritual support and guidance provided by religion has been incredibly important to so many people that I represent in this parliament.</para>
<para>The first big finding that came out of my discussion with faith community leaders in Hotham was that there is a need for better protection of religious beliefs in Australia. There are lots of other types of antidiscrimination law in our federal sphere, including for gender, age, disability and race. When I talk to my religious leaders about whether such a thing was necessary, it was agreed that there was generally a gap in the law in the protection of religious beliefs. It was also really clear from the conversations I had that discrimination on the basis of religion is a very real and very large part of life for a lot of people that I represent in parliament. Some of that discrimination is direct, severe, personalised and inciting to violence. We see that most frequently for people who wear some sort of garb associated with their religion—of course, Muslim women wearing a headscarf of some kind are the obvious example here.</para>
<para>All the people that I talk to about these issues reiterate to me that Australia is a beautiful, open, incredibly tolerant country celebrating of difference, but there is a minority of people who treat people who are different very badly. A lot of the examples that were given to me were things that occurred on public transport, where Muslim women in particular were spat at, viciously attacked and very much physically intimidated by people. People coming and going to and from mosques was another example where we heard of some awful acts of discrimination. Things relating to abuse of Jewish people around synagogues was another specific example that was raised with me. I heard some good examples, as well, of Christian community leaders talking to me about how they sometimes get abused when they're wearing a religious collar. This is something that actually is quite pervasive, and I think that everyone who I talked to agreed that we shouldn't see as much of it. If a law can help us do that, then we should have a law.</para>
<para>One of the things I want the parliament to note was that there is a broader discussion about discrimination against people of faith happening out there. I want to aerate that tonight, although it is controversial. I think there are a lot of controversial views being shared, so let's give it a go. I think one of the things that led to a really good conversation with my faith leaders was the role of religion in society. There is a general sense across many types of religious leaders that Australia is becoming a more secular country. Where does that leave religion? Historically, religious beliefs in Australia have had a special place; they've been almost above reproach because they are attached to a religion, particularly Christianity. Talking with my Christian leaders, they're having really deep, thoughtful conversations about how you manage a religious community, and how you converse with a less religious society with the sort of transition that they're seeing. One of the things that we did talk about was the sense, in general, that in the public conversation we are moving into a space where there are less diverse views being allowed to be expressed. People feel that there is a more doctrinaire approach to discussion of issues in public life, and that that really affects some people who are of religious faith. I think this is a real problem—that it's one of those things that it doesn't help us not to talk about, aerate and discuss. It's for that reason I'm raising it with you tonight.</para>
<para>The second important finding that came out of the discussions I had was that religious schools need the ability to preference staff of their own religion. Perhaps to some, that's a controversial statement; to me, it's not controversial at all. Talking with my faith leaders, they're saying to me, 'What is the point of a religious school if we can't provide a certain set of values and beliefs surrounding young people as they go through their most formative years of education?' To me, that is a very obvious and straightforward one, but it was very important. I had this conversation with my faith leaders, not just in their roles as leaders but in their roles as parents. A lot of them are saying to me: 'This is more important to us than academics, than the sporting program in a school, than anything else that might drive our school choice. We will do anything to get our kids in the right faith community in their school.' Of course that requires the school to be able to choose people of that faith.</para>
<para>The third critical point was that there is broad agreement that we need better laws in Australia against religious vilification and incitements to violence. I talked a little bit earlier about some of the real discrimination that my constituents experience because of their religion. We, as the Australian parliament, need to stand and, with one voice, make it absolutely clear that that is not acceptable in Australia today, and that there need to be clear punishments and penalties attached to Australians who treat one another in that way. One of the things that I really enjoyed about the discussions with faith leaders was speaking to them in a multifaith context. There's a lot of solidarity there, especially for the Muslim community, who do feel the brunt of a lot of this vilification. There is very broad agreement that we do need to have better laws—and you will note that Labor's amendments to this bill would put some in place.</para>
<para>One of the controversial aspects of this law is the statements of belief exemption, which would allow people to make statements of belief that are religious in nature, that would then exempt them from various other types of discrimination law. I just want to put a couple of things on the record.</para>
<para>Firstly, this wasn't a very animated part of the conversation that I had with faith leaders. I just want to say that a lot of this debate that we're having about the bill tonight, and a lot of the debate that is had about religion in society, goes immediately to the extremes. I want to say something very obvious here: in my experience religious people don't want to discriminate against other people; they don't want to make statements of belief that would offend other types of discrimination law. That's not a goal, objective or desire of anyone I know who's religious. I think that's why when we talked about this in the groups that I ran, people weren't clear on why anyone would want to be offending other parts of discrimination law.</para>
<para>Something else that they raised with me though, was a very important point about who gets to define what a religion is. They talked to me as faith leaders about the difficulties that they have, where certain fringe groups or extremist offshoots of their own religion are presented as the mainstream of whatever it is they believe, and they said that that's very hard for them to pass out. It's important that the law we pass in parliament tonight makes it clear what a religion is and what a religion isn't.</para>
<para>Those are the four main points that I wanted to make to the parliament tonight. But I wanted to close with one final one that we didn't even talk about in the groups that I ran, because I didn't think that I needed to raise it, and that is that children should not be discriminated against for any reason in this country—they should not. There is not a religious leader in my community who would argue for such a right to discriminate, and I think it's very unfortunate that this debate has descended into a dispute about whether children should be discriminated against. The parliament should not be deliberating on that question; it has a clear answer, and the answer is no.</para>
<para>One of the things that I find frustrating, and I know my religious leaders find frustrating, is the tenor and tone of the discussion we have in the public square about religion in society. And it does feel to me, to be honest, as a progressive person, that the debate is so often dominated by fringe aspects of religions that don't at all reflect the almost-100,000 people who are religious that I represent in this parliament.</para>
<para>Over the last two years, my faith leaders have been telling me this has been the most difficult two years of their life. They have done so much for my community: they have fed hundreds of people I represent; they have cared for people when they've had COVID; and they have provided, apart from material support, enormous spiritual support for so many people that I represent. That doesn't seem to get a lot of airtime. Instead, we talk about Israel Folau. How did he somehow become representative of Christian beliefs in this country? In my experience, dealing with Christian leaders, that's not how they see Israel Folau. In fact, they were, in many instances, deeply offended by some of the things that he said.</para>
<para>Citipointe, again, is not reflective of mainstream religious views in this country, and I feel frustrated that that seems to be the debate we're having as a parliament, pitting this sort of extremism as somehow reflective of the views of mainstream religious people in this country, and it's not. Again, I've never met anyone who's religious in my community who's argued that discrimination towards children is somehow justified by religion, and I don't think I ever will.</para>
<para>The discussions that I had with my faith leaders about the Religious Discrimination Bill filled me with huge hope and respect. I have so much respect for these leaders and the work that they do. One of the overarching themes that we kept coming back to in the discussions was that we live in a very diverse country, and in that diverse country, we are all going to have different views about things. Our goal and our role in this parliament is to join hands and walk forward as a country together, and it is a real question about whether the law is actually the right place to do that, and whether some of these problems are much too complex, much too nuanced and much too difficult to resolve through a law.</para>
<para>While there was general support amongst the leaders that I talked to about a religious discrimination bill, the thing I think they're most concerned about, and the thing I'm most concerned about, is creating the tolerant community that's reflected in the millions of households of people that we represent in this chamber. I don't know if that's a role for the law; I do know it's a role for leaders and for leadership.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms THWAITES</name>
    <name.id>282212</name.id>
    <electorate>Jagajaga</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>People of faith in our community should be free from discrimination. I have nothing but respect for people of faith in my community and around this country, but this parliament should not be passing laws that, in protecting people of faith, discriminate against others—and that is what we are currently being asked to do. It is to the discredit of this government that the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 and the debate that has surrounded it, like so much of what this government does, divide our country. It sets people against each other. Rather than seeking our points of commonality and building us up together as a community, it pits us against each other. It is an indictment of this government that in a global pandemic, as older Australians are dying and neglected in aged care, the government has fostered a national debate about whether it's fair enough to exclude gay and trans kids from schools.</para>
<para>Young people whom we should be surrounding with love and affection, whom we should be supporting and who should know that they are welcome in our community are being made to feel like they are a problem and are not welcome. I want to thank all the gay and trans young people in my electorate, their parents and their supporters who have contacted me about this bill in the last couple of days but also over the last couple of months. I know there are hundreds and hundreds of you and I have been reading all your emails and messages. This is part of my response to you, but I will get back to you personally as well. I understand how worried you are about this bill and I am sorry for how damaging this national debate is for you. It should not be like this.</para>
<para>Young people in my electorate have explained how this bill and the debate around this bill have left them feeling anxious and unprotected. As one young transgender person put to me this afternoon, their generation is just starting to undo years of trauma and to finally feel like they can come out as themselves safely, and this bill, in fact, undoes decades of work. Another person, the grandmother of a year 7 transgender student, pleaded with me that we, please, don't play politics with vulnerable children's mental health. Surely it is a fundamental responsibility of us in this House that we don't play politics with vulnerable young people's mental health.</para>
<para>Here are some other views from my community: 'I'm writing as a gay constituent and as someone who was a school teacher for 25 years. LGBTQI+ students need protection, as do teachers, adults, families, employees and others who would be negatively affected by this proposed legislation.' This person explains that they lived in daily fear of losing their job in the days before antidiscrimination legislation and they feel that their human rights will be threatened by this bill. Another writes to me as an extremely concerned resident, a gay Australian, and explains how going through the plebiscite on marriage equality made them feel like their rights were up for debate and that this bill and the debate around this bill do a similar thing to them. They feel that the bill would erect a barrier to accessing health care for women, LGBTIQ+ people and people with disability at a time when we should be removing such barriers.</para>
<para>Beyond the people in my immediate electorate, a number of groups have raised concerns with this legislation. The peak disability groups have stated their concern that this bill will erode protections for people with disability. People with disability have explained some of the very harmful comments that they have experienced from people who put those comments as religious views, such as, 'This is obviously what God wants for you.' Their concern is that this bill will enable more of those types of comments and may affect their ability to access care, support and medical treatment. Advocates for women's rights have made the case that this bill could harm efforts to build safe and respectful workplaces, something that is of great interest to those of us in this place, by protecting the expression of sexist views in the workplace. They express concerns around women's ability to access health care. People from multicultural backgrounds have expressed their discomfort with this bill. Again I reflect there is not one view of this, but I do want to make the point that some from multicultural backgrounds have expressed their discomfort with a monolithic view being put of what multicultural communities think of this bill and how they would like it to play out. Melbourne woman Nyadol Nyuon, said that this bill 'is trying to create this false choice by conflating multiculturalism with almost, to some degree, religious bigotry … You can support multiculturalism and support equal rights for all citizens.'</para>
<para>Of course there are numerous other problems with this bill that have been highlighted through the committee processes that ran over summer—committee processes that were far too short because this government did not take the time and did not do the work with this bill. They are looking for a wedge; they are not looking for a genuine outcome. Some of those concerns are raised around particular provisions in the bill—particularly that it overrides state laws and there is a potential for harm to come from that. I pay tribute to the Victorian government in my home state and the efforts that I know they have gone to and continue to go to to make young people in our community feel safe. I am concerned that this bill has the potential to override some of those efforts.</para>
<para>I also note, as some of my colleagues have, that we are debating this bill in the absence of our country having a bill of rights. Unlike many liberal democracies similar to Australia, we do not have a framework for how we have these discussions. Hence we are in a position where we are having a discussion without a framework—a discussion that seems to be setting communities against others and that seems to say that we will give some people rights and take those rights away from other people. I think giving consideration to a bill of rights in this country would give us a broader framework to have these discussions in and hopefully lead to a much healthier debate—a debate that does not cause the harm that this current debate, I believe, is causing to the mental health of too many young people in our community.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Katter</name>
    <name.id>HX4</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Have you heard of the Magna Carta?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms THWAITES</name>
    <name.id>282212</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Thank you, I have heard of the Magna Carta. Many liberal democracies also have a bill of rights as well. Thank you, member for Kennedy.</para>
<para>Many people of faith I know also have concerns with this bill, and I want those people to know I've also heard their concerns. I want people of faith to know that they are an important part of our community. They absolutely deserve to have their faith respected. They deserve so much better than this debate and this bill which doesn't respect them as a broader part of our community. They instead have been caught up in the Morrison government's mishandling and in a debate that is making vulnerable young people feel judged and excluded. People of faith deserve better than a poorly drafted bill rushed through a committee process because we have a Prime Minister more focused on political wedges and on an election than on genuinely supporting rights. Young people and members of our LGBTIQ+ community deserve so much better than this bill rushed through in the dying days of this parliament. We should not be pitting sections of our community against each other. This unamended bill does that, and it is not worthy of becoming law.</para>
<para>I say again thank you to all the members of my community and the members of communities more broadly who have raised their concerns with this bill with me. I hope tonight I have gone some way to showing you that your views have been heard and they've been aired in this parliament as part of this debate. I again acknowledge how difficult and damaging this debate is and continues to be for some people, particularly for young people in our community. I don't believe that our national parliament is a place that should be making young people feel marginalised and, again, I'm very sorry that the way this debate has operated has led to that happening.</para>
<para>I very much hope that Labor's amendments being moved tonight are supported. I won't go through them all, because many of my colleagues have and will continue to do so. They are worthy amendments and they deserve the support of this place. We can't take away the division that has already been caused by the Morrison government's terrible handling of this bill. But by supporting Labor's amendments tonight, we can make it clear that the future for our country and for our communities is not one of discrimination and division. I urge all members of this House to take that into consideration as we move through this evening.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:25</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KATTER</name>
    <name.id>HX4</name.id>
    <electorate>Kennedy</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021.</para>
<para>I really find this place extraordinary. I must have got an extremely good education, because I was taught in history a whole lot of things that, clearly, the previous speaker was not taught. I urge people in this place to read history books and to know what they're talking about. She said that people are being discriminated against in this bill and about discrimination. Discrimination? There's a bloke who quoted verbatim from a book called the New Testament; it's a book that has been sacred for 2,000 years. People have died because they believed that we should love our neighbours and do good even to people who hate them; we should do good to them. That's the essence of the Christian message.</para>
<para>He quoted from that book, but he's been vilified for it by people who are super aggressive and who are determined to impose their ideas upon the rest of us. I think we all know who I'm talking about: the head of one of the biggest corporations in Australia. To this government's shame, they haven't got rid of him for using his own personal beliefs to persecute an outstanding Australian in the form of Israel Folau.</para>
<para>As a Christian, I have no illusions that we're being persecuted—no illusions about it. If the previous member is talking about persecution than I know who's being persecuted and it sure isn't the LBQTABC or whatever they like to call themselves. It isn't that mob, it's the Christians. Let me be very specific, because we don't make statements without backing them up. The leader of the biggest Christian church in Australia was Peter Hollingworth, and he was hacked to death. The only reason they didn't go on to put him in jail, like they did to Pell, was because destroying him as the Governor-General of Australia and as the head of the Anglican Church was probably good enough.</para>
<para>Then they moved onto the second-biggest Christian denomination: Pell. Eighty-one people gave evidence that Pell was over here at point A and one person gave evidence that he was over here at point B, doing something bad: 81 to one. But the previous speaker was praising the government of Victoria! If ever we've seen an example of fascism in Australia, we've seen it in Victoria! And in Queensland. I'm checking up on where these people come from, because they're not Australians. No Australian would ever do those sorts of things. They persecuted a pretty naive young man because of his religious beliefs, when he was quoting from a book that's been around for 2,000 years and which a third of the world's population believes is their pathway to a better life—and which tells them they have to love even their enemies and do good to others. Is there something wrong with that principle? But for quoting from that book, whether you agree with the quote or whether you don't, this man was punished in the most terrible manner. His job was taken away from him and his future was taken away from him. The money he was looking forward to in retirement was taken away from him because he quoted from this book.</para>
<para>As a Christian, I'm just a little bit sick and tired of being pushed around by people who have as much knowledge of history as I have of water supply on Mars. I'll be very specific: we have the angelic tribes of Islamic extremists—nice people!</para>
<para>The statue of Tamerlane, in Tashkent, has him on a horse with his sword out, saying, 'The sword of Islam.' He killed one-fifth of the world's population—one-fifth of the world's population—in the name of God. It was the same god that Christians worship, that Jewish people worship and that other people worship as well. I quote the great leader in Russia who called off the Cold War, which is now, very sadly, being switched back on: Gorbachev. His first statement to the world was: 'The important thing for us all to remember is that, when we go on our knees at night to pray, we all pray to the same god.' I thought, 'This man is one of the greatest men of the last 200 or 300 years. This man is truly one of the great men.' Every kid in my 12th-grade matriculation class at school had their transistor on, listening to John F Kennedy, a great warrior and an outstanding soldier. Of course, Khrushchev was another great warrior and a great soldier. He was never going to back off—a tough little peasant, he was never going to back off. When you listened to Kennedy, he wasn't going to back off, either. We were terrified. The hair stood up on the back of my neck. I looked over at a bloke called Eddie Anderson; he was as white as a sheet. I looked over at another classmate; his face was red and he just kept shaking his head. We were terrified. Now we're back in that situation again.</para>
<para>Who brought down communism, the worst scourge the world has ever seen? We now know that Mao Zedong was responsible for the death of 48 million people—there's no question about that . There is no question that Stalin was responsible for the death of 28 million people. If you can't add up, that's—how much is that?—70-odd million people. These two monsters, and the monster of communism, caused the death of all these people. Well, who brought communism down? Was it Lech Walesa and his mentor, the Pope of Rome? Was it the Christian right-wingers under Huey Long, like in that wonderful movie about how that little group of American Christians brought the communist empire down? Who abolished slavery? We Christians abolished slavery. Nobody else; we Christians abolished slavery. We abolished communism. Who led the civil rights movement in America? Martin Luther King—Reverend Martin Luther King. If you want to look, in no matter which direction you look, the new age dawned with the Medici family. You might say, 'Oh, well, they tortured Galileo.' Galileo was on the Medici payroll. The Medicis were the popes for almost all of that century. He was on the Pope's family's payroll—he lived in their palace. The enemies of the Renaissance, of freedom and of thought weren't going to attack the Medicis, but they took on Galileo, obliquely.</para>
<para>As to this idea that the crusaders went over and murdered everybody—well, just hold on a moment. The Middle East was the cradle of Christianity. The whole of the Middle East was Christian, and I quote a famous historian and commentator, in 1363. He said: 'I was very surprised to realise that in Jerusalem the town was still predominantly Christian, as was all of Palestine'. Of course it was. That's where Christianity came from. Well, they were being persecuted and murdered out of existence, again and again and again. So the crusaders went there to protect them—and, quite frankly, the peace in that 200-year period was probably unprecedented in Middle Eastern history. Now, they weren't nice guys; they were tough guys. I'm not going to say that they were good Christians; I'm just going to say that Christians were being murdered and someone stood up to protect them. Those great heroes went over there to protect them and were outnumbered 100 to one almost continuously throughout that period.</para>
<para>The forces of expansionist Islam—there are a lot of good people in Islam; we all know that. Saladin is made out to be a goody-goody because he didn't murder everyone in Jerusalem, like the Crusaders did. Well, that's pretty historically true, actually. Why didn't he murder them all? Because he ransomed off all the rich ones and turned the rest into slaves. It was a pretty bad idea to kill them all. It was pretty dumb of the Crusaders, when they could have been smart.</para>
<para>Now, they were taking 50,000 Christian slaves a year. In the harem in Turkey, the Ottomans did not speech Turkish; they spoke Serbo-Croat. There were Christian women in the harem. If you disbelieve me—the two greatest figures of the middle ages, Suleiman the Magnificent and Peter the Great were very romantic. They had great love affairs. Each was very much in love with his wife—his beloved, for the sake of a better word—Suleiman the Magnificent with his, and Peter the Great with Catherine. Both those women were Christian slaves—freed in the case of Peter the Great's wife and captured in the case of Suleiman the Magnificent's. There was no doubt that both men were deeply in love with their wives, but both of them were Christian slaves. In what the <inline font-style="italic">Encyclopaedia Britannica</inline> says is arguably the most important battle in human history, the battle for Malta, Suleiman the Magnificent and 250,000 men tried to take Malta off the Knights Hospitaller of St. John. They stood their ground. Their leader was Jean Parisot de la Valette, and he'd been a galley slave. What may be the most important battle in human history, according to the encyclopedia, was fought by a man who'd been a galley slave!</para>
<para>So Peter the Great's wife was a slave, Suleiman the Magnificent's wife was a slave and Jean Parisot de la Valette was a slave. You can get a picture of what was taking place. We Christians were being persecuted on a massive scale. We're not new to persecution. Our blessed Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, was murdered in the most terrible manner humanly possible, so we're not new to persecution. But, when I see the leader of the biggest Christian church hacked to pieces in the public arena—we know by whom; we know who was doing it—and the leader of the second biggest Christian denomination thrown in jail—81 people said he was there; one person said he wasn't. And she's talking about the government of Victoria. They will go down in history as having maybe the least respect for human rights in the country's history. No wonder the Eureka Stockade took place in Victoria! That spirit is not dead in we Australians, I can tell you.</para>
<para>To pick on a very outstanding young Australian because he quoted from the gospels—shame, shame, shame! She's talking about a bill of rights. Well, there's an instrument called the Magna Carta, and it was written by Stephen Langton, the archbishop and chief primate of the Christian church of England, who showed great courage in risking his life in enforcing that document. At that point, the evils of monarchy were undermined, never ever to really recover. We saw the last throes of those evils in World War I, with a lot of inbred monarchs in Europe getting carried away with their own egos: 'Oh, Cousin Willy is a naughty boy' and 'We've got a bigger navy than they've got.' Well, Cousin Willy caused a fair amount of trouble. About 30 million people died because of Cousin Willy and his cousin, Nicky, over in Russia there. They had big egos, so we had to have a war. That had been going on for I don't know how long. If you go through human history and you start with the Roman Empire, it was Christianised. You move on to the period of the Vikings. They were Christianised. You move on to the period of the Muslim takeover of Europe—all of Portugal, all of Spain, most of Italy, all of the Balkans—all taken over by them. Not Genghis Khan but his descendants were Muslim, and they occupied Moscow. They were ruling—and, look, crusaders may not have been angels, but I can absolutely assure you, the rule of the Ottomans was no picnic, particularly if you were a Christian; that was for certain. But people stood up with great courage against oppression, and that's part of the Christian belief system. So when I hear people like the last speaker— <inline font-style="italic">(</inline><inline font-style="italic">Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:40</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KEARNEY</name>
    <name.id>LTU</name.id>
    <electorate>Cooper</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to speak to the Religious Discrimination Bill 2022 and related legislation. I'd like to thank my colleagues who have spoken before me for their contributions to this debate, in particular the member for Whitlam, who shared such a personal, tragic story about his nephew and a very beautiful story about his own son. The member for Whitlam shared a lovely TikTok with us, a TikTok that his son posted showing how proud he was of his dad, with a message to all of his own community, saying, 'There are people here who are fighting for us kids.' The member's son's message was clear: 'Don't despair,' he said, 'there are good people here who are fighting for kids to be themselves, to be safe in their own skins.' And that is true; very, very true. We are here, absolutely fighting for them.</para>
<para>I know there are people who have, I think, incorrectly interpreted our strategy with this bill, so let me be clear from the outset. I do not support this bill. Labor does not support this bill as it stands. The government has, at the last minute, created a wedge pitting some faith communities against other faith communities and pitting some faith communities against our LGBTI communities. It is a wedge that is weaponising antidiscrimination legislation in the most appalling way. Labor is proposing important amendments that will break that wedge and help bring communities together, addressing concerns of people of faith without driving a sword into the hearts of others. If our amendments are not passed, Labor will support the bill going into the Senate where there is a good chance the bill will be amended with our important changes.</para>
<para>I stand here as a representative of an incredibly diverse community. I have one of the largest mosques in Melbourne, in Cooper, and a fabulously vibrant Muslim community. I represent people of many faiths with different belief systems and from different cultures, and we thrive in Cooper. I want them to feel free from discrimination. I want them to be happy and accepted. But this bill actually does not promise that. It does not protect them, for example, because it has no anti-vilification measures. That is something we will fix.</para>
<para>I also have many proud members of the LGBTI community in my electorate. I have one of the largest lesbian communities in Melbourne, so many wonderful rainbow families and proud gay men. I also proudly have a fabulous trans clinic and health centre just up the road from my office in Bell Street, doing amazingly good work. They're all quite rightly wary of what this bill means for them and they're scared of what this means for LGBTI kids. I share their fears. I think of the gender-diverse kids who I've met within this job and in my personal life, and I wonder whether the Prime Minister and those opposite have met with the kids this bill fails to protect when they were considering this legislation. I wonder if they think about these kids when they hear stories like the member for Whitlam's. Not only has this government failed to protect them but they've actively carved them out of protections. They've actively, politically, disgracefully weaponised them—children—in the debate on this bill. Their behaviour in all of this, I think, has been disgusting. It has haunted me. They who are supporting this bill as it is should be ashamed.</para>
<para>I grew up in a large Irish Catholic family. I completely understand the importance of having the freedom to practise your religion and to express your religious views. My grandmother, an old Irish Catholic lady, told us the same stories over and over again of the troubles she faced finding a job as a young woman as a result of her culture and religion. She used to tell us there was only one department store hiring Catholics in Melbourne. I even remember the name of it, although it doesn't exist now; we heard the story so often. She used to tell us it was Foy & Gibson. For many Irish Catholic young women, employment options were scarce back at the turn of the century. Add to that religious discrimination—it must have been terrible.</para>
<para>As a young nurse and unmarried, I fell pregnant with twins. At the time, I was nursing at a Catholic hospital run by nuns. I was absolutely terrified that I would be fired. I knew I could be viewed as sinful, or even unworthy of having a job there. So terrified was I that I brought my mum with me to meet with the head nun, a fearsome nun, to plead my case to be allowed to stay. And I have a lovely young son-in-law, a smart Jewish man who is a teacher in a Catholic school. Under these laws it could be legal for him to never be promoted, no matter how good a teacher he is, on the basis of his faith. I have a very young and much-loved family member who is currently transitioning their gender at 14 years of age, facing all the trauma and prejudice that brings with it.</para>
<para>What does this bill do for them and all those situations? Will it actually mean that all these discriminatory experiences will be swept away? No, it will not. It actually enshrines the ability for schools to discriminate against teachers. It could allow a faith based hospital to sack a pregnant single woman. It allows people to tell young kids on the street, in the workplace or at school that, based on their faith, they are living a sin, that their true self is evil and wrong. Surely this is not the best we can do in parliament, as a parliament. Surely Australians—all Australians—can ask for better than what this bill provides.</para>
<para>It's worth remembering that this is a debate on what is supposed to be anti-discrimination law, a part of the law that all of us in this chamber should approach carefully, with serious consideration. In fact, it's a great privilege that we are able to come into this place with the power to make laws that can end discrimination—think of the sex, racial, disability and age discrimination acts. What power these great pillars of anti-discrimination laws have had in this country—the great change they created, how vital they have been to our progress towards creating a more equal, fairer society. The power of these laws and of this chamber in creating those laws should not be lost on any of us. This should weigh heavily upon us. I know it does me.</para>
<para>So, to see this government weaponise and politicise discrimination in this way has been utterly offensive—to see them weaponise sexuality, gender identity and faith. It is a last-ditch, desperate attempt at political traction from a government that simply doesn't know how to govern. They've had years to get this right, yet they failed to consult properly with key stakeholders, with those of us on this side of the House and even with their own members. As Ian Thorpe said yesterday, this is a bill with no friends. It's failed to please faith groups, it's failed to please LGBTI groups and it's failed to please human rights groups, and the disability sector has been completely forgotten. So we find ourselves, in one of the last sitting weeks of this parliamentary term, debating an anti-discrimination bill that is better known in the community for the discrimination it enshrines rather than the discrimination it prevents. We've said all along that we're happy to engage on this, because we on this side of the House understand how strongly people of faith feel about it and that they do indeed need protections. We could have made this right. We could have helped get the balance right. But the government didn't work with us.</para>
<para>Yesterday we heard the Hindu Council speak at a press conference about the fears Hindu Australians have for their jobs. They're afraid that, under this legislation, they could be sacked or excluded from work for being practising followers of their faith. We heard from the ACTU that this bill in its current form undermines decades of work by unions, their members and Labor governments who have brought into place enterprise bargaining agreements and workplace codes which protect workers from discrimination in the workplace, including discrimination on the basis of religion. This is legislation which has the potential to walk back all that terrific progress that we have made. Of course, we've all heard the story of Citipointe in Queensland, where they had a contract forcing prospective students and their families to denounce LGBTI communities. Are these the kind of statements that this government is looking to protect with this bill? Really?</para>
<para>It is with this section of the bill, clause 12, that deals with statements of belief that we have particular concern, as many of my colleagues have iterated here. This clause makes it legal to express a statement of belief even if it would be considered discriminatory under Australian antidiscrimination law. This inherently privileges the right to express one's religious belief above the rights of others to live their lives free of discrimination, whether that's on the basis of sexuality, gender, age, race, disability or another characteristic covered by law. This is wrong. Not only is it wrong; it is in conflict with human rights law and it's likely to be unconstitutional. But, most of all, it drives hate and division where we need love, embracement, acceptance and protection. This is, to put it simply, the most broken part of this bill, and one which law reform and human rights groups have taken particular issue with and which we will fix.</para>
<para>The previous clause in the bill, clause 11, is also problematic. It allows for state and territory laws to be overridden with respect to employment decisions. This is not limited to hiring; it includes promotions and levels of pay. This will effectively mean that one teacher who is of a certain faith and a teacher who is of another faith could legally have their respective pays determined based purely on those respective faiths. This doesn't sit well with me. It doesn't sit well with many people, I'm sure. And this is leaving to one side the fact that, again, this clause is likely to be unconstitutional.</para>
<para>In considering these bills, we in Labor used three key principles to determine whether we could support them. Firstly, we recognise that people of faith must have a clear right to act in accordance with their beliefs, subject to limitations on the grounds of public safety, order, health, morals and the rights and freedoms of others. This is outlined clearly in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Secondly, Labor supports the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs. But, finally and crucially, extending the protection of the antidiscrimination network to religion should not come at the cost of the protections that already exist in the law for other characteristics, such as gender, race, age, sexuality and so on. These principles are important. They make it clear that our party is committed to protecting the rights of people of faith, but that, importantly, this commitment is equally held to the rights of people protected by existing antidiscrimination law. As I've said throughout my remarks here today, antidiscrimination law is a very important yet sensitive area of the law, and providing its protection to one section of society cannot—cannot—come at the expense of another.</para>
<para>It's with these principles in mind that Labor is seeking to amend this bill. Firstly, we will move to amend the Sex Discrimination Act to ensure that students cannot be discriminated against for their sexuality or gender identity. This is vital. The government actively carved gender diverse kids out of protections, and Labor is making sure these kids cannot be discriminated against. Secondly, we will move to amend clause 12 of the Religious Discrimination Bill to ensure that statements of belief are not protected if they contravene existing antidiscrimination law. Thirdly, we will be looking at ways to protect teachers from discrimination. Fourthly, by moving amendments that prohibit religious vilification we will make sure that the bill does actually protect people of faith, making it illegal to do things like yelling abuse out of a car window at a woman in a hijab or to a group of worshippers leaving a synagogue. This is a glaring omission from the current bill which makes you question what on earth the government's intent actually was.</para>
<para>Labor will also be moving amendments to ensure that in-home aged-care service providers are not able to discriminate on the basis of religion and importantly there will be protections for people with disability. These are sensible amendments moved in good faith. They are amendments that would fix the significant errors and omissions in the bill and go a long way to ensuring the bill is inclusive and not divisive. I would like to conclude with the remarks made today by the Leader of the Opposition, the member for Grayndler. He said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">This is an opportunity to advance unity of this nation, not to pit people against each other. This bill as it stands right now, if it is not amended by either the House or the Senate, will only succeed in driving us apart. Ours is a wonderful country, but there is an even better Australia almost within our grasp. This bill in its present form will push it further out of reach. That is not our instinct as a people. It is not who we are. Let's put aside divisiveness and this pointless, petty partisanship. This is a moment for leadership; this is an opportunity for the Prime Minister to show some. It's an opportunity for unity of purpose. We must change this bill.</para></quote>
<para class="italic"> <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired.)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>21:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms COKER</name>
    <name.id>263547</name.id>
    <electorate>Corangamite</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'd like to thank all those colleagues who've spoken before me, including the member for Cooper who spoke with such passion on this significant issue. The Religious Discrimination Bill should ensure that all Australians, regardless of their religion, gender, sexuality, cultural identity, marital status or disability, are free from discrimination. But, as it stands, this bill does not do this, and that is why Labor will fight to amend this bill in this House and in the Senate. We will propose a set of amendments to address the deeply held concerns of so many Australians, many of whom live in my electorate of Corangamite. I have listened to their heartfelt pleas—pleas which have come from people of faith, community leaders and parents of vulnerable children. They worry and I worry that this bill in its current form will undermine our nation's cohesion and drive a wedge between people of faith and people of the LGBTIQA community.</para>
<para>This bill has the potential to cause great anxiety in many people who fear persecution and vilification because of who they are. This is not acceptable. I want to make it clear that I do not support this bill, and Labor does not support this bill as it stands. I want to thank everyone in my electorate who's reached out to me and shared their thoughts and experiences about their children and members of their families. Your stories are very moving, and I will be responding to each of you. Your stories matter.</para>
<para>It is interesting to note that some in my community who are cynical of government believe the Prime Minister is weaponising this legislation and seeking to whip up a culture war to distract Australians from the many failings of his government: its failure to lead through the pandemic, its failure to protect people in aged care, its failure to legislate a federal anticorruption body and now its failure to bring the nation together and ensure we are all free from discrimination. I tend to agree with them. The Prime Minister is now rushing through this legislation, three long years after he promised to do so and on the eve of a federal election. On 18 December 2018 the Prime Minister announced that his government would enact a religious discrimination act and appoint a religious freedom commissioner before the 2019 election. But, as we've come to expect from this government, this is yet another broken promise in a very long list of broken promises and announcements.</para>
<para>Freedom of thought, conscience and religious belief are fundamental human rights, and I wholly support the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs. People from many different religious groups live in my electorate, and I have had the pleasure of meeting with them to celebrate special religious festivals and occasions. Many people of faith in my electorate have stepped up during the pandemic to provide food relief to those experiencing hardship and help to bring their communities together during very tough times. They have amazing compassion. Religion provides solace, faith, comfort and a sense of belonging, and it's central to many people's lives. People of faith have the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs or teachings of their tradition and faith. That's why it's so important that we continue to protect the rights of people of faith to practice their religion free of discrimination.</para>
<para>But it is equally important that this antidiscrimination framework extends to everyone regardless of age, ability, race, sex, gender, identity, sex characteristics and sexual orientation. I strongly urge the Morrison government to accept Labor's amendments, which ensure that state and territory antidiscrimination laws are not overridden. In the process of protecting people of faith from discrimination we cannot diminish the rights and freedoms of others. That's why Labor's amendments will change the law in four key areas: to prohibit religious vilification; prohibit discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity; make it clear that in-home aged-service providers cannot discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of aged-care services; and make it clear that the statement of belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination.</para>
<para>These amendments will go a long way to giving comfort and protections against discrimination for constituents like Merrin Wake and her son, Jay, who live in Torquay in my electorate. Merrin spoke on ABC radio this morning about her son, who is transgender. Merrin said earlier today: 'The discussion around this legislation has created fear and anxiety for trans kids and their families. When I dropped my son, Jay, at school this morning I felt fearful for him. This is the most scared I have felt since our journey began.' Parents of trans kids are getting tired of having to educate and fight every day for basic rights that other children enjoy and take for granted. Trans kids and their parents should not be burdened with being educators. Our government needs to step up and legislate protection for trans kids. The legislation in its current form will cause harm to vulnerable members of our community. She went on to say: 'Jay is in year 8 at a local secondary college, where he is loved and supported. He also has an abundance of love and support from his family, yet even for him this debate about whether trans kids should be protected from discrimination is extremely distressing. He knows only too well that too many trans kids do not have the love and support he has.'</para>
<para>Amy is another of many hundreds of constituents who have written to me. She's an Anglesea mother of two beautiful children. When her youngest child was born, she was assigned male gender. As soon as she could talk, she let her parents know that they had got it wrong and she was in fact a girl. This little girl is now five years old, loving life at kindergarten and has a bunch of beautiful friends and family who love her to bits. Amy wrote these eloquent words to me: 'Libby, I am writing to you today because I know in my heart that my beautiful daughter is perfect, completely and utterly perfect, just the way she is. I live in dread of the day she realises there are people in the world who believe she is anything less than that. We are so lucky to be surrounded by a community filled with love and hope and strength. With them in our corner, I know that my little girl will be okay. But not every LGBTIQA child has the same support she does. I'm asking you to stand up for them and reject this bill. These words have affected me greatly. When I read this through earlier, I must admit it brought me to tears. I am amazed by the compassion, generosity and open-mindedness of my communities.</para>
<para>It is inconceivable that the federal government is trying to ram through this legislation just prior to an election without proper consultation. The Law Council of Australia supports this view. It holds grave concerns about the bill as it stands. I quote from the council's statement:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Clause 12 makes lawful 'statements of belief' which would otherwise be unlawful, by overriding all federal, state and territory discrimination laws. This privileges manifestation of religious belief over other human rights, including the right to equality and non-discrimination, and is contrary to international human rights law.</para></quote>
<para>We must not privilege one group over another. In its current form, this bill would cause pain and hurt, and this is absolutely unacceptable. If we do not pass these laws with our amendments in parliament, our government—a Labor government—will make sure that all people are not discriminated against.</para>
<para>We must protect religious freedom, and at the same time we must protect all people from discrimination on the basis of gender identity and sexual orientation. We must not put any Australian in a position of worsening discrimination, and we know the mental health problems are significantly higher in the LGBTIQ+ community. We must protect them and ensure all children receive the love, acceptance and support they deserve.</para>
<para>I call on the Morrison government to accept Labor's amendments, not only to ensure protection for people of faith, but also to ensure that no teacher, child or any person is discriminated against on the basis of their sexual orientation, gender identity, relationship, marital status or pregnancy. To move forward, to be a cohesive, caring and tolerant nation, we need real leadership from this government now. If not, the people will decide the Morrison government's fate at the next election.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms PAYNE</name>
    <name.id>144732</name.id>
    <electorate>Canberra</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This should be a unifying moment for this nation as we discuss a bill to ensure that people are not discriminated against for their religious beliefs and practices. But it is not that moment. This bill, the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, is not that bill. This has been an awful debate. So many in this parliament are really struggling with this, and our communities that we represent are as well. Every single member of this House would support the right of people to practise their religions without discrimination. That is not debatable. I am so proud that living in this country, Australia, we have such a diversity of religions and that we do have, to a great extent, religious freedom in this country. This is a debate that we could have worked on together as a community and as a nation.</para>
<para>From day one of this debate, Labor has reached out to this Prime Minister to work together on this, for this to be something that we could all be proud of. As our leader, the member for Grayndler, outlined in his speech earlier today, those offers to the Prime Minister have been rejected. They have not worked with us on this, and what we have ended up with is a bill that should not be supported. It should not be supported in this House, and Labor is moving some amendments to fix this bill so that we will not have some rights, and discrimination against some people, prioritised over protecting others from discrimination.</para>
<para>This should be a unifying moment, but this has been led by a Prime Minister who seeks to divide Australians, and it is absolutely shameful. It is absolutely shameful that in this debate the very things that make us who we are—our faith, our gender, our sexuality and even our culture—have been used to pit Australians against other Australians in a debate that is incredibly damaging, in a debate that people should not have had to endure again.</para>
<para>The people of Canberra do not want this bill. They have made that very clear, and I want to thank the hundreds and hundreds of people who have contacted me about this with their emails and their phone calls. Particularly in the last week or so, as it became clear that this was going to be rammed through this parliament in its dying days, but also over the last three years, I have talked a lot with my engaged, passionate and progressive community about. It is something that I have talked very much about with our shadow Attorney-General and others in this caucus as well. I know that people on the other side of the House have engaged with us as well, in spite of the Prime Minister's push to ram through something that does not solve the problems that such a bill should be looking to solve but, in fact, creates others.</para>
<para>I want to say to people in our LGBTIQ+ community: you should not have had to endure this debate yet again. To young trans Australians: you deserve so much better than this from your parliament. To anyone who feels upset by the debate that we have again been subjected to in this country: you deserve so much better from this parliament. To people of faith who want genuine laws to protect you from discrimination: you deserve better than this. All Australians deserve better than this.</para>
<para>In the dying days of this parliament, there are literally about seven days left of sitting before an election. We are not debating urgent legislation to address the crisis in aged care this government allowed to happen on their watch—more than 600 older Australians dying since Christmas. We're not debating that. We are not debating measures to help people who have lost their jobs or their businesses because of COVID. We are not debating the federal integrity commission this government promised over three years ago—another thing we want to work with them on but they don't actually want to do. We're not doing anything about poverty. We're not talking about implementing the Uluru Statement from the Heart and giving First Nations Australians the voice to this parliament I so deeply hoped, along with so many people here, that this parliament would deliver. We're not debating those things. We are tearing ourselves apart over a bill that doesn't actually serve the needs of anyone who wants to be protected from discrimination in this country in a debate that has been so damaging for so many in our community. Again, to the people contacting me: I hear you and I see you and I will keep fighting against these things. I am so sorry that this is what we are doing here tonight.</para>
<para>We do not support the bill as it stands and will move amendments. These amendments do four key things, very important things, to improve this. They prohibit religious vilification, which the original bill doesn't do. The original bill does nothing to protect a Muslim woman being yelled at in the street or other examples like that, so it does make you question the real point of what the government is trying to do with this original bill. The amendments will prohibit discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity; they will make it clear that in-home aged-care service providers cannot discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of aged-care services; and they make it clear that the statement of belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination.</para>
<para>As I said, the people of Canberra have spoken out against this bill, including our Chief Minister, who has called on the parliament to oppose this bill. In my electorate of Canberra, we are already protected by the ACT's nation-leading Human Rights Act. This Human Rights Act includes statutory protections for the right to freedom of religion. The act guarantees the freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of choice, and the freedom to demonstrate that religion or belief in worship observance, practice and teaching. Significantly, the Human Rights Act finely balances these religious protections against the rights of all citizens, ensuring no impact on other human rights and freedoms. This is the balance lacking in this bill. Without Labor's amendments, the government's bill will undermine those rights and protections already enjoyed by my constituents in Canberra and all people in the ACT. It will undermine our human rights. This bill is a disgrace and, as it stands, should not be supported.</para>
<para>In its submission to the Senate inquiry into this bill, the ACT government welcomed further protections on the grounds of a person's religious belief but recommended several amendments, including to allow it to operate concurrently with state and territory based protections already enjoyed by Australians. These hard-won protections should not be taken away.</para>
<para>The other night my friend and colleague the member for Whitlam gave a very powerful speech, in which he shared the story of his 15-year-old gay nephew, who tragically took his own life, and also the story of his own transgender son and the challenges that he faces in our community. I want to thank him for that speech. I'd encourage anyone who hasn't yet read or watched that speech to do so. It really brings to light how important it is that we protect people, particularly young people, in these laws. But they also should be spared from the damage of these debates. We know that the LGBTI community have—shockingly, unacceptably—much higher rates of suicide than other Australians. LGBTIQ+ young people aged 16 to 17 are almost five times more likely to have attempted suicide in their lifetime compared to the general population. Transgender people aged 14 to 25 are 15 times more likely to have attempted suicide.</para>
<para>The member for Whitlam talked about his nephew and his son swimming against the tide. I think so many of us take for granted that we have not had to swim against the tide just to be who we are. I think we can underestimate the damage caused to people who have to constantly fight and constantly debate for their right to be who they are. It's so incredibly damaging to people.</para>
<para>Having a Prime Minister like this and a government like this, who want to weaponise these things and divide Australians, is part of the reason that this continues. So many people who are gay who are very dear to me have, at some point over the years, shared with me just how challenging it has been for them. They have had to endure absolutely tragic things that people should never have to endure, just for being who they are.</para>
<para>People's faith is part of who they are, and people of faith don't want this. One of the really key points of most religions—and the most important part, the overarching message, of my Christian faith—is: love thy neighbour. That's common to most religions. 'Love thy neighbour, who is made perfect exactly as they are.' I think that is the guiding principle we should be seeking here. As a nation, if we saw more of that and had respect for each other, we wouldn't be having these discussions.</para>
<para>With the time I've got left, I want to share the story of one Canberran, my constituent Hugo Walker, who I have talked to a lot about this bill. He has done a wonderful submission, which you can find online, and I urge you to read it. I'll just read a shorter version, which is a letter that he wrote to the Prime Minister. He says:</para>
<quote><para class="block">Dear Sir,</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">…   …   …</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Like you, I am a Christian.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Like you, I greatly value the freedoms I have in Australia to go to church, read the Bible and share my faith.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Unlike you, I am gay. Unlike you, I am a survivor of the cruel and damaging process known as Gay Conversion Therapy. nlike you, I believe, as a Christian, that God welcomes me as I am. God does not require me to change my sexual orientation to be a Christian. Nor is God planning to cast me into some mythical Lake of Fire simply because I am gay.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am very concerned that your government seems very keen to rush an ill-considered bill through parliament to 'protect' religious freedoms even though such freedoms are not under threat.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Further, I am concerned at the haste. Last year, your government referred such matters to the Australian Law Reform Commission. Why can't you at least wait for their report?</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">As a gay man who is also a Christian, I have, sadly, been treated with astonishing cruelty by some Christians. People with whom I had been friends for decades now shun me. I have been called a fraud, a pervert, an unrepentant sodomite and the spawn of Satan by people who are supposedly my brothers and sisters in Christ.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I would be happy to meet with you and the Attorney-General …</para></quote>
<para>And it goes on.</para>
<para>The guts that it takes to share that story, the guts that it has taken Hugo just to be who he is, is something that so many of us can't understand. We need to realise the damage this does to people. We need to stop having these debates. We need to stop weaponising these deep things that make us who we are. We will look back on this debate and think, 'How antiquated.' It is time we grew up as a nation. Why do we care who people love, what they do, what they believe? Let's work together to bring people together for a more inclusive Australia where everyone is free from discrimination, not only some.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms WELLS</name>
    <name.id>264121</name.id>
    <electorate>Lilley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief is a fundamental human right. The idea that it should be unlawful to discriminate against someone in employment, in the provision of services or in other areas of public life on the basis of their religious belief or activity is not, or at least should not be, controversial. It is already unlawful under the antidiscrimination laws in most states and territories for individuals to be discriminated against on the basis of their religious beliefs or practices. For us from Queensland, it has been that way since Wayne Goss introduced these laws in 1991, more than 30 years ago. Today, less than one per cent of the cases that come to our Human Rights Commissioner in Queensland are cases of religious discrimination.</para>
<para>Most liberal democracies passed their religious discrimination laws decades ago. In Queensland, we passed ours 30 years ago. In navigating those reforms, those states and those countries rarely experienced controversy, bitter community division or nasty public debate. Yet, for more than three years now, our parliament has been tied in knots over this. The public debate over this bill has lacked nuance. It has lacked much-needed nuance and, dare I say, tenderness for the people most affected by this debate who are looking on. Instead, it has been polarising. It has forced everyone coming at it from all perspectives to feel that they need to justify their own identity. That is on the man in the top job, the person who wants this bill. We have a prime minister who wants this bill to divide us, not to unite us. This Prime Minister seeks only to wedge, not to bring people together. He seeks only another era of power for himself, not an era of tolerance, acceptance and understanding for all Australians.</para>
<para>A little over three years ago, the Prime Minister promised that he would update the laws to protect LGBT students as soon as possible. Those were the Prime Minister's words, 'as soon as possible'. In three years, he has not done it. There are nine sitting days left of this parliament. In this latest draft that he has managed, even the Prime Minister and the Assistant Minister to the Attorney-General cannot agree on how this form of the Religious Discrimination Bill would work in practice, with each offering different, contradictory views about the way in which particular provisions would operate. If the Prime Minister cannot even agree with his own ministers on the effective aspects of these bills, it is awful. It is simply awful that he is content for the rest of us, the rest of the country, to be divided and pitted against one another now, at his behest, in this national debate, at this late hour, all in the name of a political win for himself. Good legislation comes from listening. Good legislation comes from patiently working through the issues. Good legislation does not divide the community.</para>
<para>I have been carefully reading all of the correspondence coming into my office and platforms about this issue. I am conscious of the harm that this debate is having on vulnerable people watching on. I choose my focus and arguments carefully so as to not make that damage any worse. One particular letter that I felt captured the essence of what is wrong with this bill in its current form was this one, and I thank this particular constituent for sharing her story with us: 'I am a mother, wife and health worker. I also happen to be married to a woman for the last 15 years. We have two boys who are handfuls, cheeky, caring and wonderful. We have a large number of same-sex families living in the 4017 and our community are supportive. Last year we started applying for private high schools for our oldest child. When interviews were released last year my son was the only child in his school and greater community that applied that was not offered an interview at the large school. Instead we were waitlisted. At the second school we were offered an interview. We were again waitlisted. Again he was the only child not offered a spot. It is hurtful to be kept out of spaces deemed only worthy for some. My children will face many hurdles through life. My fear is that this bill will give the ruling majority the power to diminish my children's light to ensure that they must grow smaller or deny who they are or where they come from.' What government weaponises an issue like this one?</para>
<para>A lot of constituents have asked me to kill the bill, and I understand that, but we cannot do that. The government has the numbers in the House. It is what makes them the government and we cannot change that until election day. So now, and ultimately, my duty is to my constituents—all 110,000 of them. They're part of a national story that's a lot more interesting, diverse and vibrant than the narrowcasting Australian story that this Prime Minister seeks to rule over. I want our community to be a place where those two 4017 school kids are not discriminated against because of whom their mothers choose to love. I want our community to be a place where a Muslim woman walking down Hanford Road in a hijab will not get spat on and a group of Sikh men practicing their religion along Lemke Road will not fear for their safety. I will fight to protect them all. Tonight we are fighting for laws that protect them all. We are moving amendments to protect them all and if we lose we will keep fighting in the Senate to protect them all.</para>
<para>This bill needs substantial amendments and tonight we are fighting for those amendments to protect LGBTQ+ students from discrimination by religious schools on the grounds of sexuality or gender; to amend the statements of belief clause to preserve existing rights against discrimination, including preventing it overriding the state laws; to ban vilification on the grounds of religion and to prohibit discrimination in the provision of in-home aged-care services. Those are the amendments that I will be voting for. I urge the crossbench and those moderate Liberals who have pledged to do the same to come together with us now, to work together like our constituents are asking us to and to display a unity of purpose that can substantially improve this bill and protect our children's light. Ultimately a law cannot create the kind of tolerant community that most Australians seek. That is a role for a leader and for leadership. I urge everyone watching on tonight to remember that this is how this Prime Minister has chosen to wield his leadership and to remember that on election day. I thank the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MADELEINE KING</name>
    <name.id>102376</name.id>
    <electorate>Brand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Religious freedom is something that is important to many Australians, including myself. Freedom from discrimination in any form is important to us all. It is what we expect, but unfortunately discrimination still persists angrily throughout our community. It is difficult to underestimate the harm that religious intolerance and sectarian division can cause. In my mother's house there is an old upright piano. The piano was a gift from my great uncle Pip to my father. Our family story goes that Uncle Pip bought the piano for us as a token of his regret and deep sadness that my father's father had been disinherited and disconnected from his family and its modest English wealth because he—my grandfather George Harvie Morris—married my grandmother Ellen Higgins. Ellen Higgins was a Roman Catholic, and she was Irish. Ellen's decision to marry an Englishman caused her to pay a price, and she barely saw her Irish family ever again. So my dad and his sister grew up English Catholics, disconnected from both their Irish and English families, with only their faith to bind them together.</para>
<para>I married a Protestant, but, thankfully, times have moved on. We have become more tolerant, and I was able to marry Jamie in the Catholic chapel not far from my mum's home, where that piano still stands. The remarkable thing is that sectarian divisions between Catholics and Protestants exist within our living memory. This is a multigenerational, deeply historical conflict between parts of the same religion of Christianity. This conflict caused long-lasting prejudice and discrimination based on faith.</para>
<para>My community of Brand in Western Australia is host to a number of religious communities, including the Hindu temple in Mandogalup; the longstanding Catholic community, including the convents of the Sisters of St John of God in Shoalwater, down the road from my home, and the Sisters of St Joseph in Safety Bay, where I was married; a strong, growing Filipino Catholic community in Rockingham; as well as Baptists, Anglicans, evangelicals, Pentecostals, the Salvation Army, Sikhs, Muslims, Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses and, of course, those with no faith at all. I pay tribute to those communities of faith and the work they do to support each other in the wider community in accordance with their doctrine and practice.</para>
<para>Freedoms of religion have been hard fought and hard won, and it's worth us reflecting on the much longer context of the free practice of faith and the persecution of those who are different. Labor believes all Australians have the right to live their lives free of discrimination. We believe that religious organisations and people of faith have the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs or teachings of their traditions and faith. We don't want to see anyone treated unfairly, whether it's because of their gender, disability, sexuality, age or marital status or because they are pregnant, and we do not believe anyone should be discriminated against because of their religious beliefs.</para>
<para>Questions of religious freedoms were behind the Crusades, the Reformation, the Counter-Reformation, the Huguenot refugees fleeing France for Britain and the pogroms and persecutions which changed the course of history. The practice of religion led to the Hundred Years War, which itself ended with the Westphalian settlement, often marked as the creation of the idea of the modern nation-state. Persons of faith seeking to practise their faith without persecution led to British colonies in America and the creation of modern Israel. Religion still divides Ireland. And that's just Europe. We still see in the news, with some regularity, tensions around religion in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. We are not the first, nor will we be the last, to debate the boundaries we draw around freedoms that we all support—not by a long shot.</para>
<para>But here we are today as representatives of our community, attempting to articulate a national position that balances the freedoms those of faith should enjoy to practise their faith with the freedom and rights of other groups, including vulnerable and marginalised groups and individuals. We are fortunate in Australia that we did not inherit from Britain a state church. Indeed, our Constitution prohibits the Commonwealth enforcing any religion on its citizens. This has long been read as an implied right to freedom of religion in Australia, however vague. It has been interesting to note the nuanced and textured response of different faith groups to this bill. Some have welcomed it. Some have criticised it. Some mainstream Christian denominations and other faith groups have opposed it entirely. The fact is that conscious freedoms like freedom of religion exist to protect individuals, particularly those at greater risk of persecution from the tyranny of the majority. We must bear that in mind as we consider the question before the House today.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister was meant to do this years ago. He said he'd consult widely with lawmakers and faith communities and that he wanted this process and outcome to be bipartisan. That would have been a great idea if he had actually done it. He has had 3½ years as Prime Minister, and he's left it to the last dying days of this government and this parliament. People would be forgiven for thinking that the timing is deliberate, a cynical attempt at striking a blow in the culture wars on the eve of an election. Some may wonder if the Prime Minister is exercising good faith by this timing. I think this behaviour is emblematic of the entire government's behaviour.</para>
<para>We've already seen the Prime Minister late to the party in so many ways over the last term of government. He promised a federal integrity commission, which he's failed to deliver. He failed to deliver vaccinations in an orderly and timely manner for Australians. He had to be dragged, kicking and screaming, to support workers during the height of lockdowns in 2020, and even this summer he dragged his heels in responding to the challenges that omicron presented. It is still hard to get rapid antigen tests and N95 masks. In relation to rapid antigen tests, he actually made the problem worse by competing with pharmacies in bulk-purchasing the same imports. And people of all faiths struggle to find paracetamol on supermarket shelves. As they worry about when they can get their kids vaccinated and whether they should visit their elderly grandparents without access to a rapid antigen test, they may be wondering why the government is focused on religious discrimination this week of all weeks.</para>
<para>Instead of coming into this parliament, on one of the three sitting weeks before the election, to address the serious challenges we are facing in the midst of the global pandemic, the Prime Minister has brought up this bill again for debate because he didn't do his homework on time. At a time when Australians want leadership and unity from their government, we have a Prime Minister who is using his final weeks in this parliament on the government benches to play the politics of division, pitting faith groups against each other, putting the people of Australia that suffer discrimination in competing positions. He is sewing hatred and fear, making children's ability to live without persecution the political issue of the week, or perhaps the issue of the election. And to achieve what—to sandbag some seats? The Prime Minister has taken the Prayer of St Francis and reversed it. Where there was joy he is sowing sadness, and where there was hope he is sowing despair. I strongly support religious freedom, but this bill, and everything that's gone with it, is a wasted opportunity from a tired, desperate and angry government that has given up on actually governing.</para>
<para>To conclude, I want to confirm that I support the amendments Labor is moving in the House. I hope they are supported so that freedom from religious discrimination does not cause greater discrimination to other vulnerable people in this country. I thank the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>22:37</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GILES</name>
    <name.id>243609</name.id>
    <electorate>Scullin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The purpose of antidiscrimination law is to secure a society that is equal, to recognise that there are unacceptable prejudices and other structural barriers that prevent everyone from participating economically and socially, and to set standards of conduct that address these. For me, fighting discrimination in all of its forms is a large part of my reason to be here in this place. It has been a large part of my life's work as an adult—as a lawyer, before I came here, and in all the other involvements I have had.</para>
<para>I want to be clear that I am concerned that gaps remain, as we conduct this debate right now, in Australia's antidiscrimination law legal architecture, which presently does enable discriminatory treatment on the basis of some religious beliefs and activity. I see that in the diverse communities that I'm privileged to represent. I see that in my role as Labor's shadow minister for multicultural affairs. I see people treated differently and wrongly by reason of their faith. I think particularly of members of the Islamic community but also of Hindus and Sikhs, members of Christian groups, and Jewish Australians.</para>
<para>I'm further concerned, though, that the legislation which has been presented to the House does not address these concerns. It doesn't fill these gaps, including the most obvious of gaps, which perhaps really demonstrates the appalling cynicism of this government and its leader. There's nothing in the bills that have been presented by the government which deals with religious vilification. There's nothing which addresses the harms that are being done, despite the overwhelming body of evidence. It has been often reflected, by me and many others, that we are seeing a very troubling increase in racism at the moment. But it isn't just racism that we're seeing; it's hatred based on faith. We're seeing a rising tide of xenophobia and anti-Semitism, amongst other things. These are things that should be addressed by a genuine attempt to deal with religious discrimination in our society. Of course, this is happening while the legislation before us raises other questions of discrimination.</para>
<para>Yesterday the Prime Minister spoke, misleadingly and wrongly, of this legislation being unifying. This is far from the case because of its substance and also because of the process through which it has been advanced. Removing discrimination from our statute books should be unifying. I think the speech of Anthony Albanese, the Leader of the Labor Party, made that powerfully clear earlier today. But this package of bills has always been a cynical exercise much more than an attempt to reach any unity. It's an exercise in promoting division.</para>
<para>Australians should have been brought together to discuss the principles that should inform legislation of this type, to reach agreement on these and then have regard to how this agreement should be enacted. As other Labor speakers have noted, it should have included respectful conversations with other jurisdictions which deal with this—the states and the territories, whose laws would be overridden in important respects should the bills before the House be passed in an unamended form. Strangely enough, this was recognised by the Prime Minister, who spoke some time ago about the need for this to be progressed cooperatively. He recognised this but then completely ignored it cynically, as again was demonstrated by the exchange of letters between him and the Leader of the Labor Party referred to today, because he's always interested in division and never interested in bringing Australians together.</para>
<para>As I prepared my remarks I was yet to see the significant amendments that had been foreshadowed. They took obviously a long time to get through the government room. The form of these amendments could well have determined the attitude of many members and probably senators to the bill. So, regardless of their views on the substance of this issue. I think all Australians would be horrified that debate on such significant legislation—legislation that goes to the fundamental rights and raises complex legal and potentially also constitutional questions—commenced without members knowing actually what position was being advanced by Australia's government. What a shameful and dangerous abdication of responsibility. Of course, there is a wider abdication of responsibility here too to those most affected by this debate on the legislation before us.</para>
<para>Many people, particularly young people and those who care for them, are anxious. It is very difficult to dispel the anxiety. Not for the first time under this government Australians are having their value and their innate dignity questioned by their own government. Australians are made by their own government to feel less than who they are, and that is utterly shameful. This should not and should never be the case, especially not where we are on the face of it, if you look at the titles of these bills, attempting to end discrimination, not exacerbate it. But that has been happening. It has been exacerbated and compounded by the rolling uncertainty of the process that has led us to this point.</para>
<para>I was recently contacted by distressed parents of trans children. I've been struggling to effectively address their concerns. I was here yesterday for the extraordinary contribution of my friend the member for Whitlam. If I were a person of faith I would say that I pray that others listen to the call that the member for Whitlam made—to think about what we should be doing in this debate and to think about what this is about. It's about people and their ability to be valued on their terms, not diminished by prejudice. That is what is at the core of this debate. This is no way to make a law and this is no way to treat people.</para>
<para>Yesterday in question time the Prime Minister sought to link support for multiculturalism in this great country to support for these bills. Those remarks were unworthy, irresponsible and wrong, particularly in two respects. Firstly, neither he nor any of us should presume to speak for the enormous diversity that is multicultural and multifaith Australia. Secondly, he should not mislead the parliament as to the views expressed by multicultural organisations on this matter. He should have regard to the submissions made to the parliamentary inquiries by a wide variety of groups and the powerful statements made by multicultural representative organisations that directly repudiate his offensive suggestion.</para>
<para>It's clear to me that this process falls well short of what Australians, and those Australians directly affected, should be entitled to expect from their national government and also that the legislation which is before us now, late at night, leaves our work unfinished when it comes to our collective task, as it should be, of removing discrimination from our statute books and advancing the rights of all Australians to go about their lives free from this ugly stain. So I want to be very clear. Whatever happens when the vote comes up today, and I am hopeful—and whatever happens when the vote comes up in the Senate, and I remain hopeful there too—I remain committed to this goal of working towards an Australia that is free from the stain of discrimination and to working collaboratively to making it a reality; recognising, I think, the key principle at the heart of this debate, which is that all people, not necessarily all views, are entitled to respect. All people are entitled to respect.</para>
<para>I really ask that members opposite think about this and that they think about the comments and the anguish that is being experienced in each and every one of our electorates right now. I see the member for Maribyrnong is here. I want to particularly acknowledge the concern that he has advanced on behalf of so many Australians with disability, and the potential and, I like to think, unintended consequences for those people of passing this bill in unintended forms.</para>
<para>I turn very briefly to the amendments which Labor is proposing—four of them: firstly, and for me most importantly, to make this bill worthy of its name and to deal with antivilification provisions which should have always been at the core here—I can't imagine how anyone would oppose that if they are interested in putting their name to a bill which speaks of ending religious discrimination; secondly, amending clause 12 in the bill, which is probably the most egregious element of it, to deal with provisions which presently would increase discrimination; thirdly, to deal with concerns that have been expressed around in-home care arrangements; and, fourthly, to delete section 38(3) of the Sex Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>To do this would be to advance the cause of antidiscrimination. To do this would be to take a step forward, a unifying step forward. It costs no-one anything. It would elevate the principles that have been spoken to by many on the other side of the House and would give so many Australians not only relief from anxiety but a sense that they really are respected for who they are. For those who are directly affected, and for those who care about them, it would take an enormous weight of anxiety off their backs and be a powerful symbol of the country we can be. This journey doesn't end here, whatever happens in this debate. It can't. We have more to do to build a society in which everyone is respected and everyone is equal.</para>
<para>I want to end by noting that my clear view remains—and this is borne out by history and it's borne out by the sad circumstances which lead to this bill coming before the House—that the path towards an enlarged Australian settlement, the path towards an Australia that's free of discrimination, will be lit by a Labor government. It's an Albanese Labor government that will finish this job, because there's work that needs to be done. I'm proud that my party, the party which has been at the forefront of every effort to end discrimination, is affirming today our longstanding commitment that we will legislate to end discrimination, including discrimination affecting people of faith. But, in particular, we will think about some of the people most affected by the ugliness that underpins this debate and we will act to protect all children and all teachers from discrimination on any grounds.</para>
<para>This is something that we should have had happen earlier. This is another broken promise made by a Prime Minister who always looks to divide, who always look to diminish Australians, who is only ever interested in cynical politicking and who is absolutely heedless of the awful human cost of his, frankly, disgusting cynicism.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:22</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SHORTEN</name>
    <name.id>00ATG</name.id>
    <electorate>Maribyrnong</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's now 10 minutes to 11.00 pm and there have been many speakers on the question of the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021. Sometimes in the life of a parliament, there are matters which are conducted which, regardless of who is in government or who is in opposition, would be conducted, and they're worthy matters. But, periodically and occasionally, there come matters which force all parliamentarians, on behalf of their constituents, to examine why it is they take the actions they do and why it is they will vote the way they do—perhaps to reach a little deeper into their own values and their own views to ask, 'What is in the national interest, what is in the interest of families and what is in the interest of Australians?</para>
<para>I believe, fundamentally, and I have believed this for my whole adult life, that this nation needs to find points of unity, points of commonality and points of agreement more than we do points of disagreement, points of division and points of fierce argument. This is an occasion where I believe that the parliament, whilst seeking the former, is achieving the latter: not more agreement, more unity and more commonality of purpose. I think this parliament is in danger, with this legislation, of making the wrong call and actually dividing the nation, not uniting the nation.</para>
<para>I don't think we need to give each other, no matter what one's political perspective, a big sermon on who is more morally pure or who is more virtuous. I believe that members of parliament, no matter what their background, their calling or their ideology, believe, by and large, in a free and respectful Australia, one where the rights of individuals and groups are respected. These are not universal rights to the point that someone can infringe upon someone else's rights but a point where someone should be able to practise their faith in a church, regardless of their religion, or, indeed, if they're a member of the LGBTQIA community, practise their life according to their values. I think parliamentarians would normally say that the nation should protect the rights of all Australians.</para>
<para>But what I am concerned about with this government legislation we are debating today and tonight, is that it seeks to legislate between competing rights of different groups. I think that is a mission or a task which is fraught with risk. My concern with the bill that the government presents, if it is not amended, is that it fails to contemplate—o, indeed, wilfully ignores—how this bill will affect the rights of Australians with disability. I worry that if this bill is not amended it will open the floodgates in relation to allowing people with disability to be insulted and vilified in the name of religion, which is not at all the function of faith.</para>
<para>Thankfully, that is less common today than it was in the past but, unfortunately, the following is not extinct: there are some people quoting some religious views which see disability as a result of divine intention, perhaps even the result of divine displeasure or a lack of faith on the part of the person with disability. There will be Australians driving on the roads tonight and listening to parliament, or there will be others who might read these words, who will say: 'Surely, that is an exaggeration? No-one in the name of a faith will vilify or denigrate, belittle or patronise a person with disability.' But, unfortunately, it does happen. This is certainly the informed view, a view I share, of the Australian Federation of Disability Organisations, the national voice representing people with a lived experience of disability in Australia. AFDO, unarguably representing people with disability, has stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People with disability are often subjected to unwelcome & uninvited statements of religious belief that demean disability as the result of sin, possession, or karma. While these may seem extreme religious views and statements, they are views commonly expressed to people with disability and the Bill will legitimise these views as long as they are personally held beliefs of religious doctrine and are made in good faith.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Mr. Michael Small from Disability Voices Tasmania advised; 'Some documented examples of current abuse are direct statements to people with disability that their disability is a "punishment from God for their, or their parents', sins"; their disability can be "healed by prayer" or by "living virtuously" or that they "deserve to suffer from their disability for what they have done in a previous life". Our concerns are that these existing discriminatory practices will be furthered and protected by this current Bill'.</para></quote>
<para>Along with AFDO and Michael Small from Disability Voices Tasmania, I've been contacted by many people with disability and those who love and care for them, who are concerned that this Morrison government have neglected to consider the potential effect of this bill upon them. People with disability have not raised theoretical debating points; they have told me of some of their experiences of discrimination and vilification, behaviour that will be allowed if this bill is passed.</para>
<para>I want to share these examples with the parliament and other Australians tonight. I have been told of a Tasmanian teacher with a disability who was told by a relief teacher in a staffroom that the reason she was in a wheelchair was that she had something to learn in this life. I have been informed of a young girl at school being told by a playmate that the reason she uses a wheelchair is that her mother and father don't believe in God. A third example involves a women with a visible disability on a tram. This is a disturbing story. She felt she was being stared at. She turned to see a woman on the tram openly staring at her. She got off the tram to do her shopping and she went into a bookshop. This other woman followed her off the tram and into the bookshop and approached her and told her that she could be healed. The woman wanted to pray with her. People with a visible disability have also been told they deserve to suffer their disability for what they did in a previous life. All of these comments and statements of belief would be authorised by this government's legislation.</para>
<para>Then there is Mary Henley-Collopy: she's a fantastic person and she lives in my electorate. These are her words:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I am one of the millions of Australians who live with a significant physical disability. I have three fingers emanating from both shoulders and foreshortened legs. We, as Australians with disability, are amongst the most vulnerable in the community. I wish I was exaggerating when I tell you that for every one of my 60 years of life I have been regularly approached by people – mostly when they first meet me – who have made comments such as, 'if you came to our church, you could be healed'.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">These offensive, hurtful, and degrading statements imply I am not 'whole' and that I need to be 'repaired' to fit the norm. I work very hard to not absorb these comments and to remain content with who I am. But it is tiring to have to do so and some days I feel quite hurt by such comments.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I am completely gobsmacked that the proposed Religious Discrimination Bill is even being considered! I find it incomprehensible that this proposed bill will override all anti-discrimination legislation already in place at both Commonwealth and State levels!</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">I need to ask – are we not learning from the tragic stories that have thus far been told to the Disability Royal Commission into Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability? This proposed bill has already triggered my own emotional experiences of the historic, extensive and continuing abuse of my community of people with disability.</para></quote>
<para>People with disability have raised with me their concerns that, while some of these examples could currently be the basis of a discrimination complaint, the proposed bill would protect such deeply hurtful comments as protected 'statements of belief'.</para>
<para>Now, I do not want my comments to be construed as a criticism more broadly of our nation's varied religious and faith communities. Indeed, many people with disability and those who love and care for them are people of faith, and many churches and faith groups were amongst the first to get involved in and continue to deliver disability services. I do not believe the hurtful views of disability reflect the mainstream or modern doctrine of most major faith groups, but, unfortunately, they still exist. Even those people of faith who express these hurtful views, whilst in my view are thoroughly misguided, are not necessarily acting maliciously but certainly ignorantly. They often speak out a genuine belief, with no deliberate bad intent. Some indeed may think that they are saving the person with a disability to whom they address. But these statements can be shattering for people with disability. They set back the progress of disability as part of the mainstream Australian experience. Such attitudes are patronising. They set people apart. They involve seeing people with disabilities as objects of pity or charity, receptacles of God's will, instead of fully rounded people in their own right. Such attitudes infect the day-to-day lives of people with disability.</para>
<para>People with disability are also concerned whether they can retain their current rights not to be discriminated against in employment service provision or access to accommodation. The government is explicitly authorising permitting statements of belief that will harm, hurt, vilify and discriminate against people with disabilities. By introducing clause 12 in this bill, it specifically authorises that statements of religious belief are no longer subject to the Disability Discrimination Act and comparable state instruments. There can be no other interpretation. I mean, what is really going on here? Can it really be the government's intent to remove protections against people with disability just so that other people can enjoy more protections?</para>
<para>We have a hyperpolitical Prime Minister who is not the Prime Minister for uniting Australia but the Prime Minister for dividing Australia. He cunningly pits different groups of Australians against each other for his own political advancement. It is my belief that even faith groups in this debate are being treated unfairly as a political football by our divider in chief. How on earth has the Prime Minister got the parliament and the nation to the point where the proposition is that one group can improve their rights but only at the expense of another group? According to the Prime Minister, people of faith, with their religious beliefs, can only have that if kids and people with disabilities lose some of their rights.</para>
<para>I want to be very clear: I have no doubt that discrimination against people of faith is real. The weeping sore on the history of the 20th century anti-Semitism is unfortunately not a thing of the history books, nor is Islamophobia, and neither is the sectarianism of casual jeering references to Christians and their faith. Discrimination against people faith is real, it is deplorable, and it has no place in Australian society. It is wrong.</para>
<para>But I fear, in the name of religious freedoms, gay kids at school and people with disabilities could feel the increasing sting of discrimination. This is wrong. How do government MPs explain to constituents that your faith can be protected, but your gay kids may not, and family members with disabilities can be subject to ignorant comments?</para>
<para>Trying to legislate against these competing rights is a fool's errand. I suspect that if the Prime Minister has his way with this legislation, it will be a lawyers picnic where the only real winners will be the people in the horse-hair wigs. I suspect it will be open lawfare, and there'll be unforeseen consequences, and not just for the values of those on our side of the aisle. How does it help people of faith and religious freedom, with values of love, compassion and dignity and moral justice, when other vulnerable groups lose protections or have their protections diminished?</para>
<para>The story of our Labor Party and the Labor movement, but also the story of the Australian parliament, the story of the Australian people, is about including more people, embracing more people, in the definition of fairness, broadening the circles of Australian democracy, extending our embrace to all people of all identities. It is ever-changing, ever-expanding. The moral values I grew up with 13 years of Catholic education were about extending compassion, not cutting children from it, not cutting vulnerable Australians from it. People of faith need their rights protected. But so do people with disabilities, so do people in the LBGTIQ+ community.</para>
<para>I fear that parliament is settling for a rushed, inferior piece of legislation. It's not what Mr Ruddock wanted. It's not what I think Mr Turnbull had in mind. It's not what people of faith seek. It's not what people with disabilities deserve. This parliament can do better than this legislation, and we will rue the day, if this legislation passes the Senate.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>23:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WATTS</name>
    <name.id>193430</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As a member of parliament I've always been open about the fact I am an atheist. Indeed, I've written before about the fact that my personal view is that I don't believe it's appropriate for each day's parliamentary sitting to begin with a prayer, and I don't participate in them myself. I say this as context for the fact that among the things that I am most proud of as a member of parliament are the faith communities in my electorate. I know that's a common experience for those in this House. I'm blessed with one of the most diverse electorates in the country, and those of us who live there in Melbourne's west—we love it. We don't worry about war on Christmas-style culture in my electorate; no-one goes around saying 'Happy holidays' to each other every December, instead of 'Merry Christmas,' because in our community we're used to celebrating everyone's special days with our mates. We're just as comfortable saying 'Happy Holi' or 'Ramadan Kareem' as we are saying 'Merry Christmas', as circumstances demand.</para>
<para>Respect for diversity of religious faith is a normal part of our experience in my community in Melbourne's west. And we are so much richer for it, because, while their source of faith might be diverse, their motive towards community service is universal. We tell our kids to, in a crisis, look for the helpers. Well, in my community all too often in a crisis the helpers are driven to go to the scene and help by their faith. Sikh Volunteers Australia have become famous Australia wide for their constant presence anywhere where there is a crisis in our community. Where there are members of our community in distress, you can bank on the Sikh volunteers being there in their famous high-viz vests, colourful turbans and smiling bearded faces. Across the Black Summer bushfires and the two years of the pandemic that followed, they have served well over 100,000 free meals from their trusty Free Food Van, taking the langar of the Gurudwara on the road to where it's needed most. Look for a crisis and you'll see them there. We're so proud of them.</para>
<para>Then you have the Australian Islamic Centre volunteers from the Newport mosque—an architectural icon of Melbourne's west that we are so proud of in its own right, a powerhouse community group. They don't just look out for people in our own backyard but go looking for fellow Australians in need everywhere. During the Black Summer bushfires, volunteers from the Newport mosque collected five semitrailer loads full of donations, drove them to Bairnsdale at three o'clock in the morning and, with the assistance of the MFB and the CFA, put on a breakfast sausage sizzle for exhausted firefighters. It was quite the logistical enterprise and it earned them international television coverage. I'm so proud to be their representative in this chamber.</para>
<para>We're also home to one of Australia's largest Buddhist temples in Melbourne's west, Quang Minh Temple. Their volunteers delivered $33,000 worth of donations to the CFA in Bairnsdale and the CFA District 11 Headquarters Brigade during the Back Summer bushfires. Senior Venerable Thich Phuoc Tan, the abbot of Quang Minh, is a model of ethical leadership in the country and someone I know all local political representatives in Melbourne's west draw guidance and inspiration from. He's a great bloke to spend time with.</para>
<para>Christian groups, too, are a wonderful source of charitable works in our communities, staffing food vans for the disadvantaged and providing essential support for the vulnerable, especially the significant asylum seeker community in Melbourne's west. The Westgate Baptist community shares its ministry and facilities with a growing congregation of Karen refugees from Myanmar and has for many years provided direct material support for refugees in the camps on the Thai-Myanmar border, as well as providing direct support for our refugees in our own community through the ministry of Westgate Refugee Support.</para>
<para>These people of faith in our community in Melbourne's west make our community a better place. They're the kinds of people of faith who make me embarrassed of the militant atheism of people like Richard Dawkins, who are so arrogant in their intellectual certainty that they can't recognise fundamental human decency when it's right there in front of their eyes. I would be furious if anyone discriminated against any of these people of faith in my community on the basis of their religion or religious practices.</para>
<para>I joined the Australian Labor Party because I believe in equality of opportunity, social and economic. Everyone should be entitled to live a life of equal human dignity, free from discrimination. Protecting people from this kind of discrimination is core to why I am in politics and the Labor cause. It's why Labor has been the architect of Australia's antidiscrimination law framework. It was Labor that enacted the Racial Discrimination Act in 1975, Labor that enacted the Sex Discrimination Act in 1984, Labor that enacted the Disability Discrimination Act in 1992 and Labor that provided bipartisan support for the enactment of the Age Discrimination Act in 2004. It's an antidiscrimination record that those of us on this side of the House are rightly proud of. The legal protection of freedom from discrimination on the basis of religious belief or activity deserves equal recognition in Australia's Commonwealth antidiscrimination framework.</para>
<para>Many constituents have written to me in recent days, urging me to oppose this bill on the grounds that Labor must defend its antidiscrimination legacy. It should be understood that Labor's antidiscrimination legacy includes a long record of legislative action to protect people of faith from discrimination. In Queensland in 1991, Wayne Goss made it unlawful for people of faith to be discriminated against on the grounds of religion, as did the ACT Labor government the same year. A Labor government had already passed equivalent laws in Western Australia. The Tasmanian Labor government introduced similar protections in 1999, and the great Steve Bracks passed the Racial and Religious Tolerance Act in Victoria in 2001. In 2009 the Rann South Australian government amended the Equal Opportunity Act to prevent discrimination on the grounds of a person's religious appearance or dress. Labor has always been the party of fairness and equality. We've put in place the vast bulk of this country's antidiscrimination laws, entrenching legal equality for people, regardless of race, religion, gender, sexuality or disability. It has been core to our values for half a century. These are the values that have guided our consideration of this bill.</para>
<para>The shadow Attorney-General has outlined the three principles that have guided our engagement with this bill: (1) religious organisations and people of faith having the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs or teachings of their traditions of faith; (2), consistent with decades of legislative action at the state level, support for the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or practices; and, (3), consistent with an international covenant, ensuring any extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework does not remove protections that already exist in law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination. It's pretty simple.</para>
<para>There's support throughout the Australian community and across the political spectrum to extend the current federal antidiscrimination framework to people of faith. The Prime Minister's bungling of a handful of contentious provisions that he has introduced in this bill shouldn't be allowed to detract from this. Unfortunately, though, the base, petty partisan instincts of this Prime Minister have caused the position of these people of faith in our community to be demeaned. Instead of seeing antidiscrimination laws as a shield to protect groups from unfair and unequal treatment, he set out to design this bill to give a sword to the tiny minority of people that want to attack other groups. Instead of celebrating the role of people of faith in our community, he sought to set other groups in our community against them; instead of uniting Australians, he set out to divide them—and all for that most base of political reasons: the pursuit of short-term political gain. He doesn't care about the long-term damage that this divisive approach will cause to our social cohesion—to the relationship between people of faith and other groups in our community, principally the LBGTIQ community, and to the individuals targeted in this legislation. He just wants to play politics because that's all he is capable of. He's a little man inflicting a narrow viewpoint on a nation that is far bigger, far greater, than he can even comprehend.</para>
<para>This Prime Minister has diminished the position of people of faith and their communities in our nation through his political games. When they and the nation needed a leader; what they got was a political schemer. After failing to live up to his word to deliver a religious antidiscrimination bill for the past three years, the Prime Minister is trying to ram through an extraordinarily complicated, unprecedented piece of legislation, in the shadow of an election. His motives are plain for all to see—as usual, dividing, not unifying; not leading but scheming.</para>
<para>The core part of this bill is uncontroversial: prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of religious belief or activity in different areas of public life, including in the context of employment, education, access to premises and the provision of goods, services and accommodation facilities. But there are significant problems with this bill, particularly regarding the so-called 'statements of belief' clause and the provisions overriding existing state and territory antidiscrimination laws. The Prime Minister has ignored these problems. Indeed, despite them being identified by his own members, he has only introduced amendments in the last few days. When things got messy in the party room, they cobbled together a work-through solution. When he should have been working with everyone in this chamber, opposition and crossbench united, he worked with a small group in his party room.</para>
<para>That's why today Labor is moving substantial amendments to this bill—three sets of amendments. We'll move amendments in the House and the Senate and, if our amendments are successful in either the House or the Senate, we will insist on them. First, we'll be moving an amendment to delete the statements-of-belief clause and the provisions of the bill overriding state and territory antidiscrimination laws and qualifying conduct rules. The provisions have been described by a number of legal experts as procedurally unworkable and potentially unconstitutional—as the member for Maribyrnong said, a lawyer's picnic. More importantly, though, these are the sword provisions of the bill. These are the provisions that don't give people of faith a shield against unequal or unfair treatment but instead purport to set up unfair, unequal legal protections for people to infringe the rights of others. In this way they diminish existing protections against discrimination and vilification rather than expanding on them. Labor's amendments will remove this sword and ensure that people continue to be protected by existing anti-discrimination regimes.</para>
<para>Second, we'll be proposing an amendment to introduce an antivilification provision in this bill. In the second reading speech of this bill, the Prime Minister told this chamber:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People should not be cancelled or persecuted or vilified because their beliefs are different from someone else's in a free liberal democratic society such as Australia.</para></quote>
<para>But there is nothing in Australian law or the bill before the House prohibiting religious vilification. We know this from the 18C debate. I saw the effects of this firsthand during the hearings for the government's social media and online safety select committee inquiry. I'll give one disturbing example of this that we heard during the hearings. The Australian Muslim Advocacy Network and its volunteers have been being trying to tackle Islamophobia targeting Australian Muslims on social media platforms. Its work is motivated in no small part by fear that the radicalisation engine that powered the Christchurch terrorist, an Australian who murdered 51 Kiwis nearly three years ago, has not been fronted by Australian society or government. As part of this work, over 18 months AMAN identified more than 100 hate artefacts, examples of dehumanising Islamophobic vilification posted by the former senator Fraser Anning to his Facebook page. Despite this, Facebook did not see this as breaching their policies to the extent that removal of his account was required. Social media appearing before this inquiry have been united in the need for a legal baseline for hate speech in our society, but it hasn't happened in Australia.</para>
<para>I asked Rita Jabri-Markwell, AMAN's representative, how it felt knowing that coming up on three years since Christchurch attack there was still no Commonwealth law preventing this kind of online religious vilification that radicalised the Christchurch terrorist. She responded:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's made us feel really lonely. I don't know how else to describe it. It's kind of like you don't matter. But we just have to keep going. If another scenario like that happens, I wouldn't be able to live with myself if I knew that I hadn't tried everything. At the moment, we haven't acted.</para></quote>
<para>We should act in this bill, and Labor's amendments will.</para>
<para>This is yet another example of the Prime Minister's actions not matching words and it is, I would add, a failure of this country to confront the conditions that allowed one of our own to be radicalised to the point of murdering 51 people of faith in another country.</para>
<para>The third set of amendments we will make to this bill ensure that in-home aged-care service providers cannot discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of aged-care services, an inexplicable oversight in the bill.</para>
<para>Finally, Labor will move amendments to the Sex Discrimination Act to ensure that religious schools will be prohibited from discriminating against students of on the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity.</para>
<para>During the same-sex marriage debate in the wake of the plebiscite result, I told this chamber:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The parliament and the public have so clearly rejected homophobia. The tiny minority of people who think that religion is like a toy plastic sheriff's badge to wave at other people rather than a source of personal moral reflection will be tutting their fingers at someone else soon enough. Indeed, it is clear from the way that the 'no' campaign desperately tried to make the marriage equality survey about anything other than marriage between LGBTIQ Australians that the reactionaries have already chosen their new target—trans kids.</para></quote>
<para>And here we are. Australia this morning woke to news headlines that declared that the Prime Minister's deal with his own party room to ensure their support for this bill would protect the right of gay, lesbian and bi kids but would not protect trans kids from discrimination at the hands of their schools. From looking at these headlines, it looked like the Morrison government had deliberately chosen to use discrimination against trans kids as a political weapon in this debate. People of good faith will find the use of any children in this way to be utterly repulsive, let alone the most vulnerable children in our community. In the marriage equality debate, I implored conservative members of parliament not to make the same mistake, not to have the same failure of human empathy that they did for marriage equality again in the future when it came to trans kids.</para>
<para>Labor hasn't forgotten trans kids, and we'll be moving these amendments to the Sex Discrimination Act to ensure that they cannot be discriminated against at their most vulnerable. I say to those Liberals sitting opposite who are on the fence on this bill, reserving their position: 'Take this opportunity; support these amendments. This is your chance. We can still deliver legal protections for people of faith, defending them from discrimination, while also addressing the existing vulnerability to discrimination faced by Aussie kids just for being who they are. Support Labor's amendments, and we can achieve both of these objectives. Don't look back in future years wishing you took the opportunity while you had it.'</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>23:20</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CATHERINE KING</name>
    <name.id>00AMR</name.id>
    <electorate>Ballarat</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I too want to make a brief contribution to the religious discrimination bills before the House. I do not support discrimination in any form. It is absolutely abhorrent to me that people should be excluded from any social, economic or political life on the basis of their race, their disability, their marital or relationship status, their pregnancy, their sexuality, their gender identity or their religious beliefs. It is simply abhorrent. I didn't come into this place to enact laws that introduce new discriminations or entrench old ones that should be long gone from Australian statute books.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge that this debate is causing deep harm amongst the LGBTIQA+ community. Once again, at no choosing of their own, they are finding their lives at the centre of a divisive political debate in the heart of this nation. I want to thank all of you who have contacted me and my office for your patience, for your wisdom, for your guidance and for your kindness as we from opposition make our way through what is a debate that is of the government's making.</para>
<para>I, like many, have listened very closely to the contribution of others and, as always, when this place steps up to properly debate, to listen to each other and to do our job—the one that we were elected to do—we can be extraordinary. We can unite the country, be inclusive, be leading and be inspiring. We can change the country for the better. I, like many in this debate, know that unity, that inclusion and, as my colleagues, the member for Whitlam and the Leader of the Opposition, so eloquently put it, operating truly based on love is not what has motivated the Prime Minister in deciding that this is the most pressing issue this place should be debating in the last few sitting days before an election. A Prime Minister who chooses to exercise his power to divide people, regardless of the harm it may cause, because he thinks there will be political advantage in it, diminishes the office of Prime Minister. It diminishes this parliament and it diminishes him.</para>
<para>Religious discrimination does exist in this country. We have a history of it here that's as old as our history itself. I am old enough to have experienced it myself as a child. I grew up Catholic. My mother married a non-Catholic. I distinctly recall, as a six-year-old in the suburbs south-east of Melbourne where I grew up—where we roamed the streets as kids in our AVJennings, brick-veneer houses, dodging in and out of them—that my best friend across the road was not Catholic. I didn't know that she wasn't—I didn't even know there was a divide about any of these things. But I distinctly remember, as a six-year-old, sitting in the loungeroom and hearing her grandmother—who was never very nice or very kind to me, but I just thought she was a bit cranky and old, and I didn't have a grandmother, so I didn't know how to relate to them—and I am now 55 and I remember hearing her succinctly saying, 'Why is that Catholic girl in our house?' I remember going home to my mum, and I felt there was something wrong with me. What had happened? Why did this woman think that this was okay to say? That's in my lived experience. I remember my sister, as a nurse, telling the story of nursing someone who had happened to live in the same street as my mum, and this woman saying to my sister, 'Oh, you're the daughter of that woman who married a non-Catholic.' So these debates about religion are not new in this country, and discrimination about religion, about the Catholics and Protestants, in particular, but about all religion, is not new.</para>
<para>There are two propositions here that ought not to be mutually exclusive. People should not be discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities. People of faith have the right to act in accordance with these beliefs and the teachings of that faith, which they deeply hold and are deeply part of their identity. Minority religious groups, in particular, in today's modern Australia need the protections offered by this bill. It is a progressive cause, but at the same time kids should not be facing discrimination in the very schools that have been entrusted to teach them, just because of who they are. Nor should their teachers face discrimination because of who they are.</para>
<para>While it has been a longstanding practice to allow religious schools to have a preference in hiring staff of their own faith, sacking a teacher or putting them under pressure to resign or to live in fear because of their sexuality or gender identity is wrong. Expelling a student, putting them in detention, alienating them from classmates, denying them opportunities to participate in school activities because of their gender identity or sexuality is wrong. It is simply anathema that, in 2022, we have to actually say that in this place and we're having a debate about it.</para>
<para>We as parliamentarians should be capable of enacting legislation that provides protections for religious expression without introducing or entrenching discrimination for other groups. That is what religious leaders have been calling for and it's what this bill fails to do. It is what the religion that I grew up with, my Catholic faith, tells us we should be doing. It is why I support the amendments to be moved by the shadow Attorney-General, which prohibit religious vilification, prohibit discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality or gender identity, make it clear that in-home aged-care service providers cannot discriminate based on religion in the provision of aged-care services and make it clear that the statement of belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination. We also want to remove discrimination against teaching staff and staff in schools, while recognising the right of religious schools to give preference to hiring school staff of their own faith and recognising that the complex interaction between these two rights needs the Law Reform Commission to quickly finish the work it was asked to do, stalled by this Prime Minister, and provide this parliament with recommendations as the best mechanism to do so.</para>
<para>I want these amendments to get up. But I am realistic, after 20 years in this place, to recognise that it will be, and it is, in the Senate that we will have the best chance to fight for them and to win. So I support that these amendments will be moved and heavily prosecuted both here and in the Senate, and, if they get up, we will be insisting upon them.</para>
<para>I know that there are some who would rather than we simply voted against this bill both in the House and in the Senate. I've seen the commentary on Twitter and I've seen the emails in my inbox and the calls that have come into my office today. It is not a view I support, and it's a view that is based on my 20 years of experience in this parliament. I do think there is merit in providing protections against religious discrimination, and it is a progressive cause. Having seen the terrible division spread by a few locals and exploited by alternative Right outsiders in the neighbouring seat of Bendigo over the construction of a mosque and the fear that that engendered in the Ballarat Muslim community, I don't need convincing that there needs to be protection, and protection for religious freedoms. But, as I said at the outset of this debate, that should not come at the cost of introducing or entrenching further discriminations.</para>
<para>If the numbers are here in the House to get these amendments through then that will be a pretty special thing. It will send a powerful signal to the LGBTIQA+ community that you are loved, that you are respected and that this parliament will protect you. It will also send a powerful signal to those of deep religious faith that you are also loved, that you are respected and that your values, views and faith will be protected.</para>
<para>What a powerful statement for this House to make to the Australian community—that this is something we can do together. And if we can't get these amendments through then let's let the Senate do the job. It is now over to the government and government members. They have a chance before them to unify the country. They have a chance to demonstrate yet again—as we did through the marriage equality bill, as hard and difficult as that was, and through so many other debates on difficult contentious issues that we have had in the 20 years that I have been here—what an extraordinary place this can be. Or, yet again, they can be on the wrong side of history when it comes to these issues. Hopefully they will be able to look back on a long career in this place and feel pride in what they have done.</para>
<para>All Australians should have the right to live their lives free of discrimination and to participate in every opportunity that this great country has to offer. This bill, as it stands, diminishes us as a nation and diminishes us as a people, and it should be amended. I commend the amendments that are to come to the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>23:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms BIRD</name>
    <name.id>DZP</name.id>
    <electorate>Cunningham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It's known to colleagues in this place that I've announced I'll be retiring at the next election. The decision has caused me, as would not surprise anyone, to be somewhat reflective about my time in this place, particularly in the last few days. As I sit in this chamber and ponder how few opportunities remain to participate in debates here, I reflect on some quite amazing moments that I was privileged to experience in this chamber—moments where an outbreak of joy and unity and pride caused people to embrace each other in this chamber; you could almost feel the joy from around the country coming through the walls.</para>
<para>Those two particular occasions I remember are the National Apology to the Stolen Generations and the passage of the same-sex marriage legislation, and they epitomise how this place can be a beacon of hope and unity and progress across Australia. There were some who disagreed with those decisions, but, by and large, people felt that parliament and parliamentarians had reflected the best side of Australia and put legislation in place that encouraged all of us to be our better selves.</para>
<para>The antidiscrimination framework in this country is part of that story. From the earliest, we've had sex discrimination, we've had disability discrimination and we've had age discrimination. A number of parts of the framework of antidiscrimination legislation have been put in place, and they are, of course, consistent with our international obligations. This could have been another plank in that framework. Bringing a religious discrimination bill into this place could have been another moment of unity, joy and pride, as has happened in the past, but it isn't. It isn't because the bill before us is so flawed and counterproductive that it does exactly the opposite.</para>
<para>So why are we at this place with these bills before us? Well, a few years ago the Prime Minister made a commitment to bring religious discrimination bills before the parliament. Indeed, it was before the last election. Yet here we are, in the final sitting weeks of the parliament, in the lead-up to an election, and now we've got to urgently pass these bills. Why? If the Prime Minister says it's because he made a commitment before the last election and he feels he has to meet that before he goes to another election, well, do you know what? I would have rather had the National Integrity Commission Bill before this place. But this is what we're faced with.</para>
<para>What the bill does is not what it intends to do. I want to make it really clear. I know some people say there is no need for a religious discrimination bill. I do not agree with that. Many speakers have made the point that the fundamental importance of faith to people is such a significant part of who they are and their participation in our civil modern society, and their sense of safety and security and wellbeing, that it should be protected, and I agree with that.</para>
<para>I have to say that I'm not a person of faith. I am an atheist, but I have a very deep respect and determination to protect the rights of those who are people of faith to hold that faith and to practice that faith in ways that do not result in them being excluded from or discriminated against any full participation in our civil and economic life. That should not happen, and I will always stand up for opportunities to protect their rights in that way. So we should have a religious discrimination bill. It would be a good addition to the architecture of this nation. But you do that by offering protections to people, not by taking them off others. That's never what any form of any antidiscrimination legislation has been about.</para>
<para>What is so devastating and what has caused so much grief is that in this particular instance we are seeing the reality of very negative effects on people who are some of the most vulnerable in our community, in particular the effects on children—children who are gay, who are dealing with their sexuality, who are trying to understand it, or who are dealing with their gender identity. Nothing could describe that more powerfully than the words of my very good friend and colleague the member for Whitlam as he spoke in this debate about his family's grief at the loss of his nephew and as he spoke about his lovely son, Paddy. And I want to endorse the sentiments that he expressed.</para>
<para>How on earth did we get into a position, when we should be debating something that is about embracing, protecting and extending love and participation to people in our community, of dealing with impacts that are devastating? Once again our gay community, our transgender community, our people of a variety of gender identities and gender expression in our community are at the middle of a debate that is divisive and harmful. I really understand how they must feel and their despair at being dragged again into the middle of contention, when we should be saying, 'You are as welcome and as valued and as loved as everybody else in our society.' So I'm really, really frustrated with what the Prime Minister has done in the way that he has handled this bill and the way that he has handled debate, and with the promises that he's made that he's not delivering in this legislation. And I do believe that the amendments that are proposed to be put by the shadow Attorney-General are critically important and deserve to be supported, if the intention of these bills is really what is claimed and if the promises that the Prime Minister has made in the past about unifying people, bringing people together, working in a bipartisan way, protecting children, are to actually be delivered on.</para>
<para>The amendments that will be brought forward will prohibit religious vilification, which this bill does not do. One of the things I know from my own community is that there are people of faith who suffer vilification. The Islamic community in my area have raised this with me over years. This does happen, particularly to people of minority faiths and communities. The amendments will prohibit discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity. This must be done. They will make it clear that in-home aged-care service providers, not just residential providers, cannot discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of aged-care services. And, very importantly, they will make it clear that the statement of belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination.</para>
<para>I appreciate and I value the fact that members of the government have indicated their grave concerns and their interest in amendments such as those Labor has proposed. I know that's a difficult thing to do, I really do. But I want my last potential weeks in this place to actually be ones where this whole place can be proud of something that we've done. That is still possible. It can be achieved by supporting these amendments. I would ask that all members meet the spirit of these bills in the way they should have been presented, do the best we can and pass the amendments when they are put forward, and let's all have a moment again where we can take pride in what this chamber does.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BRIAN MITCHELL</name>
    <name.id>129164</name.id>
    <electorate>Lyons</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is extraordinary that at 11:43 on a Wednesday evening we are discussing this bill when we are literally in the middle of an aged-care crisis. The Prime Minister has had four years to bring this bill to the parliament after having promised it for the election. That is four years during which he could have had a faith summit and brought together faith leaders from around the country in the spirit that he promised but has not delivered on—a bipartisan spirit. He could have brought the Labor Party, perhaps the Greens, people from all parties and creeds and colours, into a faith summit and had a really unifying moment for this country. Instead, we have a bill before the House that has been rushed through within 24 hours on the eve of an election. It's just an absolutely disgraceful, disrespectful way to treat people of faith and the parliament.</para>
<para>One of the most sacred duties of us in this place is to protect children, and this bill fails that duty. Expert after expert tells us that this bill, if left unamended, will hurt children. We know that young gay people attempt suicide at five times the rate of other young people. For transgender young people, the rate is an extraordinary 15 times higher. Legislation that compounds and heightens this risk is not legislation that should pass this parliament. Labor is seeking to amend the bill before the House. We do hope enough members of the government remain awake and that the crossbench support our amendments so that an amended bill can be put to the Senate. If Labor's amendments fail here, we will allow this bill to proceed to the Senate where we will seek to secure support for our amendments from crossbench and individual senators, and we will insist on those amendments.</para>
<para>Let's make it very, very clear: Labor supports religious freedom; that is uncontested. Most on this side do not wear their faith like a fancy coat. I know many Labor MPs and senators who are people of deep religious faith. Others, like me, are lapsed. I was born and raised a Catholic. In my teens and early 20s I had an experience as a young evangelical, and for many years I was an atheist. But in more recent years I've come to question my place in the universe, and I've come to the conclusion in my 50s that maybe I don't know everything and maybe the universe is more mysterious than I thought it was. Atheism's not for me; I'm still questioning my place. Spirituality and faith are deeply personal things. Of course, there are on this side, and I dare say on the other side, some fervent atheists as well.</para>
<para>It's worth reflecting that Labor governments across Australia have a proud history and strong records when it comes to protecting people of faith against discrimination. Wayne Goss, as Queensland Premier back in 1991, legislated religious freedom. In WA, the Labor government did it in 1984. A Labor government did the same in the ACT in 1991. A CLP government in the Northern Territory did it in 1982. Jim Bacon's Labor government in Tasmania amended Tasmania's discrimination laws similarly in 1999. Labor has a proud record of protecting people of faith and protecting religious freedom. These go to the core Labor values of fairness and equality. As I say, we don't often wear it on our sleeves. It's not always obvious, but we do and have always respected people of faith and the role that they play in society.</para>
<para>Australia is and should be a place that welcomes people of all colours, identities and creeds. People of all colours, identities and creeds should be free to be who they are, free of harassment, free of discrimination and free of intolerance. The intersection of spirituality and secularism is a busy juncture, but surely what drives us should be the notion that people should be free to be who they are and be free to worship or not. It can be argued that a Catholic school should be able to preference a Catholic teacher. But what happens if a Catholic teacher happens to also be gay or divorced or have a child out of wedlock? They're not mutually exclusive. You can be Catholic and be those things. To what extent should an employer be able to intrude on an employee's life based not just on their religion but on other aspects of their life? Some of them are out of that person's control. Of course, religious institutions are not just churches and schools. Increasingly, they are aged-care centres, disability service providers, hospitals, housing providers and employment service providers. Many of them are government funded, replacing government services almost totally in some regions.</para>
<para>Traditionally, government has tried to stay arm's length from matters of religion, and I think this is desirable. Faith is a deeply personal thing and it deserves and is entitled to protection. I wholeheartedly support the principle of protecting religious beliefs and protecting people from religious vilification, which Labor's amendments seek to do. Women in hijabs or habits should be protected, as should men wearing yarmulkes or turbans. We can't have this debate without mentioning the fact that 51 Muslim worshippers in two Christchurch mosques were brutally murdered by an Australian terrorist simply because they were Muslims. It was a religious, hate based crime. That has to be stated as part of this debate because that should never happen. Any laws that deal with religious freedom or religious antivilification should always remember that. People of faith deserve the right to practice their faith in peace and in safety. But people should also be protected from religion. People with disabilities should not have to endure being told that they can't walk because they are sinful. Women who work should not have to put up where being told that God wants them to stay at home. And people of one faith should not have to endure being told by adherents of another that they are unworthy of God's love.</para>
<para>Getting the balance right between freedom of expression and freedom from vilification is not easy, but to a large extent Tasmania has got it right for the past two decades. Our antidiscrimination laws in Tasmania work exceptionally well. They are an exemplar and should be a model for a national standard. Instead, this bill, it it's not amended, will effectively extinguish them, and that would be a grave error. If the Prime Minister had seriously wanted to advance this matter, he would have done so three years ago, holding that faith summit, bringing leaders together and seeking common purpose across this aisle. But he did not do that. He has brought on a significant bill in the dying hours of this parliament, and we know why: his preference is to wedge the Labor Party.</para>
<para>He would love to go to the election saying that Labor had blocked religious freedom. He wouldn't be out there telling the truth, saying that Labor does support religious freedom, but has issues with his bill. That would not suit his political purposes. He would distil his message down to, 'Labor blocked religious freedom.' He would go out with that message. Telling people of faith—new Australians who have made their home here having perhaps arrived from countries torn by conflict—that the alternative government doesn't support their right to freedom of worship would be a potent message because for people who have escaped conflict, religious freedom is not some abstract thing. In the homeland they have left it might literally have been a matter of life and death. Labor want to make it clear—and we are shouting this from the rooftops of this place—that we support religious freedom and we want people of faith to be free from discrimination. We want you to be able to practise your faith and worship in peace.</para>
<para>In my own electorate many people of faith do amazing work. They feed the poor, they provide emergency housing and alcohol and drug rehabilitation, they support women escaping domestic violence. Throughout the COVID pandemic they've been on the front line, providing volunteer services. These are people of deep faith who practise good works, mainly in the name of Christ—most people in my electorate are Christian—but they are often not the people we hear from in these debates. Instead we mainly hear from American-style lobbyists who are more interested in fostering division and hate and who seem obsessed by particular aspects of people's identities, as if such attributes put people at odds with being able to live a life of faith.</para>
<para>This bill simply does not get the balance right, and it requires amendment. I urge every member opposite, every member of the government who has expressed doubt and disquiet about the government's bill, to come into this chamber and vote for Labor's amendments. They will make this bill better and they will help young people. If this bill is amended and those amendments are passed in the Senate, it will be better for the country. That would then bring this parliament and, hopefully, the nation together. I urge the House to accept Labor's amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>23:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs PHILLIPS</name>
    <name.id>147140</name.id>
    <electorate>Gilmore</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This Racial Discrimination Bill in its current form is one that I honestly wish were not before the parliament. In our society, everyone—absolutely everyone—should be able to live free from discrimination, including people of faith. I don't want to see anyone treated unfairly, whether it's because of their gender, disability, sexuality, age or marital status or because they are pregnant. Likewise, I do not believe anyone should be discriminated against because of their religious beliefs. The fact that these bills were brought to the parliament with next to no consultation in the dying days of this term is an indication in itself of the Prime Minister's desperation to tragically weaponise this issue and unnecessarily create division and harm.</para>
<para>I was raised as a Christian. I have had ministers and missionaries in my family going back many generations. I was taught to love everyone, regardless of who they are or their beliefs. This bill does not represent that. Over recent days, hearing more and more from my constituents on this issue, I stand here tonight sick to the stomach about this bill. I want to thank publicly the hundreds and hundreds of people who have taken the time to contact me—individuals; family members concerned about children and grandchildren; teachers; churches; organisations—and I want to assure you that your comments have been heard loud and clear.</para>
<para>I have grave concerns about some aspects of the bill, particularly in relation to students, teachers and the vulnerable, and the lack of antivilification provisions. I became an MP to stand up for vulnerable people, but what is before us, which the coalition government has presented, is not that. I can accept that freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief is a fundamental human right. I can also accept the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure people are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities, just as Commonwealth law currently prohibits discrimination on the basis of age, disability, race, sex, gender identity, sex characteristics and sexual orientation. And I know that Labor governments across Australia have strong records when it comes to protecting people of faith against discrimination. But what I can't accept is this hasty bill. Even with the government's amendment, this bill has huge flaws and the potential to victimise some of our most vulnerable people—including our young people.</para>
<para>While I would dearly like to vote no to this bill, because it just doesn't pass the pub test, I'm not going to. I'm not going to allow the Prime Minister and the coalition to weaponise religious discrimination. I'm going to do what Labor and Labor governments do. We will make this legislation right so that it does not discriminate or allow religious vilification. We will strengthen and protect our most vulnerable. We owe people that. I wholeheartedly support Labor's amendments to fix this bill, including to prohibit religious vilification and to prohibit discrimination against children on the grounds of sexuality and gender identity. I support making it clear that in-home aged-care service providers cannot discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of aged-care services, and making it clear that the statement of belief provision does not remove or diminish any existing protections against discrimination. We will move our amendments in the House and the Senate. If any of our amendments are successful in either the House or the Senate, we will insist on them.</para>
<para>Before the last election the Prime Minister promised to make it unlawful to discriminate against all students. He should deliver on that promise, and agreed to Labor's amendments. He also made an election commitment to work across the parliament, in the spirit of bipartisanship, to introduce a religious discrimination bill. He broke that promise and is now trying to rush through this bill. I remain hopeful that, either here in the House or in the Senate, Labor's amendments will get up because it's the right thing to do. But notwithstanding that, I affirm our commitment that in government we will legislate to prevent discrimination against people of faith and we will act to protect all children and teachers from discrimination. I ask members from across the political divide, in the spirit of bipartisanship and to protect our most vulnerable, please support Labor's amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>23:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HILL</name>
    <name.id>86256</name.id>
    <electorate>Bruce</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I will be brief—and mercifully so, given we're about to hit midnight and today is about to become tomorrow—but not so brief as to make those opposite happy. I half-prepared in my head over the last few days and made a few notes for a more comprehensive speech, but there's little that I can really add or need to add to the contributions already made by Labor members at this stage of the debate. In particular, I acknowledge my friend the member for Whitlam's speech last night. Stephen said everything that needs to be said and more, with the heart and the nuance that this debate deserves. I refer to and associate myself with his comments wholeheartedly and extend my love and my condolences to his family on the tragic loss of his nephew.</para>
<para>Given the hour and the amount of work still left to do, I'll simply now state my position for the record—there are three points. Firstly, I strongly support the extension of Australia's federal antidiscrimination law framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities. Labor is the architect of this framework over decades, which currently prohibits discrimination on the basis of age, disability, race, sex, gender identity, sex characteristics and sexual orientation. It is only right, indeed overdue, that this framework be extended to matters of faith. The city of Greater Dandenong in my electorate—indeed, the bulk of my electorate—is the most culturally diverse city in the whole of Australia. People from over 150 countries and over 100 different faith traditions live harmoniously. The city of Casey is also hugely diverse. I am so proud to be a part of this community and to represent it here. My community is one of the most culturally and religiously diverse places in not just Australia but, indeed, the entire world. It is a shining example of what a community that embodies respect for difference and harmony looks like. For my community, the question is not whether people should be protected from discrimination on the basis of their faith; it's how we do that by law.</para>
<para>The second point I make is that I wholeheartedly endorse the three principles which guide Labor's consideration of these bills: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the extension of the federal antidiscrimination law framework, as I just outlined, and, in doing so, the protections which already exist in law against other forms of discrimination and which should not be weakened. As the two parliamentary inquiries, the submissions and the debate have clearly demonstrated, the government's bill falls short of these principles. Plus there is considerable uncertainty as to the constitutionality and the operation of the contentious provisions.</para>
<para>So the third point that I make, therefore, is that the bill must be amended to ensure we don't introduce new forms of discrimination, to remedy the government's errors and incompetence, and to address the glaring gap of vilification. This is an opportunity that this bill provides for us to deal with this issue.</para>
<para>I reached the conclusion that I've stated having listened carefully to everyone who's contacted me: people of faith and no faith in our community who want and deserve protection from discrimination on the basis of their faith or religious beliefs, and numerous others from every suburb in Bruce—I being but one—who do not want to be subject to discrimination on the basis of their sexuality, gender, disability, marital status and so on. It should not be beyond the wit of this parliament to extend antidiscrimination protections to faith groups while not undercutting the existing rights of Australians, and to legislate in a way that brings Australians together. As the Labor leader said so aptly, we have the opportunity tonight to bend the arc of change—'to bend the arc of history towards justice'.</para>
<para>The amendments that Labor foreshadowed today will address the bill's deficiencies; they will improve the bill; they'll fix the problems. I make four points. Firstly, they'll improve the statement of belief provisions to reassure people of faith without discriminating against other Australians and stop the Commonwealth's overreach and overriding of state protections. Secondly, they will protect all kids from discrimination—all kids, gay, straight, trans, whoever. All kids deserve our love and protection. Overwhelmingly, religious schools do not want to discriminate against kids for being who they are. Other speakers have gone into the stories of their electorates—I could do the same, but I will spare us the time—particularly of the Catholic schools locally who've embraced, loved and supported the kids who've come out and helped them reconcile with their families. That's the work of good schools every day, day in, day out, in this country. And Labor's amendment will strengthen this legislation and protect all kids. Thirdly, we will prohibit discrimination in the provision of aged- and disability-care services. Really—how difficult is that for the government to agree to? The providers are calling for us to do this. Yet the conservatives on the other side can't get their head around it. Fourthly, we will use this as an opportunity to ban vilification on the grounds of religion, to prevent people from threatening, intimidating, harassing or vilifying others on the basis of their faith. All of these improvements are important. We should all be able to agree on all of them.</para>
<para>The last deserves special comment for my community. The government's bill fails to protect people of faith from vilification—a glaring omission if we're serious about preventing discrimination against people of faith. We know—I know, in my community—that Islamophobia and anti-Semitism are on the rise; the Sikh, the Hindu and other visible religious minority communities are targeted too. But, perversely—deliberately, perversely or incompetently; who knows, with this government?—the government's bill fails to deal with this urgent issue of vilification that is of greatest importance to many faith communities. Indeed, it's the No. 1 issue which so many faith communities ask the government to address, and they don't.</para>
<para>So Labor will push for these amendments, which I hope will pass this House. But, if they fail, of course we will not stand in the way of the Senate considering the amendments. That's how the parliament works. Frankly, we have a better chance of securing the outcome in the Senate, but I hope we can rise to the occasion and do the right thing here tonight. We will move the amendments here. We will move them there. We will insist on them here and there. This is the quickest and the proper way to resolve this. This is the best way to secure and strengthen the protections. So that is my position.</para>
<para>I'll make a final reflection in closing. Previous speakers have well outlined the government's failure in action and leadership—in particular, the Prime Minister's lack of grace and leadership; his failure to keep his word and promises that he has made. As the Labor leader said powerfully: this should have been a unifying moment for our nation. This should have been driven by love. That was always Labor's objective, and it should have happened three years ago, not in the dying days of this parliament, on borrowed time, with half the parliament given 24 hours notice of what the government is now proposing. The objective of the faith groups I have spoken to is to secure protection from discrimination—a shield, not a sword to discriminate against other Australians. Instead, the government's bill pits one group of Australians against another group of Australians against the next group of Australians and so on—against each other. Rather than uniting the nation, this bill is now dividing the nation. We can and must fix this here.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>00:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROWLAND</name>
    <name.id>159771</name.id>
    <electorate>Greenway</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>This bill is important, and, if the parliament can get it right, it's an opportunity to bring people together. Labor recognises that the freedom to have or adopt religion is absolute and cannot be limited. Labor believes all Australians have the right to live their lives free of discrimination. This is why Labor supports the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure that Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities. Moreover, as a person of faith and as a member of parliament, I believe in and support the right of all Australians to have and to manifest their religion and beliefs and the right of religious organisations to act in accordance with their doctrine, tenets, beliefs and teachings of faith. Khalil Gibran, the Lebanese-American poet who was raised in a Maronite Christian family, said: 'Faith is an oasis in the heart which will never be reached by the caravan of thinking. It connects us with a purpose that is higher than ourselves and, in doing so, anchors our conscience and actions in principles that existed before us and will endure after us.'</para>
<para>As parliament approaches matters of faith, religion, human rights and discrimination, great care must be exercised. I understand that some say this bill isn't necessary, including some people of faith who feel that religious freedoms are already well recognised and respected in Australia, but, to many people in the community I represent, this bill is important and is long overdue. I note that some people said the Sex Discrimination Bill wasn't necessary when it was introduced decades ago. Faith communities have waited years for this legislation and really have had to keep the faith that it actually would be introduced and passed, given the many delays and missed deadlines there have been under this government.</para>
<para>As many members of this place know well, the community of Western Sydney contains a rich tapestry of faith and cultures. My own electorate of Greenway is fortunate to be the home of—to mention but a few—St Clements Anglican Church in Lalor Park, the Gurdwara Sahib Sikh temple in Glenwood, the Shree Swaminarayan Hindu Temple in Blacktown, St Anthony of Padua Catholic Church in Toongabbie, the Riverstone Baptist Church and beyond. And there's St Bernadette's in Lalor Park, where I was baptised and received my reconciliation and my first Holy Communion, and it was where I buried my mother.</para>
<para>These are neighbouring and valued institutions and places of worship, like the Baitul Huda Mosque, the Ahmadiyya mosque in Marsden Park. As we see so often, these organisations give generously to our community and they expect nothing in return, like the organisation comprised primarily of Sikh members, the Harman Foundation, which provides care for women and children fleeing domestic violence. Or there are the Ahmadiyya mosque and St Clements Anglican Church, who use their places of worship as pop-up vaccination hubs, and who do not judge anyone who needs their help.</para>
<para>Faith is also an enduring tether to community. It's a guarantee of opportunities to reunite for those important milestones and religious celebrations. Indeed, the word 'communion' is, by definition, a reference to unity—an opportunity to break bread together. As Luke said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">And he took bread, gave thanks and broke it, and gave it to them, saying, "This is my body given for you; do this in remembrance of me."</para></quote>
<para>I'm speaking about this only a few months after the first Holy Communion of my first daughter, Octavia. Friends and families gathered to witness her and our entire family's commitment to God. We ate and danced, and Octavia was assured by the love and support of everyone around her. I recall looking around the room filled with friends, close and distant relatives alike, grateful that we were out of lockdown and feeling so privileged to have this occasion to gather, made possible by our shared faith.</para>
<para>I also commend our faith based groups for their collaborative efforts, bonding over similarities and becoming closer because of this. For instance, the Reverend Dr Patrick McInerney hosted an Iftar dinner for the interfaith community of Western Sydney. More than 50 guests attended, including representatives from the Baha'i, Buddhist, Hindu, Jewish, Muslim and Sikh community members. In December, the Hindu Council of Australia and the Jewish Board of Deputies united to celebrate their respective festivals of light—Diwali and Hanukkah. These instances are a testament to our communities of faith and the importance of the religious expression within our community—one that is already strong and welcomed.</para>
<para>In late 2019, I took part in a gathering of some 500 people of faith at the Free2bme event in Blacktown, along with the former Deputy Prime Minister and Leader of the Nationals John Anderson. Mr Anderson and I spent two hours that evening engaging with people of faith. While there, I said that I believed the issue of religious discrimination and freedom is a bipartisan one that won't be decided along party lines. I encouraged people to contact their local members about their concerns and to sign a petition in order to help politicians take the matter seriously. The generosity and the respect shown that evening left an indelible impression on me. I'm so proud of the way in which my constituents and their faith based leaders have engaged in civil discussion about how to make our society a better and more inclusive place.</para>
<para>That is the spirit in which I have engaged, and in which I will continue to engage, in this important national conversation. I have participated in meetings on this issue and I have consulted widely, and I acknowledge that there are very different views in the electorate. This point was well made by Mike Tough from St Clements Anglican Church, who wrote to me about this diversity and also why people of faith want this bill. He said:</para>
<para>'I am committed to the idea of civilised pluralism. I understand there are people with very different views to mine and I support their right to express their views. But, as a religious person, I am finding that my views are becoming less and less welcome in the public square. Religious people have been sacked from their employment for expressing their religious beliefs or have had their employers pressured to sack them because of their religious affiliations. And concerted campaigns have been launched against religious organisations. In the past we haven't needed legislation to protect religious freedoms because religion was viewed positively in our society. But the growing hostility towards religious people is now making this legislation a necessity.'</para>
<para>As I outlined from the outset, Labor supports the extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework to ensure that Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs, just as Commonwealth law currently prohibits discrimination on the basis of age, disability, race, sex and gender identity. Australia is a party to seven core international human rights treaties. The right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion or belief is contained in article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Such rights should be protected by law and, in accordance with article 18, subject only to such limitations as 'are necessary to protect public safety, order, health … or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others'.</para>
<para>Labor also supports the right of a religious school to give preference in employment, with a view to ensuring that the school is able to reasonably conduct itself consistently with its religious ethos. Therefore the question before the parliament is not whether Labor or Liberal members support the religious discrimination bills in principle, because certainly what we have seen through the committee process is that the majority do. The question is whether these bills, which the government has rushed into the parliament on the eve of an election, achieve their stated objective of protecting people of faith from discrimination while at the same time not diminishing the rights and freedoms of others.</para>
<para>I am disappointed with how the Prime Minister has conducted the process for developing this legislation. Leadership is about bringing people together, but that is not what the government's process has been designed to do. It has been rushed, it has been tricky and it has, regrettably, not been intended to foster consensus. In December 2018 the Prime Minister announced that the government would enact a religious freedom commissioner before the 2019 election. That didn't happen. The Prime Minister promised in 2018 that the government would, within a fortnight, legislate to ensure that children were protected from discrimination at school. This didn't happen. The Prime Minister then stated that his government would work with the opposition, the crossbench and key stakeholders in a spirit of bipartisanship to introduce a bill that enjoyed cross-party support. This didn't happen. Having broken each of these promises, the Prime Minister waited until the last minute before an election to introduce the draft legislation. The Leader of the Opposition wrote to the Prime Minister and offered a meeting, in good faith, to work through the issues at stake. It's my understanding that the Prime Minister didn't even respond to that offer. As late as the day before yesterday—the day the Prime Minister demanded that the laws be debated by this parliament—the Attorney-General was still frantically drafting amendments to fix some of the problems identified in this bill after it was tabled in November last year. Broken promises, rushed processes—the epitome of unprofessionalism. The people of Australia deserve better. Religious institutions and the many Australians of faith deserve better. That's why Labor engaged and consulted broadly with the community and engaged with the committee process.</para>
<para>That brings me to the content of the bill. When considering complex questions, it's important to have guiding principles, and we've been guided by three: as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights makes clear, religious organisations and people of faith have the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs or teachings of their traditions of faith; support for the extension of the Commonwealth's antidiscrimination framework to ensure Australians are not discriminated against because of their religious beliefs or activities; and, consistent with the international covenant, ensuring any extension of the Commonwealth's antidiscrimination framework does not remove protections that already exist in the law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination. Labor has sought to work through the bill carefully in the limited time available, with those principles in mind.</para>
<para>The core of the Religious Discrimination Bill is actually non-contentious. It prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religious belief or activity in different areas of public life, including in the context of employment, education, access to premises and the provision of goods, services and facilities. This is a good start. However, the bill introduced by the Prime Minister does not prohibit the vilification of people on the basis of religious belief, religious dress or religious activity. The bill will not protect a Muslim woman who is abused in the street or a Hindu man who is vilified for his religious beliefs. Labor has raised this issue with the government, but the government has refused to consider an antivilification provision. A range of religious groups, for nearly two years, have argued that the bill should include this. If the Prime Minister means what he said in his own second reading speech—that people should not be vilified because of their beliefs—then it's important to ask: why doesn't the government's Religious Discrimination Bill prohibit the vilification of people because of their beliefs?</para>
<para>Why doesn't it?</para>
<para>But it is not just inaction on anti-vilification under this government. Since 2019, as part of my role as shadow minister for communications, I have repeatedly asked the minister for communications what he is doing to address hate speech online, and he's dodged answering the question, time and time again. My questions were in reference to the terrorist atrocity committed by an Australian citizen in Christchurch and the serious warnings about the rise of extremism and online hate speech in Australia. I asked the minister if he would ensure that Australians, including Australians of Muslim faith, are kept safe online by amending Australia's e-safety laws or by driving the adoption of an EU-style code of conduct for countering illegal hate speech online. As the Online Hate Prevention Institute has stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">These is a significant gap of coverage in this area. Attributes such as race, religion … and others are used to target segments of the community. In the most serious cases, online hate against these groups involves incitement not only to hate but also to violence.</para></quote>
<para>It also stated:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… a takedown power covering incitement to hate, against both individuals and groups, is urgently needed.</para></quote>
<para>But, even on these deeply disturbing issues of online hate speech and vilification and the need to protect people of faith, Labor sees an opportunity to bring people together to progress a bill which enhances protections for people of faith without trading off the protection of others. In this spirit, Labor will seek to improve this bill and the related bills through amendments and, if unsuccessful, we will pursue this in government.</para>
<para>The amendments would seek to improve this bill and related bills in four key areas: to prohibit religious vilification, to remove discrimination against all children, to ensure in-home aged-care service providers cannot discriminate on the basis of religion and, finally, to make clearer that clause 12 does not diminish any existing protections against discrimination. And let me say clearly for the record: every person and every child in Australia deserves dignity and respect, and every Australian should have the opportunity to live their best life without being discriminated against.</para>
<para>Australia prides itself on being a successful multicultural nation. It's incumbent on our government and members of this parliament to work to get this bill right. The motto of the Catholic school I attended, Our Lady of Mercy College Parramatta, is Sub Tuum Praesidium, which means 'under your protection' and acknowledges the universal love and care of God. While Australia has a secular democracy and government, it is our duty as members to do that: to protect all Australians. And it is my privilege to have the opportunity with these bills, and with Labor's proposed amendments, to better protect my constituents of Greenway. It should not be beyond our capacity as elected representatives to improve and pass these bills in a way that builds consensus rather than division.</para>
<para>I urge the Prime Minister to stop seeking to divide the community and to stop playing politics. The reality is that Australia is a wonderful and diverse place, a country of both tolerance and a positive embrace of our differences. This bill should live up to those ideals, and it's important that we get it right.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>00:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GOSLING</name>
    <name.id>245392</name.id>
    <electorate>Solomon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I believe that protecting religious beliefs and protecting all Australians from all types of discrimination is something that we can all agree on. People of faith should be free from discrimination. I think we all wanted to see a just and fair balance of human rights in this bill, the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021, and some of this bill does contribute to that, but, unfortunately, this has not been achieved by these bills in totality. That is a real shame and is why we will be moving amendments here and, if necessary, in the Senate. We will do so because, if passed through the parliament without amendment, this bill and the related bills will remove access to rights and to justice that Territorians and other Australians have today and because, without amendment, this bill is discriminatory. So I rise today not only to provide some context from the Territory but also to express my deep disappointment with the spirit behind this bill and how it has been handled, and, finally, to express hope for a way forward.</para>
<para>Strengthening protections against religious discrimination is something that those opposite promised more than three years ago. They should have done it then. But, instead, the government have brought this bill on for debate in the final few sitting days of this parliament, despite it being so divisive. Just yesterday morning, many of us from all sides of this place gathered at the Greek Orthodox Church in Kingston for the annual ecumenical service that begins the parliamentary year. I'm co-chair of the Parliamentary Christian Fellowship, and last year I proposed moving to an Orthodox church for this year's service in acknowledgement of the diversity of voices within the Christian faith. The Greek Orthodox archbishop gave a fine sermon reflecting on St Paul's message about us humans being designed in God's image and how we should respect each other and love one another as such.</para>
<para>I'm a practising Catholic. I went to a Catholic primary school and I went to a Catholic college for a few years as well. I have particularly held onto St Paul's key message of hope, faith and love. These three have guided me in life. They have helped me to see the needs of others and to act to assist others. These words have also helped me in the hard times. I believe that being caring and considerate of others are sound values, and ones that my wife, Kate, and I are instilling in our kids, having had them instilled in us throughout our lives. I believe that the way this bill is being handled is an example of the opposite of caring and consideration of others. Rushing this bill through now, as a deliberate wedge just prior to an election, is creating division rather than building harmony and respect of others. And that is a shame.</para>
<para>Australia is an incredibly diverse country, one of the most diverse and multicultural countries on the planet. In the Territory, it is even more so, with so many ancient First Nations languages and cultures joining those from all over our planet. We welcome everyone, and we call on them to feel safe, to celebrate their cultures and traditions and to live their lives according to their beliefs provided that they do not discriminate against others: you do you, I'll do me and we'll all be happy. There are, of course, tensions. All of our lives touch the lives of others, and all of our rights intersect with the rights of others—the freedom of expression versus freedom against vilification, for example. But we should never in the name of opposing religious discrimination allow others to be discriminated against.</para>
<para>Many new Australians know what it is to be persecuted in their homelands for their beliefs. They, like all of us, just want a shot at living their lives in peace, practising their own beliefs. So it concerns me that the current legislation, while seeking to protect religious freedoms, would not, for example, prohibit the vilification of people on the basis of religious belief, dress or activity. For example, it won't protect the young Muslim woman who was discriminated against at a fast-food chain in Darwin last year. Religious organisations and people of faith have the right to act in accordance with the doctrines, beliefs or teachings of their traditions and faith.</para>
<para>Labor believes that any extension of the federal antidiscrimination framework must not remove protections that already exist in the law to protect Australians from other forms of discrimination. So we are also worried by a clause which could allow the federal legislation to override and weaken state and territory antidiscrimination laws. I thank Sally Sievers, the NT Anti-Discrimination Commissioner, for her advice on these issues.</para>
<para>This bill should be about more protections, not less. Some Christian churches have contacted me because they are very concerned that some of the provisions in this bill could embolden dangerous discrimination in the wider community. I understand why. In my experience of schools and other faith based institutions, I've seen that they haven't sought to discriminate but rather have sought to act as responsible managers of the culture and ethos in accordance with their faith. I want to acknowledge that. I want to acknowledge that more work will be done on this and that we support preferential employment.</para>
<para>But when it comes to schools it is concerning that the government think that trans children, who are some of the most vulnerable people in our community, don't deserve the same protections as other children. We know that rates of suicide and mental health for the trans community are horrifyingly high, including in my electorate and including for kids. We must protect these kids—all kids.</para>
<para>I believe that all of us are God's children. We should be doing everything in our power to protect all our fellow Australians from discrimination, as the government said they would. I thank all the people of faith and also those of no religious belief who shared their views on these important matters. I sincerely hope that our amendments are accepted in good faith and that a spirit of goodwill resides in this place that will prevent Australians from suffering from discrimination and make our country even greater, even fairer and more free. I thank the House.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>00:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr JOSH WILSON</name>
    <name.id>265970</name.id>
    <electorate>Fremantle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>[by video link] I'm glad to make a contribution to the debate on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021 and related bills, which in their present form I am strongly opposed to. There's no question that the protection of fundamental freedoms and the fight against harmful discrimination are important causes. They deserve to be approached seriously, carefully and in the right spirit. That's not the case with these bills. We cannot have a rushed, badly-shaped, last-minute set of laws that puts Australia's core ethos—egalitarianism, social inclusion and social cohesion—at risk. We cannot have a set of changes that in reality enables discrimination and, more than that, a set of changes that will cause real immediate harm and anguish to LGBTQIA+ Australians and, more than that, a set of changes that will cause harm and anguish to vulnerable children. That's not acceptable, so these bills as they are are not acceptable.</para>
<para>Like most contributors to this debate, I've been contacted by hundreds of people in my community on this issue—by my constituents, relative strangers to me and my family and friends. Overwhelmingly those people contacted me to say: 'Don't do this. Don't allow a bad piece of law to amplify intolerance. Don't let this government turn the wheel back in the direction of prejudice. Don't enable discrimination. It might hurt my kids. It might hurt her, him or them.' These bills without considerable change will hurt young people. These bills will enable conduct that doesn't genuinely improve freedom of religious belief in any meaningful way and will absolutely impact on the wellbeing of people who already experience cruel and hurtful discrimination and who are already at risk. This side of the chamber are not going to stand for that. The Leader of the Opposition, in his deeply thoughtful and principled contribution to the debate earlier, said that we on this side will insist on considerable changes being made to these bills. Considerable changes must be made. We will insist on them.</para>
<para>As I've said, making laws in this area should be done with clarity and great care. It should be done consultatively, with an emphasis on collaboration and consensus because of course, above all, we want to maintain and encourage in the Australian community tolerance, unity and social cohesion. We want to build by example, even in this place, respect, empathy and love for one another. There are churches, mosques, temples, faith groups and faith based schools in my electorate that practise respect, empathy and love all the time. Those are not the qualities that animate these bills.</para>
<para>These bills have been sprung on the parliament at the very end of this parliamentary term. The committee process had to be rushed and conducted over the holiday period. The government itself had not settled on the final form of these bills before this week. The government itself still doesn't have a unified position on these bills.</para>
<para>Sadly, on this issue, as on almost every issue, the Morrison government's approach has been largely chaotic, self-serving and dysfunctional. It has made promises that it simply hasn't kept. The Leader of the Opposition detailed how the Prime Minister gave a commitment on the question of protecting children from discrimination on the basis of their sexuality or gender, yet these bills before us a break that commitment. We won't stand for that. Labor's leader, the member for Grayndler, had previously offered to work with the Prime Minister on a careful and sensible means of improving the protections for people of religious faith, especially for Sikhs, Muslims, members of the Baha'i Faith and others who commonly face discrimination. That work is important. But the government spurned that offer because it always prefers silly political games to proper policy reform and responsible government.</para>
<para>In this area we have to start by acknowledging that freedom for one person can involve discrimination against another—that one person's freedom can directly infringe on another person's freedom. People of faith know that. People of faith know that because it's people of faith who have been discriminated against for their religion mostly by people of other religions. That's the history of the world. That's the history of some of the worst inhumanity that mankind has ever managed to inflict on itself. So the question of protecting religious freedom is a delicate one. It is complicated. Of course it's worthwhile, but it has to be done carefully, and some of the deep flaws in these bills need to be fixed precisely, because they could and more than likely will enable discrimination and vilification in the Australian community. It's not hard to understand that, if we make changes in this area badly, it's not just possible but likely that intolerance will grow, that division will grow, that discrimination and vilification will increase, that freedom will actually be constrained and that vulnerable people will get hurt.</para>
<para>In relation to the freedom of religious belief and expression, I want to make the point that this has always included the right to hold no religious belief whatsoever. We should remember that some of the most harmful prejudice in history has been from people of religion towards people accused of having no religion—of being essentially regarded as godless, one way or another. That includes Indigenous peoples the world over, and it certainly has included the Indigenous peoples of Australia. I am not religious. I respect the right of people to follow and express their faith. At the same time, those who are not religious deserve the same respect in return.</para>
<para>Finally, there can't be any real debate about the fact that these bills are a terrible mess. They do not carefully and meaningfully improve the protection of religious freedom in Australia, and they may well increase religious intolerance and conflict. They will certainly enable discrimination, and they will cause harm in their present form. That is why it is only by making considerable changes that these bills can be made acceptable, and, through the parliamentary process in its entirety, we will insist on those changes. We will fight to change these unacceptable bills, and then we'll fight to give Australians the competent and caring government that they deserve.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>00:38</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms CLAYDON</name>
    <name.id>248181</name.id>
    <electorate>Newcastle</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I know it is 20 to one, almost. I have immensely enjoyed listening to the many contributions of my colleagues on this debate this evening, and I really appreciate not only the considered nature of the way in which the debate has been conducted but also the thoughtful contributions of all of my colleagues. Indeed, like many on this side of the House, I am probably beyond disappointed that this Prime Minister has chosen not to use this opportunity to unify our nation, our people, our universal human rights and our multicultural and interfaith communities. Rather, he has let this nation down again by showing a profound lack of leadership. It is indeed more than disappointing. The Prime Minister's insistence on pursuing a deeply part of that approach instead of working collaboratively with Labor, the crossbench and our communities really speaks volumes about his motives. And it didn't have to be this way. But this Prime Minister, having done nothing to honour his promise of some four years ago to deliver on a religious discrimination bill, is now seeking to rush through flawed legislation in what may well be the final sitting days of this 46th Parliament. It's shameful to see this bill being politicised and used as a wedge. The offence is not so much that he wants to wedge Labor, but the fact that he wants to wedge our communities, the communities that we represent—people of different cultures and ethnicities, people of diverse gender identity, people of different faiths—is truly appalling.</para>
<para>Labor supports the right of people to practice their faith free from discrimination. This is consistent with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Australia is a party to the ICCPR, and this principle and the protections that it affords should be incorporated in our domestic law. But, to Labor, this should never be at the expense of protections that already exist to protect others against other forms of discrimination.</para>
<para>I'm not the first in this parliament tonight to note that pitting people against one another, leaving some to feel anxious and vulnerable about their place, their belonging, their rights and their protections, is not leadership. That's not bringing people together. That is not what this Prime Minister promised this nation. But that is indeed what this bill in its current form does. This Prime Minister, this coalition government, should not be asking us to pit children against people with disability and those who are potentially hurt by the flaws in this bill. We shouldn't be pitting those people against members of minority faiths, for example, who will be protected by this bill. What a diabolical proposition to be putting to the Australian parliament. And of course it doesn't have to be that way.</para>
<para>I want to acknowledge the great distress that this has caused so many people in my community. I know that my office has been inundated with phone calls and emails—at least 250 at my last count—from a whole range of people in my community: parents of transgender children, survivors of gay conversion therapy, teachers, and people who have been great leaders both in our faith groups and in our community organisations. I want to congratulate the Anglican Bishop of Newcastle, Dr Peter Stuart, on his reflections today which really challenged the need for this bill and really drew a line under the hurt and the distress that this was causing so many people in our communities, which is a truly offensive product of this debate and this Prime Minister's insistence on prosecuting a rushed and flawed piece of legislation in this parliament.</para>
<para>As I said, this legislation is terribly flawed, and we should be fixing it. That's why Labor will be moving a series of amendments to enhance protections from discrimination without enhancing discrimination against others. We're moving amendments in the House, and, if we are not successful here, we will pursue these amendments in the Senate. We will take the fight back up to the Senate. I hope, however, that Labor's amendments will be carried here in the House. That would be the most sensible approach. But I know from experience that what makes good sense doesn't always carry the day in this House. If we are unsuccessful in the House, we expect they will be carried in the Senate and we will insist on them. We will insist on them because this legislation desperately needs to be improved. As a member for Griffith reminded us in the House early this evening, that's the process we followed in order to deliver the medevac bill that passed in early 2019. That bill enabled the transfer of critically sick refugees and people seeking asylum that were held in offshore detention centres to be transferred to Australia for urgent medical attention. So I don't think we should underestimate the capacity of this parliament to improve legislation, to do our jobs as lawmakers.</para>
<para>Our amendments are going to go to several issues—and I know it is very late, or very early in the morning depending on which way you look at this—like the clause 12 statements of belief, which is causing so much distress. It's certainly true that non-malicious statements of belief should not contravene any Australian law, but a law that says on its face that one group of Australians should be allowed to discriminate against other Australians is not the way to do it. It's offensive and it is clearly inconsistent with international human rights law. The Prime Minister should support Labor's amendments to clarify the statements of belief clause in this bill.</para>
<para>The second issue is that of antivilification. I want to pay tribute to so many people, but especially the member for Cowan, who spoke earlier this evening of her own experiences as a Muslim woman and those of her family, which highlighted the need for religious discrimination protections to pass. Likewise, the member for Cowan pressed the case of an antivilification clause to be included in this bill, as have many of my colleagues this evening. As the Leader of the Opposition argued, it would be ludicrous for any debate about religious discrimination in Australia to ignore the fact that during the term of this very parliament an Australian man brutally murdered 51 Muslim worshippers in two Christchurch mosques. Nor should we ignore the disturbing rise of Islamophobia, anti-Hindu or anti-Semitic or other race-based incidents of threats and violence on our shores.</para>
<para>This debate should also be providing greater protection against vilification and incitement of hate based on a person's religion or religious belief. Labor will be moving amendments as well to ensure that we enact an antivilification clause. It should receive the support of each and every member in this House. Who could argue against an antivilification clause?</para>
<para>Despite the Prime Minister's claim in this chamber that this bill draws a clear line against harassment, vilification or intimidation of anyone, it does not and we should not be fooled. The bill as it stands will not protect a Muslim woman being abused for wearing a hijab or a Hindu man who is vilified for his religious beliefs. That is why the antivilification amendment that Labor is putting is essential. This amendment should be uncontroversial.</para>
<para>Finally, we have heard a lot of discussion about their changes to the Sex Discrimination Act throughout this debate. This is the further amendment that Labor will move. What we have been left with is an amendment by the government in this current bill that barely amends the Sex Discrimination Act and leaves many young people exposed to discrimination totally at odds with what was promised in writing by the Prime Minister.</para>
<para>For the young Australians grappling with their sexual identity it can be an extraordinarily difficult time. I know from the phone calls and emails that I have received just how challenging that is for so many Australians right now. This parliament should not be making it harder for them. We should be protecting them, and that's why Labor will move a simple amendment to delete section 38(3) of the Sex Discrimination Act in full to remove discrimination against all children, wherever they are, whatever school they attend, where they are lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and gender diverse, intersex or queer and questioning, because every child deserves to be protected and safe, and to feel protected, safe and loved just by virtue of who they are.</para>
<para>I'll always stand up for the rights of the most vulnerable and marginalised in our community, and I know my Labor colleagues join me in that endeavour. I will not stop fighting, regardless of what happens to these amendments, because we have a collective responsibility to work towards the eradication of all forms of discrimination in our society, wherever we see them.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>00:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr MORRISON</name>
    <name.id>E3L</name.id>
    <electorate>Cook</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Can I thank members for their contribution to this very important debate in this place, on the Religious Discrimination Bill 2021. Can I thank them for the spirit and the manner and the good faith in which they have participated in this debate in such a respectful way. Can I thank members for the way they have been attentive to this debate. And in the many discussions that have been had in relation to these matters, can I thank them for their preparedness to contemplate situations some may not be familiar with, and that some may well be very familiar with. Can I thank them for their understanding. Most of all, can I thank them for their commitment to those most important, and that is the children we are raising in this country, and their best interests and welfare.</para>
<para>When I introduced this bill, I spoke of the freedoms in this country which so many around the world have come here to access. In so many places, simply as a result of what they believe, they have had to leave their homeland. They've seen Australia as a place where they can live out their lives in accordance with their beliefs, faith and culture in what is the most successful multicultural nation on Earth. I don't believe that's a debatable position. I don't think it's an arguable position. I think it is an absolute position. I think it is one of Australia's greatest boasts that we are the most successful multicultural, multifaith nation on Earth. The intent of this bill, as many have remarked, has been to reinforce that belief that so many Australians have had about this country before they even came here, when the idea of Australia was something they believed in and they came here to access. They are so thankful and grateful, and they are incredible Australians. This bill is to affirm the belief and trust that they have put in this country, to ensure that their children and generations to come will be able to access the freedoms that they came here to appreciate.</para>
<para>This is a bill that I earnestly hoped would unite this place. It is a bill that I had hoped we could achieve a bipartisan approach to, and we will see whether that is the case. The amendments that we will bring forward tonight as a government have been endorsed by both parliamentary committees that have considered this bill, and by both sides of politics. This was a request that this bill would not be determined in this place until those committees had reported back. Indeed that is what has happened, and I thank those committees of this House who have laboured over the summer period to enable their reports to be before us now as we consider these bills. I note that those committees have come back with the recommendations they have made endorsing, on a bipartisan basis, that this bill should be endorsed.</para>
<para>These amendments will ensure that the bill will operate as intended and that it will align in its approach with that taken in other federal antidiscrimination laws. We seek to add faith and belief to the many attributes that are rightly protected by the laws of this country. It also includes amendments to make it clear that businesses can fulfil their legal responsibilities and duties to ensure their workplaces are safe and free from harassment. These amendments recognise the passage of the bills remain central to remedying the weaknesses in our existing antidiscrimination legislation and to protecting the fundamental right to freedom of religion, conscience and belief.</para>
<para>Rightly, there has been a strong focus on the protections that are provided to students, and I thank the members for their contributions on this matter. We understand that parents, in making choices about their children's education, are looking for the religious ethos of their school communities to be respected, consistent with the choices that they have made as families and as parents about the manner in which their children will be educated. This is quite a fundamental right of parents in this country. But, at the same time, as I remarked in my speech in the second reading debate, it is the first responsibility always to protect our children.</para>
<para>Navigating adolescence is extremely difficult. In my generation that was true, but I must confess that I think these days it's even harder. Navigating adolescence is even more difficult for children working out their sexual orientation or gender identity. The member for Goldstein said in his first speech:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It was not until I was 18 that I chose to confront that fear. It was a fear that took an energetic 12-year-old and hollowed his confidence to eventually doubt his legitimate place in the world.</para></quote>
<para>To doubt one's place in the world: no-one wants that for any child in this country. No-one wants that for any Australian. I want us to walk with our children, to stand with them as they face life and have every opportunity that you would hope for them to have as a parent. And these questions we do not face alone, and we do not want our children to face them alone either. That is what we yearn for as parents, as do, I have no doubt, the teachers of children, the school councils and school communities that nurture those children.</para>
<para>Many have spoken tonight from communities of faith. That faith may be different, but this is shared in common: faith, as it best walks with others, understands human frailties. It's empathetic, it's compassionate, it is built on love and it calls us to walk a mile in others' shoes. And that's a challenge for all of us. You know that at the heart of all faith is love.</para>
<para>We have heard concerns raised about the welfare of students—in particular, gay and transgender students. The concerns raised about discrimination against students relate to existing laws that were brought into and passed in this place in 2013. At the time, the then Labor government instituted amendment to the Sex Discrimination Act that permitted discrimination against gay students. Tonight, my government is committed to changing that law to ensure that children are not expelled because of their sexual orientation as gay kids by making amendments to the Sex Discrimination Act. Times have changed. These amendments recognise this, and so we are taking that step tonight.</para>
<para>During the course of this debate, the issue of transgender children and teachers has also been raised. There will be a time and place to address that as well, and that is why the government has asked the Australian Law Reform Commission to consider properly and in full consultation all the potential consequences of those changes—in particular, for children but also for all of those seeking to support them—to ensure that practices and processes are the best they can be, to consider other matters in relation to the Sex Discrimination Act and to make recommendations on amendments, including the specific example of transgender students in schools and teachers.</para>
<para>The Australian Law Reform Commission will undertake this analysis to ensure we protect Australians from discrimination as well as allow religious bodies to continue to maintain their religious ethos. That will be done not over a period of 12 months from the passing of this bill but over six months from the passing of the bill. That would be our instruction to the Law Reform Commission. In addition to that, the recommendations of the Law Reform Commission, under our government's policies, will be tabled in this parliament at the time of their presentation. That will ensure, and that will set the clock, on another debate to then take place about how we can best address these challenging, important issues about how we create a community of care that is best for our children.</para>
<para>Legal reforms on these questions will not, on their own, address this issue. Understanding, education, support, care and love in a school community, which is made up of families, teachers, school councils and school boards, who must wrestle with the issues of how to best provide support to children and their families in those situations—that is essential, and that is not in place at this time. But it would need to be, regardless of whatever recommendations come forward from the Law Reform Commission, because that is what will most help children, that is what will most help parents, that is what will most help those who sit on school boards and teachers and others involved in the care of children. To support that, the government will put in place a select committee of this House that we will recommend be chaired by the member for Higgins, supported by the member for Reid, who both have great clinical experience in addressing these issues.</para>
<para>Earlier today I spoke to Professor Pat McGorry about these issues and sought his counsel on these matters, and he confirmed that this is a very challenging issue and that there are so many who come to headspace, seeking the mental health support and counselling they need to work through these issues. I'll be tasking and seeking the support of headspace and clinical professionals in this area to be available to work with the member for Higgins. And I commend her and the member for Reid and the many other colleagues on this side of the House—the member for Wentworth, the member for Moncrieff, the member for Brisbane, the member for Leichhardt and so many others—who have been so outspoken. And I've already spoken about the member for Goldstein.</para>
<para>I will be seeking the support of organisations like headspace and so many who have experience, and working with religious school boards and non-religious school boards and the public sector to ensure we can get the best possible systems and best practice for how our school communities can best support children. That is the best way. No-one in this place wants to see a child in a situation of isolation or despair. Our government will support that with programs and other measures, and the funding needed, for Independent, Catholic and other religious schools to ensure that our children can get the best opportunities. We will be working with state governments to ensure these same practices are available in public schools as well. That time will come, and the work must be done.</para>
<para>But to engage in some simple change of law on those issues this evening and to pretend that that somehow addresses the very real, deep, complex and substantial challenges that are faced by children, families and communities in this situation would be to trivialise it. Let me be very clear: there is a message coming from this place tonight with the bill and the position taken by the government that we reach out with nothing other than love, care, compassion and support for every child, regardless of their sexual orientation or their gender identity, as I indeed set out in my second reading speech when I introduced this bill.</para>
<para>The Law Reform Commission, as I have said, will carefully consider changes to the Sex Discrimination Act on these matters. But, as one colleague has reminded me, those changes should follow the substantial policy discussion and the information, resources and tools that are necessary to deal with this issue. It should not occur in advance, but it should follow, it should support, it should reinforce and it should affirm the strong direction that is being taken.</para>
<para>This bill strengthens the sum of freedoms enjoyed by Australians. It seeks to protect Australians from those who seek to marginalise, coerce or silence people of faith or those with none. It recognises that our Australian family is bigger and broader than we can imagine. Even in the history of my own party, there was a time when it was unimaginable for Catholics, Jews and, indeed, Pentecostals to be in positions of leadership. But here we are: our party has got bigger, our country has got bigger, we've got bigger. But we need to become bigger still, and I believe tonight is another step in that important journey for our nation.</para>
<para>Our nation must be as open, safe and inviting for a Yazidi in a country town as it is for an atheist who might live in our inner-city suburbs. We must be as accepting in our laws of a Baha'i or a Buddhist or a Mormon, Hindu or Sikh as we are for a Christian, Muslim, agnostic or Jew.</para>
<para>We're expanding freedoms for all, and this bill fulfils the commitment that we took to the Australian people at the last election. It does not go beyond it, but it meets it, and I believe it is another important step in the great multicultural journey of this nation. I commend the bill to the House.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The original question was that this bill be now read a second time. To this the honourable member for Clark has moved as an amendment that all words after 'That' be omitted with a view to substituting other words. The immediate question is that the amendment be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [01:12] <br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace) </p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>96</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Chesters, L. M.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K.</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>6</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:19</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that this bill be now read a second time.</para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [01:20]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>97</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Chesters, L. M.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K.</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>6</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a second time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration in Detail</title>
            <page.no>150</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move Greens amendments (1) to (12):</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Schedule 1, page 4 (after line 10), after item 5, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Fair Work Act 2009</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5A Section 12</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">educational institution</inline> means a school, college, university or other institution at which education or training is provided.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5B Paragraph 153(2)(b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "institution", insert "(that is not an educational institution)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5C Paragraph 195(2)(b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "institution", insert "(that is not an educational institution)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5D Paragraph 351(2)(c)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "institution", insert "(that is not an educational institution)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">5E Paragraph 772(2)(b)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">After "institution", insert "(that is not an educational institution)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, item 6, page 5 (lines 4 to 7), omit subsection 47C(4).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, page 6 (after line 10), at the end of the Schedule, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">10 At the end of section 23</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Paragraph (3)(b) does not apply to accommodation provided by an educational institution that is conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in connection with the provision of education or training by the educational institution; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in connection with employment by the educational institution.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11 After subsection 37(2)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Paragraph (1)(d) does not apply to an act or practice of an educational institution that is conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the act or practice is connected with the employment of a member of the staff of the educational institution; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the act or practice is connected with the position of a contract worker that involves the doing of work in the educational institution; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the act or practice is connected with the provision of education or training by the educational institution; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) without limiting paragraphs (a), (b) or (c) of this subsection—immediately before the commencement of the <inline font-style="italic">Human Rights Legislation Amendment Act </inline>2022, the act or practice:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) was not unlawful under this Act; but</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) would have been unlawful apart from section 38.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Former section 38 provided that certain provisions of this Act did not render it unlawful for a person to discriminate in certain circumstances connected with an educational institution conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed if the person discriminated in good faith in order to avoid injury to the religious susceptibilities of adherents of that religion or creed.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">12 Section 38</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the section.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments do one thing and one thing only, and it's a very simple thing that has been identified by a number of members during this debate as being of great concern with the bill. These amendments remove the statement of belief provision. That is all they do. They don't insert anything else. They remove the statement of belief provision from the bill.</para>
<para>That needs to be done for two important reasons. The statement of belief provision, firstly, is the most novel provision of this bill and, secondly, is the most pernicious. It's the most novel in that this bill is supposedly about protecting people from victimisation on the basis of religion. Now, the principle of including religion as a prohibited attribute, as it were, on the basis of which you can't discriminate or victimise is something that I think most people in this parliament would agree with. It would probably have universal agreement in this parliament. But this bill does something that other discrimination legislation doesn't do: it inserts a new provision, a statement of belief provision, that is not found in other pieces of discrimination legislation. It is novel, it is unnecessary and it's gravely concerning. And this goes to the point about it the most—or a—pernicious aspect of this bill. Not only will it allow things to be done that will override state legislation—and we've heard about that and about how it would take away protections that are enshrined in legislation in, for example, Tasmania.</para>
<para>What it also does, this statement of belief provision, is open up new grounds for discrimination to occur. We've heard example after example, from members from both sides, of statements that could be made that now might offend other provisions, other discrimination provisions, but will become lawful. These are the statements that will cause a lot of harm. These are the statements that are made when someone working in a healthcare area says to someone else, 'I think that your condition, your illness that your suffering, is a punishment from God because you're gay.' Or statements that are directed at a transgender student or staff member that might not be about expelling them, but might be something that is designed to make, or has the effect of making, their life a misery. These are the statements that would currently not be protected, but are going to open up a whole new suite of discriminatory and harmful behaviour.</para>
<para>What this amendment does is remove that provision that opens up a whole new suite of discrimination. It still allows other provisions in the bill to continue, including protections for religious belief against victimisation and against discrimination, so those are untouched; however, what it does is very simply say one thing: 'This new statement of belief provision is unnecessary. It's new and untested and broad. And it's harmful.' I would say to the House that I know there might be some others who will move amendments around the statement of belief section, but there is a reason this one is first in order of proceedings, and that is because it does a very simple job. It just says that statement should be removed. We can still have the rest of the legislation, which includes protection on the basis of religion, if that's what people want to vote for, but it removes the ability to introduce what has been called a sword into this legislation. So the shield will remain, but the new provisions that open up a range of potential new harm will go.</para>
<para>I say to the House, with respect to others who are moving amendments, this is the simplest way to do it. This new, untested and potentially harmful provision should not survive in this legislation. We can have a debate or a discussion another day, about whether something like this is needed, but lets now, for those who want to support this legislation, allow it to proceed on the basis of other forms of legislation, to stand side by side with other protections in discrimination, but without this harmful provision.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:32</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not support this amendment, which would remove clause 12 from the Religious Discrimination Bill. The government is of the view that simply communicating one's genuinely held religious beliefs in good faith is not and has never been discrimination. The purpose of this provision is to clarify that people should not be subjected to complaints of discrimination on that basis.</para>
<para>The statement of belief, in and of itself, under clause 12, will not constitute discrimination, and that means that a person cannot be found to have discriminated against a person under any antidiscrimination law for merely expressing, discussing, and debating their genuinely held religious beliefs in good faith—for example, merely stating a biblical view of marriage or an atheist view on prayer. This bill only applies to statements and not to conduct, or a course of conduct. It does not protect statements that are malicious or that a reasonable person would consider would threaten, intimidate, harass or vilify a person or group, and I suggest that's the response to a number of the factual circumstances that the member mentioned in his contribution.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:34</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Labor have our own amendments in relation to the statement of belief, which is clause 12 of the Religious Discrimination Bill. While we have some sympathy for the amendment that has been moved by the leader of the Greens party, which is to delete clause 12 in its entirety, after consideration, our view is reflected in the amendment that I will later move as an amendment to the government amendments. We've concluded that a better approach is simply to remove the override of state and territory discrimination statutes and to remove the specific override of section 17 of the Tasmanian Anti-Discrimination Act, but to leave part of clause 12 intact with an amendment which would provide clarity that a statement of belief or religious activity in and of itself won't constitute discrimination under the Religious Discrimination Bill. We think that that is a better way to reassure people of faith that, in our view, the mere expression of a non-malicious statement of belief should not contravene any Australian law—and I will have more to say about this—but it's certainly the case that there has been a great deal of disagreement about what clause 12 would allow, what it would not allow. It's simply that we think that the better approach is as set out in the amendments moved by the Greens party.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendments be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [01:40]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>90</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Chesters, L. M.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K.</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>5</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
    <electorate>Hughes</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the amendment circulated in my name.</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Page 21 (after line 8), at the end of Part 3, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">17A Religious objections to COVID-19 vaccination</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) To avoid doubt, if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) conduct is engaged in because a person has not received a COVID vaccination; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the reason, or one of the reasons (whether or not it is the dominant or a substantial reason) the person has not received a COVID vaccination is that the person genuinely considers that doing so would be inconsistent with a religious belief held by the person;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">then, for the purposes of this Act, the conduct is taken to be engaged in for the reason of that religious belief.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) This section applies in relation to conduct engaged in because a person has not received a COVID vaccination of a particular type (for example, vaccination with a particular brand of vaccine, or a first, second or third etc. booster) in the same way as this section applies in relation to conduct engaged in because a person has not received any COVID vaccination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Sections 37 and 38 do not apply to discrimination constituted by conduct to which subsection (1) of this section applies.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Vaccine passports</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Without limiting subsection (1), conduct is taken to be engaged in because a person has not received a COVID vaccination if:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the person has not received a COVID vaccination; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the conduct is engaged in because:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) the person does not demonstrate that the person has received a COVID vaccination; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) does not demonstrate in a particular way (such as by producing a particular type of vaccination certificate) that the person has received a COVID vaccination.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Definitions</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) In this section:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"><inline font-style="italic">COVID</inline> means the coronavirus commonly known as COVID-19 (including any subsequent variants of that coronavirus).</para></quote>
<para>During this debate, over many hours, I have heard many fine speeches. Most had a common theme—that all Australians should have the right to live free of discrimination. They should have the right not to be thrown out of their jobs because they have a truly held belief. There should be a right to practise your religion as you see fit, with, of course, the one proviso: that it does not cause harm to others. Today in this country there are many people who have a true and genuinely held belief that they wish to be vaccine-free and yet they are being discriminated against; they are being denied the right to participate in the Australian economy. I am talking about airline pilots, nurses, paramedics, teachers, even truck drivers and shop assistants. If we truly want a society where we end all of the discrimination, it should be across all areas. Therefore, the amendment that I seek to move would make it unlawful for a person to be discriminated against on their vaccine status if they hold a genuinely held religious belief that they wished to be vaccine-free.</para>
<para>I acknowledge that vaccination in general has been one of the greatest public health achievements over the last century. But the COVID vaccines, we must admit, use a novel technology that has never been tried or tested in humans before; therefore, it is only fair that citizens in a free, democratic country have the right to decide what substances they inject into their body free of coercion, free of discrimination, and this is what this amendment seeks to achieve.</para>
<para>The only argument against this is: does it put others at risk? Would allowing such an exemption put other Australians at risk? There may have been arguments for that six to 12 months ago, but the data now is crystal clear from around the world: if you are vaccine-free you are less likely to have COVID and less likely to spread it. For someone in my age group, the data from the UK COVID surveillance data shows I would have a double the probability of having COVID if I was vaccine-free.</para>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr CRAIG KELLY</name>
    <name.id>99931</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I hear my good friend, the member for MacArthur, doubt that. I encourage you to get a look at that data—official data from the UK COVID health surveillance. That is clearly what official UK government data shows, so I would hope that members of this House would think about those thousands of Australians who are currently thrown out of their jobs, thrown out of their careers, doing it very tough at the moment. There are no grounds, no reason why those people should not be given the right to get back to work. That is what the amendment I propose would do. I hope it has the support of many members of this House.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not support this proposed amendment to the Religious Discrimination Bill in relation to COVID-19 vaccination. The proposed amendments provide that exceptions in the bill, which provide that conduct in direct compliance with certain Commonwealth and state and territory laws and orders, determinations and industrial instruments does not apply to conduct engaged in because a person has not received or does not demonstrate they have received a COVID-19 vaccination.</para>
<para>This amendment, in the government's view, is misguided. Introducing such an amendment would result in significant complexity for high-risk workplaces and could undermine public health measures. COVID-19 is a very serious illness and is especially dangerous for vulnerable people in the community. The Religious Discrimination Bill will not affect the ability of the government or employers to impose requirements for persons to be vaccinated against particular diseases, including COVID-19.</para>
<para>Although some religious groups may have certain religious beliefs surrounding vaccination, it would not constitute discrimination under the bill for an employer to require employees to have such vaccinations where the requirement is reasonable. Whether such a requirement is reasonable depends upon all of the circumstances of the particular case. The amendment would also override the exception in clause 37 of the bill, which ensures that employers are able to comply with work health and safety laws and other laws.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment be disagreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to, Mr Kelly dissenting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I present a supplementary explanatory memorandum to the bill and ask leave of the House to move government amendments (1) to (22), as circulated, together.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bandt</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On that matter: speaking on behalf of myself and the member for Clark, there's a number of the government amendments that we want to support and a number that we would oppose. I'd be happy to identify those. We don't want to speak to them, but I'm just wondering whether there's capacity to put them into two blocks so that we can support the ones we want to support and vote differently on the ones we don't want to support.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Burke</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If we proceed from here granting leave for them all to be moved together, then I think what the member for Melbourne has just asked for becomes impossible. So, I think if we take the member for Melbourne up on his offer to identify the ones he wants to vote in favour of or the ones he wants to vote against, you can put one lot of them in a block, then get leave to do all of them together and then do the others all together. Otherwise, we'll end up doing all of them individually—which I suspect people don't want.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>If the member for Melbourne wants to indicate which of amendments (1) through (22) he wishes to support, then I will be happy to seek leave to move those together.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bandt</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the minister and the Manager of Opposition Business. The amendments that I—and I think I speak on behalf of the member for Clark as well—wish to support are amendments (10), (12), (17), (18), (19), (20) and (21). I'd ask that those be put as a block, and then we'd support those, and then the others can proceed and amendments can be moved to those, and so on.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>And all other amendments you disagree to?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Bandt</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>That's right, but we don't seek them to be done individually; we'll just deal with them as a block.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Alright. The minister has the call.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:54</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move government amendments 10, 12, 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21 as circulated together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Clause 14, page 19 (after line 7), at the end of the clause, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Burden of proof</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) For the purposes of subsection (1), the person who imposes, or proposes to impose, the condition, requirement or practice has the burden of proving that the condition, requirement or practice is reasonable.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Clause 19, page 23 (after line 26), at the end of the clause, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block"> <inline font-style="italic">Conduct to which this section does not apply</inline></para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) This section does not apply to reasonable management action:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) carried out to comply with legal obligations under Australian law; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) authorised under Australian law.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Page 40 (after line 11), after clause 44, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">44A Notice of decisions to be published</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The Commission, not later than one month after it makes a decision under section 44, must publish on its website a notice of the making of the decision:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) setting out its findings on material questions of facts; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) referring to the evidence on which those findings were based; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) giving the reasons for the making of the decision; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) containing a statement to the effect that, subject to the <inline font-style="italic">Administrative Appeals Tribunal Act 1975</inline>, application may be made to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal for review of the decision to which the notice relates by or on behalf of any person or persons whose interests are affected by the decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Any failure to comply with the requirements of subsection (1) in relation to a decision does not affect the validity of the decision.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Clause 47, page 40 (line 26), omit "or the Minister".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Clause 48, page 41 (line 5), omit "section 47;", substitute "section 47.".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Clause 48, page 41 (line 6), omit paragraph (c).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Clause 68, page 56 (line 3), omit "to the extent that the law", substitute "that".</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The group of amendments before the House at the moment deals with a range of what might be described as, essentially, procedural or administrative matters—for example, the addition of a clause which says conduct in this section does not apply to reasonable management action carried out to comply with legal obligations under Australian law. There's a requirement that notice of decisions must be published. They can fairly be described as sensible procedural amendments that I'd suggest are unlikely to be controversial.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that amendments 10, 12, 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21 be agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>01:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to make clear that Labor supports all of the amendments that the government has circulated and is proposing to move, including the ones that are supported, as has been indicated by the member for Melbourne, which are presently under debate. It might save time if I simply speak to the whole of the government's amendments in a compendious way rather than trying to give two speeches and breaking it up.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I think that's a very good idea.</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Subject to amendments that Labor will move to the government's amendments—that's a single amendment we've got to move to the next group, technically, just for the assistance of the clerks—which relates to statement of belief, Labor supports all of the modest but worthwhile amendments that the government has circulated. Most of them are relatively minor and noncontentious, and address most of the recommendations that were made by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights. They include amending the indirect discrimination provisions of the Religious Discrimination Bill so that, in determining if a condition, requirement or practice imposed on a person resulted in indirect discrimination, the person who imposes or proposes to impose the conditional requirement or practice has the burden of proving it was reasonable. That deals with what was in fact a drafting omission in the bill.</para>
<para>Some of the amendments, consistent with other Commonwealth antidiscrimination statutes, remove the power of the Attorney-General to vary or overrule a decision by the Human Rights Commission to grant a temporary exemption from the Religious Discrimination Act. Other amendments, consistent with other Commonwealth antidiscrimination statutes, require the Human Rights Commission to publish explanatory material in relation to any temporary exemption granted under the Religious Discrimination Act. A further amendment provides that in respect of employment related conduct engaged in by a religious body in accordance with a publicly available policy and removes the power of the minister to determine requirements of the body's policy.</para>
<para>There's tweaking to the drafting to clauses 11 and 12 of the bill to address a constitutional issue that a number of legal experts had raised almost as soon as the bill was introduced to the parliament. Certainly those constitutional concerns were repeated through the two committee hearings that were held over the summer by the Joint Committee on Human Rights and by the Senate's legal and constitutional affairs committee. Those tweaks relate to the way in which clauses 11 and 12 purported to override state laws.</para>
<para>As will be evident to anyone who's read the report of the Joint Committee on Human Rights, some of these amendments go further than what the committee had recommended. For example, the committee didn't recommend removing the power of the Attorney-General to vary or overrule a decision by the Human Rights Commission to grant a temporary exemption from the religious discrimination act. Labor suggested this amendment to the government, and I thank the Attorney-General for agreeing to move it. Also at Labor's urging, the Attorney-General has agreed to amend clause 68 of the bill, which will assist in clarifying that, other than for clauses 11 and 12 of the bill, no other provision of the Religious Discrimination Bill will override any state or territory antidiscrimination law—which should put to rest some very strong concerns that were expressed about the reach of this Religious Discrimination Bill. Finally, the government has agreed to a suggestion by the Australian Industry Group of a "reasonable management action" carried out to comply with the legal duties of employers under Australian law.</para>
<para>I foreshadow that, when the next group of amendments is moved by the minister, I will move an amendment to those amendments; they're not in this first group.</para>
</continue>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that amendments (10), (12), (17), (18), (19), (20) and (21) be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move government amendments (1), (2), (3), (4), (5), (6), (7), (8) (9), (11), (13), (14), (15), (16) and (22):</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 5, page 5 (line 8), omit "section 12", substitute "subsection 12(1)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 7, page 11 (lines 22 to 27), omit all the words from and including "(about employment)" to the end of subclause (6), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(about employment), the conduct must be in accordance with a written policy that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) outlines the religious body's position in relation to particular religious beliefs or activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) explains how the position in paragraph (a) is or will be enforced by the religious body; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is publicly available, including at the time employment opportunities with the religious body become available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Clause 7, page 11 (lines 28 and 29), omit subclause (7).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 9, page 13 (lines 32 to 36), omit paragraphs (3)(d) and (e), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the conduct is in accordance with a written policy that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) outlines the body's position in relation to particular religious beliefs or activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) explains how the position in subparagraph (i) is or will be enforced by the body; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) is publicly available, including at the time employment or partnership opportunities (as the case may be) with the body become available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Clause 9, page 14 (lines 22 to 26), omit paragraphs (5)(d) and (e), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the conduct is in accordance with a written policy that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) outlines the body's position in relation to particular religious beliefs or activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) explains how the position in subparagraph (i) is or will be enforced by the body; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) is publicly available, including at the time employment or partnership opportunities (as the case may be) with the body become available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Clause 9, page 14 (lines 34 to 36), omit subclause (7).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Clause 11, page 15 (lines 22 to 34), omit subclause (1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Despite any prescribed State or Territory law, it is not unlawful for a religious body that is an educational institution, when engaging in conduct described in section 19 (about employment), to give preference, in good faith, to persons who hold or engage in a particular religious belief or activity if the conduct is in accordance with a written policy that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) outlines the religious body's position in relation to particular religious beliefs or activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) explains how the position in paragraph (a) is or will be enforced by the religious body; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is publicly available, including at the time employment opportunities with the religious body become available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Clause 12, page 16 (line 22) to page 17 (line 10), omit subclause (1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) The making of a statement of belief, in and of itself, does not constitute discrimination for the purposes of any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) this Act;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the <inline font-style="italic">Age Discrimination Act 2004</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the <inline font-style="italic">Disability Discrimination Act 1992</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the <inline font-style="italic">Racial Discrimination Act 1975</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the <inline font-style="italic">Sex Discrimination Act 1984</inline>;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) a provision of a law of the Commonwealth prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: This section does not protect a statement that has no relationship to religious belief (see the definition of <inline font-style="italic">statement of belief</inline> in subsection 5(1)).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1A) The making of a statement of belief, in and of itself, is not unlawful, despite any provision of the following laws of a State or Territory that regulates or prohibits discrimination:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) the <inline font-style="italic">Anti-Discrimination Act 1977</inline> (NSW);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) the <inline font-style="italic">Equal Opportunity Act 2010</inline> (Vic.);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the <inline font-style="italic">Anti-Discrimination Act 1991</inline> (Qld);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the <inline font-style="italic">Equal Opportunity Act 1984</inline> (WA);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(e) the <inline font-style="italic">Equal Opportunity Act 1984</inline> (SA);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(f) the <inline font-style="italic">Anti-Discrimination Act 1998</inline> (Tas.);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(g) the <inline font-style="italic">Discrimination Act 1991</inline> (ACT);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(h) the <inline font-style="italic">Anti-Discrimination Act 1992</inline> (NT);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) a law of a State or Territory prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1B) The making of a statement of belief, in and of itself, is not unlawful, despite any of the following:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) subsection 17(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Anti-Discrimination Act 1998</inline> (Tas.);</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a provision of a law of a State or Territory prescribed by the regulations for the purposes of this paragraph.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Clause 12, page 17 (line 11), omit "Subsection (1)", substitute "This section".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Clause 18, page 22 (line 19), omit "section 12", substitute "subsection 12(1)".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Clause 40, page 38 (lines 4 to 8), omit paragraphs (2)(d) and (e), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) the conduct is in accordance with a written policy that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) outlines the first person's position in relation to particular religious beliefs or activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) explains how the position in subparagraph (i) is or will be enforced by the first person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) is publicly available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Clause 40, page 38 (lines 9 and 10), omit subclause (3).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Clause 40, page 38 (lines 27 to 31), omit paragraphs (5)(c) and (d), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) the conduct is in accordance with a written policy that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) outlines the first person's position in relation to particular religious beliefs or activities; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) explains how the position in subparagraph (i) is or will be enforced by the first person; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) is publicly available.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Clause 40, page 38 (lines 32 and 33), omit subclause (6).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Clause 68, page 56 (line 5), after "section", insert "11 or".</para></quote>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The rationale for these amendments is to amend the Religious Discrimination Bill in response to the recommendations of the two parliamentary committees which examined this bill. Both committees recommended that the legislative package be considered for passage through parliament. Based upon the government's careful consideration of the committees' recommendations, the outcome of the government's amendments will be to reframe clauses 11 and 12, which have the effect of overriding certain state and territory laws; to clarify that it is not discrimination for an employer to take reasonable management action under any Australian law in relation to their employees; to insert a provision dealing with the burden of proof, for the test of indirect discrimination in clause 14, consistent with the approach in other Commonwealth antidiscrimination legislation; to provide greater transparency in the granting, variation or revocation of temporary exemptions under part 4, division 4 of the bill; and to provide further clarity regarding what is required to be included in the publicly available policy, to allow certain entities to rely on certain exemptions under the bill. That is a summary of the effect of these amendments.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:04</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move the opposition amendment to government amendment (8):</para>
<quote><para class="block">(1) Clause 4, page 3 (lines 25 and 26), omit "for the purposes of specified legislation, including this Act".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 4, page 3, after line 30, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Religious vilification is unlawful, with certain exceptions (see Part 4A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Clause 5, page 5 (lines 7 and 8), omit "for the purposes of specified legislation, including this Act".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 7, page 10 (line 8), omit "this Act", substitute "Part 4".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Clause 7, page 10 (line 18), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Heading to clause 8, page 11 (line 30), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Clause 8, page 12 (lines 1 and 2), omit paragraph (a), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) establishing, directing, controlling or administering a hospital; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) if the religious body solely or primarily provides aged care services—the provision of the services; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Heading to clause 9, page 12 (line 17), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Clause 9, page 12 (line 22), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Clause 9, page 12 (line 24), omit "this Act", substitute "Part 4".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Clause 9, page 12 (line 28), omit "facility", substitute "service provider".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Clause 9, page 13 (lines 4 to 7), omit paragraph (2)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a body (a <inline font-style="italic">religious aged care service provider</inline>) that solely or primarily provides aged care services in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Heading to subclause 9(3), page 13 (line 15), omit "<inline font-style="italic">facilities</inline>", substitute "<inline font-style="italic">service providers</inline>".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Clause 9, page 13 (line 18), omit "facility", substitute "service provider".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Clause 9, page 14 (line 8), omit "facility", substitute "service provider".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(16) Clause 12, page 16 (line 22) to page 17 (line 10), omit subclause (1), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) To avoid doubt, making a statement of belief does not, in and of itself, constitute discrimination for the purposes of this Act.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Clause 12, page 17 (line 15), omit ".", substitute "; or".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Clause 12, page 17 (after line 15), after paragraph (2)(c), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) that is unlawful under Part 4A (religious vilification).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Clause 16, page 20 (line 12), omit "this Act", substitute "Part 4".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(20) Clause 18, page 22 (line 18), omit "for the purposes of specified legislation, including this Act".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Page 41 (after line 7), after Part 4, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 4A — Religious vilification</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">48A Religious vilification unlawful</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) It is unlawful for a person to engage in conduct, on the ground of the religious belief or activity of another person or group of persons, that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is not in private; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a reasonable person would consider would threaten, intimidate, harass or vilify the other person or group.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Complaints can be made to the Australian Human Rights Commission about conduct that is unlawful under this Part (see the definition of <inline font-style="italic">unlawful discrimination</inline> in subsection 3(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Human Rights Commission Act 1986</inline>, and section 46P of that Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of subsection (1), an act is taken not to be done in private if it:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) causes words, sounds, images or writing to be communicated to the public; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is done in a public place; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is done in the sight or hearing of people who are in a public place.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) <inline font-style="italic">Public place</inline> includes any place to which the public have access as of right or by invitation, whether express or implied and whether or not a charge is made for admission to the place.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">48B Exceptions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person does not contravene section 48A if the person establishes that the person engaged in the conduct reasonably and in good faith:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in the performance, exhibition or distribution of an artistic work; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in the course of any statement, publication, discussion or debate made or held, or any other conduct engaged in:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) for any genuine academic, artistic, religious or scientific purpose; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) for any purpose that is in the public interest; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) in making or publishing a fair and accurate report of any event or matter of public interest.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of subparagraph (1)(b)(i), a <inline font-style="italic">religious</inline> purpose includes, but is not limited to, conveying or teaching a religion or proselytising.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Clause 49, page 42 (line 6), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(23) Clause 50, page 43 (line 10), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(24) Clause 51, page 44 (line 11), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(25) Clause 70, page 57 (line 27), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(26) Clause 70, page 58 (line 6), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(27) Clause 73, page 59 (line 32), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<para>As I said earlier, there has been a lot of disagreement about what clause 12—the statements of belief clause in this bill—would allow and what it would not allow. The government says that the clause simply clarifies that there is no law against a person making a statement of belief. But disability groups, human rights groups, women's groups, aged-care organisations, the Australian Medical Association, LGBTIQ groups and the Law Council of Australia have raised alarm. Lawyers can argue about the precise legal impact of this provision, but it is impossible to escape the fact that the provision is drafted in a way that suggests people of faith should be able to discriminate against other Australians on the basis of race, gender, sexual orientation, age and disability, particularly in Tasmania, which is singled out in this provision. This is what the provision says. It literally says that a statement of belief will not constitute discrimination under any of Australia's existing antidiscrimination laws. All of Australia's antidiscrimination laws in each of the states and territories are actually listed in this clause, and so too is a specific provision of Tasmanian Anti-Discrimination Act.</para>
<para>Labor does not believe that people of faith in Australia are seeking a special right to discriminate against people on the basis of disability or gender or race or sexual orientation or any other protected attribute. We agree that the mere expression of a non-malicious statement of belief should not contravene any Australian law, and we want to reassure people of faith on that front. We stand ready to work with the government on a better way of providing that reassurance, if it can be done in a way that does not remove protections against discrimination. But a law that says, on its face, that one group of Australians should be allowed to discriminate against other Australians is not the way to do it. Quite apart from the precise legal impact of the provision, it sends the wrong signal—a very divisive signal.</para>
<para>Over three years ago, the Prime Minister made a number of election commitments, one of which was to ask the Australian Law Reform Commission to consider the very issue this provision is directed to addressing. The commission was supposed to report in March 2020, but the Prime Minister extended the reporting date over and over again, and now the commission has been directed by this government only to report on this important question 12 months after the bill becomes law. The Prime Minister likes to remind people, including his own party room, that the enactment of a religious discrimination act was an election commitment—that's true; it was—but this provision was not part of that election commitment. In fact, it was quite explicitly not part of the Prime Minister's election commitment. So, to those opposite, especially those of you who are concerned about this provision, I implore you to act consistently with what the Prime Minister actually promised at the last election and vote in favour of Labor's amendment. The amendment would ensure that no existing protection against discrimination will be impacted in any way by clause 12; instead, the amendment to clause 12 would provide clarity that a statement of belief, in and of itself, will not constitute discrimination under the Religious Discrimination Bill.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister says that he wants this bill to bring Australians together. If that is truly what he wants, he will support Labor's amendment to clause 12 of this bill.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not support Labor's amendment to amendment (8) within the government's set of amendments. The drafting that the government has proposed is quite specific in making reference to a range of Commonwealth, state and territory acts, and the Labor amendment would remove that specific drafting. The effect of that would be to water down the impact and operation of clause 12. As recognised by the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights report, clause 12 'strongly promotes not only the right to freedom of religion, but also the related right to freedom of expression'. An ongoing challenge in antidiscrimination law is ensuring that the right to equality and non-discrimination is appropriately balanced against other sometimes conflicting rights, such as the right to freedom of expression and freedom of religion. Clause 12 has been developed to balance the rights of freedom of religion and freedom of expression with other rights and is subject to the limitations set out in the bill.</para>
<para>The bill includes explicit protections to ensure that the statement of a moderately expressed religious belief in good faith is not discrimination under any Australian antidiscrimination law, nor does it contravene subsection 17(1) of the Tasmanian Anti-Discrimination Act 1998 on that basis. The effect of the amendment that Labor is putting here would be to undermine that element of the drafting of the bill, and therefore the government will not be accepting it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:11</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would ask the government to reconsider its position on this. I listened to the Prime Minister in this chamber, in his summing-up address, say that his objective here was to achieve bipartisanship. Unfortunately, after the Prime Minister wrote to me last year, there have been no meetings, which is what was suggested, no discussion and no working through of this.</para>
<para>One of the problems with rushing through legislation like this is that you can make unintended errors, which have real consequences. That is what Labor is attempting to fix here, not in any rancorous way but simply to say that we think it is reasonable that you have a statement of belief but that you need to clarify it by ensuring that you are not adding to the discrimination of others by recognising the need to remove discrimination on the basis of religious belief.</para>
<para>It should be very possible for this parliament, with people with goodwill, to be able to have provisions which ensure protections for people of faith without removing protections for others. That is what this amendment is aiming to do. That is why it isn't just one group; it is disability groups, human rights groups, women's groups, aged-care organisations, the Australian Medical Association, LGBTIQ groups and the Law Council who have all expressed concern. I say to the Prime Minister: if you are at all fair dinkum about trying to get a bipartisan agreement, then you should support the amendment which is being advanced here.</para>
<para>Discrimination is bad in all its forms, but it should not be the case that, in order to protect the rights of any one group, you are taking away the rights of others. That is what this provision, that the shadow Attorney-General has moved, is attempting to do. It's attempting to fix a problem here. If it is not fixed here, we of course will continue to pursue it. We'll continue to pursue it here in the House of Representatives and we'll continue to pursue it in the Senate, but we will also commit to fixing the problems that are being created, if amendments aren't dealt with appropriately, to fix the flaws in this legislation.</para>
<para>Everyone in this chamber may well have a range of views, and I accept that that's the case. But there is no-one in this chamber who can say that this is a process that is causing greater national unity. That should be the objective here: not to look for division but to look for how we bring people on this journey in the same direction. These concerns that have been raised are legitimate, and that is why we should support this amendment. Because this amendment which we're moving here will fix a consequence—it may well be an unintended one, but the consequence is there, and it's been laid out for us very clearly by all of those groups.</para>
<para>You want people, as well as the whole country, to be in a position to say, 'Isn't it a good thing that people of faith are more protected after this legislation than they were before,' without saying 'but' after that and without having to say, 'But it's unfortunate that other groups, including some of the most vulnerable groups in our community, are losing their rights that are existing rights.' We are taking away provisions unless we support this amendment.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the opposition amendment to government amendment (8) be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [02:20]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>62</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>62</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Chesters, L. M.</name>
                  <name>Clare J. D.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Gosling, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Khalil, P.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>King, M. M. H.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neil, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Owens, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thwaites, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wells, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">The numbers for the ayes and the noes being equal, the Speaker gave his casting vote with the ayes.<br />Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:29</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Very long and established principles are set out in the House of Representatives Practice on page 186. This quotes the principles set out in May that have guided the exercise of the casting vote. House precedents are also set out on pages 187 to 190 of the <inline font-style="italic">P</inline><inline font-style="italic">ractice</inline>. On this occasion, in accordance with the long-established principles, I will vote with the ayes, on the basis that, where further discussion is not possible, decisions should not be taken except by a majority.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Albanese</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I have a point of order, Mr Speaker. It goes to your ruling, which certainly there is precedent for. I'm not questioning the basis of that. But it is possible to deliver other outcomes given that the stated objective of the mover of this legislation was to have a consensus. If there is a definition of division, 62 each is it. I believe that there is a possibility of further scope and discussion in order to get greater agreement. I don't think that this is a positive way for this to move forward. This isn't really aimed at you, Mr Speaker, because you are in accordance with the procedures and precedents. I accept that that's the case. But normally in this place the context would be an adversarial contest, which is what we often have. What we have here is legislation which we're told is about building a consensus. Clearly that's not the case. It's certainly within the scope of the government, and I would ask it to consider the opportunity that it has now to actually get some genuine discussion and some agreement to resolve these issues in a more satisfactory way.</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>On the basis of my ruling and the reasons given for my ruling, I don't intend to change how I have ruled. The question now is that government amendments (1) to (9), (11), (13) to (16) and (22) be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to, Mr Bandt and Mr Wilkie dissenting.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:33</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move opposition amendments (2), (4), (10), (17) to (19) and (21) to (27) to the Religious Discrimination Bill together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Clause 4, page 3, after line 30, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Religious vilification is unlawful, with certain exceptions (see Part 4A).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(4) Clause 7, page 10 (line 8), omit "this Act", substitute "Part 4".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(10) Clause 9, page 12 (line 24), omit "this Act", substitute "Part 4".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(17) Clause 12, page 17 (line 15), omit ".", substitute "; or".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(18) Clause 12, page 17 (after line 15), after paragraph (2)(c), insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(d) that is unlawful under Part 4A (religious vilification).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(19) Clause 16, page 20 (line 12), omit "this Act", substitute "Part 4".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(21) Page 41 (after line 7), after Part 4, insert:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Part 4A — Religious vilification</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">48A Religious vilification unlawful</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) It is unlawful for a person to engage in conduct, on the ground of the religious belief or activity of another person or group of persons, that:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) is not in private; and</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a reasonable person would consider would threaten, intimidate, harass or vilify the other person or group.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Note: Complaints can be made to the Australian Human Rights Commission about conduct that is unlawful under this Part (see the definition of <inline font-style="italic">unlawful discrimination</inline> in subsection 3(1) of the <inline font-style="italic">Australian Human Rights Commission Act 1986</inline>, and section 46P of that Act).</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of subsection (1), an act is taken not to be done in private if it:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) causes words, sounds, images or writing to be communicated to the public; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) is done in a public place; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(c) is done in the sight or hearing of people who are in a public place.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) <inline font-style="italic">Public place</inline> includes any place to which the public have access as of right or by invitation, whether express or implied and whether or not a charge is made for admission to the place.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">48B Exceptions</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(1) A person does not contravene section 48A if the person establishes that the person engaged in the conduct reasonably and in good faith:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in the performance, exhibition or distribution of an artistic work; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in the course of any statement, publication, discussion or debate made or held, or any other conduct engaged in:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(i) for any genuine academic, artistic, religious or scientific purpose; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(ii) for any purpose that is in the public interest; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(iii) in making or publishing a fair and accurate report of any event or matter of public interest.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(2) For the purposes of subparagraph (1)(b)(i), a <inline font-style="italic">religious</inline> purpose includes, but is not limited to, conveying or teaching a religion or proselytising.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(22) Clause 49, page 42 (line 6), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(23) Clause 50, page 43 (line 10), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(24) Clause 51, page 44 (line 11), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(25) Clause 70, page 57 (line 27), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(26) Clause 70, page 58 (line 6), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(27) Clause 73, page 59 (line 32), after "Part 4", insert "or 4A".</para></quote>
<para>The amendments that Labor is moving now would introduce into this bill a provision to protect people from vilification on the grounds of their religious belief or practice. This is a very important provision that the government has deliberately left out of this bill, despite requests from a range of faith communities for such a provision to be included. Indeed, it's difficult to understand how the Prime Minister can insist on what he imagines is the desire of people of faith to be able to make discriminatory statements about other Australians in what would otherwise amount to a breach of state antidiscrimination laws while ignoring their clearly stated desire to be protected from vilification on the grounds of their faith.</para>
<para>In his second reading speech, the Prime Minister said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">People should not be cancelled or persecuted or vilified because their beliefs are different from someone else's in a free liberal democratic society such as Australia.</para></quote>
<para>Yet the bill introduced by the Prime Minister would not prohibit the vilification of people on the basis of religious belief, religious dress or religious activity. Currently, if a Muslim Arab or an Indian Hindu or an Egyptian Copt is vilified on the basis of race, they have legal protection under Commonwealth law. But if they are vilified because of their religion, there is no protection under Commonwealth law. This bill does nothing to address this. This bill does nothing to protect a Muslim woman in Western Sydney who is abused in the street because of her hijab, or a Hindu man who is vilified for his religious beliefs.</para>
<para>The Race Discrimination Commissioner, Mr Chin Tan, completed a report last year called <inline font-style="italic">Sharing </inline><inline font-style="italic">the </inline><inline font-style="italic">Stories </inline><inline font-style="italic">of </inline><inline font-style="italic">Australian Muslims</inline>. That report provides confronting analysis and evidence of just how often Australians of the Islamic faith are being vilified because of their religion. Commissioner Tan wrote in his introduction:</para>
<quote><para class="block">The stories shared by Australian Muslim community members for this project have brought home to me that the undercurrents of religious discrimination, vilification and hate that manifested so horribly in the Christchurch attack, are not an aberration. They are consistent with the experiences of Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hate that is routinely experienced in Australia.</para></quote>
<para>These amendments respond to the very real problem of religious vilification—a problem described by the Race Discrimination Commissioner of the Australian Human Rights Commission as a problem 'routinely experienced' by Australian Muslims and those from many other faith communities—by prohibiting a person from threatening, intimidating, harassing or vilifying a person or a group of persons on the basis of their religious belief. This should not be a controversial suggestion. I hope that no-one in this parliament believes that in our country people should continue to be allowed to threaten, intimidate, harass or vilify a Muslim man or woman because they're Muslim, or a Hindu man or woman because they're Hindu, or a Christian because they're Christian.</para>
<para>I will briefly outline the specifics of the antivilification provision these amendments will introduce. It provides that a person must not on the ground of the religious belief or activity of another person or group of persons engage in conduct that is not private and that a reasonable person would consider would threaten, intimidate, harass or vilify the other person or group. It's important to emphasise this last point: the religious antivilification provision these amendments would establish only prohibits conduct that 'threatens, intimidates, harasses or vilifies'. This is a higher threshold than the threshold in the longstanding protections against racial and other hate speech in section 18(c) of the Racial Discrimination Act, which is 'insult, offend, humiliate or intimidate'.</para>
<para>The higher threshold we are proposing for the protection against religious vilification will help to ensure that this provision cannot be used as a de facto prohibition on blasphemy. It's Labor's view that, while Australians should be respectful of each other, a statement that may be insulting or offensive to a member of a religious faith without more should not attract legal sanction. The proposed threshold is also consistent with the proposal put forward by the Australian National Imams Council and other submitters in response to the racial discrimination bill. In addition to ensuring an appropriately high threshold for religious vilification, these amendments also include a comprehensive defence to any action if the person engaged in the conduct complained of reasonably and in good faith did it:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(a) in the performance, exhibition or distribution of an artistic work; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) in the course of any statement, publication, discussion or debate made or held, or any other conduct engaged in:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (i) for any genuine academic, artistic, religious or scientific purpose; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (ii) for any purpose that is in the public interest; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">   (iii) in making or publishing a fair and accurate report of any event or matter of public interest.</para></quote>
<para>Of course we invited the government to work with us on an antivilification provision to protect people of faith, but the government said no. This was just another example of how the Prime Minister's claim that he wanted to work in a bipartisan manner on this bill to unite rather than to divide Australians on these important issues of protecting people of faith was merely a pretence. The government has said that this issue was raised only at the last minute and there isn't time to work through the drafting. That is clearly nonsense. Since the first exposure draft of this bill was released over two years ago a range of religious groups have argued that the bill should include an antivilification provision. The Australian National Imams Council has even put forward drafting suggestions. This government was still drafting amendments to this bill as late as mid-morning yesterday.</para>
<para>These are sensible amendments. Labor has consulted with legal experts as well as with faith communities. We think these provisions get the balance right. Of course, if the government or others have suggestions as to how these provisions can be further improved, we are willing to consider those suggestions. These are sensible amendments. Labor has consulted with experts. Labor has consulted with minority faith communities. We do think that these provisions get the balance right.</para>
<para>What the government should not do—and should not be allowed to get away with—is pretend that this is all too hard. It is not. This parliament has an opportunity to provide people of faith, particularly minority faiths, with a meaningful and important protection against vilification. We should take that opportunity.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:42</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not support this set of amendments and the proposal to include within the bill a prohibition on religious vilification. I want to make it absolutely clear that the government does not condone vilification or hate speech and recognises the harmful effects that hate speech directed at people of faith can have on those individuals and their communities, but the fact is that any vilification provisions, such as these, are complex and require careful consideration in order to appropriately balance competing rights.</para>
<para>These proposed provisions would create further inconsistency across Commonwealth, state and territory laws. Their drafting is inconsistent with all existing civil prohibitions on vilification in state and territory laws. The proposed amendments cover a much lower standard of conduct than existing state and territory laws. They set a lower bar. Existing state and territory laws prohibit incitement to hatred and serious contempt for or severe ridicule of people on the basis of their religion. In addition, under the existing laws conduct that incites violence or threatens a person because of that person's religious belief or activity is a criminal standard, and it is not appropriate to be contained within a civil provision. The prohibition will also create internal inconsistencies and confusion within the bill.</para>
<para>In addition, the introduction of this prohibition would have the consequence of providing greater protection under Commonwealth law for religion than for other attributes such as sex, sexual orientation, age or disability. Prohibiting certain speech relating to religion presents unique and difficult problems for reconciling competing rights in a free society where beliefs and ideas of any kind should be able to be debated and criticised. It is important to ensure that any antivilification provision does not unnecessarily fetter legitimate forms of expression and does not operate in effect as a prohibition upon blasphemy. So, for those reasons, the government will not be supporting this set of amendments.</para>
<para>Honourable members interjecting—</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Just before I give the Manager of Opposition Business the call, standing order 94(a) doesn't just apply to question time, and you would remember that you are—everybody in this chamber is—still under a general warning.</para>
<para>Opposition members interjecting—</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Was that the member for Barton? I know we're all tired, but let's just get on with it.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:45</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate>Watson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I really want to implore the government: consider your position on this. I start with the words that were given by the Prime Minister when this bill was introduced, where he implied to the House that the antivilification protection was already in the bill. If it was important enough to be put in the speech, it's important enough to be put in the bill. The Prime Minister said this: 'the bill draws a clear line against harassment, vilification or intimidation of anyone.' No, it doesn't! And it should. Those words the Prime Minister said are right, because, let's face it: while a lot of the lobbying that happens in terms of religious discrimination happens in terms of the religious organisations, the lived experience of prejudice happens when people are abused on the street; the lived experience of prejudice happens when people are threatened, intimidated, harassed and vilified.</para>
<para>When I was here in my first term, which was before the Prime Minister arrived here, there was a riot in his electorate, largely about people who live in my electorate, and some of it was race based and a lot of it was faith based, and all of it was wrong—all of it was wrong. Yet, if a woman in Lakemba or Punchbowl is walking down the stairs at the station and is threatened, intimidated, harassed or vilified, because they say, 'You're Lebanese,' she has legal protection, but if it's because they say, 'You're a Muslim,' and they're having a go at her for wearing a hijab or a niqab, she has no legal protection.</para>
<para>There have been some passionate speeches about how wrong it is to discriminate against somebody simply because of their faith. The Prime Minister and others have spoken about the fact that, for people of faith, it is another issue of identity, and people, on a range of issues not about religion, have talked about horrific ways that people are vilified. We've all established the principle in the debate about this bill, but we haven't put the words into the bill. This amendment does it. The words have been deliberately chosen in a way that can achieve consensus for those opposite, not for everybody. But we've been through the 18C debates, and we know that, if we were to use the language of 18C, that would create a problem, within some of you, for your party room, and we are trying to find language that will work. But if we walk out of here at the end of the debate we've had and we walk away with no legal protection against people being harassed, intimidated, threatened or vilified because of their faith, then what on earth has this debate been about?</para>
<para>This can be fixed. We have not played games with the wording of this amendment. The Prime Minister in his speech made clear how important this is and implied it was already in the bill. It can be put in the bill tonight. As to the claim from the government in the minister's speech where he said: 'It's not appropriate for this sort of legislation'—then why did we all make the speeches we made?</para>
<para>I'm a person of faith. I will never be threatened or vilified for mine, because it's the majority faith in the country. But that's not true of my neighbours. It's not true of someone wearing a hijab, a niqab, a turban or a yarmulke, and it's not true of people who, because of their faith, want to display icons or wear a cross all the time. If you don't think they get abused and belittled, then you're not walking in their shoes. Prejudice and bigotry are wrong in every form. We are asking the government to do no more than to agree to the words of their own speeches. There is a way to support this amendment, and, if tonight we don't find it, it is a complete failure of this process.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:50</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr WATTS</name>
    <name.id>193430</name.id>
    <electorate>Gellibrand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I listened to the Manager of Opposition Business try to convince those opposite to take action on the important issue of religious vilification by quoting the words of the Prime Minister in his second reading speech back to him. It was not effective, so let me take a different tack. Let me quote the words of Twitter to those opposite. These are the depths that those opposite have stooped to—that they are being lectured by social media platforms about decency and integrity. This is evidence from the Select Committee on Social Media and Online Safety, established by this Prime Minister, as he says, to consider his so-called antitrolling bill. All of the social media platforms that appeared before this committee highlighted the problem of religious vilification as part of the radicalisation of violent extremists online. They called out the absence of a legal standard in Australia with respect to hate speech targeting people of religious faith.</para>
<para>Let me quote Twitter. It may shame those opposite. This is the standard they have fallen to. Twitter told the inquiry:</para>
<quote><para class="block">… Australia continues to utilise a very limited definition of hate speech under the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth) that is limited to race-based speech or behaviour, and does not include a number of the aforementioned categories, including sexual orientation, disability-based, religious-based or gender-based speech.</para></quote>
<para>These are the depths that they have stooped to. The Prime Minister set up a social media inquiry to put the big tech giants under the microscope, and, really, it's shining a mirror on the government—a mirror of the standards that they apply to themselves. This has consequences. This kind of radicalisation through religious vilification has real-world consequences. We saw it when an Australian murdered 51 people of faith in New Zealand nearly three years ago. The Christchurch terrorist was radicalised by online extremist speech. That was the finding of the task force to combat violent extremism online, established by this government. They highlighted the role of this hate machine online. Those opposite have an opportunity to deal with it today in this amendment. Vote for it. You can stop this. It's the same radicalisation that drove the Utoya terrorist. It's the same radicalisation that drove the Christchurch terrorist.</para>
<para>Let me quote to you one of the witnesses in this inquiry, a person of faith representing a religious organisation. This is an organisation that was charged with trying to stamp out Islamophobia and violent extremism and radicalisation online in the wake of the Christchurch attacks—the Australian Muslim Advocacy Network. Ms Rita Jabri-Markwell committed herself and her organisation, on a voluntary basis, to identifying online Islamophobia targeting Australian Muslims. She identified hundreds of examples, including, shamefully, the vile posting of former Senator Fraser Anning, who was condemned in this chamber by both sides of parliament. There were great speeches from those on both sides of parliament. Those identified instances of Islamophobia and hate speech by former Senator Anning were sent to the social media platforms. Their response was that there was not an adequate legal basis to kick his page off the site. I asked Ms Rita Jabri-Markwell, the director of the Australian Muslim Advocacy Network, in these hearings how it made her feel to do all of this voluntary work, only to see that we had not advanced the legal framework dealing with hate speech and vilification of religious groups in this country since an Australian murdered 51 people of faith. There had been no change. This is what she told this inquiry. I asked her how that felt, and she said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">It's made us feel really lonely. I don't know how else to describe it. It's kind of like you don't matter.</para></quote>
<para>This is what people of religious faith are telling your government, Prime Minister.</para>
<quote><para class="block">But we just have to keep going. If another scenario like that happens—</para></quote>
<para>That is, an Australian murdering 51 people of faith—</para>
<quote><para class="block">I wouldn't be able to live with myself if I knew that I hadn't tried everything.</para></quote>
<para>This amendment is something we can try to stop this radicalisation. It's been called for for two years since the debates about 18C of the racial vilification act, called for by the Australian Muslim community and called for by the Australian Jewish community. We should act now. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>02:55</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr LEIGH</name>
    <name.id>BU8</name.id>
    <electorate>Fenner</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The shadow Attorney-General referred to the Race Discrimination Commissioner's report <inline font-style="italic">Sharing the stories of Australian Muslims</inline>. I wanted to take the House to some of the remarks made in the consultations around that report. One participant said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">My aunt wears a hijab, she has been spat on and had her hijab pulled off … she was born in Australia. When my aunt responded, the attacker was surprised that she could speak and defend herself.</para></quote>
<para>Another Muslim woman said:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I don't feel safe while I’m walking down the street. I'm thinking of being spat at or someone might pull my hijab off my head.</para></quote>
<para>The report noted that Muslim women face a 'triple penalty' as women, as members of a racial minority and as members of a religious minority. It highlighted the way in which mosques have been targeted with things such as graffiti, property being destroyed, pig carcasses being left on the grounds and direct attacks on members of the mosque.</para>
<para>We have seen a rise in Islamophobia. The September 11 events led to a shift in attitudes toward Australian Muslims and flow-on attacks on the wider Australian Arab community. The work that both sides of the House did to try to quell some of those horrific racially and religiously inspired attacks couldn't have the backing of an antivilification provision, because none existed. What we're trying to do here is to put into legislation what the Prime Minister said he wanted to achieve. The Race Discrimination Commissioner has talked about the impact of the Christchurch mosque attack and pointed out that, following that, the Holland Park Mosque in the southern suburbs of Brisbane was vandalised and the swastika was spray-painted on the front gates of the mosque.</para>
<para>We've seen a rise in the rate of religious vilification, noted by the Scanlon Foundation and the Australian National University surveys. We've seen a rise in the number of racial vilification inquiries to the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission, noting that there have been significant impacts over recent years. The 2019 anti-Semitism report reported 368 incidents of anti-Semitism, including physical assault, abuse, harassment, vandalism, graffiti, hate communications via email, postal mail, telephone, leaflets, posters and stickers. The Islamophobia Register, launched in 2014, documents a rise in Islamophobia and reports almost 400 verified instances of reported Islamophobia. Some of those are interpersonal; some of those are directed at the Islamic community as a whole. They include hate graffiti, stickers, hate speech, vandalism and physical attacks. As the member for Gellibrand has pointed out, the rise of online hate speech sees another channel through which religious vilification can occur.</para>
<para>Labor has worked with experts on this. We've sought to ensure that there are appropriate carve-outs for issues such as satire, recognising that there is important scope for public debate and freedom of speech. But, if we really are committed to stamping out religious vilification, then this amendment should be supported. This is an amendment that goes fundamentally to who we are as a nation and whether we as a nation believe it is acceptable for racial vilification to take place. Those of us on this side of the House stand with communities of faith in wishing to rid Australia of religious vilification. We stand with those in the Jewish community, those in the Islamic community and those in the Christian community, many of whom have worked for years to strike the right balance on an antivilification provision, and that is what is before the House tonight. <inline font-style="italic">(Time expired)</inline></para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr KHALIL</name>
    <name.id>101351</name.id>
    <electorate>Wills</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Colleagues, it's late—it's actually early. I'm going to implore you directly as parliamentary colleagues. We're debating the Religious Discrimination Bill—it's all in the name—and this amendment goes directly to protecting people of faith from discrimination. It's manifest in the name of this bill, and this amendment goes directly to it. There are a lot of good people on the other side here. We have different views, we might not agree on everything, but there are a lot of people of good conscience, and we've got an opportunity now to do the right thing by making this law better.</para>
<para>Most of us here probably already have our eyes closed, so keep them closed and imagine you're a member of a Jewish family, walking to a synagogue on the Sabbath, and a car full of yobbos drives past and starts spewing an anti-Semitic tirade against you and your children. Imagine you're a Sikh stacking shelves at a supermarket, and someone comes down the aisle and starts screaming at you that you're a terrorist. Imagine you're a young Muslim woman on a bus, wearing a hijab, and a group of people get on the bus and start shouting at you, in your face, and surrounding you. Imagine you're an Orthodox Christian priest, wearing a long black gown, at the shops, being screamed at by people and told to go back to where you came from. All of those examples are real experiences of ordinary Australians, and this amendment goes to the heart of protecting them from what they experience because of their faith. That's what we're debating here. It's not too hard for us to imagine their experiences, because some of us have experienced them as well. In voting for this amendment, we will give truth to the title of this bill, the Religious Discrimination Bill, and I implore you, colleagues, to vote for this amendment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GILES</name>
    <name.id>243609</name.id>
    <electorate>Scullin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>At the moment, early on Thursday morning, we are debating something which is called the Religious Discrimination Bill. But, without this amendment, it doesn't actually protect Australians against discrimination on the basis of their faith. We have heard lots of speeches from people on both sides of the House and from the crossbench too, and a very common theme has been recourse to the imagery that what we should be looking for is a shield and not a sword. But here we see a government insisting, for reasons I genuinely don't understand, on providing a sword but not a shield.</para>
<para>People in my community have spoken to me about their concerns, and I share their concerns, that we have a big gap in our architecture of Commonwealth antidiscrimination laws. We have a big gap that presently allows people to be discriminated against on the basis of their faith. This should be something that we should be able to attend to. This amendment would do that. This amendment deals with what multicultural and multifaith communities have been asking for.</para>
<para>We've heard quite a bit from government members about that, seeking to wrap themselves around community groups in support of their proposal, but this is utterly disingenuous. My colleagues the member for Wills, just a moment ago, and the member for Fenner set out some really important context that all members should have regard to. The fact is that, while we do see an increase in racism in Australia—and that is something that we should and could be doing more about—there is a Commonwealth legal framework that exists that can attend to that.</para>
<para>We're also seeing a very disturbing increase in hate online and in the community, in real life, based on people's faith, in particular, Islamophobia and anti-Semitism. It beggars belief that we are here three years after the concept of a religious discrimination bill was advanced dealing with a bill with this title, yet we have a government that is unwilling to grasp the simple fact that people are being discriminated against in our streets and towns on the basis of their faith and how they manifest it—people who are being singled out because they are obviously a Muslim woman or a Sikh man; people who deserve to be able to freely participate in our society. I wonder if members opposite might just spend one moment pondering how any of these Australians might see this debate—a debate taken out by members opposite cynically in their name but without regard to their interests or our interests in constructing a society in which each of us is free to be who we are—absent the ugly stain of discrimination.</para>
<para>When it comes to these manifestations of discrimination based on faith, as the member for Gellibrand set out, we are seeing some of the most challenging and awful manifestations of hate. People feel fear. Muslim Australians look at what happened in Christchurch. While there have been fine words spoken in this place, those words need to be matched by action. And the action that we're putting forward is pretty simple. It's simply to do what all of these groups have been asking for; it's simply to do what any reasonable person would believe is required of a bill styled the Religious Discrimination Bill.</para>
<para>There are other aspects of Labor's amendments that I understand some members on the government side may have an ideological basis for their disagreement. I understand that; I disagree with it. But I simply do not understand how Australia's parliament, right now, in 2022, can fail to recognise the discrimination that is happening in every town and in every suburb, and, more than that, can put forward a bill that, on the face of it, addresses that but thumbs its nose at the people it should be protecting, the people whose interests need to be brought to the centre of the debate, the people whose interests would, should, could and must be protected through this amendment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:08</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PERRETT</name>
    <name.id>HVP</name.id>
    <electorate>Moreton</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm urging the Prime Minister to consider Labor's antivilification amendment so that the second reading speech has a piece of legislation that mirrors each other, so that the Prime Minister's words are true. Certainly in the conversations that the Prime Minister has had about the need for this religious discrimination legislation, he has made it very clear that this is particularly about looking after our multifaith communities. Like the Leader of Opposition Business, people won't discriminate against me because of my faith, because the majority of Australians are in the Catholic faith. But my electorate, like so many others here, has communities that are discriminated against and are vilified. It's interesting that in the lead-up to today's debate I've had many people, particularly on Twitter and Facebook and in emails to my office—some are constituents, some not—saying, 'You should just say no to this legislation because there is no problem.' It's really reassuring when middle-class, middle-aged, white, Anglo-Saxon men tell me that there is no problem with religious discrimination. We hear a different story; I hear a different story.</para>
<para>The electorate that I represent has a mosque in Kuraby that has been vandalised, terrorised and burnt. The wonderful Holland Park Mosque, which I've been to with the member for Chifley, is outside my electorate, just on the border between Griffith and Bonner, but many of my community would attend that mosque. It's the oldest mosque, certainly in Queensland. It's a beautiful mosque that has been attacked, targeted and had swastikas put out the front. People and communities have been attacked because of their religion. Any person of faith would say, 'We should do something about this.' I've been to the Bosnian mosque in Eight Mile Plains with the member for Chifley as well. It's not targeted so much, but many of its congregation came to Australia because they were targeted because of their faith and murdered because of their faith. Their country was torn apart because of religious differences, where people didn't step up and protect people of faith. The Mount Gravatt Jewish burial facility, which I've been to with the member for Griffith, services the Jewish community.</para>
<para>So many groups have been attacked because of their faith, so here is a simple amendment that will match the Prime Minister's words and his deeds together. Rather than there being any suggestion that he was misleading the Australian public in talking about this legislation, we would be able to match them together and help people who are attacked for wearing the clothes of their faith. It's easy to wear your faith under your shirt and tie, but if you're wearing a niqab or a hijab or a burqa, or any of those other items of religious clothing that attract vilification—where people are harassed, people are intimidated and people are scared—that's why we're doing this legislation.</para>
<para>Queensland has had religious discrimination legislation since Wayne Goss brought it in in 1991. Only about one per cent of the complaints that go to what was previously called the Anti-Discrimination Commission, now the Human Rights Commission, are to do with people being discriminated against because of their religion. But we do know that the people who are targeted are those from multifaith communities and minority religions.</para>
<para>That is why I am imploring the Prime Minister, who has so much power in his party room, to say, 'We can do this.' Cometh the hour, cometh the man. This is an opportunity for the Prime Minister to actually protect Australians who are targeted because of their faith. It's a simple thing to do. As the member for Wills stated—and he speaks with much authority on communities that are targeted because of their faith—'This goes to the heart of protecting the people who need it most.'</para>
<para>So I would urge those opposite—it's early in the morning, so you could just wander over here accidentally and pretend you're a bit tired—that when it comes to this antivilification legislation this will be a chance for you to leave a great mark in parliament.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:13</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr HUSIC</name>
    <name.id>91219</name.id>
    <electorate>Chifley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would imagine that one of the freedoms we would like to enjoy is the freedom to not be vilified. A lot of people would appreciate that. The other thing they would appreciate is that, when we're debating this bill right now and when we've got a chance to make a change, it's not just powerful people that can get this protection but also minorities. I just want to make this clear to three people in the government. To the Deputy Prime Minister, I never want anyone close to him to be abused the way that they were through social media. He got to go overseas and talk to people in the tech sector to try and address that on behalf of the people who were hurt. All we want him to do is to move a few metres to change this bill and to provide us with the protection from vilification. Deputy Prime Minister, I don't want your people hurt and I certainly don't want people of minority religions to be hurt. The member for Mallee who was affected by online abuse, who's not here, should not cop it, but neither should people in minority groups. They should not be vilified. Minister for Communications, is the only person who can get the benefit of your support Erin Molan? I don't want her or anybody close to her abused, but I want to know: are you going to step up to ensure that people aren't vilified?</para>
<para>These are the choices you can make but, in this case, you won't make. It then begs the question: why are you doing this if you are not putting in fair dinkum protections? I've got to tell you, Liberal Party: this isn't just a matter of doing the right thing; you need to atone, and you know exactly why. It's because in three consecutive elections faith was used as a political weapon: in 2004, we know about that one—and, by the way, in 2004 I was going for a job and I experienced a bit of religious discrimination, I can tell you! In 2007 there was the circulation of those pamphlets in the electorate of Lindsay. And in 2010 you pre-selected a candidate that you knew had anti-Islamic sentiment, and, through the pre-selection process, you in effect said, 'You're not going to say anything, are you?' and they said, 'No, we won't,' and then they did. Three elections in a row!</para>
<para>I know your party has come a long way, but the journey has not ended. The test is now. Will you make sure, for minority groups, that they will not be vilified? That is the test, and that is what we think is missing. You started the job in the speech by the Prime Minister, but you didn't finish the job in the bill that was referred to by the Prime Minister that we're debating now and seeking to fix. You have got to fix it. You cannot have a standard that provides protection for the powerful and well-connected and not for the people who don't have access to that support.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:17</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms KEARNEY</name>
    <name.id>LTU</name.id>
    <electorate>Cooper</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank all the other speakers that have talked about this incredibly important issue. There are so many people in this community who are going to ask: what is the point of this legislation if it doesn't protect people from one of the most commonly used forms of abuse, one of the most commonly experienced instances of discrimination that is vilification? It happens every day on the street, all around us. We witness it. Maybe those opposite aren't quite sure what we're talking about. Let me give you some examples: speaking about a person's race or religion in a way that could make other people hate or ridicule them—we see that often enough; publishing claims that a racial or religious group is involved in serious crimes, without any proof—we see that plenty of times; repeated and serious spoken or physical abuse about the religion of another person; encouraging violence against people who belong to a particular religion, or damaging their property; encouraging people to hate a religious group using flyers, stickers, posters, speech, a publication, a T-shirt—we see plenty of that right around this building as we sit here; well, maybe not now, but during the day. Which one of those do you think is okay? Which one of those do you think does not warrant legislating against?</para>
<para>I have a very large mosque in my electorate. A Muslim man was talking to me the other day when I was visiting it. He'd bought a large car—he has a large family; it's a bit of a people mover. He said he parks it in his driveway. He also uses it as a taxi, an Uber—it is his income. Nearly every morning he has to get up before work and wash awful slogans off it. He wouldn't tell me what they said, but he said, 'Ged, they're awful. I can't tell you.'</para>
<para>Another woman came into my office the other day in tears because she had observed a young woman getting on a bus. She was abused so awfully, so vilely, by someone because she had a hijab on. She was in tears and couldn't get on the bus. Someone ushered her away from the bus to comfort her, and the woman said to me, 'Ged, I didn't do anything. I walked past that. I saw it. I didn't know what I could do, where I could turn.' Perhaps if that person knew there was a law against it, something could've been done.</para>
<para>We've heard stories. We heard the member for Dunkley talk about someone in her electorate: a man who was too frightened to let his wife drive their children to sport on the weekend. There might be some people that listen to the Prime Minister, listen to the hubris around this bill, and think: I'm sure there are protections there. I can tell you: we're going to tell those people loudly and clearly that protections against vilification are not there. This bill is not what they think. We will have to tell them that you simply do not care that this happens to them day in, day out. Why don't you care about this? Why don't you? We don't get it. You could make a stand today. The Prime Minister could live up to his hubris and fix this now and support this amendment.</para>
<para>Don't turn your back again, Prime Minister. We've seen you do that before. This is an opportunity to do something decent. This is an opportunity to outlaw vilification—something that people experience everyday, something that will actually make a big difference to people of religion in this country: people in your electorates, people in our electorates and children in schools everywhere, every day. I ask you: support this amendment; do the right thing.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendments moved by the member for Isaacs be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [03:27]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>62</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>61</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Chesters, L. M.</name>
                  <name>Clare J. D.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Gosling, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Khalil, P.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>King, M. M. H.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, R. G.</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neil, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Owens, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thwaites, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wells, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:31</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move opposition amendments (5) to (9) and (11) to (15) together:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(5) Clause 7, page 10 (line 18), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(6) Heading to clause 8, page 11 (line 30), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(7) Clause 8, page 12 (lines 1 and 2), omit paragraph (a), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(a) establishing, directing, controlling or administering a hospital; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(aa) if the religious body solely or primarily provides aged care services—the provision of the services; or</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(8) Heading to clause 9, page 12 (line 17), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(9) Clause 9, page 12 (line 22), omit "facilities", substitute "service providers".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(11) Clause 9, page 12 (line 28), omit "facility", substitute "service provider".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(12) Clause 9, page 13 (lines 4 to 7), omit paragraph (2)(b), substitute:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(b) a body (a <inline font-style="italic">religious aged care service provider</inline>) that solely or primarily provides aged care services in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion;</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(13) Heading to subclause 9(3), page 13 (line 15), omit "<inline font-style="italic">facilities</inline>", substitute "<inline font-style="italic">service providers</inline>".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(14) Clause 9, page 13 (line 18), omit "facility", substitute "service provider".</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(15) Clause 9, page 14 (line 8), omit "facility", substitute "service provider".</para></quote>
<para>As I'd indicated, this is an amendment which deals with in-home aged care. More than a million older Australians receive in-home service and those Australians deserve to be treated with dignity. Any suggestion that it is acceptable to discriminate against them, these older Australians, for any reason should be rejected by this parliament, and yet that is what this bill does suggest in a tricky and underhanded way. The bill in its current form would allow a religious in-home aged-care provider to discriminate on the basis of religion in the provision of services. The government did not announce this, it has not explained this and the provision in this bill but that would allow this is deliberately obscure.</para>
<para>We have COTA, a key advocate for older Australians, to thank for identifying this issue. When it was drawn to our attention we assumed it was a drafting error and so when we raised it with the government we thought we would be able to agree on sensible amendments to address COTA's concern. But the government refused our request for an amendment, because apparently it is not a drafting error at all; it is the Morrison government's intention that religious in-home aged-care providers should be permitted to discriminate in the provision of services under this bill.</para>
<para>We support the right of a religious aged-care service provider to give preference to persons of the same religion in making hiring decisions, in selection of staff. There is no federal law that stops a religious aged-care service provider from doing that now and this bill wouldn't change that. But, since Labor amended the religious exemptions in the Sex Discrimination Act nine years ago, no federal law has permitted discrimination by aged-care service providers in the provision of services, and this bill would change that. Under the bill, religious in-home aged-care service providers are treated differently to residential care providers, because in-home care providers will be permitted to discriminate in the provision of services on the basis of religion.</para>
<para>If there's a good reason for this, the government has not explained it. In fact, those opposite haven't been upfront about the fact of this new basis for discrimination at all, let alone their justification for creating it. Perhaps we shouldn't be surprised at the government's embarrassment about this provision. After all, this is a government with an appalling track record when it comes to meeting the needs of older Australians. COTA has said that the treatment of in-home aged-care service providers, under the bill, will send a chilling message to older people who are vulnerable that their aged-care provider may no longer treat them with the dignity and respect that the current law ensures they receive.</para>
<para>Labor's amendment would ensure that all religious aged-care service providers are treated the same under the bill so that no provider will be permitted to discriminate against older, vulnerable Australians on the basis of religion. This should be an uncontroversial amendment. It should really go without saying, and the government should be ashamed of itself for trying to sneak this into the bill and then persisting with it, when COTA, a key advocate for older people across Australia, has drawn the problem to their attention. I would urge the House to support Labor's amendment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms O'NEIL</name>
    <name.id>140590</name.id>
    <electorate>Hotham</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to reiterate and support the words of the member for Isaacs here in relation to the provision of aged care. It's probably not widely understood among people who don't work in government that, actually, the vast majority of aged-care recipients in Australia are not living in an aged-care home but are receiving services within their own home. In the order of 800,000 Australians are today receiving some type of services at home.</para>
<para>It is going to be truly extraordinary to the Australian public when they understand that the bill that's being proposed by the government today would facilitate religion-based discrimination against people who receive in-home care. There is not a single policy ground for making such a change to Australian law, and Labor is absolutely doing the right thing in trying to defend people who receive these services.</para>
<para>The member for Isaacs has talked about the fact that the issue that's being debated here emerged through the Council on the Ageing raising the issue with us. Of course, we believe this to be some sort of drafting error. Why on earth would the government put forward an antidiscrimination bill that in fact facilitates discrimination against 800,000 Australians? It makes absolutely no sense at all. And yet nothing has been resolved about this critical problem that the law contains.</para>
<para>The member for Isaacs referred to the government's consistent track record in how it deals with the elderly, with senior Australians, in this country. Unfortunately, this is just one of a litany of failures that the government has committed against elderly Australians. We've had the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety, which has shown that most people who are using aged-care services today are experiencing some form of neglect. There is the political neglect of a government which continues to ignore the needs of elderly people in this country. Two-thirds of aged-care residents today are malnourished—literally starving—under the care of this government, and yet nothing is done about it.</para>
<para>Unfortunately, this complete disrespect towards older Australians who are receiving in-home care is perfectly consistent with the government's record. It also reflects what we understand to be a general set of issues with the Religious Discrimination Bill, which we are debating today. It's sloppy, ill-thought-through and rushed—somehow rushed, when the government has had three years to draft this and get it right. When we've got nine sitting days left, why are we here debating this legislation in such a rushed manner?</para>
<para>We could have worked together across the parliament to develop a law that actually enriched our lives as Australians. Instead, here we are trying to plug holes—basic holes—in the bill in consideration in detail. It didn't have to be like this. It shouldn't be like this. And that's why the government should accept Labor's amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:39</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The set of amendments that the shadow Attorney-General has moved would have the effect of extending existing provisions relating to religious aged-care facilities to include aged-care service providers. The government does not support these proposed amendments. Discrimination in the administration of religious aged-care facilities is explicitly carved out of the religious exceptions in the bill. As such, the bill does not allow religious bodies to discriminate in service delivery to residents in their aged-care facilities.</para>
<para>The government notes concerns raised by some stakeholders that this carve-out does not apply to in-home aged-care providers. The Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights explicitly considered this issue and did not recommend that any amendments be made to these provisions.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendments moved by the member for Isaacs be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [03:45]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>63</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>61</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Clare J. D.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Gosling, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Khalil, P.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>King, M. M. H.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, R. G.</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neil, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Owens, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thwaites, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wells, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The question now is that this bill, as amended, be agreed to.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>173</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:49</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that this bill be now read a third time.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [03:53]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>90</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K.</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>6</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.<br />Bill read a third time.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>174</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6819" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Religious Discrimination (Consequential Amendments) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>174</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>174</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>03:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():</para>
<para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>174</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6820" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Human Rights Legislation Amendment Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>174</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Consideration in Detail</title>
            <page.no>174</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SHARKIE</name>
    <name.id>265980</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move Centre Alliance amendment (2):</para>
<quote><para class="block">(2) Schedule 1, page 6 (after line 10), at the end of the Schedule, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">10 At the end of section 37</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Paragraph (1)(d) does not apply to an act or practice of an educational institution that is conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed if the act or practice is in connection with employment, education or training provided by the educational institution.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11 Section 38</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the section.</para></quote>
<para>I am pleased to see that amendments to sections 37 and 38 of the Sex Discrimination Act have been put forward by the government and the opposition. However, I would argue that those amendments do not go far enough. We should not cherrypick and provide protections for students while the teachers who teach those children are left with no protection from sexual discrimination. What message does that send to the students if they see that their teacher is dismissed because of their sexuality, gender or marital status? Think about it. The young people see the hypocrisy here—protection for some and not for others.</para>
<para>We need to ensure that teachers and contract workers in educational settings are protected from sexual discrimination in their employment. We need to make sure that students are protected. So this amendment will rightly protect students and teachers and contract workers in religious schools from being subjected to discrimination on the grounds of their sexual orientation, gender identity, marital or relationship status or indeed pregnancy status by amending section 37 and removing section 38 in its entirety.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:02</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I understand this is the first of two amendments that the member for Mayo is moving. This one, the one we are going to deal with first, would repeal the whole of section 38 of the Sex Discrimination Act. I have to indicate that Labor is opposed to the repeal of the whole of section 38, although we are in favour of the repeal of section 38(3), which is what the next amendment deals with. I want to explain Labor's reasons for that position.</para>
<para>Before the last election the Prime Minister promised to make it unlawful to discriminate against all students. He should deliver on that promise and he should deliver on the promise now, in the early hours of 10 February. If Labor is successful at the next election, Labor will change the law to protect teachers or school staff from being sacked because of who they are too—because they're divorced or pregnant or gay, or because of their gender or similar. Most religious schools don't sack teachers or other staff because of who they are, and they never want to, but Labor absolutely recognises that religious schools have a right to give preference to hiring school staff of their own faith. Because the two rights that I just referred to interact in a complex way, we believe this issue should not be addressed in the way that is proposed here, with the greatest of respect to the member for Mayo, but rather will need to be considered carefully by the Australian Law Reform Commission. This issue should already have been considered by the Australian Law Reform Commission. The Law Reform Commission was commissioned by this government in March 2019 and was due to hand its report to the parliament in March 2020, but the government, regrettably, has on multiple occasions extended the reporting date. We intend to continue to consult with schools, teachers, legal experts and religious organisations while waiting for the Law Reform Commission to report back on this complex matter and the balancing of competing rights that it requires.</para>
<para>If Labor are successful at the next election we will address these important issues, but this sweeping amendment is not the right way of doing it. There needs to be consideration of the very complex interaction between the Fair Work Act, the Sex Discrimination Act and, if these bills become law, the religious discrimination legislation. For that reason, it shouldn't proceed in this rushed way but, rather, should await consideration by the Australian Law Reform Commission. As I've indicated, Labor opposes this amendment, which would repeal the whole of section 38.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:05</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I inform the House that the government does not support these amendments, which would have the effect of removing existing exemptions under section 38 of the Sex Discrimination Act for religious educational institutions to discriminate against employees, contract workers and students in good faith and in accordance with their religious doctrines. These amendments would also mean that section 37 of that act, which provides exceptions for religious bodies, as opposed to religious educational institutions, to provide that the exception does not apply to the conduct of religious educational institutions in relation to employment, education and training.</para>
<para>I make it clear that the government believes that discrimination against students in education is unacceptable in all of its forms. Issues relating to the employment of staff at religious schools are more complex than issues relating to students, and raised particular legal issues. They require careful consideration of the interaction between the Sex Discrimination Act and other relevant legislation, including the Fair Work Act, as has been recognised by a number of stakeholders, including the Australian Human Rights Commission. I make the point that the government's proposed amendments, which I trust I'll move shortly, give effect to our commitment to ensure that no child is expelled from his or her school due to his or her sexual orientation.</para>
<para>The government has referred an inquiry to the Australian Law Reform Commission to consider the current framework of religious exemptions in Commonwealth, state and territory antidiscrimination law, including the Sex Discrimination Act. We think that is the better way to address these matters.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that amendment (2) moved by the member for Mayo be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [04:11]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>69</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K.</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>8</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:14</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms SHARKIE</name>
    <name.id>265980</name.id>
    <electorate>Mayo</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move amendment (3), standing in my name:</para>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Schedule 1, page 6 (after line 10), at the end of the Schedule, add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">10 At the end of section 37</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Add:</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">(3) Notwithstanding paragraph (1)(d), it is unlawful for an educational institution that is conducted in accordance with the doctrines, tenets, beliefs or teachings of a particular religion or creed to discriminate against a student or prospective student on the ground of the student's or prospective student's sexual orientation, gender identity, marital or relationship status or pregnancy.</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">11 Subsection 38(3)</para></quote>
<quote><para class="block">Repeal the subsection.</para></quote>
<para>From listening to the speeches in this place today and yesterday, I know there are many members who are deeply concerned about the wellbeing of LGBTQIA student. LGBTQIA students experience far higher rates of bullying and depression than their peers, and are significantly more likely to attempt suicide as young adults. Research has found that faith based schools that discourage the disclosure of sexual diversity and which fail to establish safe and inclusive learning environments for students with diverse sexualities exacerbate these statistics.</para>
<para>This amendment repeals subsection 38(3) of the Sex Discrimination Act. Repealing subsection 38 (3) will remove the exception that allows religious educational institutions to discriminate in connection with the provision of education or training. This is a small amendment in size but is an incredibly important amendment. It will go some way towards protecting LGBTQIA students from sex and gender discrimination in religious educational institutions.</para>
<para>I urge all members in this place to consider this amendment thoughtfully, and I seek their support for vulnerable children and young people.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:16</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr ALBANESE</name>
    <name.id>R36</name.id>
    <electorate>Grayndler</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I thank the member for Mayo for moving this important amendment. I indicate that Labor will be supporting this amendment.</para>
<para>The Prime Minister said to me that there's no place in our education system for any form of discrimination against a student on the basis of their sexuality or gender identity when he wrote to me in December, asking me to support the basis of this legislation. This amendment fulfils the spirit of that legislation.</para>
<para>Of course, this was also a promise that was made during the Wentworth by-election in 2018 and was something I'm sure that the various candidates for Wentworth will remind the current member of in the coming period. The truth is that no student should be discriminated against because of who they are. Labor will protect all students, here in this chamber, in the Senate and, if need be, after the next election. We are absolutely committed to this. What we will do in government, if we're not successful here—but we would prefer for this to be carried—is for religious schools to be prohibited from discriminating against students on the basis of sexual orientation, gender identity, relationship or marital status, or pregnancy.</para>
<para>No child should be discriminated against. Overwhelmingly, Australians of faith would agree with this too. Australian families are going to wake up in a few hours and look on, with sadness and anger, if this does not occur. This is something that should unite the parliament, and the entire parliament should support this amendment.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The government does not support this amendment. The government's proposed amendments, which I will move shortly, give effect to our commitment to ensure that no child is expelled from their school due to their sexual orientation. In considering the ongoing appropriateness of other existing religious exemptions, it's necessary to balance the rights of all people to be free from discrimination in education with the rights of religious institutions to conduct their affairs in a way which is consistent with their religious ethos. Such a task is complex and requires consultation across all sections of the community. In particular, we must protect against unintended consequences to ensure that religious single-sex schools are able to operate in accordance with their purpose and their religious ethos. Practical matters, such as appropriate facilities and pastoral care must also be considered.</para>
<para>This is why the government has referred an inquiry to the Australian Law Reform Commission to consider the current framework of religious exemptions in Commonwealth, state and territory anti-discrimination law, including the Sex Discrimination Act. In the government's view that is the appropriate forum in which to consider these important matters.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that the amendment moved by the member for Mayo be disagreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [04:24]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>58</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>65</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Clare J. D.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Gosling, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Khalil, P.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>King, M. M. H.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, R. G.</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neil, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Owens, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thwaites, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wells, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question negatived.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:27</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
    <electorate></electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Members might recall late last year when members had to swap sides. This is a fairly unusual occurrence, but this is what happens in these instances. The reason for that, of course, is that a decision against a proposal to disagree to a motion is not the same as a decision in favour of a motion. So I'll put the next question. The question is that the amendment moved by the member for Mayo be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [04:32]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>65</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Clare J. D.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Gosling, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Khalil, P.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>King, M. M. H.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, R. G.</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neil, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Owens, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thwaites, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wells, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>59</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BANDT</name>
    <name.id>M3C</name.id>
    <electorate>Melbourne</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>To assist the House, I circulated a number of amendments that covered some similar areas to those moved by the member for Mayo. Given that we've just had resolution of those questions, I won't be proceeding with those amendments.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DREYFUS</name>
    <name.id>HWG</name.id>
    <electorate>Isaacs</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>For the convenience of the House, like the member for Melbourne, I had circulated an amendment in identical terms to the amendment that has just succeeded, as moved by the member for Mayo. As a consequence, it being identical, we are not moving it.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:36</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I advise the House that the government will not be proceeding with its amendments.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>265967</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>The question is that this bill, as amended, be agreed to.</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</interjection>
</speech>
<division>
            <division.header>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionPreamble">The House divided. [04:41]<br />(The Speaker—Hon. Andrew Wallace)</p>
              </body>
            </division.header>
            <division.data>
              <ayes>
                <num.votes>65</num.votes>
                <title>AYES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Albanese, A. N.</name>
                  <name>Allen, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Archer, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Bandt, A. P.</name>
                  <name>Bowen, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Burke, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Burney, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Burns, J.</name>
                  <name>Butler, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Byrne, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Chalmers, J. E.</name>
                  <name>Clare J. D.</name>
                  <name>Claydon, S. C.</name>
                  <name>Coker, E. A.</name>
                  <name>Collins, J. M.</name>
                  <name>Conroy, P. M.</name>
                  <name>Dick, D. M.</name>
                  <name>Dreyfus, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Elliot, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Freelander, M. R.</name>
                  <name>Georganas, S.</name>
                  <name>Giles, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Gorman, P.</name>
                  <name>Gosling, L. J.</name>
                  <name>Haines, H. M.</name>
                  <name>Hayes, C. P.</name>
                  <name>Hill, J. C.</name>
                  <name>Husic, E. N.</name>
                  <name>Jones, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Kearney, G. M.</name>
                  <name>Khalil, P.</name>
                  <name>King, C. F.</name>
                  <name>King, M. M. H.</name>
                  <name>Leigh, A. K.</name>
                  <name>Marles, R. D.</name>
                  <name>Martin, F. B.</name>
                  <name>McBain, K. L.</name>
                  <name>McBride, E. M.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, B. K.</name>
                  <name>Mitchell, R. G.</name>
                  <name>Neumann, S. K.</name>
                  <name>O'Connor, B. P. J.</name>
                  <name>O'Neil, C. E.</name>
                  <name>Owens, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Perrett, G. D.</name>
                  <name>Phillips, F. E.</name>
                  <name>Rishworth, A. L.</name>
                  <name>Rowland, M. A.</name>
                  <name>Ryan, J. C. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Sharkie, R. C. C.</name>
                  <name>Sharma, D. N.</name>
                  <name>Shorten, W. R.</name>
                  <name>Smith, D. P. B.</name>
                  <name>Snowdon, W. E.</name>
                  <name>Stanley, A. M. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Steggall, Z.</name>
                  <name>Swanson, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Templeman, S. R.</name>
                  <name>Thistlethwaite, M. J.</name>
                  <name>Thwaites, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Watts, T. G.</name>
                  <name>Wells, A. S.</name>
                  <name>Wilkie, A. D.</name>
                  <name>Zappia, A.</name>
                  <name>Zimmerman, T. M.</name>
                </names>
              </ayes>
              <noes>
                <num.votes>59</num.votes>
                <title>NOES</title>
                <names>
                  <name>Alexander, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Andrews, K. L.</name>
                  <name>Bell, A. M.</name>
                  <name>Broadbent, R. E.</name>
                  <name>Buchholz, S.</name>
                  <name>Chester, D. J.</name>
                  <name>Coleman, D. B.</name>
                  <name>Conaghan, P. J.</name>
                  <name>Coulton, M. M.</name>
                  <name>Drum, D. K. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Dutton, P. C.</name>
                  <name>Entsch, W. G.</name>
                  <name>Evans, T. M.</name>
                  <name>Falinski, J. G.</name>
                  <name>Fletcher, P. W.</name>
                  <name>Flint, N. J.</name>
                  <name>Frydenberg, J. A.</name>
                  <name>Gillespie, D. A.</name>
                  <name>Goodenough, I. R. </name>
                  <name>Hamilton, G. R.</name>
                  <name>Hawke, A. G.</name>
                  <name>Hogan, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Howarth, L. R.</name>
                  <name>Hunt, G. A.</name>
                  <name>Irons, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Joyce, B. T. G.</name>
                  <name>Katter, R. C.</name>
                  <name>Kelly, C.</name>
                  <name>Laming, A. C.</name>
                  <name>Landry, M. L.</name>
                  <name>Ley, S. P.</name>
                  <name>Littleproud, D.</name>
                  <name>Marino, N. B.</name>
                  <name>McCormack, M. F.</name>
                  <name>McIntosh, M. I.</name>
                  <name>Morrison, S. J.</name>
                  <name>Morton, B</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, E. L.</name>
                  <name>O'Brien, L. S.</name>
                  <name>O'Dowd, K. D.</name>
                  <name>Pasin, A.</name>
                  <name>Pearce, G. B.</name>
                  <name>Pitt, K. J.</name>
                  <name>Porter, C.</name>
                  <name>Ramsey, R. E. (Teller)</name>
                  <name>Simmonds, J.</name>
                  <name>Smith, A, D. H.</name>
                  <name>Stevens, J.</name>
                  <name>Sukkar, M. S.</name>
                  <name>Taylor, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Thompson, P.</name>
                  <name>van Manen, A. J.</name>
                  <name>Vasta, R. X.</name>
                  <name>Wicks, L. E.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, R. J.</name>
                  <name>Wilson, T. R.</name>
                  <name>Wood, J. P.</name>
                  <name>Wyatt, K. G.</name>
                </names>
              </noes>
              <pairs>
                <num.votes>0</num.votes>
                <title>PAIRS</title>
                <names />
              </pairs>
            </division.data>
            <division.result>
              <body>
                <p class="HPS-DivisionFooter">Question agreed to.</p>
              </body>
            </division.result>
          </division></subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>180</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:46</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr FLETCHER</name>
    <name.id>L6B</name.id>
    <electorate>Bradfield</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>():</para>
<para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Superannuation Outcomes For Australians and Helping Australian Businesses Invest) Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>180</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6800" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Superannuation Outcomes For Australians and Helping Australian Businesses Invest) Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>180</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:48</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEPHEN JONES</name>
    <name.id>A9B</name.id>
    <electorate>Whitlam</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>We'll try and get through this as soon as possible. It's been a long night for all members. The opposition will agree to the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Superannuation Outcomes For Australians and Helping Australian Businesses Invest) Bill 2021. It makes a number of important changes relating to how our superannuation system works in the interests of all Australians. The central piece of this bill is one which is Labor Party policy, something we took to the last election. It'll amend the Superannuation Guarantee Administration Act to remove the minimum monthly earning threshold of $450 for wages or salary to count towards the superannuation guarantee levy.</para>
<para>Schedule 2 concerns the First Home Super Saver Scheme and will amend Taxation Administration Act to raise the maximum releasable amount of voluntary super contributions that can be put forward towards the scheme from $30,000 to $50,000—an entirely sensible move, given house price inflation over the last two years.</para>
<para>Schedule 3 amends the Income Tax Assessment Act to reduce the age of eligibility from 65 to 60 at which Australian taxpayers can make downsizer contributions to their superannuation from the proceeds of selling homes. Again, it's a sensible move that creates mobility within the housing market and enables people to downsize and contribute surplus funds towards their superannuation savings, freeing up that cash for retirement income purposes.</para>
<para>Schedule 4 amends the same act to apply a work test to individuals aged between 67 and 75 who claim a deduction for personal superannuation contributions. Again, that's not controversial from our point of view. Schedule 5 amends the act to allow trustees of super funds to choose a method of calculating exempt pension income when they have both an accumulation phase and a retirement phase membership—something we're going to see a lot more of over the coming years as fund values increase and people transition to retirement. Again, that's a matter that we concur with the government on. Finally, schedule 6 will amend the Income Tax (Transitional Provisions) Act to extend the temporary full expensing regime by 12 months to 30 June this year.</para>
<para>I want to take the rare opportunity in a chamber which is usually full of rancour to congratulate the senator from Victoria, Senator Hume, who has personally worked hard to ensure that what was Labor Party policy is now government policy and soon to be law in relation to the $450 threshold. It's an incredibly important issue, particularly for women and gig workers or workers who have multiple jobs, none of whom would earn, individually, $450 a month. This will benefit low-paid workers, and it has widespread support across the business community and the union movement. I thank the unions who have been involved in the campaign. It's a particularly important issue for retail workers, hospitality industry workers and gig workers. It's a sensible move.</para>
<para>I won't detain the House anymore. We've all been here a long time. Let's not waste too much time in agreeing.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:51</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr BURKE</name>
    <name.id>DYW</name.id>
    <electorate>Watson</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I join in speaking in favour of the Treasury Laws Amendment (Enhancing Superannuation Outcomes For Australians and Helping Australian Businesses Invest) Bill 2021. I won't use anything like the time that's been allocated. This legislation and now this policy—going from being a partisan policy to something that is supported by the government and the opposition—will change people's lives in retirement and change them fundamentally. In particular, it will change what it means to go into retirement for working women.</para>
<para>For a long time now, there has been a rule where, if you earn less than $450 in a calendar month, the employer pays no superannuation. As we've moved to a situation with more people in insecure work—particularly people working multiple jobs—we've ended up with a situation where you have a significant number of people who in fact do earn more than $450 a month but earn it across a number of workplaces, and, month by month, they end up receiving no superannuation. We end up with people with wildly fluctuating hours, where in some months they do get superannuation and in some months they don't. This is particularly significant for the workers who I used to represent, in a different job, in retail. I would see endless situations not only of people missing out on superannuation but of rostering being deliberately done in a way that you could save 10 per cent on your wages budget if you could keep the workers earning below $450 a month. That incentive was never the intention of this policy. This policy was back in the days when superannuation was all filled out by hand. It wasn't automated. That was to try to minimise the paperwork. That's where this originally came from.</para>
<para>Now that we're in an automated system across payrolls, there is no justification, and the outcome has been horrific. According to the ACTU, 'The threshold currently denies low-paid working women $59 million in super contributions every year.' The Association of Superannuation Funds of Australia estimates the change will benefit more than 300,000 lower income workers, with something like 63 per cent of them being women. A large number of these workers during that period last year when you could access your super but JobKeeper had not yet been established used their super because they had no other choice when they needed to get by, and reduced their superannuation accounts to zero. We have a large number of Australians who have less super now than they had years ago. At that time, around three million people took around $36 billion out of their superannuation accounts. Throughout the life of the scheme, according to Industry Super Australia, a total of 725,000 people effectively drained their superannuation accounts, leaving them with less money of their own in their retirement and potentially a greater cost to the taxpayer in future years. It will be a huge example of intergenerational theft.</para>
<para>This measure provides a way through which will make a real difference. It deals with one of the consequences of the chronic problems we have with insecure work and multiple jobs within Australia. In commending the bill to the House, I would also urge the government, as there are not many days left in the Senate, to please schedule this in government business and get it through so the money starts getting into people's superannuation accounts.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>182</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:56</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>182</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>182</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:57</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That government business order of the day No. 5, National Disability Insurance Scheme Amendment (Participant Service Guarantee and Other Measures) Bill 2021, be postponed until the next sitting.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BILLS</title>
        <page.no>182</page.no>
        <type>BILLS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Corporate Collective Investment Vehicle Framework and Other Measures Bill 2021</title>
          <page.no>182</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.text>
          <body background="" style="" xmlns:w="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/wordprocessingml/2006/main" xmlns:a="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/main" xmlns:o="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" xmlns:v="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:vml" xmlns:wx="http://schemas.microsoft.com/office/word/2003/auxHint" xmlns:aml="http://schemas.microsoft.com/aml/2001/core" xmlns:pic="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/picture" xmlns:w10="urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:word" xmlns:wp="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/drawingml/2006/wordprocessingDrawing" xmlns:r="http://schemas.openxmlformats.org/officeDocument/2006/relationships">
            <a href="r6817" type="Bill">
              <p class="HPS-SubDebate" style="direction:ltr;unicode-bidi:normal;">
                <span class="HPS-SubDebate">Corporate Collective Investment Vehicle Framework and Other Measures Bill 2021</span>
              </p>
            </a>
          </body>
        </subdebate.text><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Second Reading</title>
            <page.no>182</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:58</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr CHALMERS</name>
    <name.id>37998</name.id>
    <electorate>Rankin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Given it's two minutes before 5 am, I'm reading the room and I suspect people want me to be relatively brief! Labor supports the Corporate Collective Investment Vehicle Framework and Other Measures Bill. We'll be voting for it. It's a combination of minor measures and major measures, some which were promised some years ago and some which we've called for, including things like loss carry-back. So, from a Labor point of view, we'll be voting for it here and in the other place.</para>
<para>We've got views about how we boost business investment. The lack of business investment has been a big issue in the economy not just for the last couple of years but for much of the last decade. That's why we need to get things like cleaner and cheaper energy and a better NBN, and get the skills mix right with A Future Made in Australia, the National Reconstruction Fund and all of those other things. But there will be another time to make the case for those policies. In the interim, Labor will be supporting this bill.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a second time.</para>
<para>Message from the Governor-General recommending appropriation announced.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Third Reading</title>
            <page.no>182</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>04:59</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr SUKKAR</name>
    <name.id>242515</name.id>
    <electorate>Deakin</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That this bill be now read a third time.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Bill read a third time.</para>
<para>House adjourned at 05:00</para>
<para>The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Llew O'Brien) took the chair at 10:00.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
  </chamber.xscript>
  <fedchamb.xscript>
    <business.start>
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          <span class="HPS-MCJobDate">
            <a href="Federation Chamber" type="">Wednesday, 9 February 2022</a>
          </span>
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          <span class="HPS-Normal">
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Mr Llew O'Brien)</span>
            <span style="font-weight:bold;">
            </span>took the chair at 10:00.</span>
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    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</title>
        <page.no>183</page.no>
        <type>CONSTITUENCY STATEMENTS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queen's Commonwealth Canopy, Macarthur Electorate: Infrastructure</title>
          <page.no>183</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Dr FREELANDER</name>
    <name.id>265979</name.id>
    <electorate>Macarthur</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>As a staunch republican I'm probably the last person one would expect to see here speaking about the Queen's Platinum Jubilee. Alas, here I am. This week marks 70 years since the Queen ascended to the throne. Why am I speaking about this? Campbelltown's koalas. I thought that this would be the perfect opportunity to speak about a pretty exciting project that will take place across all Commonwealth nations—the Queen's Commonwealth Canopy initiative. This initiative aims to establish a network of conservation projects to preserve our wildlife. I'm advocating for one of the projects to be undertaken in my electorate to protect Campbelltown's wonderful and unique koala colony.</para>
<para>Since arriving in this chamber six years ago I've spoken consistently about the plight of Macarthur's koalas. As most members would know, Campbelltown is home to a unique disease-free koala colony. This colony faces a great deal of threat from habitat destruction. Unfortunately, because of urban sprawl we need to preserve our wildlife corridors to ensure our beloved koalas' survival. Time and again I have sought to work with the New South Wales and the federal Liberal governments to bring about desperately-needed protections for our wonderful koala colony. Unfortunately, thus far the governments have failed to come to the table.</para>
<para>The Queen's Commonwealth Canopy initiative aims to improve our biodiversity through the undertaking of reforestation projects across the globe, preserving our wildlife for future generations. I can think of no project more worthy than the protection of our koala colonies through the conservation of bushland along the Georges River and the Nepean River catchment areas. I recently had the pleasure of working with the Country Women's Association, who are spearheading this proposal. I'm very proud of the work they've done. I also thank Labor's shadow environment spokesperson, Terri Butler, who took the time to meet with the group and me to discuss this exciting proposal. The ball is now in the court of the governments, both state and federal. We are putting this proposal on a platinum platter. We ask the government, after years of neglect, to at least do something to try to protect our wonderful koalas.</para>
<para>I'd also like to say that the residents in the newer suburbs of my electorate of Gregory Hills, Gledswood Hills, Leppington, Oran Park, Harrington Park and Catherine Park have been sold a lie by state governments. I won't stand for it. Many of our local residents were under the false illusion that their suburbs and communities would be served by a train station and by schools. The state Liberal government has done nothing and they have been left in the lurch, having to transport their children long distances by car to go to school. This is a tragedy. This is something that should never have happened. I condemn the government.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Goldstein Electorate: Australia Day Awards, Beijing Winter Olympic Games</title>
          <page.no>183</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:03</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr TIM WILSON</name>
    <name.id>IMW</name.id>
    <electorate>Goldstein</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>The Goldstein electorate is a proud one because it is built on the success of its citizens, families and communities coming together to build the foundation of the strength of our nation. Each Australia Day we honour and celebrate those Australians who have taken responsibility for the wellbeing of not only themselves but our community and our nation as well.</para>
<para>Goldstein is excited to have 11 local recipients recognised this year in the Australia Day awards, including Mr John Wylie AC—the highest honour that can be afforded—for eminent service to the community through leadership in the sporting, cultural, philanthropic and business sectors; Dr Mimi Colligan AM for significant service to community history and heritage preservation; Ms Mary Duffy AM for significant service to medicine in the field of lung cancer; Mrs Mary Dawes OAM for service to the community through charitable organisations—she is better known as Liz and is one of my neighbours—particularly for her incredible work through the Robert Connor Dawes Foundation and the annual Connor's Run; Mr Alan Frees OAM for service to education administration and to the law; Mr William Horsfall OAM for service to the pharmacy profession; and Mr Jamie Hyams OAM, who will forever be a councillor in my view—he's a former councillor for the City of Glen Eira. Congratulations, Jamie OAM, for your service to local government and to the community of Glen Eira but also, of course, for the incredible work and support you have always provided to one of the communities that enriches the Goldstein social fabric, which is the Jewish community.</para>
<para>There was also Ms Jessica Morrison OAM for service to sport as a gold medallist at the Tokyo Olympic Games in 2020; Dr James Taylor OAM for service to emergency medicine and to the community; Mr Colin Dobson PSM for outstanding public service to education in the great state of Victoria; and Inspector Caroline West APM for her service to the community. Individuals create a stronger society through their charity by voluntarily applying their efforts to improve the community as a whole. Those who take that sense of responsibility are the foundation and the strength of our nation. We congratulate Goldstein's Australia Day honour recipients and thank them for their service. In the coming months we will have those for the Queen's Birthday as well.</para>
<para>I would also like to give a big shout-out to Brighton local Brodie Summers, who represented Australia at the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics. He has already completed. Well done, Brodie, and congratulations on your incredible achievements in getting into international sport—as we have many who participated in the summer Olympics as well. It's an incredible achievement and not just for yourself but for your family and friends who supported you to achieve and realise your dreams. Congratulations on your efforts and best wishes for the future.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Gold Coast Airport</title>
          <page.no>184</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:06</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs ELLIOT</name>
    <name.id>DZW</name.id>
    <electorate>Richmond</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to talk about the curfew at the Gold Coast Airport. Locals are extremely concerned that the Morrison government has recently announced plans to change the curfew for the airport to allow more flights to occur within the curfew times. Currently planes are not allowed to take off and land between 11 pm and 6 am Queensland time, which is, of course, midnight and 7am New South Wales time. There are exceptions to this for exceptional circumstances or emergencies, and that's totally understandable and necessary. There is also a provision for four permits to be issued per week for freight movement outside those hours. During COVID, four freight flights per week were allowed due to the many supply chain issues that occurred due to the massive disruption the pandemic caused.</para>
<para>This current permit system is due to expire in April. A request has been made to extend this until December, making this permit essentially permanent, and this has caused major community concern. However, the Morrison government is pushing ahead to allow the curfew change to allow planes to take off and land earlier and later. If the government gets away with this it would just the thin edge of the wedge. It will lead to more flights over our homes, both in my electorate in northern New South Wales and north over the border on the Gold Coast.</para>
<para>I do want to strongly acknowledge the important role the airport plays in our region, firstly, of course, for travel, whether it be work, recreation, family or medical reasons and freight movements. There are massive benefits that the airport brings, especially as an economic driver in our region, particularly in terms of employment. But equally important is the curfew to ensure the amenity of those who are living within the footprint of the flight paths and it is absolutely vital that that be maintained. Our community have had insufficient time to raise their concerns about these changes, with written submissions relating to these latest changes closing on 25 February. That is not enough time. For this reason, I have started a community petition about this issue and, to date, thousands have signed it. All in our community are so worried about this.</para>
<para>This final decision, the final determination, is one primarily of the Deputy Prime Minister, the minister for transport. He can make this decision. He must listen to our community and keep our curfew as it is. The amenity of locals is so vitally important.</para>
<para>I say to my community on the North Coast of New South Wales and to those on the Gold Coast, who are equally impacted: please sign my petition and let's send the Liberals and Nationals a very strong message. Together, let's stop the Morrison government's plans to change the airport curfew at Gold Coast Airport.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Lindsay Electorate: Australia Day Awards</title>
          <page.no>184</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:09</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mrs McINTOSH</name>
    <name.id>281513</name.id>
    <electorate>Lindsay</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I want to acknowledge the dedicated and selfless local Lindsay Australians who were acknowledged on the honours list on Australia Day for their outstanding contributions to teaching, history, sport and medicine. Local GP Dr Harald Alexander Pope—affectionately known in Penrith as Dr Harry Pope—received the Medal of the Order of Australia for improving the health and wellbeing outcomes of so many people in our community. Dr Pope has advocated for veterans as a medico-legal adviser lecturer at the University of Western Sydney. He was chairman of the Macarthur Division of General Practice and a civilian doctor for the Royal Australian Air Force. Across Western Sydney he has supervised medical centres and selflessly consulted five generations within one family. We've seen firsthand how important our health practitioners are, and this was never more evident than during the pandemic. Our community is richer for having Dr Pope, and I thank him for his wonderful service.</para>
<para>Last year our community cheered on Jessica Fox. I've known Jessica since she was a young girl and I was so proud, as we all were, when she won gold and bronze at the Tokyo Olympics. Having won over 16 medals at the ICF Canoe Slalom World Championships and as an eight-time world champion, she is the greatest individual paddler of all time. Jessica was awarded the Order of Australia medal for her contribution to sport, and watching her proud dad Richard on the night she won gold I can say that I know both Richard and her mum Myriam are so proud of Jessica. At just 27 years old, she has an incredibly bright and wonderful future and she is a true inspiration not only for my community but right across Australia. I took the Treasurer to meet Jessica recently, and I know he is incredibly proud of her too.</para>
<para>Local foundation headmaster at Penrith Anglican College and foundation deputy headmaster at St Paul's Grammar School, Mr Barry Roots, was also awarded the OAM for his pioneering work in the education sector. He's been chairman of the new Anglican Schools Corporation. When Penrith Anglican College first began in 1997, there were 132 students and that grew to over 1,000 when he retired. Thank you, Barry, for your enormous contribution to education not only in our local community but across the state and internationally.</para>
<para>Finally, I want to acknowledge the work of Major Kenneth John McKay, a local resident of Cambridge Park and a retired major. He was a platoon commander in the reserves and served our community for over 30 years in the Army Reserve. Major McKay has also served as both secretary and treasurer of the Army Museum of New South Wales Foundation. Thank you so much for the incredible work you have done in our community and your service to Australia. To all of our award recipients, thank you: you show our community is overflowing with community spirit.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Warringah Electorate: Businesses</title>
          <page.no>185</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:12</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms STEGGALL</name>
    <name.id>175696</name.id>
    <electorate>Warringah</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Businesses in Warringah are in dire straits. In their words, 'Right now is the worst we've experienced since the pandemic started two years ago.' The omicron summer destroyed consumer confidence. Most businesses missed the Christmas retail trading bounce, and that is extending into the year as people are avoiding shops and cafes. We need to rebuild consumer confidence.</para>
<para>For some businesses in Manly, up to 60 per cent of their annual turnover is collected during the summer break. One cafe in Mosman had to close doors for three weeks, because they did not have enough staff. Again, this is what should have been the busiest time of the year. International border closures and subsequent skilled worker shortages are biting hard. This is made worse by the lacklustre provision of rapid antigen tests for businesses, isolation requirements and their effect on staff availability. Other businesses have to rotate staff between venues or are closing at the last minute, because they don't have enough people to open the doors.</para>
<para>These issues are resulting in severe cash flow problems. These businesses are exhausted. They have no more credit and they have no end in sight, so I welcome the business support package by the New South Wales government which will go some way to helping businesses recover. However, I was extremely disappointed to see Treasurer Frydenberg and the federal government decline the invitation to partner with the New South Wales government and support our local businesses. We have to make sure that these businesses get through these additional variants of COVID or all that money spent in support will have been for nothing.</para>
<para>I welcome the reopening of international borders on Monday. It will bring back tourism and welcome holiday visa holders to supply and assist businesses. But we have to be clear: the belated announcement that rapid antigen tests are now going to be tax-deductible doesn't really help all the people who've been buying them for weeks without being able to keep receipts because they weren't back then. Those decisions need to be made quickly. Last week I had urgent meetings with Manly and Mosman chambers of commerce, and those businesses are very clear. They have clear asks that I've conveyed to Treasurer Frydenberg but have had no response on.</para>
<para>The isolation requirements for close contacts are incredibly difficult if those people are asymptomatic and have tested negative. We need healthy workers to be participating in the workforce. We need a pay-as-you-go rebate that could incentivise businesses to keep their doors open. It would be particularly useful in the hospitality and retail sectors. We need a financial assistance scheme that supports businesses that have lost more than 30 per cent of turnover. These policies would support a faster recovery from the latest wave of the omicron variant. Don't be fooled. Just because unemployment numbers are low does not mean that businesses are not struggling. We need to make sure we get them through every variant of COVID.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Inland Rail</title>
          <page.no>185</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:15</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr O'DOWD</name>
    <name.id>139441</name.id>
    <electorate>Flynn</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I would like to talk today about the case to connect Inland Rail from Gladstone to Toowoomba and then on to Melbourne. A business case study is underway and $10 million has been allocated for this important infrastructure project. Key infrastructure modelling will identify quicker freight times to Asia, lowering the supply chain costs. It will enable $15 billion of resource investment into the region, around Wandoan and Taroom, and bring forward the building of Nathan Dam, which has been on the books since 1928. It's time something was done there.</para>
<para>The Gladstone port enables the largest of ships—we already have coal ships and gas ships, the biggest in the world, taking product out of Gladstone. There will be 18,000 extra jobs in regional Queensland. It will develop the fourth major container port in eastern Australia. It's very cost effective and will be three years quicker to construct. It will remove coal trains from Brisbane that are no longer desired to be running through parts of the city.</para>
<para>Australian freight is growing with our exports and imports. Demand for our resources and agricultural products is forever increasing. Currently, the 1,700-kilometre Brisbane to Melbourne line does not connect to a port. I find this very strange. Acacia Ridge to Brisbane port is another 38 kilometres. It's 11 kilometres from Tottenham to the Melbourne port. This will increase truck movements within Brisbane and Melbourne, already heavily congested. It will create disruptions to Brisbane residents by heavy civil constructions in urban areas, tunnels et cetera.</para>
<para>The Gladstone port is the largest multicommodity port in Queensland and has existing rail links to all berths in Gladstone. There are already 20-odd berths in Gladstone Harbour. There is plenty of land adjoining the port and deep water capable of handling Capesize ships. Dual shipping lanes are already in existence. It ticks all the boxes. Mr Deputy Speaker O'Brien, it will also help your seat of Wide Bay.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>van Moorst, Mr Harry</title>
          <page.no>186</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:18</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms RYAN</name>
    <name.id>249224</name.id>
    <electorate>Lalor</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>It is with deep sadness that I rise today to speak on the passing of Harry van Moorst. I rise to pay tribute to my friend and to a leader in my community. Our community lost a humble, fiercely intelligent giant, a campaigner for the environment and for social justice. Harry passed in the palliative care unit at Werribee Mercy Hospital yesterday.</para>
<para>Harry and partner Suzi Graham came to live in Werribee when Harry began to work as a lecturer in community development at the then newly opened Victoria University's Werribee campus. He was already an established campaigner for social justice, having led the Victorian Vietnam moratorium and been key in the community-led coalition against poverty and unemployment.</para>
<para>Locally, though, he is best known for his work to protect the environment and our community with the Werribee Residents Against Toxic Dump, locally known as WRATD. This committee fought and defeated a CSR proposal for a toxic waste facility that was supported by the Kennett Liberal government. On an historic win, members of the WRATD committee dissolved the entity and created the Western Region Environment Centre, with Harry as inaugural director. It's remit was about education and action, and Harry did both beautifully. Bluntly, whenever there was an issue of concern to locals, a call would go out to Harry to test the veracity of the situation. His knowledge of environmental and community issues and his capacity to organise and create inclusive grassroots movements and link people with like or supportive organisations were legendary. He was committed to building an inclusive, cohesive, fair society.</para>
<para>His local contribution stretched across decades, from presenting to local history classes to recently supporting a committee formed to represent locals in a battle to find a more appropriate site for a state government youth detention centre. Harry was always willing to assist because he believed community meant working together. In our community, where that is our full-time job, building community in new developments, Harry was an absolute angel.</para>
<para>He leaves behind a grieving family. To Suzi Graham, his partner; to his children, Tom, Monica, Kim and Mallory, who rallied during his final months to give support to him and Suzi; to the foster children who became part of their family over many years—to all of them I give my deepest sympathy on behalf of our broader community. He was a modest man and he mentored a generation of activists. Harry, thank you for what you taught me and for what you taught our community.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Barker Electorate: Australia Day Awards</title>
          <page.no>186</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:21</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PASIN</name>
    <name.id>240756</name.id>
    <electorate>Barker</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Every year on 26 January Australians reflect on what it means to be Australian. For me, Australia Day is a reminder of the tremendous freedoms we enjoy and how lucky we are to live in the greatest nation on earth. It's also a reminder of the true Aussie spirit to work hard, to contribute to community—that sense of mateship and of belonging and of course prosperity. Irrespective of our place of birth, we are united by common Australian values. While the COVID pandemic has been a challenging time for many, in true Australian spirit we've risen to the challenge. Indeed, it's in these tough times that we see what makes our nation really shine. This is truly a nation of freedom and opportunity, even in tough times.</para>
<para>As Australians we continue to strive to better ourselves while at the same time supporting others. Australia wouldn't be the country it is without the ethos of incredibly hard work and selfless dedication of many of its citizens. Barker is home to some amazing communities made up of ordinary men and women who do extraordinary things. This year some of those men and women were recognised in the Australia Day honours. I'd like to take this opportunity to acknowledge those citizens of Barker, who make a real difference to their community and were acknowledged on the day. For distinguished service to the tourism and hospitality industries as a cook, restaurateur and author, and to aged welfare, Mrs Maggie Beer of Tanunda received an Officer of the Order of Australia. For significant service to the community of the Barossa through a range of roles, Mrs Margaret Lehmann of Stone Well was made a member of the Order of Australia. For services to the community through a range of roles, Valerie Fewster of Berri received a Medal of the Order of Australia; for services to literature, Mr Clive Tilsley of Angaston, Medal of the Order of Australia; for service to veterans and their families, Margaret—or Margie—Winterfield of Mount Gambier, Medal of the Order of Australia; and for service to Australia through a range of roles, Mr Gary Davis of Millicent, Medal of the Order of Australia. In the meritorious awards, Mr Mark Connelly received a Public Service Medal for outstanding public service to achieving outcomes for the Anangu communities.</para>
<para>These seven Australians from across Barker all have one thing in common: their selfless commitment to community. It is this service and that of many others like them across the country that makes Australia great, and for that I am thankful to them, for their contribution and for their personal sacrifices. They've made the community I live in a better place to live, work and raise a family, and, more than that, they've made our nation stronger and better for their contribution.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Bui, Dr Cuong Trong, OAM, AM, Passfield, Mr Patrick Thomas</title>
          <page.no>187</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:23</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DICK</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate>Oxley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>Today I rise to congratulate local hero Dr Cuong Bui, who was appointed a member of the Order of Australia in the recent Australia Day honours. A caring GP, refugee advocate and multicultural leader in Queensland, Dr Bui is a true hero of our community, particularly among his fellow members of the Vietnamese community here in Australia. For over 40 years, as part of the Vietnamese Community in Australia Queensland Chapter, he's been a leader and champion. Dr Bui has previously been awarded an OAM and is recognised for his outstanding service to Queensland's Vietnamese community and to the medical profession. I was pleased to strongly support his new honours award.</para>
<para>I count Dr Bui as a dear personal friend, someone who has assisted me, advised me with wise counsel and partnered with me to speak out on freedom and democracy for Vietnam, shining a light and making sure we never forget the trauma and horrific loss of life of those who suffered during the Vietnam War. He has done so much to ensure that Vietnamese Australians and their families are such a vital part of our rich multicultural community. I'm extremely proud of his achievements, as are the people of Oxley and the wider community, and I thank both him and his gracious wife, Dr Kim, who have served our community so well. Well done, Dr Cuong Bui AM.</para>
<para>On a much sadder note, it is with much sadness that I express my condolences to the family of Mr Pat Passfield, who passed away on Thursday 27 January 2022. Pat was known simply as 'Positive Pat' and has been referred to as a modern-day Forrest Gump and a doctor's delight. But whatever his nicknames were, Patrick Passfield was a legend in our community. You see, when Pat arrived at Wesley Mission Queensland's Jacobs Court aged-care community in June 2012, he was in a wheelchair. He'd just been through brain surgery, but he was determined to be up and walking by Christmas. And, of course, anyone who had the pleasure of knowing him through the following years knows that he did just that—and much, much more. He clocked over 21,000 kilometres, walking to raise money for vital pieces of equipment for residents of Youngcare at Sinnamon Village in my electorate.</para>
<para>I know from talking to Pat over the years that he was always first on the phone, making sure that his community was looked after and that those who were disadvantaged were always put first. Positive Pat will be sorely missed by our community. He was a great mate of mine and I valued his wise counsel. I send my condolences to all of his family, particularly his sister, to whom I spoke a couple of weeks ago. Rest in peace, Pat. You've earned a rest.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Tasmania: Economy</title>
          <page.no>187</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:26</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr PEARCE</name>
    <name.id>282306</name.id>
    <electorate>Braddon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>One thing I'll never shy away from is the importance of having a job. Not only does employment provide security in life; it also instils a sense of self-worth. It gets us out and about in our community and provides us with ongoing opportunities, and it makes our lives better. It instils pride.</para>
<para>There's no doubt that COVID-19 has put the brakes on our economy and tested employers and workers like never before. But the Morrison government has kept its word to Australia's businesses and their workers. We've promised to guide our economy through the greatest economic shock in 100 years, and we've delivered. Today, the national unemployment rate is at a 13-year low. In the great state of Tasmania there are record numbers of workers employed, and unemployment was at 3.9 per cent in the month of December. Our businesses are the most confident in the nation, and that's exciting, because confident businesses create jobs and drive our economy forward.</para>
<para>But our recovery is not without its challenges. Across the north-west, the West Coast and King Island, one of the greatest threats we face to our economic recovery is the fact that we have more jobs now than people to fill them. This is something I'm hearing from businesses each and every day. And we're talking about good jobs. We're talking about smart jobs, great employers and wonderful opportunities to get ahead.</para>
<para>Late last year I hosted the Burnie Jobs Fair on the north-west coast. It was the second fair that I'd hosted in the electorate. In Burnie, 439 jobs were on offer, including 21 apprenticeships and traineeships. Whether you are 18 or 68, if you are looking for a job or looking to reskill or upskill, jobs fairs link you directly to employers, as well as to the people who can tell you about the skills that you'll need to get the job of your dreams. I'm determined to remove any barriers that prevent jobseekers from easily and seamlessly making that link with employment opportunities in the region. A major part of that has being rolling out the new Burnie campus of the University of Tasmania and the higher education study hubs in Zeehan and Smithton. A good job starts with good education, and these higher education centres fill the voids that have historically existed within our region.</para>
<para>Today I say to every jobseeker in the region: whether you're looking at education or training or, in fact, a great job, there has never been a better time to shape your future for a more positive outcome.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>74046</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>In accordance with standing order 193, the time for members' statements has concluded.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>MOTIONS</title>
        <page.no>188</page.no>
        <type>MOTIONS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Queen Elizabeth II: Platinum Jubilee</title>
          <page.no>188</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:30</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr DICK</name>
    <name.id>53517</name.id>
    <electorate>Oxley</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>By celebrating her Platinum Jubilee, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II has achieved what no other British monarch has in history. For 70 years she has presided over the Commonwealth. Across these decades, her enduring dedication and unwavering sense of purpose have inspired literally generations. Queen Elizabeth cemented her special place in the heart and history of Australia when she became the first reigning sovereign to visit our shores. When the 27-year-old sailed into Sydney Harbour on 3 February 1954, she all but stopped the nation. Her arrival attracted an estimated one million onlookers in a city with a population of just over two million. Those who couldn't be there in person listened to ABC radio's nationwide coverage of the historic occasion. The trip was an unrivalled cultural moment for Australia, and it cemented the Queen in the heart of our nation. And, while we celebrate her Platinum Jubilee milestone, it is not, as we've heard, without its own sadness.</para>
<para>Prince Philip, Queen Elizabeth's partner in life and a constant source of support throughout these years of leadership, we know is, sadly, no longer by her side. Of course, Queen Elizabeth's rise to the throne all those years ago came in the wake of a profound personal tragedy. It's difficult to imagine the sheer emotion of this time for the Queen, to have these two hugely consequential life events linked to each other: one a beginning, the other an end. And, more than a year after this tragedy, on 2 June 1953 Princess Elizabeth was crowned Queen at Westminster Abbey. The delay was out of respect to the memory of her father, George VI, and allowed time for the preparation of the televised ceremony. The elaborate occasion was beamed to the homes of millions of people across the globe, bringing together both tradition and innovation. It is this mix of the ancient and the modern that has gone on to be a defining feature of her reign, a reign that has seen humanity grow and change and has seen our world become, in some ways, much smaller, as our ability to connect across the seas has soared to new heights.</para>
<para>What has not changed, however, is the Australian people's enduring respect and admiration for our Queen Elizabeth. On the Queen's visits to Brisbane, my grandmother, who was working at David Jones in Queen Street, in the women's fashion department, used to chuck a sickie so she could go and see the Queen. She took my mother and my aunts so that they would be first in line, to make sure that they got a glimpse of the Queen. When I was growing up, my grandmother always had cut-out photos of the Queen, and she also had calendars and fine china dedicated to all the anniversaries and major milestones in the Royal Family. I know that in my electorate of Oxley, when I visit constituents to mark a remarkable birthday, like a 100th birthday, they are absolutely brimming with pride at their very own letter from the Queen. It is usually the first thing that they show me. I'll turn up there as the local federal member with a certificate and letter, which are quickly pushed out of the way so that they can show me that the letter from the Queen is sitting there, normally in pride of place next to some flowers. But that is a generation that would remember the Queen's first visit in 1954, when three-quarters of the population lined the streets to see her in person. When I'm talking to older people in the community, many remember that moment and speak about it with such joy. For that generation, Queen Elizabeth is part of their personal history and our national identity.</para>
<para>On behalf of the people of Oxley, I extend my best wishes to the Queen on this incredible milestone. The Platinum Jubilee will be celebrated across the world in recognition of service to people. I thank you, Your Majesty, for the dedication you've displayed in the service to the Commonwealth and your deep and abiding commitment to Australia and her people.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:35</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr STEVENS</name>
    <name.id>176304</name.id>
    <electorate>Sturt</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to support the address commemorating the 70th anniversary of Her Majesty's ascension to the throne. Hers is a truly remarkable achievement—and I think we should call it an achievement, because it is an unbelievable life of service. She is already the longest-serving monarch in the history of the Crown—and there are different reference points you could choose as to the age of the monarchy; if we go back to the Norman conquest in 1066, then the Crown is coming up on 1,000 years. Apart from a brief unfortunate period in the 17th century, it has been continuous. She's the first monarch to reach 70 years from ascension. I dearly hope she makes 70 years from coronation, and I have confidence in that. It is a remarkable achievement, and I pay tribute to the service she has given to what was known as the British Empire, which, when she became Queen, we would now call the Commonwealth.</para>
<para>Of course, in this country we're a proud member of the Commonwealth of Australia, but a lot of my family heritage is English. Three-quarters of the branches of my family tree come from the United Kingdom. My grandfather—my only grandparent who is still alive—migrated here about two years after Her Majesty ascended to the throne in 1952. When she became Queen, hundreds of thousands of her British subjects chose to become Australian subjects, moving from the United Kingdom to this country. The start of her reign, and many decades afterwards, was a period of great postwar migration to this country, predominantly from the United Kingdom and then of course more broadly from Europe. Now we live in a modern multicultural nation, of which she is our head of state, where we happily have migration from all across the planet. But in the early decades of her reign there was an enormous number of British subjects coming to this country.</para>
<para>Sir Robert Menzies was Prime Minister of Australia at the time and Sir Winston Churchill was the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. I think, 70 years later, I can tell a rather interesting story about the coronation. Quite a famous Adelaide journalist called Stuart Coburn was Sir Robert Menzies's press secretary at the time. In fact, his stepdaughter is now the Governor of South Australia. He was married to Jennifer Cashmore, who was a state Liberal minister in South Australia and is Governor Adamson's mother. But Stuart Coburn was Sir Robert's press secretary and so travelled with Sir Robert to the coronation in 1953. A very famous photograph was taken of the Commonwealth heads of state, of which Sir Robert of course was one, and Sir Winston Churchill was in the photo with Her Majesty that evening. The press secretaries were duly given a copy of this photo to give to each of the heads of state as a very significant memento.</para>
<para>Well, Stuart never did that; he pocketed the photograph and kept it for his own purposes. Sir Robert was never to know that that was a memento passed on to him. Only a few years ago Jennifer Cashmore, at a local Liberal Party fundraiser, said: 'I've got an item that we might choose to donate. It could be of some interest. It's one of only 16 photographs taken of Her Majesty with the Commonwealth heads of state, and the other 15 are probably very proudly on display in some very significant locations across the Commonwealth.' So, that photograph is now happily in my possession, because I thought it was a pretty good auction item to acquire at a local Liberal Party branch meeting five or six years ago.</para>
<para>It's been an unbelievable 70 years—70 years of great change in this country and across the Commonwealth, which Her Majesty heads. It's been particularly poignant to have the constancy of her reign through that period. Some of the nations in what we called the 'empire' have gained their independence. We have confronted that question in this country, and I'm happy—very happy—with the decision that was made back with the referendum we held in 1999. I'm a very proud supporter and defender of our constitutional monarchy. That's not just because of the fact of the monarchy; I support the Westminster system and our system of government here. I think we have an excellent set of checks and balances. We have an excellent democracy, and it is all the more robust by having the Crown as a part of that. I can't understand how we could have the same strength of democracy if we changed our system of government in this nation.</para>
<para>We've had moments, of course, over her reign that have tested people's faith in our system: the 1975 dismissal, obviously, was one of those. I won't provoke people in this room by delving into my strong view that it was a very sensible and correct decision made by the Governor-General of the day. Nonetheless, we are, on some measures, the sixth-oldest democracy in the world; we have the sixth-oldest constitution, which of course came into effect in 1901. It was signed by Queen Victoria in 1900, when the bill went through the parliament in Westminster to ratify our Constitution and create our nation.</para>
<para>When King George VI passed away, Sir Winston Churchill addressed what was then the entire British Empire and probably the whole world at the time. He reflected on the king, his demise and the throne, and on the new era under Queen Elizabeth II. He talked about having been born in the era of Queen Victoria—the Victorian era—and how exciting it was as a young boy to live in the Victorian era. He reflected on the renewed excitement he had about living in a new Elizabethan era. Queen Elizabeth I certainly reigned over a period of time that was exciting, tumultuous and very significant—even so 500 years or more later, particularly if you're an American or a member of the Church of England! Equally, I don't think it's disrespectful to say that this new Elizabethan era will definitely be known as the Elizabethan era. It won't be questioned in any way as being an unbelievable70 years, and hopefully many more, of great change in this nation, in the Commonwealth, the British Isles and Great Britain, and also as a period of relative stability and strengthening of democratic institutions and other institutions of which Her Majesty is the head.</para>
<para>I am very lucky and grateful to be able to say that my entire life has been lived during the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. I hope it still is for many, many years to come, and I think we can all be grateful for what we have had so far in the 70 years of her reign. Specifically for this nation, I think those things are the stability of her reign and her leadership; the time she has spent in our country; and the interest she shows in Australia and Australian subjects, which have been much appreciated and inspirational to all Australians for the last 70 years, and before that.</para>
<para>In contributing to this address, I congratulate her Majesty on Her 70 years. I thank her for what she has done for this country and for the entire Commonwealth over the period of her reign. I hope there are many, many years of her reign to come and I'm very proud to live in a country and serve in a parliament that has, at its apex, a great institution that is the monarchy. She is, of course, the Queen of Australia and we wish her very well on these 70 years and on many more years into the future.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:44</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms ROWLAND</name>
    <name.id>159771</name.id>
    <electorate>Greenway</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>In 1947, on Her Majesty's 21st birthday, the future Queen declared a life of service to the Commonwealth:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I declare before you all that my whole life whether it be long or short shall be devoted to your service …</para></quote>
<para>Indeed, throughout her seven-decade reign, the challenges of war, the pandemic and various economic woes, domestically and abroad, Her Majesty's dedication to service has remained constant. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II is already the longest-serving monarch in Britain's history, and this year Her Majesty the Queen will become the first Australian monarch to celebrate a platinum jubilee in honour of her 70 years of service.</para>
<para>Across the world, Her Majesty is held in the highest regard for her unwavering sense of duty to the people of the Commonwealth. Her grace, dignity and often subtle sense of humour have earned Her Majesty the widespread respect of citizens of the Commonwealth and beyond. Her Majesty's commitment to creating a Commonwealth with 'a more powerful influence for good in the world' is one that has been unwavering. Admirably, Her Majesty the Queen has supported almost 3,000 charities worldwide, raising an accumulative 1.4 billion euros, as revealed by the Charities Aid Foundation. Notably, the Queen has elevated contributions towards cancer research, the Red Cross and Barnardos. Her Majesty's charitable support is exceptional and has been exemplary for leaders internationally.</para>
<para>I commend Her Majesty the Queen on this momentous anniversary. On behalf of the people of Greenway, I thank Her Majesty for her tireless service. We honour Her Majesty's dedication over seven decades. As I'm sure my colleagues here will reflect, there is a request just about every week for a picture of Her Majesty. People are excited to request it and even more excited to receive it, and that is wonderful to see. Whether in support of a republic or the monarchy, it is my opinion—and, I think, the opinion of many—that the Queen has served the Commonwealth in the best manner possible. I voted for a republic. I believe in an Australian head of state. I want my daughters to be able to do anything, including possibly becoming an Australian head of state. But my support for a republic does not diminish my deep admiration for the Queen, and I say most sincerely: God save the Queen.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:47</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr McCORMACK</name>
    <name.id>219646</name.id>
    <electorate>Riverina</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm pleased to rise and add my words of congratulations to those of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition and others in this chamber. We honour and pay tribute to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II on the occasion of her Platinum Jubilee. Just consider that: 70 years of dedicated service to public life! And it's not just seven decades—even before that time, as a princess, she was doing vital charity work. She was looking at matters of importance to do with the monarchy and she was being a fine representative for that institution, which, as we've heard, has been going for around 1,000 years. She is the head of the Commonwealth. She is the Queen of Australia.</para>
<para>The people of the Riverina and the Central West have a great affinity with Her Majesty, with a deep and abiding respect and love for her, and very much admire her longevity and what she has done for people right across not just the empire of the Commonwealth but, indeed, the entire world. Since Her Majesty's coronation, Wagga Wagga in my electorate—my home town—has been very fortunate. We had a visit from the Queen in 1954. Indeed, it was Saturday 13 February, a typical hot summer's day in Wagga Wagga. The local paper, the <inline font-style="italic">Daily Advertiser</inline>, greeted that day with headlines that morning: 'Thousands pack our city', 'Wagga now dazzling', 'Special trains bringing 15,000 people to Wagga'. It was an exciting event. The mayor at the time, WF ‘Bill’ Dunne, greeted the Queen, and he was of course beside himself with joy, as were the thousands upon thousands of people who lined the streets. There were many thousands in Bolton Park. There were almost 15,000 children, and of course the Queen loves kids. They gathered in the centre of Robertson Oval and the surrounds. It is said that 500 fainted in the heat and had to be stretchered away. Just think of that! But, of course, they had a story to tell as well.</para>
<para>In 2000, when I was editor of that paper I mentioned, I was fortunate to meet Her Majesty when she visited Sydney. Her late husband, the Duke of Edinburgh, was making headlines of his own back in my home town. There was much conjecture as to whether he would wear a hairnet when he visited a cheese factory. It's said that a very good vat of cheese was disposed of because of the duke's reluctance to wear that apparel.</para>
<para>I can remember lining up in a long line of press representatives to meet the Queen. I made sure I was last in line. Whilst all the other representatives said the name of their newspaper, I merely stated that I was from Wagga Wagga and that I was very pleased to meet Her Majesty. She said to me, 'Wagga Wagga—a market town.' She remembered all those years ago visiting our city. We then had a very convivial conversation about Wagga Wagga and the season. She recalled it in detail straight off the top of her head. I was most impressed.</para>
<para>She was impressed at the time that Wagga Wagga is a garrison town. At the time it was a very important Air Force city. Of course, we are also the home of the Army recruit base where every soldier does their basic training. Now we've even got a Navy base. I'm sure Her Majesty would be impressed with that, given that we're many hundreds of kilometres from the nearest drop of seawater, such is our duty to the security of this nation.</para>
<para>The Queen is greatly admired not only here in Australia but right across the globe. Her selfless service and dedication to duty is second to none. I know Her Majesty will long be remembered and honoured for the commitment she made on the occasion of her 21st birthday, when she pledged:</para>
<quote><para class="block">I declare before you all that my whole life, whether it be long or short, shall be devoted to your service and the service of our great imperial family to which we all belong.</para></quote>
<para>It is fitting that we honour and pay tribute to Her Majesty for her life of achievement and service—service above self, a life of service that should and no doubt does inspire many. To do good works in our community—to quote the Rotary motto—is service above self, and she has done that in spades. We only have to look at the recipients of awards within the Australian honours system, which Her Majesty is the sovereign head. These are everyday Australians going about their lives volunteering, doing good and putting others above themselves. Her Majesty, as the head of the order, is a shining example of that and represents the finest qualities of life.</para>
<para>My electorate offices receive many requests for portraits of the Queen. Interest in her and our system of government is very much alive and well, whether it is the RSL clubs, school students, veterans, scouts, girl guides or newly-arrived immigrants to Australia. Her Majesty is an abiding symbol of the connectedness of our Commonwealth family, a link to our past, what we represent now and a beacon for our future. May we all draw inspiration from the many years of service of the Queen. We salute and congratulate her. We will of course honour and celebrate this remarkable achievement in different ways across the country, as we are. I look forward to being able to recognise this significant milestone in the Riverina and Central West throughout the coming anniversary year. I congratulate Her Majesty the Queen. May she long reign. God save the Queen.</para>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>10:53</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MADELEINE KING</name>
    <name.id>102376</name.id>
    <electorate>Brand</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I rise to add my voice to the others congratulating the Queen on the celebration of her Platinum Jubilee—a remarkable 70 years on the throne, which the Queen acceded to on 6 February 1952. When I think about what has happened during her long reign I can't help but wonder what she has lived through and how the world has completely changed. In 1952 the Second World War had barely finished and its impacts were still being felt across the world, including food and fuel rations in the UK; the Cold War was just starting; television was new and not yet available in Australia; and the sun never set over the British Empire.</para>
<para>Over the coming years the Queen witnessed the space race and the moon landing, the emergence of the European Union from the war-ravaged ruins of Western Europe, the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Falklands War and both gulf wars. She has witnessed the rise and fall of fax machines and the emergence of mobile telephony and the internet. She has witnessed the first female prime ministers in both Australia and the United Kingdom, though not a second female prime minister here in Australia. Throughout all this change, the Queen has been a symbol of stability and tradition. The very nature of her role as the sovereign serves to contextualise the slings and arrows of the outrageous fortunes of today within a centuries-old polity that has survived and thrived through worse.</para>
<para>Queen Elizabeth II is the great-granddaughter of Queen Victoria, who was also the grandmother of Kaiser Wilhelm II, against whom Australia fought in the First World War, and great-grandmother of the much-fabled Princess Anastasia of Russia, daughter of the last Czar of Russia, Nicholas II. Queen Victoria's grandfather was George III, who was king when the British first settled Australia. As monarch, the Queen can trace an uninterrupted line back to Cromwell's Commonwealth in the 17th century and, before that, to the Norman invasion in 1066.</para>
<para>Like many, I share British heritage. In fact, before 2016 I was a dual British citizen, but I am that no longer, and so I am able to serve here.</para>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Irons</name>
    <name.id>HYM</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Are you sure?</para>
</interjection>
<continue>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Ms MADELEINE KING</name>
    <name.id>102376</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I'm most definitely sure, Member for Swan! My dad was one of the first people to work at the British Petroleum oil refinery in Kwinana. He was originally from England. Following two years he spent managing a plantation in Kerala, India, he came to WA. My dad used to fondly recall when he attended the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II in June 1953. He was among the many thousands that flocked to and filled the streets of London to witness the coronation of the new queen nearly a year and a half after she was proclaimed their monarch. Her coronation was clearly an event not to be missed, and many shared in the celebration at the time. Perhaps because of the investment from BP, Kwinana and surrounding suburbs have long had a high concentration of migrants from Britain—or perhaps it is simply because Perth is 3½ hours shorter on an aeroplane trip! Before there were commercial flights, stopping at Fremantle would cut your long sea voyage quite significantly—by many days. For my father, the port of Fremantle was the first stop in Australia on his voyage from India, and when he got here he decided to stay awhile. Then, of course, he met my mum, who is an Australian, and Shoalwater became our home.</para>
<para>It's very common to hear a variety of accents from across the British Isles in our local community. Brand is also home to a large community of service personnel, not least because of the proximity of HMAS <inline font-style="italic">Stirling </inline>on Garden Island, just off the coast of Rockingham. Many personnel of the Royal Australian Navy were indeed formerly personnel of the Royal Navy, and they have come to Rockingham, seen the light and made this great part of the world their home.</para>
<para>It is difficult to underestimate the great depth of feeling serving members of the military have had toward the royal family, particularly during and in the aftermath of World War II. I keep repeating stories of my dad because he loves the Queen, and he loved the King before her. My dad served in the Royal Navy in the Second World War and would often tell the story of the day when Prince Philip's uncle, Lord Louis Mountbatten, visited the ship he was serving on. Dad's fondness for Mountbatten was always evident, and it was always a pleasure for us to hear him tell the story of when they had royalty on board the ship on which he served.</para>
<para>Importantly, during her reign, Queen Elizabeth II has worked hard to transform the former British Empire into a commonwealth of independent states. The Commonwealth is unique as a multinational organisation. It does not exist for any specific economic or security purpose. It is not a defence treaty organisation or a trading block. It is not a coalition of contiguous countries working together for the sake of convenience. Rather, the Commonwealth is an acknowledgement of our shared history—the good and the bad of it—and a shared undertaking to seek to improve the world around us. Perth, just north of my electorate of Brand, was host to the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in 2011. At the time, I was an adviser to the then Special Minister of State, my predecessor in Brand and now our ambassador to Ireland, Gary Gray. It was a privilege to work with Gary, as well as with other ministers such as Stephen Smith and Chris Evans, and with other public servants and the enormous range of Comcar drivers we ran into to deliver CHOGM.</para>
<para>The Queen visited Perth for CHOGM that year only a few months before her Diamond Jubilee. The WA Premier held a barbecue on the Esplanade, a park on the Swan River just down from the Commonwealth parliamentary offices in the city. The park has been transformed in the years since to a new quay, named Elizabeth Quay after the Queen.</para>
<para>I personally support Australia becoming a republic and I believe an Australian should be able to be the head of state of this nation. But I nonetheless have the greatest respect for the lifelong service and commitment that Her Majesty the Queen and her family have given to their country, to our country and to the Commonwealth of Nations over many, many years. On behalf of the people of Brand, the people of the suburbs of Rockingham and Kwinana, who hold a deep affection for her, I sincerely congratulate Her Majesty on her Platinum Jubilee and I commend this motion to the chamber.</para>
</continue>
</speech>
<speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IRONS</name>
    <name.id>HYM</name.id>
    <electorate>Swan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That further proceedings be conducted in the House.</para></quote>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">The DEPUTY SPEAKER</name>
    <name.id>74046</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>Is there a seconder?</para>
</interjection>
<interjection>
  <talker>
    <name role="metadata">Mr Gosling</name>
    <name.id>245392</name.id>
  </talker>
  <para>I second the motion.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</interjection>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>BUSINESS</title>
        <page.no>192</page.no>
        <type>BUSINESS</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Rearrangement</title>
          <page.no>192</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:00</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr IRONS</name>
    <name.id>HYM</name.id>
    <electorate>Swan</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>by leave—I move:</para>
<quote><para class="block">That order of the day No. 1, committee and delegation business, be postponed until a later hour this day.</para></quote>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
</speech>
</subdebate.1></debate>
    <debate><debateinfo>
        <title>COMMITTEES</title>
        <page.no>193</page.no>
        <type>COMMITTEES</type>
      </debateinfo><subdebate.1><subdebateinfo>
          <title>Northern Australia Joint Committee</title>
          <page.no>193</page.no>
        </subdebateinfo><subdebate.2><subdebateinfo>
            <title>Report</title>
            <page.no>193</page.no>
          </subdebateinfo><speech>
  <talker>
    <time.stamp>11:01</time.stamp>
    <name role="metadata">Mr GOSLING</name>
    <name.id>245392</name.id>
    <electorate>Solomon</electorate>
  </talker>
  <para>I won't detain the chamber for too long but I did want to take the opportunity to speak about this report as it is important to northern Australia and to my electorate. But before I do that, I just want to reflect, because I may not get the opportunity, on the contribution of the member for Brand just now, talking about the 70th anniversary of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth's reign. I, like member for Brand—I like the member for Brand—am a republican and I want to see an Australian head of state but I also recognise the incredible duty that Queen Elizabeth II has performed and want to acknowledge that publicly in this place. I presented a framed portrait of the Queen to the Darwin RSL a few days ago and attended a fantastic event recognising her 70 years of service as the Queen at the Christchurch Cathedral in Darwin. That was an excellent service that thanked God for her service. It intersects with this report, I believe, in some important ways.</para>
<para>Australia is a proud nation, has an ancient history, and that history has been lived by the First Nations of this continent for millennia. It is important then that we always make sure that what this House does in legislation and in its committee work honours that long custodianship and belonging to the land that our First Nations have, and this report continues in that tradition. I particularly want to draw attention to the words of the member for Lingiari who, for 30 years, has worked to see a greater understanding in our nation of the First Nations, not only of the Northern Territory but of our nation, so that we can better understand their relationship with the land and how we can better honour it through the work of this parliament. So I want to acknowledge the member for Leichhardt and also the member for Lilley, who have outlined some really important aspects of the recommendations in this report. I will not go through those recommendations one by one, but I will say that I think they are worthy recommendations. But, of course, as with all reports, it is not enough to make recommendations. It is up to the government of the day to put their weight behind those recommendations, so the next federal government after this upcoming election must do that.</para>
<para>It will require us as parliamentarians to make sure that the parliament is accountable for honouring First Nations people in this country and to better understanding what native title is and what land rights in the Northern Territory are. In particular, as the member for Lingiari noted, recommendation 9 makes a number of suggestions. One of them is a review of the Native Title Act to make sure that representative bodies are properly funded in order to represent the interests of traditional owners and native title holders, and I support that sentiment and that recommendation.</para>
<para>The member for Lingiari talked about the education that's required throughout our nation and the member for Leichhardt also referred to the parliament recognising the principle of free, prior and informed consent as it is set out in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. That education in relation to the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and what it entails is important. I think the recommendations, particularly when they came from the discussions with industry and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups from across the country over the time of the inquiry, mean that these recommendations are worthy and need to be taken seriously.</para>
<para>I want to thank the members of this committee and the secretariat for their work. The work of this parliament must continue in terms of education and honouring not only sacred sites but the sacred and ancient relationship that First Nations people have with our wonderful home, Australia.</para>
<para>In closing, I want to put on the record my support for the Larakkia Development Corporation and the Larakkia Nation Aboriginal Corporation in Darwin in Solomon in my electorate for their efforts to secure land in order to build a cultural centre. It will be an incredibly iconic facility on Larakkia land that will showcase their ancient ties with our wonderful home to the rest of Australia and the world. I congratulate them for the work they're doing on that and thank the chamber for its time.</para>
<para>Question agreed to.</para>
<para>Federation Chamber adjou r ned at 11:08</para>
<para> </para>
<para> </para>
</speech>
</subdebate.2></subdebate.1></debate>
  </fedchamb.xscript>
</hansard>